UNIVERSITY^
PENNSYLWNIA.
LIBRARIES
A HYPOTHETICAL RECONSTRUCTION
OF THE ISLAMIC CITY OF BANT E N
I N D O N E SI A
Hal Many Michrob
The Graduate Program in Historic Preservation
Presented to the -faculties of the University o-f Pennsylvania in
Partial Fulfillment o-f the Requirements far the Degree o-f
MASTER OF SCIENCE
1987
John Keene, Pro-fessor, City Planning, Reader
RNF ARTS
AJfl/ 0
as
UNIVERSITY
OF
PENNSYLVANIA
LIBRARIES
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
I wish to express my gratitude to Prof. Dr. Haryati
Soebadio and Dr. Uka Tjandrasami ta of Directorate General of
Culture Ministry o-F Education and Culture Republic of
Indonesia, Jakarta, whose support made possible my study in
the United States. I am also grateful to Dr. Mary Zurbuchen
the Ford Foundation, for her support and encouragement. I
owe a debt of thanks to Dr. John N. Miksic and Dr. Hasan M.
Ambary for their advice and encouragement both in Indonesia
and abroad.
At the University of Pennsylvania I am most indebted to
Prof. Dr. David De Long, whose advice and mental training
enabled me to refine the focus of my research and who
provided me with invaluable assistance in selecting
appropriate theoretical and methodological models. Prof.
Dr. John Keene generously provided his expertise as Second
Reader of this thesis. I wish also to thank Dr. Peter Just
and Lisa Klopfer for their help in the writing of this
thesis. Ms. Helen Loney contributed her considerable skills
as corrector to the final production of this manuscript.
Needless to say, none of those teachers and friends have any
respoonsibi 1 i ty for the shortcomings of this thesis, which
are entirely my own.
In many ways my greatest debt is to my wife Raden Yaty
Rumyati and children, whose encouragement and patient
support were my greatest inspiration.
Finally, I wish to dedicate all that is good in this
thesis to the next generation of Indonesian preservationists
and archaeologists, in the hope that my work can contribute
to the recovery and reconstruction o-f our nation's cultural
heri tage.
Philadelphia, February 14, 1987
Halwany Michrob
ss# 953-00-3985
TABLE OF CONTENTS
page
Acknowledgement ii
Table of Contents iv
Abbreviations vi
List and Source of Illustrations viii
List and Source o-F Photographs >; i i i
Chapter One: Introduction 1
1.1 Objectives 1
1.2 Research Method o-f Hypothetical
Reconstruction 6
Chapter Two: Historical Background 14
2.1 The World of Islamic
Cities 14
2.2 Southeast Asian Cities ...... 26
2.3 The Islamic City of
Banten 41
2. 3. 1 Geography of Banten 46
2.3.2 The Pre-Islamic
Sundanese Period 50
2.3.3 Banten during the
Islamic Period 66
2.3.4 The End of the Sultanate of
Banten 83
Chapter Three: Hypothetical
Reconstruction of Old Banten .... 94
3. 1 Present Condition of
the Site 95
3.2 Past Condition of the
Ancient City 107
3.2.1 Survey of Written
Descriptions 108
3.2.2 Analysis o-f the Old Maps
and Aerial Photography 122
3.3 Banten and Javanese-Islamic
Urbanization 137
Chapter Four: Conclusion
4.1 Philosophy o-F Urban Historic Site
Preservation 151
4.2 Master Plan -for the Reconstruction
o-f Banten 156
4.2.1 Proposal -for Restoration .. 160
4.2.2 Building by Building
Application 165
4.2.3 Museum Development ........ 174
4.3 Banten and Tourism 177
Chapter five: Conclusion 185
5.1 The Chronology o-f
Banten' s Evolution 185
5.2 The Present Site of
01 d Banten 188
5.3 A Master Plan of
Old Banten 189
BRIEF CHRONOLOGY OF OLD BANTEN 191
GLOSSARY 1 97
BIBLIOGRAPHY 202
ABBREVIATIONS
AASLH The American Association -for State and Local
Hi story
BKI Bijdragen tot de Taal- en Vol kenkunde (van
Neder 1 andsch-Indi e> , uitgegeven door het Koniklijk
Instituut voor Tall-, Lnad- end Vol kenkunde (van
Nedger 1 andsch— Ini e) :
Contributions to the Philology, Geography, and
Ethnology (o-f the Netherlands East Indies).
Published by the Royal Institute -for Philology,
Geography, and Ethnology (of the Netherlands East
Indi es) .
DSP Direktorat Sejarah dan Purbakala (Directorate of
History and Archaeology)
HJG N.J. Krom, Hi ndoe— Javanese qeschiednis (second
rev. ed . ; The Hague, 1931)
HPP Historic Preservation Program
ICOM International Council of Museums
ICOMOS International Council of Monuments and Sites
JSAS Journal of Southeast Asian Studies
MS Manuscript
OV Gudhei dkundi g Verslag uitgegeven door het
( koni nkl i k j ) Bataviaasch Genootschap van Kunsten
en Wetenschappen.
-Archaeological Report Published by the (Royal)
Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences
PUSPAN Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi Nasional (The National
Centre of Archaeology)
ROD Rapport van den Oudhei dkundi gen Dienst in
Neder 1 ansch-Indi e (Report of the Archaeological
Survey of the Netherlands East Indies)
RSAP The Research of Southeast Asia and Pacific
SPAFA Seameo (Southeast Asian Minister of Education
Organization) Project in Archaeology and Fine Arts
TBG
Tijschrift voor Indische Taal
Land- Vol kenkunde
uitgegeven door het (Koninklijk) Bataviaasch
Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen
Journal o-f Indonesian Philology, Geography, and
Ethnology Published by the (Royal) Batavian
Society o-f Arts and Sciences
VBG Verhandel ingen van het (Koninklijk) Bataviaasch
Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen
(Proceedings o-f the (Royal) Batavian Society o-f
Arts and Sciences)
LIST AND SOURCE OF ILLUSTRATIONS
Following Page tt
1. The map of the Islamic World (Jim Antoniou,
Islami c cities and conservation, Geneva:
UNESCO, 1981, p. IS) 14
2. The Green Dome above Muhammed's Mausoleum
in Madina, Saudi Arabia (Ibid. , p. 2) .... 14
3. El Madinah Al Munawwarah and vicinity
(Husayn Haykal , The Life o-f Muhammad,
Translated by Ismail Ragi A. al-Faruqui,
New Delhi, 1976, p. 187) 15
4. Muhammad's House, Madina, Saudi Arabia
(Helen and Richard Leacroft, Early Islamic
Architecture. New York, 1976, p. 2) 16
5. Muhammad's House (Croswell, D.B.E.,
Early Muslim Architecture. New York,
Hacker Art Book, 1979, II p. 8) 16
6. Isfahan: The Bazaar (Francis Robinson,
The Atlas of the Islamic world. New York,
1982, pp. 56-57) 23
7. View of Kashan city in Iran in early 18th
century (Bernard Lewis, Islam and the Arabic
Worl d. New York, American Heritage Publishing
Co. Inc., 1976, p. 90) 24
8. Islamic Townscape, Ibid. . p. 9) 24
9. Mughal boundary in 1707 (Eric R. Wolf,
Europe and the People without History,
California: Univ. California Press, 1982). 26
10. Part of the Mausoleum of the Emperor Akbar
at Sikandra, India (Jim Antoniou, op. ci t . ,
p . 38 ) 26
11. Malacca, August 1606 (Johan van der Woude,
Koopman van Heeren Zevetien "The Fleet of
Mateleff at the time of the conflict in
Malacca in 1606", based on Geschi edeni s
van der Hal 1 and sc hen handel in Indie,
1590-1614, Amsterdam, 1948, p. 353) 29
12. The funeral of King Iskandar Tani in Aceh,
1641 (Anthony Reid, "Southeast Asia be-fore
Colonialism", JSAS, 1985, p. 147)
13. The map of the city of Ayuthaya, the old
capital of Siam (Anthony Reid, op ■ ci t ■ .
p. 148)
14. Earlier capital of Thailand,
(Ibid. . p. 149)
15. The city of Makassar in 1638
(Ibid. . p. 144)
29
16. Makassar during the colonial period
(Charles Robequain, Malay. Indonesia.
and the Philippines. London, 1958,
p. 253)
17. Early development of Inramuros, Philippines.
(Dilip K. Basu, The Rise and Growth of the
Colonial Port Cities in Asia. California:
University of California, 1985, p. 203) ..
36
18.
The City of Manila c. 1670
(Ibid. . p. 204)
19. Batavia: 1629 (Bernard H. M. Vlekke,
Nusantara. A History of the East
Indian Archipelago. Massachusetts:
Harvard Univ. Press, 1944, p. 144) ..,
20. Batavia during the Eighteenth Century
(Ibid. . p. 177) ,
21. Neolithic migration routes (H. R. Van
Heekeren, The Stone Age of Indonesia.
Martinus Ni j hof f , 1957, p. 122) .,
38
The map of Serang Regency (Halwany Michrob,
The Preliminary report of Restoration and
Preservation of Urban Site of Banten.
Site Museum of Banten, 1984))
47
Monthly rain-fall of Serang Regency (Erwina
Darmayanti , Perancanqan Lansekap Keraton
Surosowan sebaqai objek wisata Banten Lama.
Jakarta: Universitas Trisakti, Jurusan
Arsitektur Lansekap, 1985, p. 37 cf. Badan
Meteorologi dan Geofisiki Stasiun Serang).
48
24. The dampness o-f weather in Serang Regency
< op. cit. , p . 33 ) 48
25. The Temperature of Old Banten ("Badan
Meteorologi dan Geofisika Stasiun
Meteorologi Serang" Site Museum, Banten,
1984, p. 15) 48
26. Daily sun-shine in Serang Regency
( Ibid. , p. 16) 48
27. Indonesia during Hindu-Buddhist Period
(Bernard H. M. Vlekke, op. ci t . . p. 2) ... 52
28. Banten Kingdom, (Bernard H. M. Vlekke,
op ■ cit., p . 55) 53
?9. Banten Lama, Archaeological Plan of
Banten (Pusat Penelitian Arkeologi
Nasional Dept. Arkeologi Islam, Jakarta,
1 984 ) 97
50. The sketch map of de Houtman's arrival
in Banten in 1596 (Halwany Michrob, 1984
p. 34, cited from Mollema J. C. de Eeste
Schipvaart der Hollanders naar Oost Indie
1595-1598, ' s-Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff,
1 936 ) 1 08
51. The market of Banten in the 16th century
(Mollema J. C. , 1936; the information quoted
from Anthony Reid, op. ci t ■ , p. 148) 114
32. Bantam (Banten) in 1596 (G. P. Rauf-Faer
and Ijzerman, De Eerste Schipvaart de
Nederl anders naar Post-Indie Qnder
Cornel is de Houtman 1596-1597: Deerse
Book, van Willem Lodewijcks, Den Haag:
Martinus Nijhoff 1915 p. 104) 124
33. Banten in 1670 (Anthony Reid,
op. ci t. . p . 144 1 25
34. Banten in 1726 (Valentijn, Een Nieuw
Oost-Indien. 1725, p. Ill) 126
35. Banten in 1759 (J. W. Heydt Al lerneuester
Geoqraphisch un Topoqraphi scher
Schau-platz van Africa und Post Indien.
1959) 127
36. Banten in 1900 (L. Serrurier S. H.
Kaart van Pud Bantam, in qereedheid
qebracht door - 1900. 1902) 127
37. Topography of Old Banten (Badan
Perancang Daerah Tk. II Serang, 1985,
cf. the map of Topography U.S. Army,
IV, 1962, p. 4224) 129
3S. Pangindelan Abang, a water supply
system o-F Old Banten (measured and
drawn by Halwany Michrob, 1986) 135
39. The Grand Mosque o-f the Ancient
City of Banten (Drawn by Halwany
Michrob, July 22, 1986) 140
40. The integrated maps of Old Banten,
an i ntegraph-pl otti ng system, 1987
(detected and drawn by Halwany
Michrob and Loura) : 185
a. The present condition's map
integrated with the map of 1596
(cf. Cornel is de Houtman, 1595-98)
b. The present map - the map of 1659
(see Cortemunde, J. P., 1672-1675).
c. The present map - the map of 1670
(see van der Hem, 1621-1678).
d. The present map - the map of 1725
(see Valentijn, 1725)
e. The present map - the map of 1759
(see Heydt, 1759)
The present map - the mmap of 1902
(see Serrurier, L. , 1902)
The Contemporary map <cf. Aerial Photo,
Topographical map. Archaeological
map 19S4, and sketch map 1930)
measured and drawn by author, 1987.
LIST AND SOURCES OF PHOTOGRAPHS
Following Page #
1. The Grand Mosque of Old Banten and its
compound. Photographed by the author,
1 986 98
2. The Graves of some Sultans of Banten and
their Families, photographed by Yanto
(Jawa Barat, a West Java Golden Vissage,
Diparda. Jawa Barat, 1985. p. 56) 98
3. The Investiture stone "Watu Gilang",
a place of the Sultan's Inauguration
before Tirtayasa, photographed
by the author, 1985 99
4. The Investiture stone "Si nayaksa" ,
a place of the Sultan's inauguration
after Tirtayasa, photographed
by the author, 1985 99
5. The bronze cannon "Ki Amuk",
photographed by Yantod, (see photo.
no . 2 ) 1 oo
6. A Chinese house, located in Chinatown.
It is approximately 5 meters west
of Speelwijk, photographed
by author, 1985 100
7. Menara Lama" one of the oldest towers
which has not completely restored,
photographed by the author, 1986 103
8. Kaibon Palace, now in ruins, photographed
by the author, 1985 103
9. The corner part of Speelwijk Fortress,
photographed by author, 1985 103
10. The Lake Tasidkardi and the square
formed as an island, in the center
of the artificial lake, photographed
by author, 1984 103
11. "Guha Banten" is a series of three
rectangular chambers cut into the
west bank of Banten river at the
foot of the bank, photographed
by author, 1983 105
12. Karangantu harbour, one of the oldest
ports in west Java, photographed by
author, 1985 105
13. The Karangantu beach, covered by mud -from
the modern, local harbour. This is the
•fishing trade center of Serang Regency,
photographed by author, 1985 106
14. The statue of a bull nandi which was
found at Karangantu in 1906, and is
now preserved at the Site Museum of
Banten. The photo is taken from an
unpublished manuscript written and
photographed by Halwany Michrob,
"The Introduction of the Archaeological
sites in West Java" (Site Museum, 1985) . 106
15. Geological field-check at Old Banten.
Magnetic detection is used to check
some features such as walls, pits,
structures, and to record the site
during the geographical exploration
led Sutikno, Geologist from gajah
Mada University, Yogyakarta in 1982-
1983, photographed by Dedy S 125
Priatna, 1984.
16. The Geological field team from Gajah
Mada University boring for buried
features at Old Banten. This activity
is used to find information about the
past, 1984 125
17. Aerial photo of Old Mosque "Pacinan Tinggi",
quoted from Sutikno, Penqinderaan Jauh
untuk Pemetaan Terinteqrasi Kepurbakal aan
Banten dan Jepara, Vol. I, fl984,
P. III. 27 129
18. The ruin of Pecinan Tinggi Mosque,
photographed by author, 1985 129
19. The Aerial photo of Speelwijk, Sutikno,
op. cit.„ p . Ill 30
1 30
20. Speelwijk Fortress, photographed by
Dedy S. Periatna, 1984 130
21. The Canal at the western part of
Speelwijk Fortress, photographed by
Dedy S. Priatna, 1987 131
22. The Aerial Photo of Tasikardi, Sutikno,
op. cit. . p. Ill 23 (cf. Bakosurpanal ,
Jakarta) 132
23. The two Fi Iteration Stations,
photographed by author, 19S3 132
24. The South bridge o-F Surosowan outside Palace,
photographed by author, 1985 134
25. The fountain "Pancuran Mas", photographed
by author, 1986 134
26. Aerial photo of Surosowan Palace,
Bakosurpanal , 1985 136
27. Surosowan Fortress, photographed by
Darmayanti , Erwina, 1985 138
28. Stone Stair at the northern part of
Surosowan Fortress, photographed by
author, 1984 138
29. The pool of Laradenok, photographed
by author, 1983 138
30. The City-wall is found during our
archaeological investigation in 1985.
Photographed by Dedy S. Priatna, 1985 .... 158
Chapter One: Introduction
1 . 1 Objectives
This thesis concerns the hypothetical reconstruction of
the Islamic city of Banten, Indonesia. For more than one
hundred years this site lay deserted, abandoned even be-fore
the end of the Sultanates of Banten. A minor port of the
north coast of Java brought to life by conquering Moslem
merchant-evangelists coming from the more eastern parts of
the island, Banten flourished with the spice trade during
the early European expansion overseas. But its greatness
was short-lived. Old Banten is a lost city, and most of its
monuments are buried and covered with grass. Unfortunately,
there are very few published accounts describing Banten,
especially after it was conquered by Maulana Hasanuddin 1525
A.D. It quickly became the principal port in western Java,
replacing Sunda Kalapa (now Jakarta, the capital of the
Republic of Indonesia). As the sixteenth century passed,
Banten surpassed the other competing market places along
Java's north coast, and by 1596 it was the largest and most
prosperous of them all. There are also very few published
accounts during the critical 70 years of its development
from its founding as an Islamic city to the arrival of the
first fleets from northern Europe, and they are brief. The
earliest detailed descriptions of Banten yet published were
written by the first Dutch and English visitors who began to
1
2
arrive in 1596. Possible archives in Portugal or elsewhere
contain older manuscripts, but if so, they still lie
undiscovered. Old Banten was almost certainly the largest
city in northern coastal Java, and in all probability, in
the whole of Southeast Asia in 1596; Cornel is de Houtman
estimated that the Islamic city o-f Banten was about the same
size as Amsterdam, the city from which his fleet had
departed.1 Banten shared a number of basic characteristics
with other large Javanese ports; indeed there are enough
similarities to suggest that they were built according to an
abstract plan of what a settlement should be (see Chapter
two: 2.3.3).
Moreover, old Banten possessed some attributes commonly
found in contemporary Islamic cities in other parts of the
world. The most prominent centers of activity, in Moslem
cities such as those in India and Afti ca as well as in Arab
countires, seem to have been the palace or qosr , markets and
mosques. Old Banten was divided into quarters according to
occupation and ethnicity, as were late mediaeval cities in
other Islamicized parts of the world. Even Banten' s
position as one of the largest cities of Java and Southeast
Asia during that time, not only at the turn of the
seventeenth century, but possibly in all history up to that
point, is a characteristic which it held in common with
other major Moslem cities of the late sixteenth or
seventeenth century. If the origin of cities in Java had in
3
■fact coincided with the spread o-f Islam, and the component
elements o-f the cities were common to much of the Islamic
world, one might predict that the pattern o-f settlement
within the new Javanese cities also would have imitated a
standard Islamic -form. On the contrary, however, the
physical distribution of public and private place in Old
Banten (and elsewhere) continues the traditional layout of
the Javanese court complexes of pre-Islamic time as will be
described; Java can therefore be said to possess an
indigenous pattern of urbanization, with some elements
common to contemporary cities in other parts of Southeast
Asia. If we reflect on the consideration that these cities
evolve from the acts of many individuals, then we can
conclude that the introduction of Islam did no result in a
revolutionary change in the Javanese way of life, but rather
underwent a process of gradual evloution by stages.
Although the building architectures of Old Banten contain
architectural and architectonic elements derived from an
earlier Hindu-Javanese style, its settlement patterns and
general plan appear to conform to a pattern common to
Islamic cities both in Java and throughout the Moslem world.
Historical data support this assumption.
Historical sources might allow us to reconstruct these
stages in general detail. As more archaeology is conducted,
however, we may become more informed about the connections
between this religious change with changes in other spheres
4
of cultures. When in 1596 we first see Old Banten in
detail, the settlement and the li-fe of the people have
already undergone some change. The first picture we see,
therefore, is of a population in whose lives the Islamic
religion is pervasive, for example, according to Keuning,2
that Islamic criminal law was already in effect by the
Sultan, but the city scape in which they pursue those lives
presents features that originated at an earlier time, and
perhaps in the very different setting of an agrarian
hinterland rather than a bustling international commercial
establ i shment .
The rich history of Banten has left many physical
traces, both large, such as the fortifications of Surosowan
Palace and Speelwijk fortress, and small, as in the
thousands of porcelain shards scattered about the site.
Contemplating these artifacts, individuals who made Banten
Indonesia's first major city during that time.
The major problem for a modern reconstruction of the
plan of the Islamic city of Banten is that it has been a
lost city from the beginning of the decline and fall of the
Banten kingdom from 1811-1830. Here, the effects of
Napoleonic wars on Banten, by 1808 the Dutch East India
Company had been abolished and Banten, like the rest of
Dutch-ruled Indonesia, was under the administration of the
Netherlands Indies Governor General. The Netherlands
themselves were then among the countries conquered by France
during the Napoleonic wars. In that year, Marshall
Daendels, a soldier who had served under Napoleon, was sent
to Java as Governor. He made much use o-f -forced labor to
prepare for a possible attack from the British, including
the construction of a road from Anyer, on Banten's west
coast, to Panarukan, 1,000 kilometers east, for military
use; many died under the harsh conditions, and many
deserted. Under the exactions of Marshall Daendels, a
revolt eoccurred; Daendels led an army which stormed and
looted Banten. The Palace and most parts of the city were
burnt down, thus ending the kingdom of Banten. Its
suppression, the invasion by the English, the removal of the
center of the Sultanante to Serang, the subsequent
abdication of the ruler, and the ultimate intentional
destruction of the Islamic city can be shown.
Using contemporary maps and modern aerial photographic
data, I propose to formulate a research method leading up to
a plan for the reconstruction of Islamic Did Banten. It is
evident from documentary sources that the Islamic city of
Banten was based on an urban plan consisting of specialised
systems. However, it is difficult to determine from these
sources (such as the map of Old Banten drawn by L. Serrurier
in 1902, and the report of F. Valentijn in 1726) how many of
these clusters here in this site were located. By
ccomparing old maps and aerial photographic analyses, and
archaeological excavations of the actual city of Bante, I
6
will attempt to establish the shifting patterns, space and
usage in the Islamic history of Old Banten.
Clearly, to solve the major problems o-f the
reconstruction o-F this city, we must also consider the
fruits of archaeological and architectural field researches
so as to reflect the activities on the populace of the
Banten urban area over time.
1.2 Research Method of Hypothetical Reconstruction
Of Old Banten'' 5 multi -layered society and cultural
activities, only fragments of settlements and artifiacts
remain. As discussed above, induction and deduction can
work together to produce a harmonious method for generating
new hupothese or principles from particulars, and these can
then be tested. I have used the term "hypothesis" because
it expresses a proposed relationship between two or more
variables, based upon certain assumptions or "givens".
In testing a hypothesis, Sharer and Ashmore say:
"...one attempts to determine how well it actually
accounts -for the observed phenomena. One type of
hypothesis tested in the REese River Ecological
Project, for example, related the presence of sites to
particular predictable kinds of locations. The
research team discovered 65 sites, of which all but 2
were in expected locales. They also -found 11
'appropriate7 locales that lacked sites, although the
theory predicted that sites would be there. Even so,
these results strongly support the relationships
expressed by the hypothesis. It is important to
remember that a hypothesis must be tested by rigorous
and efficient scientific procedure. It is generally
agreed that to test any given hypothesis, one must
7
perform the -following steps:
1. Devise a series of alternative and mutually
exclusive hypotheses.
2. Devise a test (usually an experiment) that
will di scri mmi nate among the various
hypotheses.
3. Perform the test or experiment (or gather the
relevant data, as i n the Reese River Valley
reconnaissance) .
4. Eliminate those hypotheses -found not to be
supported.
This procedure does not attempt to "prove" one
hypothesis correct.3
On the other hand, like any science, the hypothetical method
deals with a specified class o-f phenomena, the remains o-f
past human activity. It also attempts to isolate, classify,
and explain the relationship among the variables of these
phenomena - in this case, the variables are form, function,
space, and time. By this method, I may then infer past
human begavior and reconstruct past human activities from
the data which I obrained during my field research last
summer, 1936. In a sense, archaeology is both a behavioral
science and a social science - it uses the scientific method
to understand past human social behavior. I use these data
to formulate and test alternative hypotheses to exclude all
bu the most acceptable. The method continues to grow and
mature as a discipline: as a part of this porcess, it has
become increasingly dependent upon the scientific method to
reach its goal.'*
As a result, the 1 ess-than-r i gorous research done in
8
the past is being replaced by the careful procedures of
science. I should like to present my assumptions and
hypothese, and explain how these hypothese would be tested.
Field checks and interpretation at several locations in
the ancient city o-f Banten -from the beginning o-f the
Restoration project in 1977 by archaeologists and restorers,
up to 1986, were carried out to supply data -for further
analyses. The main objectives o-f these analyses have been
to spot and trace shifting of the site during the sixteenth
to nineteenth centuries. This has also meant attempting to
identify economic mobilities, socially and politically in
Old Banten as a center of government and as a trade port
during the 300 years this city flourished through
international trade. e In turn, these might provide answers
as to the question of agents causing these shifts: economic
activities, wars, or geographical factors such as shallowing
of the river, or change in thee river course - either
naturally or artificially.
Historical data give sufficient evidence of the
commposition of Old Banten as a compound city comprised of
smaller elements, that is, Old Banten can be considered as a
system consisting of a number of sub-units. The location of
sub-units might indicate a settlement pattern, distribution
of community, group, trade- and defense-systems, social
structure, etc. It was assumed that over-arching political
and economic structures unite these sub-systems. Historical
9
data also provide records of the geographical situation of
the political and economic systems, and their inter-
relationships. *
According to Hasan M. Ambary,7, Old Banten consisted of
at 11 east 33 elements (units) among which 3 main sub-
divisions could be discerned:
a. Groupings based on ethnicity; i.e. Pakojan,
Kebalen, Pacinan, etc.
b. Groupings based on occupation; i.e. Kapandean,
Panjunan, Pajantren, etc.
c. Groupings based on social stratification; i.e.
Kapurban, Kesatrian, etc.
The 1976-1984 excavation activities of Old Banten were
carried out by the Department of Islamic Archaeology of the
National Research Centre for Archaeology in collaboration
with the Archaeologiccal section of the University of
Indonesia. The purpose of this study is to obtain a
settlement pattern for comparison with other ancient cities
in Indonesia. This excavation was the first in an overall
plan to study ancient Indonesian city planning and
succeeding in finding some indication of ancient
settlements, such as industrial and court settlements by
comparing data from historical and archaeological studies so
to learn how and why the cultural systems operate and
change. From this perspective, the study of Islamic Old
Banten, in this sense historical evidence and archaeological
activities provides data regarding thee city planning of Old
Banten.
10
An estimate of population can be obtained -from
contemporary descriptions o-f size and available data on rice
imports in Southeast Asian cities. These data indicate that
at any specific moment between 1500-1650 there were six to
eight Southeast Asian cities in teh twenty thousand to -fifty
thousand population range, and that the biggest settlements
like Ayuthaya in Siam, Pegu, Malacca, Makasar, and Bante,
approached a hundred thousand i nnhabi tants at their peaks.
This suggests that Southeast Asia's cities were about as
populous as those of western Europe at the time, even though
its total population is estimated at less than twenty
million, as against about one hundred million each in Europe
and China. e
In comparison with the dominant agricultural villages
of pre-industri al Europe and China, South Asia was marked by
still largely unsettled hinterlands with associated,
relatively coastal cities. This is no more than we would
expect of one of the world's most important commercial
thoroughfares, penetrated everywhere by water-ways, and
carrying not only the spices of the whole world, but also
the trade goods of China on their way to Europe and the
West.
According to the old maps and pictures, Old Banten can
be characterised as a maritime city with many canals
surrounding it, from Banten river to the sea. For a variety
of reasons, some of these canals became filled with mud to
11
become level ground. Waterways were used not only -for
trade, but also as a way of life. As a French observer
noted around 1600, "their people a.re constrained to keep up
continual intercourse with one another, the one supplying
what the other needs".9
Rivers o-f Southeast Asia gave rise to commercially
based city states as a dominant social -form. It is
abundantly clear that in each o-f the early urban, usually
maritime, settlements where Islam baecame established, such
as in Phanrang (central coast o-f Vietnam), Petani , Pasai ,
Malacca, Aceh, Padang, Sulawesi, Banten, and the central
Javanese Kingdom o-f Mataram. A dimension o-f Islam in
Southeast Asia that must always be stressed is the
importance o-f membership in a community; a community in
which the trade and rule o-f law is of paramount importance.
Moslem law covers every aspect of life - ritual, personal,
family, criminal, commercial, etc. And it may well be that
one of the bases of Isl ami cizati on in Southeast Asia from
early thirteenth century was the stability and business
confidence that Moslem commercial law engendered among
members of the Moslem trading community and those with whom
they traded. 10 (see Chapter two)
One source of knowledge of these subjects is the
catalogues in the Museum of the Batavia Society of Arts and
Sciences. The supplementary catalogue to these collections
by van Ronkel gives soem idea o-f the variety and extent of
12
the Society'" 5 (now the National Museum's) holding. Van
Ronkel remarks:
"the significance o-f the Batavia collection is due to
the fact that it contains a number of Muhammadan
documents brought together from the whole of the
archipelago, from Aceh to Madura and from Banten to
Celebes- M11
By applying a hypothetical reconstruction method to the
specific problems of the archaeological remains in Old
Banten which remain intact for us to work with, our task is
the same: to obtain as clear a view of the past as possible
by reconstructing the physical remains, the behavior of
individuals and events affecting the socity.
To study the past, we have developed a methodology or
series of techniques and procedures for collecting evidence,
method, theory, and interpretation.
13
End Notes:
1. Roufaer, G.P.. and Ijzerman, De Eerste Schipvaart der
Nederlanders naar Post Indie onder Cornel lis de
Houtrnan, (Gravenhage, 1915) p. 59
2. Keuning, J., De Tweede Schipvaarte onder Jans Cornel i sz
van Neck en Wi j brant van Warwich. (Denhaag, 1938) p.
I. :8S
3. Sharer, Robert J. and Wendy Ashmore, Fundementals of
Archaeology, (California: Menlo Park, 1979) p. 27
4. Ibid. , p. 29
5. Kartodi hardjo, Sartono, Seiarah Nasional III., Jaman
Pertumbuhan dan Perkembanqan Kerajaan Islam di
Indonesia, (National History of Indonesia, the growth
and development of Islamic Kingdom in Indonesia) Ed.
Uka Tjandrasasmita (Jakarta: Dept. Education and
Culture, 1975) pp. 4-15
6. Mundardjito (Ed.), Berita penelitian: Arkeoloqi Banten
Lama 1976, (The exploration report: Archaeological site
of Banten 1976) pp. 5-10
7. Ambary, Hasan Muarif, A Preliminary Report of the
Excavation on the Urbaqn Site in Banten (West Java),
Bangkok: I AHA, 1977, p. 5
8. Reid, Anthony, "The Structure of Cities in Southeast
Asia", Journal of Southeast Asian Studies XI. (1980),
No. 2
9. "The Voyage of Francis Pyrard de Laval to Indies"
(London, 1887-90) p. 169 cited in A. Reid, Southeast
Asian Cities before Colonialism., Journal of Southeast
Asian Studies. Melbourne 1985, pp. 145-146
10. Johns, A.H., From Coastal Settlement to Islamic School
and City: Isl ami ci zati on in Sumatra. The Malay
Peninsula and Java, (Hambad: Islamicus Vol. IV., 1979)
No. 4, p. 5
11. Ibid. , p. 6
Chapter Two
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
In determining a reconstruction o-f Old Banten, several
models present themselves. First, we may look to the ideal
model of the "Islamic City" as first expressed in Arabia and
later developed throught Moslem West Asia. Second, we may
look to the Islamic and non-Islamic cities of Southeast
Asia, most parti cul ari 1 y to the Hindu-Buddhist cities of
Java that preceded old Banten. In either case we must
attempt to derive a general model of urban geography, as
best the scanty data will allow, with a view to seeing which
model- or a combination of models- best supports a
hypothetical reconstruci ton of old Banten. I will now
discuss each of these alternative models in turn.
2.1 The World of the Islamic City
In consideration of the hypothesis that old Banten
developed as an Islamic city, we must first explore the
prototype for old Banten, that is, the first Islamic city,
built by Prophet Muhammed himself. The concept of the city
in Islamic thought is intimately bound up in the traditions
surrounding the activities of the Prophet. As the founder
14
Illustration no. 1.
14-A
-The map of Islamic
world
* Mecca
B Madinah
The extent of
the Islamic
world.
Reprinted from :
Jim «ntoniou,
Islamic cities
and conservation,
Geneva * UNESCO ,
1981, p.lS
The Green Dome above
Mohammed's Mausoleum
in Madina ( Saudi .Arabia),
Reprinted from :
Jim -Antoniou, Islamic
cities and conservation,
Geneva: UNESCO ,1981, p. 2
15
of Islam, Muhammed was also the -founder of the Islamic
thereafter. Consequently, a consideration o-f Islamic urban
ideology must begin with an account o-f Muhammed both as
Prophet and as a city planner.
The -faith o-f Islam began around 610 A.D. when Prophet
Muhammed (born in Mecca, 571 A.D.) received the -first
revelation in his solitary cave on the mount o-f Hira some
miles -from the city o-f Mecca. He began to preach to the
people in the city o-f Mecca exhorting them to give up the
many idols they worshipped and to submit to the One and
Indivisible Bod - Allah is the One - and Muhammed -found
•followers. In 622 A.D., he and his Sahabah (supporters)
were invited to the oasis of Madinah some 340 Kilometers
northest of Mecca. They went, and this was the beginning of
the "hijra" or the first year of the Moslem era. That the
emigration to Madinah was the decisive momenent in
Muhammed's mission was recongized by the first generation of
Moslems (illus. 3). In Mecca, Muhammed had preached his new
faith as a private citizen, and in Madinah he quickly became
a ruler wielding political and military as well as religious
authority. The Prophet designed and built the mosque and
living quarters in this small town. In the construction of
the mosque, Muhammed worked with his own hands as did the
mosl ems. *■
The few sources concerning the first mosque and city of
Madinah have only limited descriptions of the layout. Based
Illustration no. 3
KEY
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ihe contemporary urban map of the 'city "i^maq^nah al-Munawwarah" found by Mohammad
Husayn Haykal, based on his interpretation' from original sources of historical and
archaeological evidences. It is taken from the book "The life of Muhammad .Translated
by Ismail Ragi A. al-Faruqi ( Delhi :2ia Offset Press, 1976 ) p.187
Illustration no
KEY
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"i
ine conteinporary urban map of the city "JL^adlrlah al-Munawwarah" found by Mohammad
Husayn Haykal, based on his interpretation' from original sources of historical and
archaeological evidences. It is taken from the book "The life of Muhammad, Translated
by Ismail Ragi A. al-Faruqi ( D«lhi:Zia Offset Press, 1976 ) p.187
16
on Arabic sources from that time, Haykal described (cited
•from el-Hadist Rosulullah, collected by Bukhary and Muslim)
that the mosque consited of a vast courtyard whose four
walls were built Dut of bricks and mud- A part of it was
covered with a ceiling made from date trunks and leaves.
Another part was devoted to shelter to the poor who had no
home at all. The mosque was not lit during the night except
for the hour during night prayer. At that time, some straw
was burned for light. The Prophet bought the land for the
mosque and living quarters from the Ansor (helper) or
fledinese and began to plan a nw city. While the mosque was
being erected, he stayed in the house of Abu Ayyub ibn Zayd
al-Anshari. When the mosque was completed, they built on
one side of it living quarters for the Prophet. As
recounted, this operation did not overtax anyone, for the
two structures were utterly simple and economical. The
living quarters of the Prophet were no more luxurious than
the mosque although they had to be more closed in order to
give a measure of privacy (ill. 4).2
According to literary sources cited by Creswell,3 the
first monument in Islam was the house which Muhammed built
on his arrival at Madinah, of which the courtyard eventually
became the first mosque. As Creswell writes:
"He set about the construction of a dwelling for
himself, a dar (village), which in Arabia at that time
consisted of a series of small rooms grouped together
i n an irregular and haphazard fashion around an open
courtyard, more or less spacious according to the
16-A
MUHAMMAD'S HOUSE, Medina, Saudi Arabia, a.d. 622
Illustration No. jfc, This picture is taken from Helen's reconstruction.He
describes as follows:
■Mohammad's house, Madina, A.D.622, consisted of open courtyard in which the
household tasks were carried out. Die rooms for his wives were built against
the outer face of one of the mud-brick walls surrounding the court. When his
followers gathered in the open space to listen to and talk with the Prophet
and join hia at prayers, a -shelter — tulla — with palm trunks supporting a
roof of palm leaves, was erected to protect them from burning sun. A further
simple shelter — suffa — was provided for the poor. In Muhammad's house can
be seen the basic ingredients of mosque". Based on Islamic tradition, elhadits.
from : Buildings of Early Islam. Helen 4
Richard Leacroft, London: HodderA
Stoughton, 1976, p. 2
Illustration No. 5. Madina % Muhammad's house, (a) before change of qlbla;
(b) after change of qibla.
The other reconstruction of Muhammad's house is drawn by Creswell based on
the biography of Muhammad by Ibn.Sa'adU._DJ.8^5) by oreder of the Khallf al-
Walid. He describes :
"1 - 4. Rooms of mud brick, roofed
with palm branches and mud. 5-9.
Rooms of reeds and mud, roofed with
palm branches and mud. B. Enlargement
of 'Omar (A.D.638). C. Enlargement of ' Q
. . ... JUthman,A.D.644.
B
j Bib
1 .lik«i
U^-:-_ m
0....
Il-n
?H-
Croswell, C.B.E. .Early Muslim Architecturfe^.-.
. . {Jew Xork : , ,_ , .
Hacker Art 8ook,1979,-j#a
17
number and means o-f the family living in it. ...The
courtyard was thus the meeting place of the family, and
the union of these elements was so close that only one
door opened onto the exterior. As the family
increased, other rooms were built against the wall; all
the free space was taken up by additional buildings,
and it became necessary to construct a new dar. This
system, which still exists at the present day in many
poor villages of Arabia, Syria, and Mesopotamia, was
adopted by Muhammed, who at that time was anticipating
a considerable increase in his family, and therefore
required a dar of ample dimensions, large enough not
only for his own wives, but for his daughters and* their
husbands. "
Upon the completion of the building, Muhammed left the
house of Abu Ayyub and moved into the new quarters. He
began to think of this new life which he had just initiated
and the wide gate it opened for his mission. The various
tribes and clans of the city were already competing with one
another, and they differed among themselves in ways for
reasons Link own to any Meccan. Yet it was equally obvious
that they all longed for peace and freedom from the
differences and hostilities which had torn them apart in the
past. Moreover, they were ambitious to build a peaceful
futLire capable of greater prestige and prosperity than
Meccan had ever enjoyed. The purpose of Muhammed'' s home,
which consisted of an open courtyard in which the household
tasks were carried out, the nature of this building, which
afterwards they called "masjid" (sajd = prostration, mas j i d
= place of prostration) or mosque is indirectly demonstrated
by a mass of traditon. Muhammad's intention for this open
courtyard was the construction of a place of worship, It is
18
more in accordance with -fact to say that Muhammed built his
house for his own private use, and laid it out in the
•fashion which was customary in his day, and that
afterwards, the courtyard gradually assumed a more public
character. Creswel 1 describes:
"At the beginning, the courtyard was quite open, but
after that a portico was built consisting of a number
of palm trunks, used as columns, supporting the roof of
palm branches (jarid) woven together and covered with
mud. There were three doors: 1. the principle one in
the south wall which the Believers used to enter. 2.
the Bab ar-Rahmah; and 3. the Bab Uthman, or Bab
Jibril, which Prophet Muhammed used to enter. Against
the outer wall of the courtyard, at the south and of
the east side, two houses were built for the two wives
of Muhammed, Sawda and A'isha; they also were built of
mud bricks and thatched with palm leaves and mud. When
Muhammed later took other wives he built similar houses
for each one, until ultimately there were nine huts
between the House of A'isha and the northeast corner of
the building. All these huts, which were known by the
name of hujra (room), were constructed against the east
side of the building and on the outside of the
enclosing wall, and all opened into the courtyard which
had to be crossed to enter them; none were bulit
against the west side. Before their doors hung
curtains of some rough material \musuh). They were 6-7
cubits square.""*
By comparing data from the beginning of Islamic growth
which operated and changed, in this sense historical sources
and archaeological evidences obtain the physical data being
the foundation of the ancient city of the beginning of
Islamic world (ill. 5).
Arabic was, of course, the language of the 1 aws and of
religious culture wherever early Moslem communities grew up,
and so by and large it was to remain. In the consideration
19
o-f Islamic urban and city planning ideology, a market was
also a very important requisite. For when they -finished
building the mosque and their houses, a market place was
built, led by Abdel Rahman ibn Auf , and he began to sell
cheese and butter, and in short time achieved a measure o-f
affluence -fair enough to to enable him to send caravans in
trade. Many people followed his example. They developed
Madinah from a small town into a large Islamic city.= So,
the mosque and Muhammed's house were the first Islamic
architecture, and the quarters and the market place were
erected as the beginning of the Islamic city, here in
fladi nah.
The shift of the Caliphat from Damascus to Baghdad
paralleled the shift of the focus of Moslem civilization
from the eastern Mediterranean to the fringe of Asia. The
9th and 10th centuries saw the emergence of an increasingly
well-defined Persian Identity of the city within the Islamic
world. The independent kingdoms which arose in the eastern
lands of the Abashiah caliphate were Persian kingdoms; the
Persians, who had been swallowed whole when the Arabs
devoured the Sassanian empire and had been Moslem, began to
express themselves again politically. The courts,
particular! ly that of the Samaninds (819-1005), became
patrons of the new evolving Persian culture, and dominant in
the Moslem land empire of Asia.*
From the beginning of Islam, a certain number of towns
20
became administrative capitals and, regardless of size, the
character of these prefectures was affected by governmental
presence. Another form may be termed the outcome of a
catalystic environment. For instance, the town of Isfahan
was formed out of a number of villages and small urban
centers. At a few key moments these separate entities were
unified through externally appointed authorities. The city
was born out of local developments and external actions. By
decree, other cities were mostly official creations and
belonged to a corporate group. The ultimate character and
the development of these cities has varied
enormously, yet they all owe their beginning to the state.
In attempting many portraits of the ancient Islamic cities,
they can be divided into five themes: the quarters, the
religious communities, the wealth, the state and the taste.
The importance of living quarters was affected by such
variables as the sources of the water or the predominant
material of construction. The city of Jerusalem, dependent
on cisterns and expensive aqueducts, could not develop the
appearance of Damascus of Fes with abundant water easily
accessible through canalization, and all three were
different from Yazd and Kirman with their underground
qanaats bringing water from far away. The greater
permanence of the family ownership of the city land in Syria
and Palestine led to a greater power of the urban
aristocracy as seen in, among other things, the showy
21
monumental constructions o-f princes so typical of Iran.7
Early Islamic towns, with a -few exceptions, did not
have defensive walls, but in the 10th century city walls
appear in a systematic manner, totally new ones, or,
especially in very old cities, refurbished antique ones.
The Bab or gate was the symbol of princely possession and
gates were frequently decorated with sculptures.
In A.D. 754 Baghdad was built as a circular city,
perhaps taking the ancient fortified cities of Assyria as
models. The royal palace and mosque were in the middle in
an open space where the princes' houses and kitchens were
also found. Protection was provided by circular walls
around which were ring roads leading to the homes of
citizens. Four arcaded ways, with rooms for quards on
either side, led to the main gates, which were
approached from the city side through a courtyard. Over
each of the gatehouses was a domed audience chamber which
the ruler used when he appeared to the people. A further
courtyard had side openings leading into a dry "moat" where
troops could be assembled if there was danger of attack from
outside. The moat was surrounded by another wall, outside
of which was a ditch encircling the entire city. From the
12th century onward the sources deal with cities as such
rather than with the men in the cities or with special
restricted characteristics of cities. Excavations of actual
or presumed towns have been carried out to reconstruct the
Islamic town in Fustat, in Siraf in sourthern Iranb, and the
Palace called Qosr al-Hayr in Syria, but the last two
examples - and especially Qosr al-Hayr - are perhaps a
little too remote -from the main centers of Islamic power to
be as useful as archaeological information should be.
According to Oleg Grabar:
"There are two additional aspects to archaeological and
visual sources to define the bourgeoisie. One is the
objects, in whatever technique, which can be assumed to
have surrounded the bourgeoisie. Their investigation
requires a large number of very different methods of
analysis, from statistics to art histoy. The other
aspect lies in images. Until the Ottoman period few
maps, plans or images of cities were made, but a
fascinating document about the bourgeoisie exists in
the 13th century illustrations of Maqamat of al-Hariri
- as yet not published in their entirety - which depict
most of its activities".0
Grabar' s main concern is to integrate the physical
character of the city with the lives, activities and
institutions of its suburban elite. Throughout, the
emphasis is on the period between 800 and 1300 AS).DS).,
acknowledged to have been the heyday of an Islamic
mercantile bourgeoisie, although on a number of
occasions, information from later times will be used as
well. Administrative offices became separated from formal
living areas, and at least in the case of Baghdad, they were
located along the inner wall of the town. Next to the
formal imperial palace was the private palace, often called
"qosr", a castle, inside the city. Fancy names were given
to these establishments found in most capital cities: the
Palace of Crown, o-f the Pleiades, or o-f Eternity. Often
surrounded by gardens they may not have been more than
pleasure pavillions like the later Safavid and Ottoman ones
in Isfahan or Istambul (ill. 6). The citadels are as
ancient as towns or cities, yet they were relatively rare in
Islamic times except in frontier areas. They began to
proliferate in the 10th century and the earliest evidence
known so far is, accidentally or not, from the northeastern
frontiers of Islam. Palace, citadel, fortifications, gates,
mosques, canals, and the square: such are the most obvious
and most important aspects of the state's visibility in the
city as characteristic forms of the Islamic world (ills. 7
and 8). An example about which more is known is the large
open space found inside the city walls or at its edges. The
square called "maydan" in Arabic, was used for military
parades as well as for war council meetings. These are
clearly princely activities; the maydan built by Ibn Tulun
in his quarter near Fustat was within the city and has
elaborate units with fancy gates that were used in specific
ceremoni es. v
The feature which distinguishes Moslem palaces from
those of non-Moslems, as it distinguishes the houses of
ordinary Moslems from those of Europeans, is that they do
not aim to present an imposing face to the outside world.
Topkapi Sarai , the palace of the Ottoman sultans from the
15th century to the end of the 19th century, perfectly
.Illustration no» 6
-Isfahan : The Bazar
The plan gives a graphic
idea of the way in which
the bazar joined the Maidan,
the focal point of Shah .Abbas' s
new city(in 1597 A.D.), to the
Friday mosque, and focal point
of the old town. Note how all
the mosques are oriented in the
same direction, towards Mecca.
23-A.
Francis Robinson, Atlas of
the Islamic World since 1500
Oxford, England, 19S2,pp. 56-57
24
demonstrates the argument. The Topkapi Sarai is situated at
the junction of the Golden Horn and the Bosphorus, at
Seraglio Point. Its internal use of space is utterly
distinct from that associated with European-style palaces.
Instead such spatial units as pavilions, yards, gardens,
audience halls, storerooms for treasure, baths, kitchens,
and other necessary functions were built not according to an
overall master plan, but rather ad hoc, where and when
needed. Thus each unit has no necessary relationship to
other parts, aside from the relations determined by
practicality. Each separate entity is a separate monument,
unified with the others only by their interrelated
functions.
Nowhere is the synthesis between Islamic culture and
Hindu India more clearly achieved than in Akbar's ceremonial
capital, known as Fatehpur (Town of Victory) Sikri. Here
light and airy structures, reminiscent of Moslem pavilions
and tents, combine with the flat stone beams and massiveness
of tradtional Hindu buildings. Constructed between 1569 and
1583, the city was occupied by the court for only 14 years.
It seems that Akbar in his enthusiasm to build his new
capital on the hillock of the holy man, Shaikh Salim Chahti ,
forgot to check whether the water supply would by
sufficient. The red sandstone buildings which have survived
for four centuries, almost perfectly preserved, &rs often
called a city, although in fact they were no more than a
ZkJk
Illustration No.?. View of Kashan city in Iran, in early 18th century.
This picture is taken from : Islam and the Arab World, edited by Bernard Lewis, New
York : Alfred A. Knopf ,1976, p. 90. Based on a hook of travels published in Amsterdam
in 1711. Lewis mentioned the description as follows :
"Though not to be relied upon in detail, it gives a good impression of the
walled town, closely packed with houses and dominated by the domes and
minarets of the mosques. On the left is a large caravanserai. Kashan was
one of the centres for Persian ceramics".
Illustration Np.&.
Islamic townscape :"a drawing after Nasuh al-Matraki's Itinerary
( 16th century ) showing the Turkish city of
Bitlis."
The above description is also -taken from :
Islam and the Arab world,
edited by Bernard Lewis,
New York: Alfred A. Knopf
1976, p. 89.
25
huge palace complex. The real town, which clustered around
the foot of the hillock, has long since disappeared.
The natural accompani ement of such reliance of Hindus
was the policy of religious toleration which Akbar adopted,
as had other Moslem rulers of Hindu peoples before. Soon
after his reign began he abolished first the tax on Hindu
pilgrims, and then the "jizya", the tax levied by holy law
on unbelievers in Moslem territory. He took steps to avoid
giving offense to other faiths, replacing the Islamic lunar
calendar with the solar calendar and forbidding Moslems to
kill or eat the cow which the Hindu revered. Akbar 's public
religious tolerance was matched by a private religious
eclecticism; it is this side of the great man which
fascinated Westerners at the time and has done so ever
since. Akbar' s public policy was continued by Jahangir and
Shah Jahan. Architectures and city express even better than
painting both the marriage of Islamic and Indian modes and
the vaunting power of the empire (ills 9 and 10) . 10
So far as sound information extends in Asiatic and
Oriental Settlements of an urban economic character,
normally only extended families and professional
associations were vehicles of communal actions. Communal
action was not the product of the urban higher stratum as
such. Transitions, of course, are fluid but precisely the
largest settlements at times embracing hundreds of thousands
or even millions of inhabitants display this very
26
phenomenon. In Constantinople, -from the time of the Islamic
growth and development until the sixteenth century, only
merchants, corporations and guilds appear as representatives
of the interests of the burghers beside purely militray
associations and religious organizations. However, in
sixteenth-century Constantinople there is still no city
r ep resent at i on. x *
The evidence of these processes is not rich, and
certainly not as rich as it is for the history of the great
empires of the heartlands. Nevertheless, it is important
that it should be studied, for here we witness the
extraodinary capacity of Islam to adapt itself to different
cultural circumstances and to express itself in forms so
much more varied than those derived from the study of the
central Islamic lands. We can also study how, at a time
when Christians were beginning to place their impress on the
continent of America, Moslems were coming to give an Islamic
complextion to much of Africa and Southeast Asia.
2.2 Southeast Asian City
The Southeast Asian world of Asia represents one of the
most remarkable extensions of the domain of Islam. It is
remarkable for the size of its Moslem community, and it
represents and offers a salutary lesson to historians and
archaeologists of Islam in that it occurred during a period
26^
Illustration no. 9
-Mughal boundary in 1707
The map is taken from
cartographic illustration
by Noel L.Diaz, in 5urooe
and the people without
History. Edited by 2ric
R.Wolf, Lqs Angeles; Univ.
of California Press, 1982
p. 2^2
Illustration no. 10
Part of the Ma us oleum
of the Zmperor Akbar,
at Sikandra, India.
Heprinted from Jim
Antoniou, Islamic cities
and conservation. Geneva:
UN3SC0, 1981 p. 38
27
(13th to 18th centuries) when Islam was expanding. Commerce
had carried Islam to these lands. Moslem traders, making
good use of the fortunate geographical position of the
Islamic heartlands, came in the years before 1500 to control
much of the international traffic along the trade routes of
the world: the routes of the southern seas which linked the
east coast of Africa, the Red sea and the Persian Gulf to
the rich port of India, of Southeast Asia and of China; the
routes across the Sahar, and especially from the wealthy
cities of Maghrib, into the western Sudan and the Niger
Basin; and the great Asian land route, the Old Silk route,
from the eastern Mediterranean, through Iran, Turkestan, and
along the Tarim Basin into China. It was Arab and Indian
traders that carried Islam into Southeast Asia. The
importance of this process, should not be over-estimated,
however, because when trade declined, as it did in China,
the Moslem foothold in the Confucian world came under
threat.
Where, on the other hand, Islam had yet to penetrate,
as in the east of the Indonesian archepelago, some traders
continued to perform their pioneering role. When the term
"Southeast Asia" first became popular, it was felt that it
served to denote a rediscovered area of the world which, if
not lost, had at least been overshadowed by the Indian
subcontinent on the one had hand China on the other. But it
brought with it the same danger implicit in the use of the
28
term "Asia". When Islam swept Southeast Asia in the 13th
century, Islam was an urban religion entering already urban
societies. This religion had an urban rationalism and it
centered on the member "Ummah" or community.13
The information -from Southeast Asia, as has been said,
is relatively scarce. There was no great -focus of Moslem
power in which intellectual and material resources could be
concentrated as to bestow rich artifacts on the present,
while the tropical climate was always hostile to paper
records and to wooden buildings. Indeed, it is often hard
to know when facts end and speculation begins. Moreover, we
have to try not to think of the area as a coherent region -
after all, the concept was invented only in World War II -
and we should be cautious of sweeping generalizations.
Looking at all the evidence, Anthony Reid says:
"It is difficult to escape the conclusion that these
Southeast Asian cities were really very populous by the
modest standards of sixteenth century Europe, though
not as large as the biggest Asian cities - Peking,
Tokyo, Constantinople and Cairo. The numerous more or
less accurate guesses as to the number of houses of
people in the city by contemporary observers have to be
compared with the physical size of the cities and what
we know of rice imports to some of them."13
Southeast Asian cities were the major importers of
foodstuffs, especially rices as mentioned above. The other
large cities of the region must have had in excess of 50,000
people and perhaps as many as 100,000, making them larger as
a proportion of total population than in pre-i ndustri al
29
Europe. Because imported rice was available cheaply, cities
such as Banten, Aceh, Malacca, and eventually Dutch Batavia
(now Jakarta) did little to encourage rice production in
their immediate hinterlands. In addition, there were rural
areas in Moluccas, the west coast o-f Sumatra and Banten
which imported rice in exchange for pepper, tin or gold
which they could produce locally.1-*
In 1500, Moslems were established in many parts of the
region (see map n.3). They dwelt in many trading
communities down the Burmese coast, and especially in Arakan
whose kings were subject to the Sultan of Bengal. There was
a distinct community of Moslem Cams in Indo-China who had
but recently been conquered by th Vietnamese. Moving south
to the islands of Southeast Asia we find important Moslem
states at the gateway to the archipelago: Pasai in northern
Sumatra, which had been the first Moslems' southern shore,
which in the 15th century had come to dominate the straits.
From Malacca (ill. 11) they had gained a footing along the
northerly trade route which ran by northwest Borneo to Sulu
islands and the southern Philipines. They had also spread
their influence down the southerly trade route which ran
along Java's northern shore and southern Borneo till it
reached the Moluccan spice islands of Ternate and Ambon. In
some places the Moslems were still just a community of
foreigners, in others they had brought natives and rulers to
share in their beliefs. The Sunda Strait increased rapidly
29-A
Illustration No. IX,
"De vloot van Hatelieff tijdens de belegering van Malaka slaags met
Porlugeesche schepen. Augustus l6o6« ("The fleet of Mateleff at the
time of the conflict in Malacca between the Portuguese ships in
Wt Jo6 ) by Johan van der Woude in CQEN Koopman van Hegren.
SSieT( Coen, a merchant from the 17th ce 5tSy7. *» terdam.1948
pTzSlbased on Geschiedenis van den Hollandechen handel in India
( 1598-161^ ).
UlustTAti on No. 12^.
The funeral of King ( Sultan ) Iskandar
Thani in Aceh, 1&4-1.
Taken from Anthony Reid, Southeast Asian
cities before Colonialism, Journal of
Southeast Asian Study, 1985. *e took from
reproduce picture from Reysen van Nxcholaus
de Graaf na Asia Africa Americaen iuropa.
30
in importance during the early 1500' s -for several reasons.
First, in 1511 the Portuguese in the name of Alphonso
d? Albuquerque captured the emporium of Malacca, the most
prosperous port in Southeast Asia. Many Moslem merchants of
India and Southeast Asia thenceforth preferred to avoid
Malacca and transferred their trade to other ports such as
Aceh at Sumatra's northern end (ill. 12). From Aceh, they
could enter Southeast Asia while avoiding the Portuguese by
sailing along west Sumatra and through the Sunda Strait.
Second, demand for pepper, and profits for those growing and
dealing, increased as more and more Europeans joined the
other merchants from western Asia and China already bidding
for the crops. Pepper was not a product of the eastern
islands; it could be grown successfully in many areas of
Sumatra and the western part of Java. Foreign merchants
were usually forbidden to trade directly in the west
Sumatran ports; the right to do this was claimed as a royal
monopoly by the Sultan Aceh.1(=
In addition to the opportune access to the Indian Ocean
and the potential pepper-growing areas, Banten's location
allowed shippers to sail relatively unimpeded to the north
between Balitung and Borneo (the Carimata Strait), on up to
the area of Singapore and thence to Thailand, Vietnam, or
straight to China. All long-distance shipping to the
Moluccas from the south China sea before the seventeenth
century also passed through the Java sea. Various ports of
31
north Java, at various periods of history, derived from this
practice wealth and other benefits contingent upon their
position as intermedar i es in the spice trade.
Singapore was one of the important ports in the Malacca
Strait as other sources indicate; the use of Singapore as a
literary motif in the Sejarah Melayu may have been backed up
by the memory of a period when Singapore actually functioned
as a port of trade. In 1462 another Arabic source referred
to Singapore. This is the oldest documented reference to
the use of this name instead of Tamasik. When Tome Pi res
arrived on the scene, he referred to it as a kingdom which
possessed little territory. Unf ortunat 1 ey , the Portuguese
burned the place in 1613 as part of their
continuing campaign against the descendants of Malacca
Sultans.1^ We can not yet rediscover what the construction
of the city was, or its layout. Some antique maps allow
us to make comparisons with some cities in Southeast Asia
during this period. These maps, such as the old map of the
city of Si am-Ayuthay, the old capital of Siam, are very
useful to help our attempt to create a definition of the
city-type for Southeast si a.
An analysis of contemporary urban maps help to convey
the great size of Southeast Asian cities, and also the
layout of different quarters (ills. 13 and 14). Like cities
of the time elsewhere, Southeast Asian cities were made up
of residential quarters defined in the first place by ethnic
32
identity, and in the other by occupation. The maps can be
analysed to give an impression of how many parts o-f the city
were made up o-f many compounds of the great merchant-
aristocrats, with many buildings, surrounded by fences.
Other maps, such as that of the city of Makassar on the
island of Celebes about 1638, show that on the port side of
this city was the great bazaar or market (locally called
"pasar"). The north side of this city was inhabited by
Makassarese as well as by other nations. A new basaar was
built on the south side of this city, which was just as
built-up and populated as the north side, but completely
with houses of reed and wood. There was also a large river,
which could be used by vessels, and the King's palace of
departure. In the other parts are gardens and rice fields
around the city, which were sited on low-lying, good land.
This city was situated in the kingdom of Makassar, From the
fort or enclosed area where the king and various other
nobles have their courts and residences, surrounded with a
brick wall, and on the sea side strengthened with four
bastions, and landwards with strong points, tolerably well
provided with guns. Because the walls are so broken-down
that they would be unable to resist not only cannon, but
even wooden rams, the greatest force is concentrated on the
two seaward bulwarks, provided with about 15 guns.
The King's Palace stood on fine high posts in the form
of pillars, on which a beautiful dwelling is erected, with a
32-A
Illustration no, 13
The map of the city of
Ayuthaya, the old capita
of Siam.
frtniA TtutJ
A map of the city of Siam — Ayuthaya, _the old capital of Siaa, from Anthony Raid's
interpretation to compare within human activities in the cities of Southeast Asia, the
article of Southeast Asian Cities before colonialism, Journal, of Southeast Asian
studies, 1980 .based from " A New Historical Relation of the Kingdom of Siam, by
Loubere, former French Anbassador to the country, published in translation in London
in 1693 ( see also Sketch map/ Illustration no. 14- 5.
Illustration no. Ik
Earlier
Capital of Thailand
A seventeenth-century Dutch impressionistic map of Ayuthaya, earlier capital
of Thailand ( Anthony Reid, Southeast Asian Cities before colonialism. Journal
of Southeast Asian Studies, 1980, p.l49)by decision of A New Historical Relation
of the Kingdom of Siam, published in London in 1693.
33
wide and long bridge up to the entrance, so well constructed
of wood that one can go up on horseback as well as on -foot.
From here we can see the King's storehouses. The King's
Mosque is not far from his palace. This city was completed
by the quarter of Portuguese, with the dwelling of Antonio
da Costa, a Portuguese merchant who fled there for secret
reasons. The other settlements were quarters of the
Gujaratis, the lodge of the Danish Company, and Chinese
quarters (ills. 15 and 16) . X7
Makassar replaced Aceh as the standard-bearer of Islam
against the European interloper. This state of southwestern
Celebes came late to Islam, and its chroniclers have left us
with precise details. On 22 September 1605, the Prince of
Tallo embraced Islam, and on 19 November 1607, the first
Friday prayer was held. Foreigners noticed the conversion
because pork became scarce; neighboring states also noticed
it as they became the victims of the holy wars. From then
on, the Makassarese, noted for their devotion to the faith,
fought the Dutch as Christians and as their rivals for
control of the spice trade. Their greatest leader was Hasan
al-Din (reigned 1631-1670) whose empire at its height
stretched from Borneo to New Guinea and from Lombok to the
southern Philipines. Only after long and bitter fighting
did he in 1667 accept Dutch terms which destroyed Makassar's
dominance in the trade and politics of the region.13
The most significant centers of Southeast Asian human
33-A
Illustration no> "15
The city of Makassar ,-. in- 1638.
The physical description of this map of the city of Makassar on the island
of Celebes about 1638, that in the part side of this. .city was the great
bazar or market. The layout of the north side of this city. .inhabited._by~
Makassarese as well as by other nations. The river can.be seen which used
by vessels, and. of the king's. place of _depature._Here in this pap we also ■
see the canal, the palace .and .fortress which can be. analysed to give an...
impression .of .how many parts of the city were _. made up many .compounds of ,M
the great merchant-aristocrats, with many buildings , surrounded by. fences.
This .map is taken from a magnificent collection of coloured maps known \^-
collectively by decision, of The Secret Atlas._0f .the .East, India Company, ~"_..
drawn in.l670. The artists abviously had access. to some rough sketches and
descriptions of the town. ( taken from Southeast Asian Cities before colonial-
ism, Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 1980 j>. 1*J4 ).
I Town proper
1/^Kompongs 8, gardens
Breakwater
Illustration no.lo Cv
Makassar during the colonial period^
This sketch map is drawn by
Charles Robequain. He describes
during the colonial period in 19th . J^ ,
century, that trade passes through a large uwA*? vt pBI Li', but »fua^Ufti- iu.lb*
only one provided with modern equipment and is by far the busiest.
Charles Robequain (translated by E.D.Laborde; , Malay.
Indonesia, and the Philippines (London: Longmans Co.LTD
19587 p.235.
34
activities were the ruler, the palace, the market, and the
city. While all of these were significant to all peoples,
we may argue that, comparatively, the most significant
center was the ruler (called Raja) for the Malays, the
palace (keraton) for the Javanese, and the city with its
market (muang or myo) for Thai and Burmans. Regarding the
traditional Malay, Javanese, Thai Burmans, O" Connor
observes:
"The traditional Malay state was the Ke-raja-an
(kingdom), a word that means teh state or condition of
having a raja (king). Indeed, without the presence of
a raja it is hard to imagine a settlement being a city
called kota or bandar. The traditional Javanese Polity
centered on the keraton (palace). Palace, capital, and
kingdom went by a single name, and the whole of society
was organized in three concentric circles around the
keraton. The city was nothing more than assemblages of
villages with the palace in the centre. Both Thai and
Burmans have several words for city or town that bore
no inherent relationship to the ruler or his palace.
Cities were basic social units, the polity's very
building blocks. Moreover, both the Thai and Burmans
adapted to their urban predecessors on the mainland.
The Keraton also appear to have been the highest pre-
Indic Javanese social centre of urban life. By the
same token the Javanese who had a palace instead of a
city built a wall around the palace and left the city
open until the sixteenth century when European
influence changed warfare and so encouraged the
building of walls".1'*
That is to say, that for Malays the ruler and the city
were disaggregated. Wherever the ruler was, there was the
focus of the state. For Javanese, however, the palace and
its associated institutions were the central focus of the
state; the ruler himsilf was almost incidental. For Thai
and Burmese, on the other hand, it was the city itself, its
buildings, its people, and its markets that were important,
and neither ruler nor palace were necessary -for a complete
city.
The other sources, such as Anuman,20 suggest that the
traditional "muang" had a wall or a moat and earthworks.
Both Sukothai and Ayuthaya had walls. The Burmese Glass
Palace Chronicle refers to the seven things -for a city and
goes on to list gates, moats, ditches, towers, wall turrets,
and so on. The burmese town and later district, originally
meant a brick or stone building. On the other had, the Thai
and Burmans, who actually had cities, also had city walls.
Religious power in Southeast Asia was drawn into the
city, physically when possible and ritually when -Forest
ascetics or sacred mountains stayed outside. Apparently the
lion centralised power through a wholesale transplantation of
district cults and relics to the capital. This made the Mon
capital a microcosm of the realm while it stripped power
from those they had conquered as Burmans would later strip
it from them. In pre-Khmer cities the cosmic mountain was
outside of the city boundary wall, but the later Khmer built
temple mountains in the city center. Eventually the "deva
raja" cult ritually linked the newly sacred king to the long
sacred tit. Mahendra far outside the city. In early Java
mountain shrines and temple mountains on the plains stood
apart from the cities although the ruling dynasty's name,
"king of the mountain" (Sai lendra) , drew a ritual bridge
36
between them. Later, Islamic mountain graves kept sanctity
outside of the city while holy relics (pusaka) centralized
other sacred powers in the palace. When the Siamese Thai
know a similar rise in power, sanctity moved into the city.
The Buddha relic, the head of the monkhood and the leader of
the highly revered -forest monks all moved into the city,
while especially sacred Buddha images came to the capital
•from the provincial towns and conquered cities.21
On the mainland there were many walled cities although
they were not necessarily bastions. There were walled
enclosures in northeastern and central Thailand -from the
seventh century. O-f course, one could argue that Thai and
Burman cities had only royalty, and hence might be better
called "palaces", but linguistic evidence suggests they were
seen as cities. Moreover, as -far back as the mid-ninth
century, a Chinese account o-f the Pyu kingdom says that "the
common people all live within the city-wall...".32
Colonial historiography has made the great colonial
cities, such as Batavia, Manila (ills. 17 and 18), and
Singapore much better known than their indigenous
predecessors as commercial entrepots. 23 Colonialism changed
Southeast Asian cities profoundly, however, behind these
changes were much deeper continuities. Immigration,
pluralism, the primate city, and an ethnic division of
labour were not new to indigenous urbanism.
36-A
Illus tration no. 17
Sarly development of Intramuros, Philippines.
Wall, bastions of Intramuros
Gate
Fortlet
Manilo Cathedrol
Royal Chapel
Santo Domingo Church
San Froncisco Church
San Augustin Church
Church of the Recollects
Church of the Recollects
• — I C J Semipermanent structure
QBea
Onooj Villoge -impermanent structure
• Sonta Claro Nunnery
• Jesuit College
10 Jesuit Seminary
n Sonto Tom6s College
"2 San Juan de Dios Hospitol
is Plazo Mayor
i« Plaza de Armas
Reprinted from Dilip K,
3asu, The Rise and Growth
of the colonial port
cities in As^a. California,
1985, p.203 (also
illustration no. 18 in p. 204)
which cited from Cummins,
J.S., in The Travels and
Controversies of Friar
Domingo Havarrete . 1618-
1636. Vol.1. Cambridge, 1962
Illustration no. 18
The city of Manila c.l6?0
Colonial cities merely magnified these long-standing
patterns and perpetuated them. Whatever else changed, the
city remained the center of wealth, power, and prestige. As
in the past, this urban-centered social hierarchy was based
on the order of the outside "civilized" world. Whether the
West ruled in fact or only in eminence, the overall effect
was the same: things Western carried great prestige and gave
the social hierarchy new symbols
Colonialism brought a major jump in urbanization
defined as the centralization of power in the city. While
the Indie center had always asserted its total power over
everyone and everything, the closer one came to the physical
and social peripheries of the realm, the less it had the
strength of inclination to enforce its order. In contrast,
The colonial state had the administrative tools to reach to
the edges of the realm and more impetus to use them. It
sent its own officials out into the provinces to assert
central control and undermine local patriarchal authority.
Sometimes even Western mi spercepti ons added to the center's
power. In preserving Javanese Regencies, the Dutch strictly
applied Western notions of law and descent to the much more
open Javanese practices of succession.
Traditionally, the eighteenth century has merely been a
sequel to the seventeenth in the series of governor-
generalships continuing up to the fall of the Dutch Republic
in 1795 (ills. 19 and 20).=* After that, the peri odi zation
according to the many transformations in the political
system in the motherland (the Batavian Republic, with
successively, its directory, its state government, and it
council-pensionary; the Kingdom of Holland; the departments
annexed to the French Empire) and consequently in the
Indies, transformations finally ending in the restored the
authority of the sovereign prince, later king of the
Netherlands. Thus, Southeast Asian history is fitted into
the framework of eighteenth-century European cultural
hi story.
Furthermore, Indonesian history, as the last quotation
witnesses, has been fitted into the framework of the history
of the Dutch East India Company. Van Leur2D has already
indicated regarding the seventeenth century that the history
of Indonesia definitely cannot be made equivalent to the
history of the company; he writes as follows:
"That is incorrect to make a break in describing the
course of history upon arrival of the first scattered
seafarers, merchants, and privateers from northwest
Europe and change over the point of view of the small,
oppressed European fortress, the stuffy trading-house,
and the armed ship riding at anchor. The theme needs
to be taken up again, this time for the eighteenth
century" . 2^
One should call to mind the picture of the over-all
political situation in eastern and southeastern Asia during
the eighteenth century - and of the position of the Company
and other European powers there. Its suppression, and the
38-A
Illustration no. 19
BATAVIA : 1629
The Colonial City of Batavia during the seventeenth century.
£* **1U Jt flATAVlI ,
d. StiJe BaTAVIA .
^eorinted from :
3ernard H.M.Vlekke,
Nusantara, A History £_:„,
of the last Indian «&J
Archipelago, Massachusetts
harvard Jniv.?ress,19^+ «
p.l*t4 ( cited from: '£, ; ty
Valentijn's Oud en Nieuw^lS^fes*
Oost Indien 172^-26 ) , j^a
see. also Illustration
no. 20 ( reorinted from
Bernard H.H.Vlekke,19W'
p. 177 ).
Illustration no. 20
Batavia during the
Eighteenth Century.
&
flwiww i ^r Batavia.
t Castiil mi Batavia
39
invasion by the Dutch and British, until the removal of the
center of the Banten Sultanate to the city o-f Serang (about
10 km south o-f Banten) as a regency and residency city.
Banten was -finally placed under direct control o-f the
colonial government which was centralized in Batavia (now
Jakarta) led by a Governor General.
Several models can be used to characterise a general
city-type o-f the Islamic world and the non-Islamic cities o-f
Southeast Asia. First, expressed in Arabia and later
developed throughout Moslem cities o-f West Asian, early
Islamic towns, with a -few exceptions, did not have defensive
walls, but after the 9th century, walls appear in a
systematic manner. We can say that palace, citadel,
fortifications, mosques, gates, market and square, are the
most obvious and most important aspects of the state's
visibility in the city as characteristic forms of Islamic
world. We look to Moslem India for the synthesis between
Islamic culture and Hindu India which was clearly achieved.
The capital, with light and airy structures reminiscent of
Moslem pavilions and tents, combined with flat stone beams
and massiveness of traditional Hindu buildings. The natural
accompaniement of such reliance on Hindus was due to the
policy of religious toleration adopted by the Moslem rulers
of Hindu people. The Moslems took steps to avoid giving
offense to other faiths, replacing the Islamic lunar
calendar with the solar calendar and forbidding Moslems to
40
kill or to eat the cow which the Hindus revered.
Architecture and cities of Islam in India express even
better than painting the marriage of Islam and Indian modes.
Second, as Islam and Buddhism swept Southeast Asia in
the thirteenth and -fourteenth centuries, Islam preserved
this -fusion only by denying the municipal institutions that
might have led to their separation. Buddhism supported
sacral kingship and Islam made the Sultan "Allah's shadow on
the earth".
Both religions made the ruler the protector of the
faith. The Thai, linguistically classified their king as a
sacred object (ong) along with monks and the Buddha.
Similarly, when the head of the forest monks lived in the
city and the most sacred Buddha immage was in the king's
temple in his palace in the inner city of the capital, the
Siamese Thai fusion of religious, royal, and urban symbols
was nearly complete, so some tension was irreducible. The
Javanese court city of Direbon shows how this tension and
fusion are balanced in Islam today. While the most sacred
place is the grave of an Islamic saint on a hill outside of
the city, it is surrounded on the six lower levels by the
graves of the Sultans of Cirebon and their families.
Commoners can go only to the next lower levEl.27 In all of
these ways Islam and Buddhism gave new life to the old urban
heirarchy, and yet the way they extended urban dominance the
most was simply by narrowing the ruler's power.33
41
The characterization of the city-type of Southeast
Asia, especially port cities, relates to two techniques of
separation of the qualities: first, that the harbour and
the market places were places for trade activities, and
second, that the temple or mosque, the palace and square
were for the ruler, military, and spiritual energies. The
river is one of the important things which can be used by
vessels. Most of the Southeast Asian cities have their
courts, canals, quarters, and markets surrounded with a
city-wall. In many Islamic cities in Southeast Asia, the
king's mosque is not far from his palace. The cities were
completed by the foreign quarters. In literature too, the
maritime cities gave rise to a great creative outburst,
adapting Indian, Persian, and Arabic writing to new
purposes. In many cities, Portuguese took, on a similar role
as the medium through which European ideas were conveyed to
the city of the region.
2.3 The Islamic City of Banten
Historical periods in Indonesia differ from those of
the West, primarily in that they are not categorized
according to Western concepts of before and after Christ,
but rather can be arranged into periods of prehistory,
protohistory and history. Prehistory, protohistory and
history can all be defined based upon our data for the forms
42
o-f literary evidence we have found in Banten. Prehistory is
de-fined by the absence of the written word, while history is
defined by its presence.
In Banten, the historical period now begins in the
fifth century A.D. with the appearance of local stone
inscriptions. Protohisotry can be classified as the time
period after prehistory leading into history, which in
Banten is presently dated as the years between the second
and the fifth centuries A.D.=9 Our information about the
protohistory comes not from local sources, but from Chinese
chronicles. It is important to note, however, that these
classifications are by no means absolute, but are just
products of the data presently available. Pending further
research, the dating of Bantenese time periods could be
pushed even further back.
Historical periods in Banten also differ in that the
history of Banten cannot be divided into absolute time
frames but rather into historical types, based on sources,
site-type, tool types, and cultural practice. This is
because of the problems in dating Bantenese material.
The major problem in dating Bantanese materials is the
lack of provenience data; there are many artifacts which
have not been dated with carbon-14 or which cannot be fitted
into a time frame because of a lack of stratigraphy.
Another problem is that styles for much of the material seem
to persist through several
43
phases: tool types and cultural practices that may have been
prevalent in the neolithic or Hindu periods are still found
today and thus are difficult to fit into a specific time
frame. Each tradition builds upon the preceding one, and
thus the distinctions between historical types are gradual
rather than sudden and absolute.
Many artifacts of prehistoric style were found on the
bank of the Cibanten river one kilometer south of Kaibon
Palace, one of the neolithic type sites in old Banten which
might preserve remains of the first human activities and
first settlement in old Banten. Prehistoric settlers were
therefore established at Banten at some indefinite period
(ill. 21). Archaeologists have tended to pay relatively
little attention to these objects, as many classical
monuments and sites have been found in the Banten area,
especially dating from the 7th-9th centuries (during the
Hindu-Buddhist periods), which include numerous statues of
different kinds of materials, such as the granite "nandi"
found at Karangantu Harbour, and the "siva" and "ganesha"
found at Panaitan Island (the nandi has been taken and
displayed at the Site Museum of Old Banten; the siva is at
the West Java provincial Museum, while the ganesha is still
on the site of Panaitan). Many other stone statues are
still found in situ like the "durga" at Padarincang, 15
kilometers to the south of Serang city. According to
tradition, there were many candi (temples) in Banten,
k3-k
Illustration no. 21.
Neolithic migration routes.
The neolithic
type sites
which have
been found
in Banten
might preserve
remains of the
first human
activities and
first settlemer
in Old 3anten.
The map is copied from the book of The Stone Age of Indonesia
by H.R.Van Heekeren, ^artinus Nijhoff , 1957 page : 122.
44
remains of which if discovered would provide evidence of
early Indian influence in this area. There are a number of
important habitation sites such as Banten Girang (3
kilometers south of Serang) and Kampung Muara in the
district Ciaruteun Kilir which provide useful data for the
reconstruction of the Hindu-Buddhist period of Bantenese
culture.
The next important period in Bantenese history about
which much is know has been named after the kingdom of
Pajajaran. Inscriptions in the Sundanese language mention
that the "keraton" (palace) of the kingdom was built in 1333
A.D, The ruins of the Keraton are located south of Bogor,
between the Cisadane and Ciliwung rivers. The surrounding
coastal areas were also ports of Rajajaran-" s kingdom; Sunda
Kalap (now Jakarta) and Karangantu (Old Banten) were the
important harbours of Pajajaran.^1*
A glance at a map of sailing routes quickly illustrates
the potentially strategic value of a settlement at Banten.
Those who control Banten are in a good position to regulate
shipping through the Sunda Strait between Java and Sumatra.
Historians disagree among themselves regarding the
importance of this strait in the past; there are some
indications that vessels traveling between India and the
seas of Southeast Asia may have used it in preference to the
Strait of Malacca by 1000 A.D. However, the weather and
waters along Sumatra's west coast create difficult and
45
dangerous conditions -for sailing, and it seems that during
most of history, sailors have pre-f erred to navigate between
Sumatra and the Malay peninsusla. The Malay kingdoms, built
along the rivers o-f east Sumatra were often sufficiently
wel 1 -organi zed that they were able to convince the seafaring
groups dwelling among the mangroves along the Straits of
Malacca to subordinate their own interests to those of the
Malay emporia.
Tome Pires31 wrote a lengthy description of conditons
in Indonesia about 1514. Based on his own observations,
Pires reported that the route along the west coast of
Sumatra and through the Sunda Strait had indeed been
important until the beginning of the previous century, i.e.
around A.D. 1400. Archaeologists have only discovered
remains of one important port site along the west coast of
Sumatra, Barus, which is also mentioned in Arabic sources as
early as the ninth century.
Banten Lama means "Old Banten". The first Europeans to
establish regular communications with Old Banten were the
Portuguese, who wrote Banten as Bantam; the Dutch and
English subsequently copied this spelling.
The archaeological site of Old Banter, lies near the
northwest corner of Java. A Traveller who visited the city
in 1694, Francois Valentijn, recorded a valuable description
of how old Banten then appeared. We will refer to
Valentijn' s remarks several times in the following
46
narrative; here we will first note his observations
regarding the Islamic city's general location:
"(Banten) is one of the oldest and, of oldest the most
famous cities, not only of Java, but even of all the
East... It is a city where from old times a great
commerce and traffic of very many Eastern and Western
people have taken place, who came not only because of
pepper there available in the countries under the
Bantam crown but also and primarily because of the
commerce in cloves and nutmegs which they themselves as
well as other people from Java went to bring from
Ternate and Handa, which for Bantam was the staple, and
because of the city which was exceedingly
prosperous. .. It lies in the middles of a great bay,
from east to west si>: miles wide, and four miles deep
from the Long Island lying opposite the city. To the
west of the same but southward of it, si:-: more islands
with some shoals, and near the city, barely a mile from
it, in the west, yet another island, Hollands Kerkhof,
and two long miles to the east two others, named the
two Islands, which together so shelter the great number
of ships, which can anchor at two or three fathoms in
good ground, and can remain there very safely. The
city itself lies in a lowland, at the foot of rugged
mountains which extend very far inland and provide a
very pleasant sight of the city, and especially of the
Road... On either side of the city is a river. They
flow into the sea about a mile apart. Between them
flows another, the widest though not very deep, and
which is usable by small and flat-bottomed vessels,
which are generally but lashed bamboos".32
The history of the Islamic city of Banten comprises
chronology and such subjects as ancient economics, human
relationships and the nature of ancient international
diplomacy and policies of the realm.
1 Geography of Old Banten
Old Banten is situated at the mouth of the Banten river
47
which discharges itself on the north of Java into the sea,
about 10 kilometers to the north of Serang city. Old Banten
belongs to Serang Regency (ill. 22).
Plains with relatively little rainfall and poor
quaternary soil extend all around the bay of Banten up to
Pontang district (located about 15 kilometers east of Old
Banten). In the ares, where rivers discharge themselves into
the sea there is much sediment which causes the coastline to
move more and more northwards with a growth of about four
meters a year. It is less than five meters above sea level,
and the rainfall is about 1500 milimeters a year. Due to
the poor conditon of the soil it is used mainly for coconut
farming and fish ponds.33
Old Banten stands on sedimentary soil deposited in
geologically recent times (during the last two million
years). Nevertheless, unlike many alluvial soils it is not
very fertile. It is flat and low-lying, but little of it is
used for growing irrigated rice. Instead, the agricultural
population today cultivates dry rice (once a year). The
density of the modern population ranges between about 200 to
500 people per square kilometer. This infertile soil is
confined to a strip parallel to the shore. Approximately 2
km south from the site, the soil changes to a type more
favorable to cultivation. Perhaps this contrast in
fertility is connected with proximity to the ocean, which
may contribute to a higher salinity in its vicinity. The
W?-k
Illustration no. 22
The map of Serang Regency
( without scale )
southeast Asia
west Java
The decency of Serang.
(Drawn by Halwany Michrob)
48
soi 1 -further inland has been formed by the same process of
evolution as the coastal strip, that is, a gradual depostiDn
of waterborne sediment. The fertile soil of this inland
plain is narrow in the west, where it is restricted between
two uplands, but becomes broad toward the east. Rice is
cultivated intensively here during the rainy season, but
during the dry months secondary crops are grown, such as soy
beans. This greater fertility is correlated with a higher
population density of 500 to 600 people per square
kilometer. Rainfall is slightly greater, averaging between
1,500 mm and 2000 mm annually (ills. 23,24,25 and 26).
Just west of Banten Bay rises an isolated mass of hills
with three peaks, called gunung Salak, gunung Gede, and
gunung Batur, the highest gunung or mount reaching 595 m.
These are composed of old (tertiary) as well as recent
sediments, and are also fertile. Their slopes are utilized
as plots for long-term crops such as cloves and coffee.
Despite the roughness of the terrain, a dense population of
600-800 per square kilometer support themselves there.3'*
Southwest of Banten, and clearly visible from a boat in
the bay stand higher mountains, including recently-active
volcanoes with peaks up to 2,000 m. As i n much of
Indonesia, higher elevation means greater rainfall. These
mountains are exceedingly wel 1 -watered , with average annual
precipitation varying between 2,000 mm and 3,500 mm Their
slopes are also frequently cultivated, with pockets of wet
48-A
Jan.
Feb.
Mar.
Apr.
May-
June
July
Aug.
Sept.
Oct.
Nov.
Dec.
MONTHLY- RAIN
-FALL (mm.
1982
Sii-T^gi;
443
224
136
171
159
135
135
276
89
53
24
44
41
101
7
15
-
3
4
137
92.
243
112
120
DAILY RAIN
1982
Wm^:
29
18
19
13
18
12
22
11
13
12
13
6
8
5
7
3
-
2
4
14
13
18
i.
15
Illustration no. 23
-Monthly Rain-fall
of Serang Regency
Source :
Badan Meteorologi
dan Geofisika
Stasiun Meteorologi
Serang, 1984
%
100
90
80
70
-60
50
W
30
20
10
o^>
Illustration no. 24
K
The damriess of
weather in Serang
Regency
Source :
3rwina Darmayanti,
Perancangan Dansekap
Keraton Surosowan
Sebagai Ob.jek Wjsata
Bsnten Lana. Jakarta:
Universitas Trisakti,
1985, p. 38
Jan. Feb. I'iar. Apr. May. June July Aug. Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec.
48-JB
Illustration no. gg
The temperature of Old 3anten
note i
, 1982
,. 1983
Jan. -Heb. Oar. Apr. May June July &ug. Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec.
Illustration no. 26
Daily sun-shine in Serang -Regency
note i
1982
1983
Sources :
Illustration
no. 25 and 26 are
got from Badan
Meteorology dan
Geofisika
Stasiun iieteoro-
logi Serang, 1984
Jan. Feb. Mar. Apr. May June July Aug. Sep. Oct. Nov. Dec.
49
rice interspersed with gardens of coffee, cloves and other
crops. The sites of excavation activities are Banten Girang
(which is about 3 km south of Serang city) and Did Banten.
Both sites are in the region of Serang Regency. The site of
Banten Birang is in the valley and at the foot of the hill
wheras Old Banten is on the seashore. The differences in
natural environment have also been the cause of different
influences on the inhabitants of these two places. Banten
river which encircles the site of Banten Girang proved to be
a good natural protection, and was also used once as a
communication route between the interior and the coast.
Old Banten consisted of open plains. It was chosen as
a center of the realm not so much for its agrarian but
rather for its maritime potentialities. The problems of
infertility and lack of water were overcome by the royal
administrators with the construction of irrigation works and
the opening of rice fields in the south. The need for fresh
water was filled by the construction of a water reservior at
the artificial lake called Tasikardi, situated about 1.5 km
from the Royal palace. The archaeological evidence for this
purpose are terracotta pipes constructed to channel the
water into the water-basin at the Palace. There are two
brick structures along this pipeline, which according to
local tradition were called panqindel an. This term is
derived from the Javanese word i ndel , meaning sediment.
Thus it is possible that they were used as some sort of
50
filtration or settling tanks. Another possibility however
is that they had some connection with assisting the -flow of
water from Tasikardi, since the gradient from there to the
water's destination in the palace is very gentle. No
special research has yet been performed to settle this
question; for the moment, the function of the brick building
called pagindelan must remain a mystery.
The word Banten means Wahanten or river, but according
to tradition it means "katiban inten" (to have a diamond-
fall). Francois Valentijn asserted that the name "Banten"
in Javanese means a place which has or possessed everthing
or where nothing is lacking, so that word was the origin of
the word "Antam", that was being in existence, having in
itself.30
Surveys in Banten, especially in the area of the fish-
ponds around the harbour of Karangantu started with
geographical data collecting, showed that the soil consists
of alluvial sediments of greyish clay. Soil from other
locations (in Banten) present reddish-brown latosol of very
sticky clayish texture. There a.re two possible sources for
the different types of soil, the slopes of the mount Gede
and the mountainous areas south of Serang city.3,i
2.3.2. The pre-Islamic Sundanese Period
The earliest manifestations of Hinduism and Buddhism
51
probably came to Banten straight -from their native country,
India. The Indian influence in Banten was part of the
general spread of Indian culture throughout the countries to
the east and southeast of the Indian subcontinent, which
started around the first century A-D.3"7 The influence of
Indian civilization on Java was profound, so much so that a
large part of Banten7 s early history called Hindu-Sundanese
history. Although the Hindu period was followed by a period
of Islamic expansion and later European colonization,
changing the whole Javanese picture f undemental 1 y, the
impressive stone— pyr ami d remains of Lebak Sibedug, and many
statues such as Siva and Ganesha at Panaitan island (near
Krakatau) still standing as Banten monuments of the past,
can be studied, giving clues as to the Hindu-Buddhist period
in West Java. But most importantly, although the great
monuments of Indo-Javanese architecture arts found in Central
Java, it is the west of the island that is mentioned in the
earliest documents testifying to Indian influence, the
Chinese chronicles and European narratives.
The earliest of these sources in 132 A.D. mentions Ye-
tiaow which has been explained as a Chinese transcription of
"Javadwipa" and the name of Tiao-pien which is also found in
the chronicles, has been found to be a transcription of the
Sanskrit name of "Devavarman " . 3B The sources also explain
that Ujung Kulon was under the responsibility of Bahadur a
Jayasakti, the part of Devevarman' s area.3' The kingdom of
Tarumanagara belongs approximately to the fifth century.
After King Purnawarman's inscriptions - of a strikingly
classical Hinduistic character, there is no more
epigraphical evidence of this kingdom. Probably, like
Mul avarman-" s kingdom in east Borneo, it became a victim of
the expanding maritime empire of Sriwijaya. However, here
in West Java, Tarumanagara was probably conquered or at
least it was under the firm control of Sriwijaya for several
hundred years (ill. 27).*°
At the mouth of Ciliwung river was Pajajaran's harbour
called Sunda kalapa at the same place which was later called
Jayakarta. The geographical situation of West Java, between
the powerful maritime empire of Sriwijaya to the west and
successive agrarian Hindu— Javanese keratons to the east, was
a drawback for the existence and an eventual expansion of a
Hindu-Sundanese keraton."*1
A number of inscriptions in old Sundanese dating from
the fifteenth century have been found, including one from
Tasikmalaya dated A.D. 1411, and five from Cirebon which
mention a kingdom called Kawali.*2 Possibly these were not
really separate kingdoms, but only one in which the location
of the palace was frequently moved, perhaps as a result of
the conditions imposed by the tradition of shifting
cultivation of dry land rice. The grandfather of the
founder of Pakuan Pajajaran may have had his palace at
Kawal i . "*3
52 -A.
Illustration no. 2? -Indonesia during Hindu-Buddhist Period
This man is also taken from :
Bernard H.,i.Flekke,Nujantara,A History of T^ ^ast Andean .^cnxoela^o,
Cambridge-'lassachusetts; Harvard University *ress, 19^+, Po^
The term "pakuan" is sometimes thought to derive from
"paku" <"nail" or al ternal ti vel y a type of plant), in this
case now translated "nail" or "axis of the world". In a
general sense it may be translated simply "capital".
In west Banten Sivaitic images <Mahedewa, Guru, Brahma,
Durga, Ganesha, Yonis and linggas) have been found at
numerous sites, mainly from Cimanuk. and Caringin. In style
they are "removed as far as possible from Hindu-Javanese
culture".*4 The kingdom of Pajajaran is mentioned in the
inscription of Batutulis, and in a number of copper-plate
inscriptions. The date of the Batutulis inscription is open
to some doubt; it has been variously interpreted as 1133, or
1433. ■*" Pajajaran may already have existed as early as the
thirteenth century. It is more than a little puzzling that
neither Sunda nor Pajajaran are mentioned in the Majapahit
court poem "Nagarakrtagama" of 1365. But a number of
inscriptions in Old Sundanese dating from the fifteenth
century as mentioned before, have been found around West
Java.
Despite its distance from the coast, Pakuan Pajajaran' s
location at Bogor can be said to have had a strategic
quality. The major communication routes of west Java could
be controlled from there; the riverheads at Rumpin and
Ciampea on the Cisadane, Muaraberes from Ciliwung, Cikawao
on. the Citarum and .perhaps Karanp Sembung on the Cijnanuk.*6
Rl though overland traffit was laborious at best, and
probably not viable from wheeled vehicles during the rainy
53-A
Illustration no. 28
The development of 3antan Kingdom
Kingdom cf tat?uM>T
°^z
J^t,
Y£v$gDOYC
PAtJ>SJ\T^X>^ (jCtH Cmt)
^
IN THE
5vuula.K»l»f».(J»c»tfO 'Mokwn.ljzt.
KINGDOM „/,-,
^c BALAM-l-
" .BANGAN * '
Pxirs ofcUics.AJ 15<.»-I»0«, ^vc pu-iocb of *u\*Upcn2enc«-.
JAW
under- tAe-
nCHAMMEMN PRINCES
XVI tk CENTURY.
/
JAVA
EXFAN510K
»ethi;ri.a-kd5 territory
Source : Bernard H.M.Vlekks
Husantara, A History of The last Indian
Archireiago, Massachusetts: Harvard Univ.
Press" 1944, pp. 34,95, and 153
54
season, a route did exist; it was mentioned as the road
which went from Kroan (Karawang) through the mountain to
Banten, crossing the Ciliwung at Muaraberes most -frequently
in connection with military movements, not commerce.-*^
In "carita Parahi yangan" , one o-f the old Sundanese palm
leaf-manuscriptsts is -found (at keropak 406) as follows:
"Di inya urut kada tuan, ku Bujangga Sedamanah ngantar
Sri kadatwan Bima-Punta-Narayana-Madra-Suradi pati .
Anggeus ta tuluy diprebokta ku Maharaja Tarusbawa
djeung Bujangga Sedamanah. Di si ar ka hulu
Ci pakanci Ian. Katimu Bogawat Sunda Mayajati. Ku
Bujangga Sadamanah di bawa ka hareupeun Maharaja
Tarusbawa (vol. 37. v) .*a
There was found the old palace which was named Sri
Kadatwan Bima Punta-Narayan-Madura-Suradipati . This
name was given by Bujangga Sedamanah. The palace was
restored by Maharaja Tarusbawa and Bujangga Sedamanah.
Ci pakanci Ian is one of the upper parts of the river
which was a place where Bagawat Sunda Mayati was there.
He was found by Bujangga Sedamanah, and presented to
Maharaha Tarusbawa.
This manuscript informs that the palace was situated in
Bogor City, and was built by Maharaja Tarusbawa, it is
mentioned that this palace was restored by Prabu
Susuktunggal and became the palace (pakuan) Sri Baduga
Maharaha Pajajaran.
Excavations at the site of Banten Girang give an
insight into West Java's increasing involvement in overseas
trade. This involvement came at a time when the Malay areas
of Southern Sumatra, which had once dominated trade in Selat
Sunda (Sunda Strait), were suffering from political and
economic pressures caused by the expansion of Chinese trade
and shipping under the Southern Sung and the expansionist
policies of the East Javanese kingdom of Singosari. The
geographical situation o-f West Java, between the powerful
maritime empire of Srivijaya to the west and the successive
agrarian Hindu-Javanese Kingdom to the east, made it
difficult for the existence and eventual expansion of a
Hindu-Sundanese kraton.'"
The site of Banten Girang is also important in
providing a link between the fifth century kingdom of
Tarumanagara and the later kingdom of Pajajaran, about which
little is known. Both Banten Girang, located on the Banten
river, and Muara Ciaruteun located on the Ciasadane, are
submontane sites situated some distance from the sea. Both
sites appear to have been occupied for long periods,
although whether occupation was continuous or
intermittent is not known. Because foreign ceramics appear
at these inland sites there were, presumeably, coastal
settlements where exchange was held. As yet, however, no
port site from the period, such as the site of Tuban which
was found in the Brantas Delta of East Java, has come to
light in the Banten region. There may have been settlements
or ports near the mouth of Ciatrum, in East Bekasi , 25 km to
northeast Jakarta.150
A "Nandi" (a bull's vehicle of Siva) image was found at
Karangantu in 1906 (Krom, N. J., 1914), and a few shards of
Tang and Sung Chinese ceramics were found at Banten Girang.
56
By the thirteenth century West Java may have again been
subject to a Sumatran kingdom, that time established at
Jambi. According to a Chinese gazetteer copiled by Zhau
Rugua, harbour-master at Canton, Cin-t'o (Sunda) was a
vassal of Sriwijaya along with the rest of Sumatra and Malay
Peninsual. Zhau provides the first relatively detailed
description of Sunda:
In the kingdom of Sun-t'o there is a harbour (or
anchorage) with a depth of sixty feet. Whenever one
travels, by water or land, one meets with the people's
dwellings all along the two shores. The people are
also given to agriculture; their houses are made of
poles stuck in the ground, roofed over with the bark of
the coir-palm, the partitions being made with wooden
boards (tied) with bits of rattan. Both men and women
wrap round their loins a piece of cotton, and in
cutting their hair they only leave it half an inch
long. The country produced pumpkins, sugar cane,
bottle gourds, beans and egg-plants. As, however,
there is no regular governemnt in this country, the
people are given to brigandage, on which account
foreign traders rarely go there.31
The appearance of sizable quantities of imported
ceramics in the Banten and western part of Sunda from the
late thirteenth and fourteenth centuries is surely of some
significance. If, as Chau Ju-Kua such mentioned above, he
indicates, West Java was a state of turmoil in the late
twelfth and early thirteenth centuries are rarely visited by
foreign shipping, the recoveries at Banten Girang and Muara
Ciaruteun suggest that both political stability and economic
opportunity had improved, enabling foreign merchants to
participate actively in trading. Such ceramics were
probably shipped directly in Chinese bottoms. =z
Despite this rather disparaging account of West Java's
political condition, perhaps an accurate reflection of the
effects of Sumatran suzerainty which deliberately
descouraged a strong local government, Sundanese culture
continued to evolve along its own lines.
According to the Dutch scholar K'rom, during the
fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, there emerged:
"A highly individual culture... a Hindu-Sundanese
culture, with its center in the kingdom of Padjajaran.
The political contrast with the east (of Java), which
expressed itself during the Hayam Wuruk's time in armed
conflict, is also unmistakable in the sphere of art.
Nothing here is related to East Java; old Sundanese art
is the daughter of Central Java".03
In other words, Sundanese art of this period, mainly stone
sculptures, preserved features of the eighth and ninth
centuries rather than affecting the more esoteric style of
Singhosari and Majapahit. Many statues found in West Java,
whose style suggests that they were made by a population who
had only superficially been influenced by Hindu symbolism.
A great battle ensued at Bubat, in which the Sundanese
were massacred although they fought bravely. The historical
truth of the tale is difficult to verify; Pigeaud, however,
does not doubt its veracity, and infers that all reference
to Sunda was intentionally omitted from "Nagarakratagama" in
deference to Hayam Wuruk's sorrow at losing his bride. ="*
According to Vlekke, there a.re two versions of what happened
58
to the princess. The first says that the king of Mojopahit
married the king of Sunda's daughter, but not as his
official queen, and that she died shortly afterwards. The
other version is given by the romance in which this story
still circulates on Java and Bali.B!=
This story holds that the princess killed herself on
the battlefield beside her father's body.
Af terthismassacre, , rancor and hostility existed between
the two parts of Java, and Sun da (Pajajaran) never
submitted to Gajah Mada's hated
authority. =A
The story of the Sundanese princess in romantic form
appears in "Kidung Sunda" which is edited by Berg. As a
literary source, the Kidung Sunda, describes a war between
Sunda and Majapahit which is supposed to have occurred in
1357. According to the story, Hayam Wuruk, the king of
Majapahit, wanted to marry her. She was carried to the
river port of Bubat by a large Sundanese fleet. She was,
however, insulted by Gajah Mada, the Majapahit Prime
Minister, who refused to acknowledge her as the equal of
Hayam Suruk and would only admit her as a concubine. The
battle ensued in this place. Unable to break through the
ring of steel that surrounded them, they made a last
deperate assault on Gajah Mada himself and his retinue.
This was the end.557-
At the beginning of the sixteenth century, among the
places described by Tome Pires we find a section depicting
Sunda shortly before its conversion to Islam began. Most of
59
Sunda was still ruled by Pakuan Pajajaran at this time.
Pires first mentions:
"The king of Sunda with his great city of Dayo, the
town and lands and port of Kalapa (now Jakarta), the
port of Chi Mnuk; this is Sunda because the river of
Chi Manuk is the limit of both ki ngdoms. . . The king of
Sunda is a heathen and (so are) all the lords of his
kingdom. Sunda is (land of) chivalrous, seafaring
warriors - they say more so than the Javanese, taking
them all in all. They are men of goodly figure,
swarthy, robust men. The king's sone inherits the
kingdom, and when there is no legitimate son it is by
election of the great ones of the kingdom. It is the
custom in Sunda for the king's wives and nobles to burn
themselves when he dies...
The land of Sunda has as much as four thousand horses
which come there from Priaman and other islands to be
sold... The people of the sea coast get on well with the
merchants in the land. They are accustomed to trade.
They bring cargo lancharas, ships of a hundred and
fifty tons. Sunda has up to six junks and many
lancharas of the Sunda kind...
The city where the king is most of the year is the
great city of Dayo. The city has well-built houses of
palm leaf and wood. They say that the king's house has
three hundred and thirty wooden pillars as thick as a
wine cask, and five fathoms high... This city is two
days' journey from the chief port, which is called
Kal apa. . .
It has a certain amount of better pepper than that from
India - up to a thousand bahars (a unit of weight,
which at Bantam equalled 493 pounds); enough tamarinds
to load a thousand ships; it trades chiefly in male and
female slaves who are natives of the country as well as
others they bring from the flaldive islands because they
can get from Sunda to the Maldive islands in si>: or
seven days. (Pires apparently included the islands of
the west coast of Sumatra as part of the Maldives.)
Their chief merchandise is rice that Sunda can sell, up
to ten junkloads a year, unlimited vegetables,
countless meats, pigs, goats, sheep, cows in large
quantities; it has wines, it has fruits; it is as
plentiful as Java, and they often come from Malacca to
Sunda every year for slaves, rice, and pepper, and for
small money, cash from China. They arB pierced through
the middle like ceitis so that they can be threaded in
hundreds. . .
60
The kingdom of Sunda has its ports. The first is the
port of Bantam. Junks anchor in this port. It is (a)
trading (port). There is a good city on the river.
The city has a captain. This port is almost the most
important o-f all; a river empties there by the sea. It
has a great deal o-f rice and -foodstuffs and pepper.
The second is Pontang, which is already a lesser port
than Bantam. It has a great town... This port is on a
river on the sea...=s
Calapa or Kalapa was so called "Sunda Kalapa" situated
at the mouth of Ciliwung river, and was one of the important
ports of the Pajajaran kingdom. Sunda/Kalapa was used as
the harbour of Sunda Pajajaran from the 12th until the 16th
centuries.
"It is the most important and best of all. This is
where the trade is greatest whether they all sail from
Sumatra and Palembang, Laue, Tomjombpura, Malacca,
Macassar, Java, and Madura, and many other places".0"*
Tome Pires noted that among the ports of the kingdom of
Sunda, the port of Calapa was the one worth menti oning . *°
He reported, furthermore, that Calapa is two days' journey
from the place where the king has his residence, a fact
which is considered to be of importance. Probably the last
event in connection with Sundays relationship with other
realms was a treaty between Sunda and the Portuguese. In
1522, the captain of Malacca, Jorge d ' Albequerque, sent a
ship under the command of Henrique Leme to a port of Sunda
with presents for the king and offers of friendship. The
treaty was signed on the 21st of August and the Portuguese
were allowed to build a fortress. A padrao or pillar was
61
set up on the site chosen -for this purpose.61
The capital of Pajajaran was located 60 km to the south
of Calapa (158 km to the northeast of Banten). Ten Dam, a
Dutch scholar, in his effort to define and locate the
Pajajaran kingdom stated that Pajajaran was a particular
name fro the capital of the kindgom of Sunda (which was
located near the present city of Bogor). The existence of
the royal city was mentioned, although the name of the
kingdom was still unknown. He referred to the Portuguese
sources which gave the name of this kingdom Sunda (Qumda)
and the king: "el roy de Qumda". On the other hand, Ten Dam
did not agree with the Portuguese, who compared the
Pajajaran king with "el roy de Portugal". The kingdoms in
Europe and the ancient kingdoms of Indonesia have a quite
different concept of its existence. The Sunda kingdom as
reported by Barros, extended from Banten up to the Cimanuk
During the British interregnum, 1811-1815, Sir Stamford
Ra-ffles spent much of his time at Bogor and perhaps took
walks about the remains of the site. He mentions:
"At Pajajaran, a heap of stones is pointed out as the
ruin the Setingel (Sitinggil), in the extant palaces of
Java a raised area at the front of the palace facing
the public square "alun-alun"; important public
audiences of royalty were held here), and numerous
lines crossing the country berween rivers attest to the
care with which this postion was entrenched. They may
be seen close by the roadside, at a few hundred yards
from the Governor -General ? s country residence (in 18th
century Bogor, then called "Buitensorg" means "without
62
care", became the residence of Dutch Governor-
Generals), and in many places they have been cut
through to make a passage -for the high road",*'3
In another source of the description of the capital of
Pajajaran kingdom, De Hann mentioned that on the morning of
6 June 1690, Captain Adolf Winckel aer marched out from
Batavia with 16 European and 24 Makassar troops, and two
surveyors to map the Ciliwung and Cisadane rivers and to
inspect "the old center of Pakuan". On pursuing his inquiry
further, who, how, and why the king had founded this
capital, it was reported that it was one "Prabu
Si 1 i wangi " . *"* Ten Dam gave another name: "Sriman Sri
Wacana".i= According to a survey by Pleyte, the palace was
known as Sri Bima Punta-Narayana-Madura-Suradi pati . <b<£> The
town was remembered as "Salak Domas". A few traces of the
wall still remained. A small street called "Lawang
Saketeng" means "Gate with leaf doors"; the north gate
probably stood nearby. Other districts were known as "Jero
Kuta wetan", "eastern side of the city wall", and Jero Kuta
kulon", "western side of the city wall". Another place
named "tugu benteng" means "boundary marker of the fort".
Along the western road lay a place called Bale Kambang; here
still existed a diversion in the river intended to create
the pond, such as was previously found in all royal
residences in Java (until 1911) in many Regents' houses. 67
At Lawang Gintung the dike of the "Ci pakanci 1 an" cut
through the eastern wall and formed a potential source of
63
water for the -former keraton (palace). Here too lay a
"babuyatan", a holy place, paved with river cobbles, with
some standing stones including a -fragment of a Siva
Mahadewa. Along cipaku and Cisadane, all traces o-f old
times had already been destroyed, but at Sukasari, some
remains of an old moat were still vi sibl e. ^a Pakuan
Pajajaran's location is not easy to find now. The visitor
to Bogor city in the late 20th century can see much less
than these earlier accounts. A few remnants of the Pakuan
Pajajaran can still, however, be traced in the Bogor
Botanical Gardens.
The Portuguese capture of Malacca in 1511 did not leave
them content. Their ultimate objective was to control all
strategic points along the route which the valuable spices
followed between the Moluccas and Europe; this meant that
they needed a chain of forts east of Malacca. One of the
first steps they took toward this goal was to dispatch an
expedition to West Java in 1522. The Portuguese found a
willing ally in the ruler of Sunda, who gave them permission
to establish a fortified trading post at Sunda Kalapa
(Jakarta). As a token of their agreement, the Portuguese
erected a stone pillar, or "padrao", in Sunda Kalapa and
returned to Malacca with the intention of returning to build
a fortified trading post. This padrao was found in 1918
during construction near Cengkeh Road, Jakarta Old Town (now
the National MuBeum).*9
64
Before the factory could be built, however, the
Governor of Malacca requested permission to do so from the
king in Portugal. This took four years. When a Portuguese
force returned to West Java in 1526, they found that Banten
and Sunda Kalapa were now under the control of a Moslem
usurper whom they called Falatehan. Unfortunately, the plan
of building the fortress was never fulfilled because Sunda
Kalapa succumbed to the Moslem troops led by Falatehan
(Fadilah Khan) . 7°
The north coast of Sunda was subdued relatively
quickly, but the center of the pre-Islamic kingdom of
Pajajaran at Pakuan did not fall until 1579. Da Barros did
not visit Indonesia, so we cannot determine the reliability
of his characterization; archaeologists have not found any
traces Df the temples he mentions, but perhaps they were
made of perishable materials. Krom (1914) mentioned that a
few traces have been found at the site of old Banten,
including most notably a statue of Siva's bull nandi ,
discovered while digging a canal between Karangantu and the
sea, together with a few fragments of a gold ornament plus
shards of fifteenth-century Thai pottery.7'1 One trace of
the temple has been found at the site of Banten Girang, on
the top of the bank of the Banten river, which, according to
Professor Aurora Tim, may have been made of wood, so i t was
easily destroyed.7'2 Under this ruin of the temple we found
another interesting physical feature of the site, the so-
65
called "Guha Banten". This is not, as the name might
suggest, a natural cave but a series o-f three rectangular
chambers cut into the west bank o-f this river. The name
Banten Girang derives -from the Sundanese "girang" meaning
upstream and is there-Fore equivalent to the Indonesian or
Malay word "hulu" or "ulu". As an important habitation
site, Banten Girang provides useful data for the
reconstruction of former cultural and historical frameworks.
In a significant passage on the history of Banten,
Raffles described Girang as one of the capi tals, " . . . of which
the ruins are still visible..." When a survey was conducted
in 1815, Banten consisted of 12 villages with 5,699
population, Serang with 42 villages and 19,793 population.7'3
This pattern of settlement wherein the population is
concentrated some distance inland, rather than on the coast,
probably resembles that of the early sixteenth century; it
is also the same as that of today. The winds of change
started blowing into West Java in the sixteenth century with
the coming of the Moslems from the coastal kingdom of Demak
in northern central Java, and from Cirebon on the border
between west and central Java, which had already become
Islamic areas. A minor port of the north coast of west Java
brought to life by conquering Moslem merchant-spreaders
coming from the more eastern parts of the island, Banten
blossomed into an Islamic sultanate. Under the Moslem rule,
the relationship between Sunda Kalapa and Banten was
66
reversed: Banten became the primary port in West Java.
During the course o-f the sixteenth century Banten grew
rapidly, that by the end of the century it was the principal
port in western Indonesia.
2.3.3. Banten during the Islamic Period.
Many articles have discussed the spread and growth o-f
Islamic religion in Indonesia, and especially in Java, where
the oldest available evidence on the presence of Islam is a
mememorial tablet commemorating the burial of Fatimah binti
Maimun (daughter of Maimun; better known as Princess Suwari )
in Leran, north Gresik, in the year 1082 A.D., and the tomb
of Maul an Malik Ibrahim in Gresik in the year 1419 A.D., but
this historical evidence is still doubtful. It is generally
assumed that the spread of Islam in Java started in the 15th
century.'7'* Soekmono refers to Louis Damais, in his study of
the tombstones which were found at the site of the capital
of Majapahit, managed to find a number which dates back to
the golden age of Majapahit under the rule of king Haya
Wuruk, that the oldest date carved on the stone is 1368 A.D.
He remarks:
"Hence it can be established that in the middle of the
fourteenth century there was already a Moslem community
at the capital of Majapahit in the southern part of
town (now the hamlet of Tralaya). This means that in
the town of Majapahit, Islam was not unknown. The
further conclusion can be drawn that its propagation
must have been going on for some time. Furthermore, it
should be remembered that the oldest Moslem tombs in
Indonesia were imported from Cambay and did not have
67
any headstones, like the oldest tombs in Samudra Pasai
and the one of Maul ana Malik Ibrahim. The use of
headstones in the tombs o-f Tralaya, which were,
moreover, decorated with ornamental carvings in the
contemporary style, there-fore clearly shows that Islam
as a cultural element had already penetrated and was
already accepted in what was still a Hindu society.
The use o-f dates in the Shaka calendar, and not in the
Hijrah calendar, written with Old Javanese characters,
■further strengthens this conclusion".'7'0
Another example of a date which, in Djajadini ngrat ' s
opinion, should be considered as symbolic is the "candra-
sengkala" (chronogram): "sirna hilang kerta ning bumi " (the
disappearnace of world peace), dated 1400 Shaka (1478 A.D.)
It is mentioned in the Javanese "babad" as the date of the
fall of the Hindu kingdom of Majapahit, brought about by the
Islamic kndgom of Demak. That date, obtained from the
Javanese traditions, had at first been considerd
hi storical . 7A However, among Dutch scholars, some refuted;
some concluded that since the date cannot be considered
historical, they assumed that the fall was not brought about
by an Islamic kingdom but by another Hindu kingdom. '7"7' Later
on, the other scholars continued to support it.
Furthermore, Djajadi ningrat considers the date to be
symbolic. To support this contention one should compare the
verbal meaning of its chronogram with that of the chronogram
in the "Sejarah Banten" (history of Banten) referring to the
downfall of the Hindu kingdom of Pajajaran brought about by
the Moslem kingdom of Banten. The first chronogram means
"the disappearance of world peace"; the second, "the
68
destruction of the world". One should also compare the
numerical value of the two chronograms. The one (1400
Shaka) indicates the end o-f an old, and the other (1501
Shaka) the beginning of a new century."70
Banten, originally a port of significance under the
control if the Hindu-Sundanese island state of Pajajaran,
was in 1525 forceably occupied together with the region
around Jakarta by the Moslem zealot Falatehan in the name of
the Sultan of Demak. It was planned to use it as a Moslem
outpost against the Potuguese, who, having conquered Malacca
in 1511, had gained Sunda Kalapa (Jakarta) as a foothold in
Java by a treaty with the ruler of Pajajaran, with the
struggle for the central power in the later period of
Javanese independence. The Javanese colony of Banten was
thus a rather recent settlement as compared to the cities of
eastern Java.
The accounts from the first Dutch voyages describe
Banten as an aristocratic city surrounded by gated walls.
The position of the ruler was sustained by the might of
nobility, and the means of power were in their hands.7"9
Each of the nobles exercised control over a section of the
city, and in each court each maintained his armed retinue of
warriors, mercenaries, and slaves.00 One of the most
important sources, both about Falatehan and for the early
history of Banten in general, is a text entitled "Sejarah
Banten". This text was originally composed a few years
70
Nagari noted that Fail ah Khan was one of Sunan Gunung Jati '
sons-in-1 aw. ea
Studying the ruling systems of the north coast o-f Java
with Demak at the summit in 1527, some ports held key
positions after Demak, the north coast was completely
covered by Cirebon, Banten, and Bunda Kalapa. Central Java
was under the rule of Demak while West Java came under the
rule of Cirebon. We just conclude that the identity of
Islamic Banten's founder is difficult to establish.
Uncertainty over this matter does not, however, affect the
major fact that he had been dispatched by the ruler of
Demak, a port in north-central Java, who had ambitious plans
for territorial and religious expansion. There is no record
Df Falatehan's or Demak 's precise motive for choosing to
occupy Sunda; one can only speculate that they were moved to
action partially in order simply to forestall Portuguese
intentions to occupy that coast, partly through the
attraction of the site itself due to its proximity to the
increasingly strategic pepper producing territories.
Demak' s agents were also busy in Banjarmasin, south Borneo,
another pepper-producing territory, which involved both the
spread of Islam and the attempt to impose some form of
temporal over lordshi p. They probably desired to portray
themselves to the rest of Javanese society as legitimate
recreators of the glorious image of the kingdom of
Majapahit, which exercised sovereignty over the same areas
71
beyond Java in the fourteenth century, while also
presel ytizing -for islam. Demak was newly converted (between
approximately 1500-1504). Its -first Islamic ruler, Pangeran
Sumangsang, is better known as Raden Fatah, the name given
him in the Javanese romance "Babad Tanah Jawi . " That
version portrays him as the son of Brawijaya, the last king
of Jahapahit; after reaching adulthood, he conquered the
capital city, his father retiring to Mount Lawu from whence
he ascended into heaven. When Tome Pires was writing,
around 1515, Demak' s situation was critical. Many men had
been 1 Dst in an attack against the Portuguese in Malacca in
cooperation with Jepara, another port about 20 km northwest
of Demak, in 1512-1513. Demak's hinterland includes fertile
rice growing aras, but much of the kngdom's previous power
had been supported via trade with Malacca. Pires implies
that Demak's ruler, although a staunch Molsem, had been
compelled to declare himself a vassal of Malacca in order to
save himself from utter ruin.03
In 1518, Raden Fatah was succeeded by Pangeran Sebrang
Lor, who was in turn replaced by his brother Tranggana in
1521. Pangeran Tranggana took the Islamic title Sultan in
about 1524 on the suggestion of his adviser, who was none
other than Sunan Gunung Jati. Tranggana and Sunan Gunung
Jati together elevated Demak from its difficult straits to a
position of pre-eminence among Javanese principalities which
lasted for 20 vears. Demak did fair to assume the mantle of
72
Majapahit's successor until Sultan Tranggana was killed in
the battle at Panarukan in 1546; Demak then quickly sank
into insignificance.0"*
The story of Banten's founding begins with a trip by
Maulana Hasanuddin and his father, the Heroic Moslem saint
Sunan Gunung Jati <Syarif Hi dayatul 1 ah ) , via Banten Girang
to a mystical mountain F'ulosari in the south of Sunda where
300 Hindu-Buddhist priests lived. Maulana Hasanuddin
meditated on the mountains of F'ulosari and Karang, before
his father returned home, leaving Hasanuddin at Banten. The
leader of the 800 priests having disappeared, Hasanuddin
became their leader. Together they sought a place to
conduct a (ritual) cockfight; they were joined by two
ponggawa (chiefs) from Pakuan (the palace of Pajajaran), who
converted to Islam. e= Hasanuddin then conquered Banten
Girang, and later he was called to attend a conclave of the
9 "wali" or Wal i sanga (9 Moslem leaders), a group of heroic
Moslem saints traditionally credited with converting the
Javanese to Islam at Cirebone, and while there he was
betrothed to the daughter of the Sultan of Demak.
Hasanuddin was then installed as Raja (king) of Banten with
the title of Panembahan Surasowan. He continued this
efforts to convert the population of Banten to Islam, and
after some time he and the Pakuan "ponggawa" undertook a
journey to various places in southern Sumatra: Lampung,
Indrapura, and Bengkulu. Later, Sunan Gunung Jati came to
73
visit him and instructed him to build a city of the coast;
he specified the proper place -for the market, the palace,
and the public square (alun-alun). The unbelievers in the
interior should be subjected, and a meditation site built on
Gunung Pinang (about 7 km south of Old Banten). Hasanuddin
was eventually succeeded by his son Maul an Yusuf who built a
fort, constructed dams, canals, and rice fields, and
encouraged settlements. Gunung Jati's origins have also
been described in many sources, some of them fantastic.
Some depict him as the son of a man who had been found in a
box under the sea in Pasai (Aceh, northern Sumatra).
According to official tradition of Cirebon and Banten, he
was an Arab and his mother a princess of Pajajaran.
Djajadi ni ngrat concludes that this geneaology is probably
the expression of a desire to attribute to him both
religious status and royal legitimacy, though he may well
have come from Pasai and have had Arab blood. e<s»
Sunan Gunung Jati , along with Hasanuddin and Maulana
Yusuf, built this city from their conception of Moslem
culture which did not at all change the foundations of
society and the philosophy of life of the Javanese or
Bantenese people. The process of the diffusion of Moslem
cultural elements into Java or other islands of Indonesia
was explained by van Leur as being the result of the
propogation of the religion of Islam.07 We may see some
living monuments such as the Grand Mosque of Banten which
74
was built by Maul ana Hasanuddin as barely distinguishable
-from a meru or pagaoda, with its elaborate sustem o-f corbels
and gabled-tiled roof characteristically soping upwards at
the corners (photo. 1).
Maulana Hasanuddin was formally enthroned as Banten's
raja in 1552. He reigned until 1570 and is credited with
the construction of a palace and the Grand Mosque. In 1570
when he passed away he would have been about 70 years old
.(80 if the birthdate of 1490 given in the "Purwaka Caruban
Nagiri" is correct). After his death, according to Banten
tradition, he was given a posthumous sobriquet: Pangeran
Sabakingking, after his place of burial (sabaki ngki ng
meaning "place of mourning" in Javanese). His successor,
Maulana Yusuf , reigned until 1580, during which time he
extended Banten's territory and expanded the Grand Mosque.
After his death, he was given the name Pangeran pasarean,
and buried at Pakalangan, near the road from Banten Lama
(Old Banten) to Serang. Yusuf was succeeded by Maulana
Muhammed. In 1580 he was still minor; the ruler of the port
of Jepara, in north central Java, claimed the right to rule
Banten. The indigenous population of Banten rejected his
claim, however, and thus the link to central Java was
severed. Previously, old Banten had been a daughter city of
Demak;6"3 subsequently it became something of an enclave of
Javanese culture and language within a Sundanese milieu.
Cornel is de Houtman first arrived in Banten from
75
Holland, entering the archipelago in 1596 (23rd June). He
was received with due respect by Sultan Muhammad Ratu Ing
Banten.09 Muhammad ruled for 16 years, until his life was
cut short by a tragic event precisely when Banten was about
to experience new challenges from overseas. In early 1596,
Banten launched an attack against Palembang. The motive
behind the attack is unclear. Muhammad led a -fleet to
Palembang but while aboard his ship at anchor in the Musi
river, he was struck and instantly killed by a chance shot
-from a cannon, according to legend manned by a Portuguese
renegade.90 The Banten -fleet broke o-f-f the attack and
sailed home. Muhammad was buried in the graveyard of the
Grand Mosque.
Muhammad's son and successor, Abdul Mafchir Mahumd
Abdul Kadir Kenari , (Abdul Kadir, for short) was only five
months old at the time. This necessitated a period of
regency with accompanying intrigues and rivalry at the very
time when unity and decisive leadership would have been most
necessary for the first Dutch fleet arrived in Banten during
the same year. When the northern Europeans came to
Indonesia at the end of the century, seeking to challenge
Portuguese superiority in the spice trade, Banten was one of
the first ports to which they resorted. According to
Francois Pyrard de Laval, who sailed from France in 1601,
"All those who go to the Indies and other places beyond
the Cape of Good Hope, when they desire to go to
Sumatra they only say that they are going to Achin, for
76
that town land, as is done on Java Major with Bantam,
so that talk is only of these two kings".'"1
The Dutch arrived in 1596, followed shortly thereafter
by the English. When they entered Banten Bay, on June 23,
1596, they saw 70 vessels anchored in the lee of Panjang
island, which sheltered them from the winds and swells of
the Java sea. There was another anchorage 3 1/2 km from
Banten at Pulau Lima (Lima island). Upon arriving, a junk
of 32 tons carried a Portuguese-speaking man to inquire of
them who they were and what they wanted.'2
In 159B, Banten had to repel a Portuguese attack; again
in 1601, 30 Portuguese ships appeared but were driven away
by the Dutch. The Spanish blockaded the port in 1602 in
retaliation for hostile actions by the Dutch rather than any
animosity toward the Bantenese. ""3 For a month in 1603, the
city was terrorized by a group of men from Lampung (south
Sumatra) who had come to capture heads to take to their
king, "a bitter enemy of the Bantenese" who was said to
offer a woman for every foreigner's head.*"*
Between 1596 and 1602, the Dutch in Indonesia expanded
the scope of their activities extremely rapidly. In 1602,
they had factories at Geresik, northeast Java; Bana and
Ternate in the Moluccas; Aceh, north Sumatra; and also
Johor, at the south end of the Malay Peninsula and Patani ,
on the east coast near the Kra Isthmus, now part of southern
Thailand. Their victory at Banten was erected in 1603; its
77
head accountant and director was Jan Pieterszoon Coen,*'3 who
played a vital role in establishing the pattern of Dutch-
Indonesian relations during the -following 20 years.
A few years later, a dispute arose between the Dutch,
the Chinese, and the ruler over pepper prices and the
monopolistic ambitions of the Dutch. Seeking a possible
alternative to Banten, the first warehouse the Dutch built
had already been demolished for appearing too much like a
fort. In 1611, the Dutch established another factory at
Jakarta. Pieter Both, first Dutch Governor General, bought
land on the east bank of the Ciliwung river near its mouth
in the Chinese quarter. In 1618, the British built a
warehouse in Jakarta. Meanwhile, Uka Tjandrasasmi ta who has
been analysing some local sources has found many names
referring to Jakarta from Pangeran Jakarta such Jayawikarta,
Sungarasa Jayawikarta, and Kawi s Adimarta (has been
mentioned by Kawis Adimarta in Gogo Sandjadirdja sources,
dated 1206 Hijrah). The names which are mentioned above are
similar to those in the reports of the Dutch Company who
called him Conick or regent van Jacarta (king of Jacarta) .96
After the British withdrew from their agreement with
the Dutch, they returned to Banten, helping the pepper trade
to recover until the 1670' s when Banten reached a new peak
of prosperity.'7 The Banten factory was in charge of all
British "southern" factories (everything from Coromandel to
the east) from 1628 to 1630 and 1633 to 1682, reflecting its
78
pre-eminent position. Ban ten had, around the middle of the
17th century, as its ruler Sultan Abul Fath bin Abdul Fathi
or Sultan Agung (the great) Tirtayasa, who in his later
years ruled beside his son Abdul kahar.
In 1674, Sultan Agung 's son Abdul kahar went to Mecca on
a pilgrimage and returned to Banten on a British ship. The
court became a center o-f Islamic learning, and Banten
regained its old cosmopolitanism. According to Schrieke,
"Again and again one notes in Banten the continual
coming and going o-f 'moorish popes', which can only
mean that there was unbroken contact - via Surat - with
the centres o-f Moslem spiritual life.'"5"3
Li-fe in the palace was embellished by the import of dancers
•from Malabar, India in 1679. In Banten, a peculiar custom
o-f sharing o-f power between the ruler and the crown prince
seems to have existed as early as the reign o-f Sultan
Mahmud. He was often ill and in 1636 appointed his son
Pangeran Fekhih as co-ruler. Pangeran Fekjih, however, died
in about 1650, so his grandson, Pangeran Surya, was then
appointed. The relationship between the two co-rulers seems
to have been flexible, but the heir had considerable powers;
for example, he could hold audiences either jointly with the
Sultan or by himself.s"5>
Sultan Agung Tirtayasa followed the same practice by
appointing his son Abdul kahar as his co-ruler in 1677-1678,
with the title Sultan Ha j i . Sultan Agung seems to have
intended to allow Sultan Ha j i to conduct the daily affairs
79
of the kingdom; he retired to a palace he had built -for
himself called Tirtayasa at Fontang, 15 km east of Banten
Lama (Old Banten). Tirtayasa had been built at east partly
by a Dutchman named Hendrik Lucasz Cardeel , from Steenwijk.
In 1675, he had defected from Batavia to Banten, was
circumcised and embraced Islam. He was given the title
Pangeran Wiragunan but was also called Kiayi Lurah in 1680.
He was a master bricklayer by trade, and his skills were in
demand, for in 1675, the palace of Surosowan in Banten had
just burned down. In addition to his titles, he was given
one of the royal concubines in marriage. Cardeel /Wi ragunan
might have lived peacefully in Banten the rest of his life
if more violent political events had not intervened; in fact
the peace and prosperity which Banten had enjoyed since
about 1670 were to not last much longer.100
On April 30, 1680, a fight broke out at Tirtayasa
during a debate between a party led by Tirtayasa who favored
launching an attack against the Dutch, and a pary which,
having witnessed Dutch victories over Mataram firsthand,
favored peace. Tirtayasa impulsively abdicated the next day
in favor of Sultan Ha j i . However, he swiftly regretted this
action for he was also vexed by his son's policies which
also favored the continuation of peace. Many of Sultan
Agung'B advisors moved to Lampung, either of their own free
will or because they had been replaced by Sultan Ha j i .
There they instigated a rebellion while in contact with
so
Sultan Agung Ti rtayasa. 101
On November 10, 1681, Sultan Ha j i dispatched two
ambassadors to England on board the ship "New London". They
arrived safely around April 27, 1682. The envoys were given
a great reception in London, including the bestowal o-f the
titles "Sir Abdul" and "Sir Ahmad", and witnessed many
entertainments, including a performance o-f the "The
Tempest". They were introduced to numerous members o-f
royal y and society, including the -future Queen Anne. Dryden
wrote a poem about them which was, unfortunately, most
uncomplimentary in its remarks about their appearances and
habits, unfamiliar as they were to the British. One of the
envoys, Jaya Santan, is said to have spoken English well.103
Finally, they were sent back to Banten on an English East
Indiaman, the "Kempthorne" , which left England in August,
1682, with two dogs, 9 cases of guns, mirrors, knives,
saddles, 40 chests with hand lanterns and locks, 77 small
cases of distilled water, some pots and pans, and the
sleeping goods of the emissaries (who had brought their own
cooks) as well as a letter for Sultan Ha j i and 500 barrels
of gunpowder. Upon their return to Java in January, 1683,
however, they found that their mission had been in vain.103
According to Henningsen, the two ambassadors' route of their
return to Banten, started from London, continued to Brazil,
South Africa, Madagascar, and directly to Banten.1'"-"*
In February, 1682, Sultan Agung had become openly
81
hostile to Ha j i ; he burned Banten and besieged Ha j i in
Surosowan. The only Dutchman in the palace, a baker whose
business in Batavia had failed, advised Ha j i to seek Dutch
aid. Ha j i managed to send a message to Batavia using
Cardeel /Wiragunan as an emissary offering the Dutch in
return for assistance against his father.1013
The Dutch lost no time in taking advantage of the
offer. In March, a VOC force sailed to Banten.
Reinforcements had to be brought from Batavia before they
could drive back Agung's troops. This first success took
place on April 17, at a cost of thirty-two Dutch killed.
Not until December 29th did the Tirtayasa fall. Sultan
Agung fled into the highlands but was captured the next year
and taken to Batavia where he remained until his death.
Ha j i had won the war, but his position was still
insecure. Many subjects still hoped for a restoration of
Agung. Ultimately, Ha j i purchased security at the cost o-f
Banten- s independence. In 1684, he signed a treaty in which
he paid $600,000 to the Dutch as compensation for their
expenses in the war against Agung and relinquished his claim
to sovereignty over Cirebon. Sultan Ha j i lived only 5 years
after the war against his father. In 1687, he was succeeded
by Sultan Fadhal , but he had a very short reign of only
three years before his place was taken by Sultan Abul
Mahasin Zainal Abidin, who reigned from 1690 to 1733. The
situation in Banten deteriorated during the next reign, that
82
of Sultan Zainul Arifin, 1733-1748. He became insane, and
his son being too young to assume the throne, the VOC
appointed his queen, an Arab named Ratu Sarifa, as regent
while the company assumed much of the actual power in the
kingdom. The queen was not popular, and in 1750 a major
rebellion took place. The rebels at first scored several
successes and controlled most of Banten except for two
forts.
Up to the 8th century, Banten was the kingdom central
with maritime character. Therefore, the society emphasized
their living on trading, which was more suitable for the
traders or merchants who lived among the society in a
maritme town. Banten used to be a trading center visited by
both foreigners and natives. They established their own
villages and stayed permanently there. But unfortunately,
from their base in Batavia, 90 km to the east of Banten, the
Dutch were in control and had built a massive fortress
called Fort Speelwijk to protect their interests. Banten
had limited powers as the Dutch took over control of the
kingdom's trade and established a monopoloy. This was the
end of Banten as an independent trading power. Banten' s
influence continued to decline as the Dutch gradually
strenthened their foothold despite repeated rebellions and
insurgencies until 1808 when Governor General Herman Will em
Daendels - angered by the killing of one of his envoys (Du
Puy) by Bantenese - order the destruction of the city of
Ban ten. 10*
2.3.4. The End o-f the Sultanate o-f Banten
By 1808, the VOC had been abolished, and Banten like
the rest o-f Dutch-ruled Indonesia was under the
administration o-f Netherlands East Indies governor-general.
The Netherlands themselves were then among the countries
conquered by France during the Napoleonic Wars. In that
year, Marshal Daendaels, a soldier who had served under
Napoleon, was sent to Java as governor. He made much use o-f
-forced labor to prepare -for a possible attack -from the
British, including the construction o-f a road -from Anuyer,
on Banten' s west coast, to Panrukan, 1,000 km east, for
military use. In addition to work on the road, the people
o-f Banen were also -forced to build harbours at Ujung Kulon,
Mew Bay, then Merak. Many workers died under the harsh
conditions and many deserted. The Dutch resident was told
"to call upon the Sultan to deliver up his -first Minister
immediately" to be held responsible -for the desertions.
Instead, the resident was killed;107' some Dutch guards o-f
the Sultan were also murdered, so Will em Daendel s led an
army which stormed and looted Banten, shot the chief
minister, and banished the Sultan to Ambon,100 with a
relative being installed in his place. Daendel s had no more
respect for the existing treaties with the Javanese princes
84
than -for the -feelings o-f the rulers themselves. From the
sultan o-f Banten he demanded hundreds o-f workers -for his
-f or ti -fi cations along the shore of the Sunda Strait.
Unwillingness to comply with this demand was considered
proof of disloyalty. VTekke remarks:
"Renewed demands were met with violence on the part of
the people of Bantam, and thus a revolt broke out which
could have been avoided. Here Daendels, the sword-
rattling general of the Revolution, was in his true
element. High on horseback and alone, he led the way
for his troops in the attack on Bantam, dashing through
the groups of armed rebels who, stunned and terrorized,
made way for the governor-general . The coastal
districts of the sultanate were annexed to the
directly-ruled territories. The interior subsisted for
a few years more as a vassal state, "io"*
The real object of Daendel ' s mission, however, was something
else. In the "Instruction for the Governor-General of His
Majesty's Asiatic Possession" issued by King Louis on
February 9, 1307, twelve of the thirty-seven articles dealt
with military affairs, and article 14 made reorganization of
the army the first of his duties.110
The British captured Java from the Dutch in 1811
without much difficulty since the indigenous population,
having suffered so greatly during the last few years, were
not inclined to provide them with any support. Achmad was
first supported by the British, then the previous Sultan,
Mahmad, was reinstated. However, he professed himself
unable to control the "chronic unrest in his territories",
so in 1813 he surrendered his right to rule to Batavia in
return for an annuity of 10,000 Spanish dollars.111
35
Napoleon decided to recall Daendels and the annexation of
the Netherlands to the empire of Napoleon and Daendels'
attempted reorganization o-f the Dutch Indian military -forces
were the direct cause of the British attack on the last
Netherlands overseas territory.113 "Such was the end of the
kingdom of Banten."113
86
END NOTES:
1. Haykal , Muhammad Husayn , The Li-fe of Mohammad,
translated by Ismail A. al Faruqi (New Delhi: Zia
Offset Press, 1976) p. 173
2. Ibid. , 174-175
3. Creswell, K. A., C. B. E. , Early Muslim Architecture,
(New York: Hacker Art Book, 1979) p. 5 (his sources:
Caetani, "annali dell Islam", I. p. 437; Zid ibn
Abihi, in the "Reista degli Studi Orientali", IV. pp.
4. Ibid. , Vol I. Part 1. pp. 6-8
5. Dermengham, Emi 1 , The Li-Fe o-f Muhammed, translated by
Arabella Yorke (New York: The Deal Press, 1930 pp.
119-127)
6. Robinson, Francis, Atlas o-f the Islamic world since
1500, (New York, 1982) p. 25
7. Grabar, Oleg, "Cities and Citizens" in Islam and Arab
World, Ed. Bernard Lewis (New York: American Heritage
Publ. Co., Inc., 1978) pp. 90-96
8. Ibid. , p. 90
9. Husain, Taha, The Sacred Character o-f Islamic Cities,
(Cairo, 1962) pp. 25-27
10. Robinson, Francis, op. ci t. , pp. 58-71
11. Weber, Max, The City, translated and edited by Don
Martindale and Gertrude Neuwirth (London: Collier
Macmillan Publishers, 1958) pp. 77-89
12. Johns, A. H. , "Islam in Southeast Asia: Problems o-f
Perspective" in Southeast Asian History and
Historiography: Essays presented to P. G. E. L. Hall
Ed. C. D. Cowan 0. W. Wolters (Ithaca: Cornell Univ.
Press, 1976) pp. 305-310
13. Reid, Anthony, op. cit. , pp. 146-149
14
Reid, Anthony, "Trade Goods and Trade Routes in
87
Southeast Asia: c. 1300-1700" SPADA Workshop, Nov.
20-27, 19S4 (Banten Museum Lib. 1986) pp. 2-23
15. Ambary, Hasan M. , (ed.) "Monuments o-F the Ancient City
of Banten" unpublished manuscript (The Banten Site
Museum. 1985) p. 37
16. Miksic, John N. , "Excavation at Fort Canning,
Singapore" in the SPAFA Digest, 1985, p. 37
17. Reid, Anthony, op. cit. . pp. 144-145
18. Robinson, Francis, op. cit., pp. 90—91
19. O'Connor, Richard A., A Theory of Indigenous Southeast
Asian Urban ism (Singapore: Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies, 1983) pp. 61-64
20. Rajadhon, Anuman, Phraya Chiwit Chao Thai Samai Kon
(Bangkok: Khl angwi tthaya, 1972) p. 308
21. O'Connor, Richard A., op . cit.. pp. 51—60
22. Luce, Gordon H. , (translation) The Man Shu (Book of the
Southern Barbarians). (Ithaca: Cornell Univ. Program
of Southeast Asia, 1961) p. 90
23. vanderWoude, Johan, Coen Koopman van Heeren Zeventien.
Amsterdam: C. V. Uitgeverij 1948, p. 240, 320, 352
24. O'Connor, Richard A., op. cit.. Vol. VIII. pp. 71-72
25. van Leur , J. C. , Indonesian Trade and Society (Bandund:
W. van Hoeve - The Hague, 1955) pp. 269-277
26. Ibid. , p. 270
27. Siddique, Sharon, "Relics of the Past, A Sociological
Study of the Sultanates of Cirebon, West Java" Ph.D.
thesis (University Bielefeld, 1977) p. 102
28. O'Connor, Richard A., op. cit. , p. 40
29. Yogaswara, Y., "Penelitian Pendahuluan Dewawarman" (A
Preliminary Report of the First Research on
Devavarman), Bandung: Unpad, 1978 p. 15
30. Ambary, Hasan M. , op. cit., pp. 54-67
31. Amando, Cortesao, The Suma Oriental of Tome Pi res.
(Hakluyt Society, 1944) pp. 186-188
aa
Val enti _j n, Francois, "Oud en Nieuw Oost Indien", III,
Uitgegeven door Dr. Keyser ' s (Gravenhage, 1726) pp.
213-214 translated by John N. Miksic
89
33. Sutikno (ed.) Penqinderaan Hauh untuk Pemetaan
Terinteqrasi Kepurbakal aan Banten (The Aerial
Photograph -for integrated maps of the Ancient City of
Banten) Yogyakarta: Gama Univ., 1984, pp. II. 1-8
34. Ibid. , pp. II. 6-3; see also Pemda Kab. Serang,
Perencanaan Kota Serang dan sekitarnya (Serang City-
Planning and its surrounding) Bapedda. Serang, 1982 pp.
43-56
35. Valentijn, Francois, op. ci t . . p. 213
36. Sutikno, op. ci t . . p. I. 10 and III. 15
37. vlekke, Bernard H. M. , Nusantara, A History o-f
Indonesi a. Chicago, 1960, p. 17
38. Vlekke, Bernard H. M. , Nusantara. A History o-f the East
Indian Archipelago. (Cambridge-Massachusetts: Harvard
Univ. Press, 1944) pp. 12-13
39. The data was cited from the local sources: Pustaka
Rayaraja; Pustaka Pararatvan 1 Bhumi Javadvipa; Pustaka
Nagara-Kertabhumi , unpublished manuscripts (Cirebon
Museum, 1984)
40. Wolters, 0. W. , Early Indonesian Commerce, a study o-f
the Origin of Sriwijaya. (Ithaca, 1967) pp. 197-228
41. Bosch, F. D. K. , Een Maleische Inscriptie in Het
Buitensorqsche. B. K. I. 199, 1941, pp. 49-53
42. Krom, N. J., Inleidinq tot de Hi ndoe-Javanesehe Kuntst.
I — 1 1 , Batavia, 1923, p. 394
43. Ibid. . p. 395
44. Krom, IM. J., op. cit. . pp. 391-394
45. Djaj adi ni ngrat , Hoesain, Tinjauan Keritik ten tang
Serjarh Banten, (Jakarta, 1983) p. 158
46. Miksic, John N. , "Banten' s Origins and Growth"
Unpublished Manuscript (Site Museum, Banten, 1985) p.
13
47. Ibid. , p. 14
48. The Sundanese Palm-leaf Manuscript (National Museum,
Jakarta, 1985) Kr. 406
90
49. Wolters, D. W. , op. cit., pp. 197-228
50. Vogel , J. Ph., The Earliest Inscriptions of Java. (Oud
Hei dekundi ge Dienst Nederl ansch-Indi e, 1925) pp. 14-16
51. Hirth, Friedrich and Rockhill, W. W. , Chu Ju-Kua: His
Work on the Chinese and Trade in the Twelfth and
Thirteenth Centuries entitled Cu-fan-chu. (St.
Petersburgh : Imperial Academy of Sciences, 1911) pp.
70-71
52. Mc.Kinnon, Edward, West Java's Increasing Involvement
in Overseas Trade in 15th and 14th Centuries. (SPAFA,
Bangkok, 1985), p. 31
53. Krom, N. J., Inleidinq tot de Hindoe-Javanesehe Kuntst.
I-I I . , 1923, pp. 290-391
54. Pigeaud, Th. G. Th., Java in the 14th Century (The
Hague, 1962) pp. 36, 291, 401
55. Vlekke, Bernard H. M. , op ■ cit., p. 57
56. Berg, C. C. , (Javanese text with Dutch translations and
notes) BKI, LXXXIII, 1927, I
57. Vlekke, Bernard H. fl. , op. cit.. p. 57-58
58. Cortessao Armando, op. cit.. pp. 168-174
59. Ambary Hasan M. , The Establishment of Islamic Rule in
Jayakarta, Jakarta, 1975, p. 8
60. Cortessao Armando, op . cit., pp. 172
61. flees, W. Fruin, Geschi edensi s van Java (Wei tevreden,
1920) Vol. II. p. 14
62. Bam, Ten H. , Verkenninqen Rondom Pad j ad j ar an,
Indonesia, X.4, p. 299; also see Joao de Baros, Be Asia
(Lisbon, 1777-1778), p. 56
63. Raffles, Thomas, History o-f Java (London, 1817) p. II,
133
64. Haan, Fide, Pri anqan (Bantavia, 1911), pp. 151-165
65. Dam, Ten H. , Verkenninqen Rondom Pad j ad j aran ,
Indonesia, X. 1956, p. 307
66. liiksic, John N. , op. cit.. p. 13
91
67. Rosyian, Tubagus, Sedjarah Banten, (The History o-f
Banten), Bandung, 1954, p. IS
68. Miksic, John N. , op. cit. , p. 14
69. Mees, W. Fruin, op. cit.
70. Ambary, Hasan M. , op. cit. , p. 8
71. McKinnon, Edward, op. ci t . , p. 31
72. Professor Aurora Li em (Archaeologist -from the
Philippines), during our survey in this site on July
15, 1985 explained the construction of the temple
■foundation which is similar with another style in
Southeast Asia.
73. Raffles, Thomas, op. cit. , p. 11.133-134
74. R. Soekmono describes that this doubt relates to the
reading of the date and also to the possibility that
this memorial stone originates from another place (cf.
Krom, HJG. , p. 452, and also R. A. Kern, "De
verbreiding van den Islam" in F. W. Stapel , Ed.,
Geschiedenis van Nederl andsch Indie, Amsterdam,
1938-1940, I, 306). It is true that the tomb in Leran
is quite recent, and teh building housing it does not
show convincing indications of its origin in the
eleventh century. (see R. Soekmono, "Archaeology and
Indonesian History" in Soedjatmoko, ed . , an
Introduction to Indonesian Historiography, Ithaca:
Cornell University Press, 1965. p. 43
75. Ibid., p. 1 1 1.43
76. Djajadiningrat, Hoesein, "Local Traditions and the
Study of Indonesian History" in Soedjatmoko, ed . An.
Introduction to Indonesian Historiography. Ithaca:
Cornell Univ. Press, 1956, pp. 74-85
77. de Graaf, H. J. "Tomes Pires" "Suma Oriental" an het
tijdperk van godsdi enstovergang op Java" BKI, CVIII
(1952), pp. 132-171
78. Djajadiningrat, Hoesein, op. ci t . , p. 85
79. Rouff aer and Ijzerman, op. cit. , p. 1.92, 128, 1 1 1 . 38
SO. van Leur, op. cit., p. 138. He got this information
based from de Jonge, J. K. J. and van Deeventer, ed . ,
De opkomst van het Nederlandsch qezag in Oost-Indie
(The rise of Dutch Authority in the East Indies),
unpublished Documents from Old Colonial Archives,
twenty volumes Amsterdam and The Hague, 1862-1895, also
H. T. Colenbrander , ed., Contributions and
Communications of the History Society at Utrecht, XXI,
1900, pp. 194-329
81. Ambary, Hasan M. , op. cit. . p. 10
82. Negarakratabhumi , mentioned that Syarif Hidayatullah
(Bunan Gunung Jati ) died on Kresnapaksa 11th. month o-f
Badramasa, 1490 Saka (about 1568 A.D.), buried in
Gunung Jati (the hill o-f Bukit Sembung). Then two
years later, Fadilah Khan or Faletehan died on
Cuklapakso, 9th month of Margacira, 1492 Saka (about
1570 A.D. )
83. Cortessao Armando, op. ci t ■ , pp. 186-188
84. De Graaf, H. J., "Later Javanese Sources and
Historiography", ed . Soedjatmoko, An Introduction to
Indonesian Historiography, Ithaca, 1965, pp. 119-135
85. Miksic, John N. , op. cit. , pp. 17-18
86. Djajadiningrat, Hoesein, op. cit. . pp. 116-117
87. van Leur, op. ci t ■ . pp. 110-116
88. van Leur, op. cit., p. 137 <cf. Rouff ear, "Kunst",
340-341; Snouck Hurgronje, "Bantam", 253)
89. Vlekke, Bernard H. M. , op. cit. , p. 107
90. Mollema, J. C. , De Eerste Schipvaart der Hollander naar
Qost Indie (1936 p. 229)
91. Schrieke, B. , Indonesian Sociological Studies. The
Hague 1966, pp. 43-44; French original quoted in
Lombard, Denys S'Le Sultanat d'Atjeh autemps d'Iskandar
Muda", Paris 1967,. p. 9
92. Mollema, J. C. , op. cit. , pp. 212-217
93. Tjandrasasmita, Uka, "Zaman Perumbuhan dan Perkembangan
Kerajaan Islam di Indonesia (Growth and Development
periods of Islamic Kingdoms in Indonesia, Ed. Sartono
K. in Sejarah Nasional Indonesia, Vol. Ill, Jakarta
1975, p. 356
94. Mees, W. Fruin, op ■ cit., p. 11.64
95. Miksic, John N. , op. ci t. , p. 23
96. Tjandrasamita, Uka, Pasanq Surut Perjuangan Ranger an
Jakarta Wiiavakrama. Dinas Museum DKI, Jakarta, 1971,
p. 4
97. Meil ik-Roelof sz, M. A. P., Asian Trade and European
Influence, The Hague, 1962, pp. 253-255
98. Schrieke, B. , op. cit. , p. 242
99. Djajadiningrat, Hoesein, op. ci t . , p. 208, 215
100. Tjandrasamita, Uka, Sultan Agung Tirtayasa musuh besar
Kompeni Belanda, (Sultan Agung Tirtayasa, the Big Enemy
of the Dutch Company), Jakarta: Nusalarang 1974, pp.
23-36
101. Stapel, F. W. , ed . , Geshiedenis van Nederlandsch Indie,
Amsterdam 1939, pp. 415-416
102. Mees, W. Fruin, op. ci t . , p. 215
103. Soelaeman, Setyawati, A Mission of the Tuo Ambassadors
from Banten to London 1682, Jakarta: Yayasan Purbakala,
1975, p. 7-10
104. Henningsen, Henning, Daobog Fra: En Ostindiefart
1672-1682. Handel s 0g Sof artsmuseet , Pa Kronborg, 1953
105. Haan, F. de, op. cit. . pp. 191-196
106. Vlekke, Bernard H. M. , op. cit. , pp. 231-233
107. Raffles, Thomas, op. cit. , p. 242
108. Hall, D. G. E. , op. cit., p. 478
109. Vlekke, Bernard H. M. , op. cit. . p. 233
110. Mijer, P., Verzameling van Instructien. Ordonnancien en
Relementen voor de Reoerinq van Nederlandsch Indie
(Batavia, 1848), p. 347
111. Farida, Ida, "Sekitar runtuhnya Keraton Banten", (The
Fall of the Banten Kigdom) unpublished manuscript,
(University of Pajajaran, Bandung 1983) pp. 50-76
112. Vlekke, Bernard H. M. , op. cit. , pp. 236-238
113. Raffles, Thomas, op. cit. , p. 243
Chapter Three
HYPOTHETICAL RECONSTRUCTION OF OLD BANTEN
The hypothetical method deals with a specified class of
phenomena: the remains of past human activity. It also
attempts to isolate the explanation and classification of
the relationship among the variables of these phenomena. By
this method, I may then reconstruct past human activities
from the data which I obrained during my last research in
the site of Old Banten and documentation of archival
research here at the University of Pennsylvania's libraries.
Historical data gives sufficient evidence of the composition
of Old Banten as a compound city in determing a
reconstruction fo this site, which several models present
themselves. After we looked to the ideal models of the
Islamic cities expressed in Asia and Africa, and also the
Islamic and non— Islamic cities of Southeast Asia, in
consideration of the hypothesis that Old Banten developed as
an Islamic city, we have to compare with other cities by
exploration of the prototype for Banten.
After Banten was conquered by Maul ana Hasanuddin in
1525, it became, first, the principal port in western Java,
replacing Sunda Kalapa; as the sixteenth century passed, so
did Banten surpass the other competing market places along
Java's north coast so that by 1596 it was the largest,
94
unpublished descriptions of Banten during the first 70 years
of its rise to prominence, and they are brief. But I have
tried to study the problems, field checks and
interpretations at several locations in the ancient city of
Banten, from the beginning of my work there (1976-1935),
until I got the data which I obtained during my field
research last summer, 19S6.
3.1 Present Condition of the Site
According to the District Office's data, from 1813 until
the second world war began, Old Banten was finally placed
under direct control of the colonial government with an
administrator residing in Serang City, 10 km north of Old
Banten. Only in the 1940's did the people come back to Old
Banten which had already become forest. Some of the
monuments were covered with grass although the Dutch
government tried many times to restore and preserve the
site. The early days of preservation law in Indonesia,
according to its movement was underway in earnest by the
mid-1930's. The urban sites of Banten, as the cultural
heritage of Indonesia, is under the protection of the
government. The law to protect the historic monuments is
the "Monuments Ordinance number 243 of 1931" which is still
in force. But unfortunately, people came to build their
houses on the ruins of those monuments surrounding the
96
ancient city of Banten. At present, the great Banten
kindgom's town is only a "traditional village" o-f about
4,000 inhabitants, but the old glory o-f Banten is gone
■forever. Some antiquities from the time of the Banten
kingdom which was the center of the Islamic city in the
western part of Java (from the beginning of the early 16th
to the early 19th centuries) can be found around this area,
such as in the surroundings of the palaces (Surosowan and
Kaibon), Grand Mosque, the funeral monuments of Sultans and
their families, the lake of Tasikardi with its water pipes,
karangantu harbour, market places, Panjuanan as a local
ceramic industrial site, and many other building foundations
which are under earth covered with grass. Only three sites
as living monuments are still used by Moslem and Buddhist
activities. Those are: Brand Mosque and its compounds,
Karangantu harbour and its market, and "Kelenteng" (Chinese
tempi e) .
In 1945, the Resident of Banten, Kiyai Tb . H. A.
Khatib, who was also the director of preservation and
development for the Banten mosque and palace, organized
voluntary labor to clear the overgrowth which covered the
site at the time. This activity continued until 1960. In
1964, the regency government formed an organization called
the Command for Preserving and Restoring the Banten
Archaeological Remains. The present condition of the sites
in the ancient city of Banten, as the rich history of Banten
97
has left many physical traces, both large, such as the
fortifications of Suroswan palace and Speelwijk fortress,
and small, as in the thousands of shards of porcelain
scattered about the site (ill. 29). Contemplating these
relics, we can conjure up some slight image of the lives led
by the individuals who made Banten Indonesia's first major
city.
The Palace was called Surosowan at least as early as
the seventeenth century. The whole compound of the palace
is now in ruins. Only the surrounding wall with some of its
parts is still to be seen. The remains consist of
foundations and parts of the ruined walls of the rooms in
this palace, the remains of a bathing place, and of a pond
with a floating pavillion. The surrounding (fortress) wall
is still 3 meters high, with an approximate width of 5
meters. In some parts, in particular in the south and east,
one can see that the whole wall had vanished. The two gates
stand on the north and east sids. In the four corners of
the surrounding wall a.re bastions, which protrude in parts
of this wall. According to the old maps or illustrations,
we can see that this compound was formerly surrounded by a
moat, constructed for defense purposes. This moat is now
partly vanished and what remains is its southern and western
part only; the other parts are covered by mud.
The compound of the Grand Mosque was built by the
native architects during the reign of Sultan Maulana
BANTEN LAMA
ARCHAEOLOGICAL PiAN OF BANTEN
u
N.
Illustration no. 29
cemetery
yMnn) Cij) fit* 'KpiEef —
= Villages boundary
= Old river
Source : Pusat Penelitian
Arkeologi Nasional
Dept. Arkeologi
Islam, Jakarta ,1984
of Sulianv
98
Hasanuddin in 1552 and continued by Maul ana Yusu-f . Similar
to other mosques, as a local type used in other sites
surrounding the Banten region, it also approximated the
Sendangduwur mosque in Kudus and the old mosque of Cirebon.
The ground plan o-F the mosque is a square. It has a roo-F
with -Five tiers. The galleries on the left and right sides
o-f the building were built at a 1 ater. period. In the
gallery on the left, we see many tombs of some Sultans and
their families (photo. 1 and 2).
There is an additional building called "Tihamah" in the
south part of the mosque compound. This building was
formerly used as a meeting place, particularly to discuss
some religious matters. This two story building was built
by a Dutch architect named Hendrick Lucas Kardeel during the
Sultan Haji period. The architecture of this building is
not the same as the mosque type; it looks like a European
style. Now it is used for collecting the property of the
Sultans, and as a small museum, it displays a few artifacts.
In the period under review, this monument of Tihamah which
was built mainly of brick and wood has suffered serious
damage. The Grand Mosque, galleries and Tihamah have had
their roofs damaged, and on days of heavy rain not a single
building has escaped water dripping inside. Load-bearing
structures of brick and timber have been further weakened
and this has led to roof damage. Foundations and floors of
the two buildings have cracked or sunk. White ants and
98-A
Photo no. 1.
The Grand Mosque of Old Banten nad it's confound.
Photographed by author.
LXiUIU^Sgmm^Jf*^-;--:--
Photo no. 2
Photo no. 2
The graves of some
Sultans of Banten
and their families.
This photo is taken
from "V<est Java
Golden Visage" ,1935
photographed by
Yanto and friends.
99
termites have done further damage to the wood. The Grand
Mosque is leaking in several places, and some of its pillars
have been spoiled. On the second floor of the Tihamah,
serious damage has been done to the southwest corner; two of
the large columns have been affected by termites, and the
flooring tiles ar& loose. More clay tiles have been found
missing and new cracks and sinking have been seen. Certain
parts of the two-story pavilion have been
completely ruined despite the installation of protective
corrugated-iron covering after 357. of the damage was
estimated in 1980. The sewage system and roof drain have
been damaged, and the roof cover affected by dripping water,
and also the left side of the pavilion has collapsed
completely. The physical condition of these buildings which
Are damaged and some of them have collapsed, was found
during my field research last summer, 1986, within the study
of this area. I intend to prepare a proposal for the
restoration of all these monuments.
"Watu Gigilang" and "Watu Sinayaksa" ar& the names of
the two stones, squared with flat upper surfaces about 125
meters long and 60 cm wide. One lies in front of the
Surosowan palace, and the other further north on the east
side of the alun-alun or square. Although their appearance
is unprepossessing, they were extremely significant symbols
of royalty for Banten and Indonesians in general. These two
artifacts may be called "investiture stones"; they played an
Photo no. 3
The Investiture stone "Watu Gilang"
99-Al
photographed
by author.
Photo no. 4
The Investiture stone "Sinayaksa"
photographed
by author.
1 00
important symbolic role in Banten's public ceremonies
(photo. 3 and 4). To appreciate the nature of this role, we
must explore a particular aspect o-f the Indonesian concept
o-f royalty and the connection between this abstraction and
the construction of stone seats which were used from
prehistoric times until the Islamic period, from Sumatra to
Moluccas. According to tradition, one watu gigilang which
later on was called "watu gilang" was brought from Pakuan
Pajajaran to Banten by Hasanuddin as a symbol of conquest;
if it was to be moved again, the kingdom itself would be
overthrown. 1
"Ki Amuk" is an enormous bronze cannon which stands on
the southern part of the alun-alun of Old Banten, 10 meters
southwest of Watu gilang (photo. 5). The cannon has been
moved several times in history. The first citation Ki Amuk
is found on a map which is thought to date from between 1636
and 1651; it was then located at one end of the road from
Paseban to the eastern city gate. It was then in the Candi
Raras area, between the eastern Pabean (Karangantu) and Siti
Luhur (the eastern gate of the palace), east of Made Bobot,
in a mandapa, pointing north. A cannon called Ki Jimat,,
which may or may not have been the same piece, stood on an
elevation at the same location under some angsok trees,,--
The large cannon observed at Karangantu by Hesse in 1683 was
probably Ki Amuk. A Dutch man, W outer Schouten, who walked
around Karangantu in 1667, was stopped by Banten men and
100-A
Photo no. 5
The Bronze Cannon "Ki Amuk" photographed by Yanto
Photo no. 6
A Chinese house
located in China-town
photographed by author.
101
told that he could not walk there; this may have been
because he was too close to the sacred Ki Amuk.3 One of the
cannons, called "Ki Jagri " or "Ki Yai Sentama", was given to
Cirebon. It is now located on the north side o-f the square
in front of the Jakarta Kota museum. It bears a Latin
inscription: Ex me ipsa renata sum" ("I was born of
myself"); it may indicate that the metal used in its casting
was obtained by melting down an older cannon.4 Ki Amuk, as
the holy cannon, has three high medallions on the top of the
barrel with Arabic inscriptions. One, at the touch-hole,
reads "la fata ilia 'All rudiya 'alayhi la saifa ilia Dhu
'1-fikhor ilia huwa lam yakun 1 ahu kufuan ahad", meaning
"There is no hero but Al i , Allah is pleased to give him no
sword but Dhu ' 1-fikhor; its equal does not exist." Two
other inscriptions are found on the trunions and at the
mouth. They contain an identical text: "Akibatul Khairi
salamu '1-imani" ("The best result, the best outcome") is
the salvation of faith.
Pacinian Tinggi was the name of Chinatown (Pa-Ci na-an or
Chinese quarter). It was located near the shore on the west
side of Speelwijk across the canal. This Chinatown is, for
the most part, built of brick. Every house has a square and
flat roof, some of them having boards and small timbers or
split canes over -cross, on which were laid bricks and sand
to defend them from fire. Over these brick warehouses were
set the shads built up with great canes and thatched, and
1 02
some were built up with small timbers but the greatest
number with canes only. When Edmund Scot came to Ban ten adn
saw the Chinese? activities here in Chinatown, February, 1602
until the first o-f October 1605, he saw that many men of
wealth had built their houses to the top all fire free, of
which this sort of house at the time of his coming all
belonged to the rich China merchant houses.55
This Chinatown had become ruins since Old Banten was
finally moved to Serang city under the direct control of the
Dutch government. Only one house with its gardens was still
maintained by the owner Pi-Cis (photo. 6). 500 meters to
the south of Pi-Cis' house, across the railway train, there
is a ruin of an old mosque which is called "Pacinan Tinggi"
mosque. In the front yard on the left of this mosque, one
of the oldest minarets is still standing, and it has been
restored by the Banten Project of archaeological restoration
:i. n 1934 (photo. 7) .
The Kaibon Palace is located in the village of Kroya
about 1 km to the south of Surosowan palace. This palace
was the residence of Ratu A'isyah (queen), the mother of
Sultan Syafi'uddin. The condition of this palace now is in
ruins. The name Kaibon was derived from the word "Ka-ibu-
a n " na m e 1 y R a t u A ' i s y a h , b u t u n fortunately,, the palace w h i c h
was built in 1809 was destroyed by the Dutch East Indies
Government in 1832 along with the abolishment of all
b u 1 1 a n a t e s o f B a n t e n . The brie k s and o t h er buildi n g
103
materials still could be used were moved to the twon o-f
Serang and utilized to build the residential monuments and
other government buildings. This site has been excavated
totally which is planned to be restored by the Preservation
Project o-f Old Banten (photo 8).
Speelwijk, the old Dutch fortress is located in the
north o-f Surosowan Palace, made of rock and brick (red and
yellow brick). It was built by Hendrick Lucasz Kardell in
the 17th century. The name of Speelwijk was related to the
commemoration of Governor General Speelman in Batavia, in
1635. Outside the fortress there was a surrounding canal,
and in east side, there is a grave yard for Europeans,
including Dutch, who died in the battle against the soldiers
of Banten. This site is only a ruin, partially excavated
and soon to be restored by the Development Project of Old
Banten (photo 9).
The artificial lake "Tasi karcli " is derived from the
word Tasik, which means lake, and the Arabic word ardi ,
meaning earth, or kardi meaning man-made. Its width is
approximately four hectares, and there is a square formed as
an island built in the center of the lake (photo 10). It
is located in the south-west of Surosowan, and is fed
through terracotta pipes and panqindelan system (possibly a
filtering or pumping system) at three locations,
"panqindelan aban", "pangi ridel an putih", and "pen j an ngan
emas". This lake was first, restored in 1932, and
103-A
Photo no. 7.
"^enara Lama" one of the
oldest towers which has
not completely restored,
photographed by author.
"hoto no. 8. "aibon ">alace, now is in ruins ( photographed by author ),
103-B
Photo no. 9
The corner part
of Speelwijk
Fortress which
built by Hendrik
Lucasz Kardeel in
1685 AJ).
Photographed by
author.
Photo no. 10
The i-ake Tasikardi
and there is a
square formed as
an island built
in the center of
this artificial
lake.
Photographed by
author.
104
rehabilitated as a recreational place in 1952 by the
Regional Government of the Regency o-f Serang.
We still -Find many monuments and sites which a.re in
good condition, such as the Ko j a settlements, the tomb of
Sultan Maul ana Yusuf , Kenari Mosque and its grave yard
(including the tombs o-f Sultan Abdul Mufakhir Mahmud Abdul
Kadir, Sultan Ma'ali Akhmad, and several other Moslems of
Banten). All these sites a.re still well maintained.
Many artifacts found in the vicinity of ancient Banten
city can be dated to the neolithic and Hindu periods. Odel ,
for example, is a neolithic site located on the bank of the
Ci banten river, approximately one km south of the Kaibon
Palace. The stratigraphy of this site is clearly
discernable. An upper layer 20 cm thick contains Chinese
pottery dated to between 1600-1800 A.D., along with many
Bantenese bronze and tin coins. The lower layer (about 45
cm thick) contains a neolithic habitation deposit. The main
classes of artifacts recoverd from this deposits were
obsidion flakes and blades, quadrangular adzes, and
undecorat.ed potsherds. Some of the stone tools were made of
grey-blue shale, and were found in all stages of
manufacture, indicating the presence of a workshop site.
Other tools included long and short single-edged obsidion
flakes,, classifiable as knives. Through analysis of the
soil, this layer should prove to be very young,
g e o 1 o g i c a 1 1 y , p e r hap s n o older t h a n 1 0 00 y e a r s .
105
The site of Banten Girang i s of interest, as it sheds
some light on the early history of Banten. This site is
located at the bank of the Banten river 12 km south of Old
Banten (500 meters from the road to Pandegl ang ) „ It covers
approximately 10 hectares of land, extending to the north
approximately 440 meters, and to the west, approximately 330
meters. This site's cultural layers seem to have been
greatly disturbed; there are seven small houses within the
confines of the settlement, all of which have been built
within the last 15 years.
A further physical feature of the site is the existence
of the so-called "guha Banten" (photo 11>. This is not as
the name might suggest, a natural cave (guha), but a series
of three rectangular chambers cut into the west bank of
Banten river at the foot of the bank. It is situated
immediately to the north of a fjord which affords access to
the site from the eastern bank of the river. During my
surface survey of this site last summer, 1986, accompanied
by John. N. Micsik, we found flakes, stone adzes, and
Chinese ceramic (a range of ceramic material dating from
perhaps Tang dynasty up to Ching period). On the upper part
of guha Banten, we can see the five-steps of a stone
pyramid, called "batu undak". We also found near this
pyramid,, the local ceramics, which ranged from prehistoric:
to modern in date. The recent, discovery of no less than 15
broken quadarangular stone adzes,, recovered as surface finds
105-^
This photo is taken from unpublished manuscript
"The introduction of the archaeological sites in
West Java" { Site Museum, 1985) , written and
photographed by Halwany ^ichrob.
Photo no. 11
"Guha Banten" is
a series of
three rectangular
chambers cut into
the west bank of
tfanten river at
the foot of the
bank.
Photo no. 12
Karangantu
harbour, one of
the oldest port
in west Java.
Photographed
by author.
106
following seasonal cultivation just to the north and to the
south o-f the centre of the site suggests that Eanten Birang
has been inhabited -for a considerable period, and certainly
well be-fore the advent o-f -foreign trade ceramics in this
Karangantu harbour is very close to the beach o-f the
gul-f o-f Banten, and at present is utilized as a harbour and
a fishing trade center of the Regency of Serang (photos 12
and 13). The reconstruction was carried out by the Military
Resort Command 064/ Maul ana Yusuf in cooperation with the
local Government of Serang Regency. Karangantu is the
oldest, harbour in Java, and during the past it was visited
by many ships from Persia, India, China, Southeast Asia, and
Europe, thanks to trade relations with the Sultanates of
Banten. Artifacts from this site include not objects from
the time of the Sultanates, but also some suggesting that
Banten was already well occupied during prehistoric times as
well. Unfortunately, these finds are surface finds, and so
in an undateable context. Also, the previously mentioned
"nandi " of the Hindu period was found at during the 1906
canal digging at Karangantu harbour.3 This statue of a bull
(photo 14), Siva's vehicle, suggests that a Hindu timple
s t a o d h ere before B a n t. e n ' s c o n v ersio n t. o I slam i n 1 525. T h e
Portuguese noted that temples in West. Java or Sun da were
made of wood, so no trace of them has yet been found.
By the archaeological evidence, Banten was inhabited
106-A.
?hoto no. 13 The Karan?antu beach are covered with mud,
■photographed by the sediment causes at present is a local
author. harbour and a fishing trade center of the
region of Serang Regency.
The photo is taken from unpublished manuscript, written
and photographed by Kalwany Michrob,"The Introduction
of the archaeological sites in West Java" ( Site ^useum,1985 )
Photo no. 14
The statue of
a bull "nandi"
which was found
at Karangantu
in 1906, now is
preserved at
Site i-iuseum
Banten.
1 07
long be-fore it became a city, as prehistoric and Hindu-type
artifacts show. Previously, the center power in the Banten
area was located at Wahanten Girang (Banten Girang), on the
■fringe o-f Serang Town, ruled by Pucuk Umun . ' The city was
sometimes called Surosowan, with the palace as its center
after its conquest by Maul an Hasanuddin in 1525-1526.
Surosowan reached the peaks of development in shipping,
agriculture and international trade under the sultanates of
Banten .
3.2 Past Conditions of the Ancient City
The Banten site, is the earliest documented urban site
in one of the most densely populated parts of the world. It
is one of the oldest and of the oldest, one of the most
famous, not only of Java, but of all Southeast Asia. But
historical sources do not allow us to reconstruct the stages
of development in any detail. Archaeology gives us
regrettably little data from the pre-Islamic period with
which to compare later sites. Banten Girang covers no more
than about twenty hectares, and is located on a hillock
surrounded on three sides by a high steep river bank, on the
fourth by an earth wall and moat.. It is the eariest
evidence of a second-level settlement in the Banten area,
but is sufficiently differenmt in scale, choice of location,
and apparently layout from Old Banten (Banten Lama) to
108
demonstrate that it is not a lineal predecessor of Old
Banten. No studies have been performed on pre-Islamic
period local pottery; however earthenware sherds, some with
carved paddle markings, were recovered during an excavation
at the site o-f Banten Girang (upstream -from Banten), in
association with 13th - 15th century Chinese, Thai, and
Vietnamese ceramics,10 suggesting that some of the carved
paddle-marked sherds at Old Banten can be tentatively
assigned to the same phase. And discoveries on the site
have included several artifacts dateably to the 15th century
including Hindu-Buddhist statuary and Thai ceramics.
Further analysis of the sherds to assing them to a specific
reign where possible, must be carried out bewfore the data
can shed light on the evolution of the settlement. No
architecture or local documentary sources date this period,
parti cul ari 1 y the site of Odel , though a glance at a map of
sailing routes quickly illustrates the potentially strategic
value of a settlement at this location.
3.2.1 Survey of Written Documents
The earliest detailed descriptions of Banten yet
p i.i b 1 i s h e d w e r e w r 1 1 1 e n Id y t h e first Dutc h and E n g 1 i s h
v i s i t o r s w hi o beg a n t o a r r i v e in 1 5 9 6 (ill. 30). P o s s l b 1 y
archives i n P o r t u q a 1 or e 1 s e w h e r e contain o 1 d e r m a r i u s c r i p t <
but if so they still lie undiscovered. When we obtain out
1D8-A
Illustration no. 30
The Sketch map 0f de Houtman's arrival in 3anten in I596 ;.D.
>^/^-JL-/v.. E%V.-tfiV'0. •••"•»•>. i'-VZ-A -.■••»;••-•
109
■first glimpse of the city, there-fore, it had already been
Moslem -for 70 years, and had grown -from a secondary port of
the kingdom of Pajajaran to a major international market-
place, an emporium where -foreign traders formed a
significant part of the population, and where foreing trade
was the principal reason fro the existence of the
sett 1 ement .
Like many Islamic cities, Southeast Asian and European
City of the time, Old Banter, was surrounded by a wall, the
dimensions of which are not clear; it was said to be either
two or si>: feet thick, and made of brick.11 The wall was
clearly for defense, for atop it was perched a cannon, and
warchtowers were ercted above it at various points. To
enter the? city, therefore, one had to pass through one of
the gates provided at various points. These gates were
apparently not of imposing size or construction; indeed they
were said to be " wretched ... but so vigilantly guarded would
be hard to approach without notice".12 There were at least
three: one on the south, one on the west, called the
Mountain Gate (facing Mount Gede)., and one on the north,
Watergate. The walls were well kept up in 1596 in
expectation of an attack from Matarm; by 159S, however, when
that threat had receded,, the walls were neglected and had
even begun to collapse.'13
Within the walls, there were three main roads, but
these were not paved and therefore were usually muddy.
110
However, all parts of the city were accessible by perahu
(ship),1"* which provided a very efficient means of transport
for people and goods. This system of internal water
transport was connected to the rivers which flowed on both
the east and west sides of the city. Access to the water-
borne transport network was also controlled via bamboo booms
which were lowered at night. There were a few bridges
across the rivers: one at. Karanguantu, on the east side of
the city, and one crossing the river near the main mosque,
called "jembatan rante" (chain bridge), with ends made of
stone. A system of ferries for crossing the rivers also
existed, but these were withdrawn at night as a security
The center of the city was devoted to a large open
field called "alun-alun" Numerous activities were conducted
upon the alun-alun, including meetings of the royal council,
sessions of the law court, and various other public
displays. In the morning the alun-alun was also used for a
market. The royal palace lay directly on the south side of
the alun-alun. A raised and roofed platform was usually
erected on the side near the palace, to be used by the king
when giving audience, or those awaiting the king; it was
called the "srimanganti " . On the west stood the pre:incipal
mowque. The "shahbandar's " residence occupied the eastern
side, and the northern fringe was bounded by a river. The
northeast corner of the alun-alun, on the bank of the river.
Ill
was occupied by protective atap roofs, under which were kept
many war perahu, some "fusta". and several large galleys.1*1
A source of 1680 mentioned that Sultan Agung Tirtayasa had
25 vessels propelled by rowers.17 The King's elephant was
also stabled nearby.
The "Serjarah Banten" (history of B£mten) contains a
description of the alun-alun which may apply to this period:
Beginning from the main entrance to the palace and
proceeding outward the following buildings were found:
Made Bahan, where the troops stood guard. Made Mundu
and Made Gay am, next Siti Lhur, with another building
nearby for storing weapons and occasionally the royal
horses; then Pakombalan, a quardpost for "wong gunung",
people from the hinterland; northwest of there was a
market and to the west a mosque. Near there was a
lsirge bridge of teak crossing the river, from which led
the road with twin fence northward to the fort. The
inner fort was called Lawang Saemi . To the west was a
large beringin tree and not far from there was the form
Sampar Lebu.
In the rainy season and traditional period, the
"manteri" and "ponggawa" were in the sawah. During
this time audiences were seldom held. When audiences
took place, no-one was allowed to stand where the hot
sunshine would strike them, so they all had to sit
close together. The Sultan would first ask his
ponggawa about their property, and about commerce in
the markets and port. Next he would ask about the news
from areas beyond Banten, including Makasar, Jambi ,
Palembang, Jog or, Malaka, Ac eh, Mat arm, and Jaketra.
Then they would discuss legal affairs. Finally they
would discuss the condition of the country in general,
have a meal, talk informally a moment, after which the
sultan would retire to his palace.
On one occasion the sultan went especially to inspect
the sawah (ricefield), and had a big rice storehouse
built, on the alun-alun, 1Q
Various public entertainments were also held on the
112
alun-alun. In 1605, the boy ruler Abulmaf achir , then ten
years old, was circumcized. As part of the celebrations, a
mock storming of a fort was conducted together by Javanese,
Dutch, and English troops. Trees were hung with real and
make-believe birds. Other military amusements remebling
jousts or tournaments were also held on the alun-alun. 1C?
Sir Stamford Raffles found that tournaments were still
"a favourite and constant diversion with the Javans" in the
early nineteenth century. They were held in the alun-alun
of the Javanese courts, also on Saturdays, and were also an
occasion for the rulers to appear in public. The weapons
used consisted of long blunt spears held by riders mounted
on horses with heavy saddlkes and bridles and sharp bits,
and rich trappings. Seldom were men unhorsed.30
From the alun-alun, the jembatan rante (chain bridge)
led further north to the manors of Pangeran Gebang (officer
commanding the local garrison), the Laksamana (commander of
the fleet), and the nobility. The nature of these manors
was described in detail by Wiilem Lodewyksz, one of the
participants in the first Dutch voyage of 1596:
Each nobleman has ten or twelve men watching in his
house throughout the night. When you enter their
houses, you must first encounter a square area they
c all P a c e b a m < J a v a n e s e pas e b an) , w here the y g i v e
audience to those who seek it, and ther the above-
mentioned guard is placed, under a hut roofed with
reeds, or palm leaves, under which they also hold
audience. In a corner of this square they also have
their own mosque, where they perform thier mid-day
prayer, and beside it a well, where they wash. Going
further in, one comes to a door with a narrow passage.
113
which is strengthened with many stores and ships, in
which many of their slaves live -for their protection so
that they cannot be attacked by their enemies at night.
Their houses are built upon four, eight, or ten pillars
of wood, beautifully carved, being covered with
pal ml eaves above, and left completely open below to
enjoy the coolness. They have no upper rooms or attics
on which they can lie, but only on the warehouse, which
is a brick house one story high, without windows.21
This description applies not only to the residences of
the nobles, but in general to the disposition of the entire
settlement. The northern area was devoted to noble
compounds, but there was another large residential area on
the? east side of the city. Each section of the city was
called a "kampung" or a village and enclosed with wooden or
baboo walls, and supervised by an official whose duties
included directing the inhabitants during emergencies such
as war or fire.
The palace, alun— alun, and mosque formed a group with a
fixed spatial relationship here in Ban ten during the
sultanate periods. Further, there was only one market
within the city walls; it was held at Paseban, on the
northern side of the alun— alun, near the juembat.an rante,
until noon. A larger market was held in the eastern
(moslem) quarter, or Karangantu, until 9 a.m. Small pepper
buyers waited here for local farmers to bring in their
p r o cl u c e . T h e r e w ere also m a n y m o n e y -lenders here includin g
rich Javanese, Malays, and Kelings (Tamils), who made
contracts with Abyssinians who hi ad no capital, through an
arrangement called "bottomry". It involved a sort of credit
114
scheme whereby the Abyssinians would be provided with a
certain amount of
merchandise which they would then take to other markets
outside Banten (in the "bottoms" o-F ships). After a certain
time they would promise to return to Banten. If the venture
had been successful, it was usual to repay double the amount
lent; but if the cargo was lost, through shipwreck for
example, the lender absorbed the loss.22 It was said that
Banten merchants themselves seldom went abroad, instead
lending funds to merchants from other places who would then
do the retail
di stri buti on . =3
Small stalls were also set up in the Karangantu market,
where foreigners could buy necessities such as food ; and
weapons such as "keris". In addition to soap, butter, and
earthenware, Gujaratis also brought 20 different kinds of
cloth. Bengalis sold wheat, butter, sugar, and rice;
Burnamese also offered rice, martavan jars, salt, and onion;
and Thais, in addition to rice, provided tin and copper.
Arabs and persians were known for their gems and medicine;
one Persian was the most famous doctor in the city.2"- They
also bought pepper to resell to the Chinese. Other Indian
merchants, mainly from Cambay, had stalls selling glass,
i v o r y , a n d g ems. za
Many of the local participants in the trade at the
Karangantu market were women. According to de Houtman, they
Illustration no. 31 The market of ^anten in the sixteenth century
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115
bought pepper from farmers, sold fruit, closves, nutmeg,
cinnamon, and other spices, and hot cakes. In case of fire,
the fire brigades were composed of women, without any
assistance from the men, who were busy quarding their houses
against robbery- In fact, it was estimated that nine— tenths
of the population of Banten were female (ill. 31). as*'
The Karangantu market was the largest, and was in fact
the center where most import, and export trade was conducted.
As van Leur described it:
"Here, then, was the exchange, the meeting place of
merchant gentlemen and ships captians. The fair of the
western European middle ages and the exchange of the
western European early cpaitalistic period were as it
were brought together on the market fiedl at Bantam.
But... in Asia, as the staple port here illustrates, the
fair remained dominant in international trade as an
annual market lasting half a year, and the exchange was
absorbed in it.2"7
A third market was held in the Chinese quarter
(Pacman) , and was open all day. Here also were sold daily
necessities: rice, imported from Makassar and Sumbawa,
together with coconuts and oil, and salt from various
coastal saltpans, most of them on northeast Java. The salt
was re-exported to Palembang and "the much more important
Pariaman".28 The Chinese sold silk and other fabrics,
copper pots, mercury, boxes, paper, gold, mirrors,, combs,
eyeglasses, sulphar, Chinese swords, herbs, fans
umbrellas, salt, porcelain, and gold thread. =c?
In 1596 Banten was a rich city, linked to all major
116
trading nations of Asia and Europe, with a heterogeneous
polyglot population and sophisticated -financial activity,
historians have not been unanimous in ascribing Banten's
wealth to trade. Van Luer concluded that the nobility's
power did not derive -from commerce, but -from their revenue
collected -from their agrarian possessions in the hinterland,
worked by the people, and taxes from villages. Trade would
have formed only a secondary source of income, along with
rental of land and houses in the city.30 According to
Breughel in 1787, the majority of the houses in Banten were
then owned by the Sultan.31
In 1694, Valentijn visited Banten; his account is worth
reproducing here.
I have seen the city in 1694, when I left home, and
spent a day and a night there, in order to witness its
beauty and to supplement my lack of knowledge about the
city concerning which I had heard so much, although I
found myself disappointed in my expectations. I was
v<sry kindly received by the Director there, Mr .
Wanderpoel , who invited me to his table and house in
Fort Speelwijk, and I also found there D. Costerus and
his wife taking advantage of it. I had gone there
principally to see whether there was any opportunity to
obtain audience with the King, and to see this ruler;
but it was impossible that day as my Captain Cuffelen
said, who was then staying in the King's castle, and
since the fleet was to leave that night, I could stay
no longer. I finally found, as I went around the city,
Fort Speelwijk lying at the mount of river, which
although not large is however i n a position to control
the whole city.
At first it was but a common sea-point protecting the
boom. In 1680 it was surrounded with some palisades,
and then had but the aspect of a customary Pagar; but
in 1686 it was prtected with a stone wall, and later by
a square each side of which is 30 rods long. It is now
rectangular, has a \'&ry high wall, four points, and two
half-moons, which look very fine. It. has a high "cat"
117
with -five, and a large battery with ten pieces, with
which all our other works in the city can be
controlled, as also the soth and east corners of the
bulwarks are also wel 1 -provi ded with cannon. The
Director has a -Fine dwelling on the cat, with can be
reached by some stairs, and from a fine view of the sea
is had. Below along the curtain of the east side live
the chief factor, fiscal, and other servants, in
reasonably good houses, and further along a wide plain
around which ars many storehouses to keep the goods of
the East Company. It was named Speelwijik (as men say)
after the Governor General Speelman.32
So, the Dutch in 1684 constructed their own fort near
the mouth of the river on the northwest of the citt. It
rests directly on top of the remains of the city wall in
this sector, thereby preserving the only remains yet
discovered. Dutch contact altered the city's form in
several ways. A Dutch renegade, Hendrik Lucaszoon Cardeel ,
a mason by trade, entered the service of Sultan Haj i in
1675, embraced Islam, and was given a concubine of the
Sultan in marriage. It is likely that he was involved in
structural changes which took place in the constructui on of
the wall surrounding the palace around this time, including
the use of sand-lime mortar. It seems that the shape of the
palace compound also changed at this time, from the square
pictured on early maps to the present, rectangle with long
sides running east and west. He is also connected by
tradition with "Tihamah" in European style beside the Grand
Mosque. 33
A number of important physical changes took place in
the late 1600's, both before and after the civil war between
113
Sultans Ha j i and Agung Tirtayasa. The Dutch obtained a
house at Pabean barat, next to the English, which had
■formerly belonged to the Dutch.3'*
Valentijn cited "Herbert in 1678, and many other
reports" which gave Banten's dimensions as "two English
miles long" be-fore the civil war. Further he states:
Upon entering the city I found it very untidy and
without any order, having on the seaside a reasonably
high and thick wall with some bastions of which that of
Carangantu is the Principal one, also built in a square
of stone, equipped with 10 pieces. The six largest are
seen on the seaside, the three smallest on the west,
and one to the east. There' is also a large stone draw-
bridge over a river there.
There are three main streets all of which lead to
Paseban, with many coconut and other trees there. The
Chinese district on the west, side of the city, and also
the residences of the Europeans there, lay somewhat to
the side, and somewhat separated from the city, where
at midday a great market is held. If there were no
Chinese and their shops in the city, it would be very
dull, although there is another market somewhat further
from paseban, but it only lasts three hours, and
another particularly for local produce. On the seaside
live fishermen in rude huts, and if one calculates the
whole length of the city on this side, it covers no
■more than a quarter of a mile.
On the inland side the whole city lies open, and
unprotected. After the fishermen's dwellings on the
shore are also some saltpans where salt is made.
Chinese, Guzerattees, Persians, Turks, Armenians,
Venetians, English, Dutch, and many others which mainly
trade in gambier, for the pepper belongs to the compnay
alone. There you have the old illustrious city in its
glory, which is not worthy of the name although I
believe that in 1680 when the old King burnt it, it
lost much of its old luster. This can be seen further
in the maps but most of that no longer exists, being
only to show how it has been.355
He estimated that. Banten's population at the time of of his
119
visit, just 12 years after the war, was 8,170 families.
This must indicate a major decrease in the city's population
from its height under Sultan Agung Tirtayasa. The
subsidiary palace complex at Tirtayasa (F'ontang) had about
6,000 people. Batvia he estimated was more than twice as
populous <19,370).3<t'
A badly-damaged manuscript dating from 1694, now in
Holland, contains the first recorded systematic enumeration
of population from Banten. The census was found among the
archives of the Banten sultanate, and was performed at the
order of Sultan Abdul Mahasin Muhannad Jenul Ngabidin. The
population is divided up among categories such as "Royal
servants who produce as regular tribute the King's food
(rice)"; "the headmen (jaro)"; "the young men (not fully
qualified as members of the community)"; "the assimilated,
originally belonging to another community"; "the invalid
(and old)", many of whom ars listed by name. The
manuscript is said to furnish much other information on
seventeenth-century Banten, and gives a total of 31,848 "men
of Surosowan", although in fact some? of the people named as
heads of families may have been women.37. The female
population fo the city may still have been large; the palace
was said to contain 1200 concubines in 1692. In comparison,
Surabaya in the early seventeenth century may have had
50,000 to 60,000 total inhabitants, and Jepara, 100, 000. 9m
Another census was conducted a few years later. The
120
exact date of the manuscript containing the record o-f this
enumeration is not known, but may have been 1708 or 1715.
The same -format as the earlier report is used, but the total
this time is greater; 36,302 men,39 In 1706 a walk through
the city took two hours.'*0
Old Banter) went through a number o-f physical changes
during the idghteenth century which altered its appearance
in different but no less important ways than after the civil
war of 1682. The water transport system in the city was
still important; a groom travelled to the house of his bride
by boat. In 1702 the river mouth was enclosed by a row of
wooden stakes extending out into the bay. In 1769
Stavorinus found the stakes led all the way up the river to
Speelwijk, which were not maintained although useful to
prevent silting. In 1787 ships (perahus) with draughts of
five to six feet, which had been able to enter the river
with ease five years earlier, could not enter now unless the
passengers got out and pushed it over muddy spots.41
The process of coastal accretion may already have
begun; the stakes parallel to the shore erected in the early
1600:'s, if not removed (an act of which there is no record),
would have altered te ocean currents along the shore and
trapped the silt transported by the three rivers which
traversed Old Banten. The current of the rivers would have
been slowed by the need to travel a greater distance before
discharging their water into the sea; this would have
121
speeded up sedimentation in the river beds themselves. By
1769 Speelwijk was already 80 roods or 1/4 hour's walk from
the river mouth."2 The rivers may have been purposely
neglected during the eighteenth century, because their
navigability was becoming less important to the city's
internal traffic. In 173? part of a road near the palace
was brick surfaced "for the comfort of the Raja". The city
wall which was in good condition in 1596 appears to have
been allowed to decay progressively. The section along the
shore was kept up the longest, but by 1702 had almost
disappeared, and was invisible in 1769. The residential
quarters of the indigenous inhabitants of the city do not
seem to have changed very much. Only a few houses had tile
roofs in 1694; in 1769 visitors to Old Banten were still
said to have felt themselves to be in a coconut grove rather
than in a city. The houses were still grouped in
compounds separated from those of their neighbors by fences
of split bamboo, and no overall plan dictated the
disposition of the structures. There were however some new
additions to the old pattern. By 1739 two groups of
European houses had sprung up, one on the left bank of the
Cipeurey in front, of Speelwijk, near a Royal Pepper-
Warehouse; and another along a small road in front of the
suspension bridge near the fort, where there were 31 houses
for Dutch officials and citizens. At the end of the road
was a large building, the yard of which was the chief
122
administrator's garden. Chinese had begun to settle at
Karangantu during the 1700' s, in the district -formerly
devoted to west Asian Moslems. There was still a K amp Ling
Arab (Arabic Village) between Karangantu and the palace in
1787. However, by that time 4/5 o-f the Chinese houses there
were said to be empty. The economic attraction o-f Batavia
was becoming strong, so the E-ianten was gradually being
reduced to the status of a provincial settlement.'*3
The political and military events of the Napoleonic
wars, British occupation, and reimposition of Dutch rule
took their course, so that the settlement gradually declined
to the status of a village. In 1795 the population of the
Banten district was estimated at 90,000 out of a total
population for all Java of 3.5 million. This is probably an
underestimate, but nevertheless reflects the decline in
Banten's importance. Old Banten' s population in 1985
totalled 13,741 people.4*
Analyses of the Old Maps and Aerial Photography
The main objective of recording of Old Banten, is to
relate the new finds to their spatial setting, to firstly
place the unknown within the realm of the known. Usually,
this involves plotting on pre-existing maps or aerial
photographs. We should bear in mind, however, that
landscapes change; sites have been lost when their verbal
123
re-ference points were destroyed. As a general rule, the
more locational data supplied, the greater the chance that
the site will be -found again. Location is most commonly
recorded by plotting on a map or aerial photo, and should be
compared to old maps which were informed about the
contemporary situation. Further, it should be analyzed by a
magnetic location which is used to -find buried features such
as iron objects, fird clay furnaces, pottery kilns, hearths,
and pit filled with rubbish or softer soil. Magnetic
deletion has been used to record pits, walls, and other
features of Old Banten during the geological exploration by
geologists from Gajah Mada University led by Dr. Sutikno in
1935, although it was subject to some error because of such
modern feature as barbed wire fences, electric trains, and
electric cables (photos 15 and 16).
Aerial photography is useful in a number of ways, first
it provides data for preliminary analysis of the local
environmnet and its resources, second, it yields information
on site location. Areas of luxuriant growth a.re usually
darker than contrasting poor growth areas; other
archaeological features retard the growth of overlying
vegetation.455 The primary objective is to set a guide line
on research methods on old maps and aerial photography, and
to come up with a definite plan of action based on
archaeological works. The emphasis of these methods ar& on
the principles of the evaluative analysis of the conditions
124
of the Banten sites and monuments through documentary
research .
The simplest maps, and the quickest ones to understand,
Are sketch maps which were -found in many different kinds of
written descriptions of the Banten sites. Further, we can
analyse the site by using a surface survey to a variety of
methods used to acquire data from the sites without
excavation.46 The next comprehensive view of Banten is
provided by an old map of Banten made by Cornells de
Houtman, who arrived in Banten on June 23, 1596 (ill. 32).
He was received with due respect by Sultan Muhammad Pangeran
Ratu ing Banten.47 This map depicts Banten in 1598, which
show clearly the town's enclosing wall of brick. The
picture shows the palace and the mosque in the center of
this town, also the Banten river and its canals, the busy
harbour of Karangantu where ships and boats lay anchored.
Further, also distinct is the fact that the market of
Karangantu was little away from the town's wall. It lay on
the eastern bank of the Karangantu canal. Another picture
which is presented by de Houtman, depicts the old market of
Karangantu crowded with people's activities. The market was
enclosed by a wooden and bamboo wall (fence).46'
The other map published in 172,6 by Francois Valentijn
(ills. 33 and 34), who visited Banten in 1694. The map is
believed to date from 1624-1630, during the Dutch blockade,
Illustration no. 32 Bantam ( Baten ) in 1596. 12^-A
The detail description of this map is informed by Rauffaer that this city
has: -i.-ultanate Palace; 3. Paseban ( meeting square ) ;G. Mainland Gate;
D. Mountain Gate;3. Sea Gate; F, Baluster Gate; G. Tower; H.The ^rand Mosque:
I.Chinese quarter; J.?angeran Gebang. house; M.Banten River; N. Harbour-master s
house; 0. Commander's house; P . Ceti _^aluku ' s house; The house of Governor's brother;
R. Senopati's
A L s house; S.iV'gabehi
\ • \ Panjang Jiwa's
house; T. Chinese
fence; V. Anderaoin {
house; Y.Gujarati
and Bengal quarter
Z. warehouse.
This map is re-
printed from :
G. P. Rauffaer en
Ijzerman, £e
^erste Schirvasrt
de 1<ederlar.ders
naar Oost-Ip.die
Cnder Cornells de
Houtman 1596-159?:
i^eerste book van
willem Lodewijcks,
( -Oen Haag:
rJartinus
i»'ijhofft1915
p. 104
a
"t r; l
9IL
■4 4
J ha* ,
125
and is perhaps not entirely reliable.'**' The extension of
the town eastwards reaching the shore of Banten occurred
about that time (Atlas VOC. , 1670). The city wall is shown
in this map, with a double row of wooden stakes in the water
parallel to the shore; the map labels it a palisade meant to
prevent ships from landing directly on shore. These may
have been rected to fend off Javanese attacks. Various
other bulwarks and cannon emplacements are also depictyed.
At the Water Gate the wall has fallen down for a distance of
four roods ( one rood=about 3.94 meters). On the west are
shown the "English Field" and the Chinese quarter; the
latter seems to have moved inland since 1596, perhaps after
its levelling by the Dutch bombardment of 1596. The Islamic
market at Karangantu on the east has perhaps expanded
further along the shore. The house of the royal pepper —
weigher is also shown, on the east side of the palace. The
settlement seems to have grown on the south side of the
palace, but this detail may have been overly emphasized on
the map. The alun-alun seems to have shrunk but this too
may be simply a result imprecise drawing rather than any
actual change. The elephant's stall is still in place, as
are the sheds for the war perahu (ship). Valentyn's legend
of this map include the palace, Grand Mosque, market, king-
ship building, loose box of elephant, meeting place for
king, and vice-roy's place. Further, this map also showed
that the Karangantu market became even more crowded by the
126
dwelling houses built on the market's limits eastwards to
the shore.
The sketch map which dated in 1759 by J. W. Heyclt (ill.
35) published by the group of Geographers named
"LI emeuester Geographisch und Topographi sheer ". =° The
Surosowan palace and its -Fortress are shown in this map, the
palace is surrounded by the canal which is connected with
another canal -from the Banten river to the sea through
Speelwijk (also surrounded by a canal). At present the
canal does not have any significance, because of
sedimentation, it. was covered with mud, especially in north-
front of Surosowan palace, from the beginning of the 20th
century by the swamps west of Kampung Kebalen.
On the? other maps dating from 18th to the 20th
centuries, and one map of Old Banten which had been made
sometime after 1879, was pulbished in 1902 by Serrurier (ill
36). He was the curator of the ethnographic collection of
the Batavian Society of Arts and EBciences (the forerunner of
the present Indonesian National Museum) obtrained from the
Resident of Banten in 1893 to orient, himself during a visit
there. the map divides the site among 33 kampungs or
villages, and gives other landmarks as well. The Dutch
scholar Brandes found the outlines of the map "unreliable",
but agreed that the names given to the various divisions of
t he s e 1 1 1 e m e n t w ere useful as indications of which g r u o p s
had inhabited various areas. However it must be kept in
Illustration no. 33
Banten in 1670
126-A
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o\o ■
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£fig
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Jf s fr
a £
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c >■■" 2
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51
125-JB
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BiirK^rSi-liwft
127
mind that thses were names given by the late nineteenth-
century residents o-f the site, "and do not necessaritly
correspond to the earleir o-f Old Banten's history."551 By
the legend o-f Serrurier's map, we can study the
comprehensive view o-f Old Banten.32
The houses, whether of the noble or commoner, were
built on stilts, with walls o-f such insubstantial material
as split bamboo thatch (a typical trait of Sundanese rather
than Javanese house architecture). Some houses had highly-
carved pillars, a -feature reminiscent of the description of
the palace at Pakuan Paj aj aran . =3 Even in 1694 only a few
houses had tile roofs (though this may have been partly the
result of the fire and warfare which destroyed much o-f the
town in 1682) . The only stone dwelling in the city was said
to be that of the "Shahbandar " . The warehouses, on teh
other hand, were windowless structures built of fire-proof
brick, with roofs of heavy beams covered with thick layers
of sand.5" Although their basic function was to provide
secure storage space for valuables and goods, sometimes
people took advantage of their coolness at night to make
them into sleeping places.
If we compare all those old maps with the written
descriptions, especially at the eastern Karangantu market,
and western part of Speelwijk, we know that most of the
f o r e i g n e r s i n B an t e n did not live i n s i d e t h e c i t y w a lis.
I n stead t w o foreig n q u a r t. er s w e r e e s t a b 1 i shed , o n e on the
127-B
128
shore east of the city, the other on the west. The eastern
quarter was allocated to foreign Moslems: Gujarat is, Malays,
Bengalis, Turks, Persians, Egyptians, and Arabs. The
western quarter was for non-Moslems and was called
"Pecinan". The Chinese were the principal residents there,
but in 1596 there were also six Portuguese factors. About
four Portuguese junks a year were said to come to Banten
from Malacca, =5= mainly to purchase food.556 Pecinan was
palisaded with wooden stakes on three sides; the side facing
the city on the east was not fortified. Entry to Pecinan
was by canal; a ship as large as a Dutch sloop was able to
sail up the river, past the boom, and then into the midst of
the "infidel" quarter.3'7' There were two booms at Banten,
one each on the eastern and western rivers. The districts
where the booms were located, were called "Pabeyan Timur"
and "Pabeyan Barat" respectively. Pabeyan literally meant
"customs" house", and indeed customs duties were levied
before cargoes were allowed to pass. According to the
"Sejarah Banten", emissaries from Cirebon and Mataram were
sent to Banten while Mataram was scheming to use Cirebon to
conquer Banten; these men wer lodged at Pabeyan Timur (in
some versions called Pabeyan Karangantu) . =Q At. present, the
sites are only the remains of brick foundations amidst the
fishpond areas and the swamps west, of kampugn Bug is
( li a r k assares e > . Fur- 1. h e r , i f w e su r v e y a t K a r a n g a n t u , m e r e 1 y
as a nondescript harbour or market, it would be surrounded
129
by -fishponds and swamps (ill. 37). The old maps are
designed to reflect the activities of the populace of the
Banten urban areas during the past, centuries, and aerial
photography is regarded most suitable for archaeological
research (photos 17 and 18). Further interpretation of old
maps and aerial photos reveal differences in density of
earth features caused by natural and man's activities in the
past, such as change of river course, canal sedimentation
and remains of building areas (photos 20 and 21).
Using contemporary maps and modern aerial photographic
data, we propose to -formulate a research method leading up
to a plan for the reconstruction of Islamic Old Banten. For
archaeological research in Banten, aerial photography has
been applied to a -few sites only, selected for examination
of possible presence of patterns for a town or settlement.
We tried to use surveys in the area of the fishponds around
the Karangantu harbour, Speel wi j k , Tasikardi, Surosowan,
Kaibon and the industrial sites of Panjuinan and Pajantran,
starting with geographical and ethnographic data collection.
The soil consists of hydeomorphic alluvial sediments of
greyish clay, it is found along the fishponds between
K a r a n g a n t u a n d S p e e 1 w i j k . B u t f ■ r o m other- 1 o c a t i on s a
reddish-brown 1 atosol of very sticky clayish texture is
present. It was assumed that the slopes of Mount. Gede and
the southern mountainous aa~eei. of Serang are the two possibly
soureces for the different, types of soil.3'9'
129-A.
Skala 1 -• 50.000
1
0 12 3 4
Km.
Illustration no. "*j_
TOPOGRAPHY OF OLD BANTEN
£2) = Th® Site of Banten.
Source : Badan Perancang
Daerah Tk.II.Serang,1985
This topography cited from : The map of Topography-
United States Army, IV.
1962, p .^-224
129-J3
Photo no. 1?
Aerial photo of Old Mosque
"Pecinan Tinggi" .
By aerial photography has to
show the location of
A. riosque of Pecinan Tinggi;
B. Old Tower;
C. Hichrob (niche in the mosque-
wall, directed to Mecca ).
Original photo is taken from
Sutikno, Oeologist of Oajah
Mada University, 1983.
Cited from Bakosurtanal,1985.
-
^^t^^-'r-
Photo no. 18
The ruin of hichrob
at the site of
Pacinan Tinggi.
Photographed by
j->edy ^.Priatna
.-.ugust 23, 1936
ase&jfc^ai
130
The above mentioned facts gave cause to conclude that
during that period of Islamic growth in Ban ten, soil was
obtained -From the mountainous area for use as the
foundations for the settlements, the alun-alun, market,
dock, and harbour. The survey was organized by the
Develpment Project of Old Banten, in cooperation with the
Geographical team of the University of Gajah Mada in
198401985. We found a large number of ruins which ar& still
covered by the grass, and most of them are not in a good
condition, because many people excavated the sites to take
the bricks for building their new houses from the beginning
of 1945 up to the present. We found some of the city wall
in the west and east sides, also the north and west sides of
Speelwijk the city wall was used for the construction of
Speelwijk Fortress. The canal surrounded Old Banten has
shallowed, and the estuary has in at least four ages
(16th- 19th centuries) shallowed to such an extent that only
boats measuring smaller than 1000 tons are allowed and able
to sail in this canal on anchor at the harbour, provided it
is high tide. Based on observations of old maps and aerial
photographic interpretation, we found an arificial pond,
Tasifardi, approximately square, 200 by 200 m, lying 1 km
south of the Surosowan palace. It may have been built in
t h e 1 a te 17 1 hi c: e n t u r y b y S u 1 1 a n A g u n g T i r t a y a s a , along wit h
his o t h e r pleasure pal a c e , T i r t a y a s a , near Pontang. Around
1930 the banks of the island were still visible. Mow,
130-A
Photo no. 19,
The aerial photo of Speelwijk
This photo shows the location
of Speelwijk fortress A; Canal
surrounding the fortress B; ,
and Chinese temple C. ;
Photographed and printed by
■Badan Koordinasi Survey dan
Pemetaan Nasional ( Bakosurtanal)
1985, reprinted by Sutikno, 1985
Photo no. 20
Speelwijk Portress
Photographed by
Eedy S.Priatna
131
however, little can be seen except for some stairs on the
east side, perhaps remnants o-f a landing -for a boat.
Tasikardi was not only a pleasant rural retreat; in -fact the
man stimulus -for its construction may have come -from the
need for better -fresh water suuplies in the city. Thus lead
pipe lines with terracotta were used to bring water -from the
lake to the palace (photos 22 and 23). The water passed
through three filtration stations during its journey; these
can be seen. They are called Pangi ndel an Abang (red
filter), Pangindel an Putih (white filter), and Panjaringan
Emas (gold network), representing the increasing purity of
water as it approached the palace. The pangi ndel an (filter
or pump?) or station of brick structure, thus it is possible
that it was used as some sort of filtration of settling
(pumping) tank. According to David De Long's observation in
this site on August 29, 1936, he states:
Pangi ndel an water filtering installation, although I
did not inspect this part of the site at close range,
these elements seem of particular importance in teh
sutdy of original water supply system, and toqether
with the adjacent Islanede reservoir, could lend
themselves in some way to the possible reconstruction
of the water system. Their size and placement also
suggested the possibiblity of pumping stations.**0 (see
illust. 38)
Unfortunately, the mystery brick-structure of Pangi ndel an
have not excavated yet nor plan of special research has yet
been performed to settle this question. At Sura sow an we
checked the two gateways, the sultanate rooms, meeting
131-A
Photo no. 21.
The canal at the western part of Speelwijk Fortress
The other canal which is still flowing from Surosowan to
Speelwijk
Photographed by £>edy S.Priatna,1987
132
halls, the pool Rara Denok, the -Fountain Pancuran Emas, and
the southeast bastions (photos 26 and 27). We also were
concerned about the constructed and reconstructed
■foundations of the palace's strutures within the sultanate
periods. The most important of our observations is the
system of water control and distribution in the Surosowan
complex, and the chronology of the various constructions
within the palace. The special study of the entire channel
system from Tasikardi lake to the palace, including the
precise way in which the filtration structures of
Pangindel an operated; to stabilize the Rara Denok pool
especially the western wall which is being undermined, and
to attempt to minimised deterioration of exposed
architecture (photos 28 and 29). The room structures need
to be given identifying marks in order that we know which
Mas the oldest and the newest structures. Historically,
this palace was damaged by fire on December 4, 1605, and on
June 16, 1607 it was completely consumed in another fire,
thus confirming that the concerns of Saris, the head British
factor in Banten, over fire were not unreasonable. The
palace was rebuilt on the same site, and in 1661 was
decorated by many trees.61 About 1680, it was fortified by
S u J. t a n H a j i in a n 1 1 c i p a t i o n o f a n a 1 1 a c k b y for m e r Suit a n
A g u n g T i r t a y a s a , his father, w h i c h i n deed c a m to pass in
1682; the surrounding city was thoroughly destroyed by fire,
and Sultan Ha j i was beseiged in his citadel until relieved
132-A.
Photo no. 22
The aerial photo of Tasikardi lake
This photo is also showing two
filteration stations, they called:
A. Pangindelan Abang; B. Pangindelan
Putih. Thus lead pipes lines with
with terracotta were used to bring
water from the lake to the Royal
Palace.
Original photo cites from :
Bakosurtanal, Jakarta, 1985
Photo no. 23.
The two filteration
stations :
A. Pangindelan -i>ang
( red filter );
B. Pangindelan Putih
( white filter ) .
Photographed by nalwany
i-iichrob.
by Dutch troops. The Dutch renegade and stone mason
Cardeel, is said to have assisted in the construction o-f the
■forti-fi cations of Surosowan. According to Stavorinus in
1769 an inscription in Dutch was to be seen over the main
portal: "This was built by Henrik Laurentsz born in
Steenwi j k " . &=
The wall of Surosowan are about 2 meters high, with an
east-west length of 300 meters and a north-south length of
100 meters, thus enclosing about 3 ha. At the corners are
diamond-shaped bastions, and in the center of the north and
south walls are semi-circular projections. The
fortifications are constructed mainly in brick, but they are
of at least three different types, distinguished by size,
material, and technique of manufacture. Several types of
mortar were also used to bind them together, including clay,
and mixture of sand with lime. The walls were not solid,
but had an earthen fill; in the northern walls were spaces
for rooms. The outer face of the wall has inner
reinforcements ten prevent collapsing inward, suggesting it
was originally intended to stand alone.
There were originally three gates, on the north, east,
arid south. At some stage the southern entrance was blocked
off. The main entrance on the north, facing the alun-alun,
and the eastern entrance were buiot in curved form, serving
to prevent shots being fired directly through the portal if
the gate were open. Three stages of construction can be
134
observed at the north gate, which is relatively well
preserved. The east portal is ruined, but may have
undergone the same modifications. the original wall may
have been that of a traditional palace enclosure, more
mteneded to shelter the inhabitants -from view of the lower
classes than to guard against attack. During the first
stage it may have been no more than 110-125 cm wide without
bastions, built to large bricks with clay mortar. During
the second stage the inner wall was built and bastions
added. these had parapets with firing embrasures. this was
followed by the third phase in which rooms were constructed
along the north wall, stairs added giving access to the
parapet, the north gate renovated, and the south gate
inserted, then closed up again.
The -Fourth phase involved another modification of the
north gate and perhaps the eastern one, at which time brick
wall was completely faced with coral on the outer side. The
fifth and final stage involved adding more rooms to the
interior and improvements of the inner wall. The bricks
used during this stage of work were smaller, and more mortar
was used. Thus between the first and the second stages the
function of the wall was altered from a traditional palace
enclosure into a fortification with European elements. This
transformation probably occurred in 1680, perhaps with the
assistance of Cardeel . After this time Surosowan wall
called Fort Diamant by the Dutch. Our interpretation during
134-A
^.J^iSsK^'
Photo no Zh The south bridge of Surosowan Palace.
-s? canal; B. abridge ;C a terracotta pipe ( broken ) are archaeological
evidence of old Banten during the Sultanate periods.
Photographed by Halwany Michrob, 1985
Photographed by Halwany Michrob, 1936
Photo no. 2 5
The fountain
"Pancuran £>ma
The important
of the water
system is to
control and
distribute
one to anothe
part of the
rooms surrour
ing the palac
135
out observation here in this site, for the first stage,
included the laying out of the outer walls dating from the
reign of Maulana Hasanuddin between 1552-1570; the Sejarah
Banten attributes the construction of the north and east
gates of Maul ana Yusuf , the second Sultan of Banten,
1570-1580.
Surosowan, like other fortified positions in Old
Banten, was equipt with various aritllery pieces. the use
of cannon has a long history in west Java. According to de
Barros, when the Portuguese first visited Java, good cannons
were already being made there. A later Portuguese account
which may date from teh sixteenth century mentions that at
Banten, on one side of the town is a strong bulwark of wood
equipt with a cannon. In 1596 the records of the first
Dutch voyage mentioned that a redoubt with one cannon
mounted at each corner, and one large cannon as well as
several small ones standing in front of the palace.63 Mo
further excavation should be undertaken at present; exposing
more parts of the site will only cause problems of
preserving the excavated remains. Restoration should be
greatly decreased until more can be seen and known about, the
different phases of evolution of Surosowan. For this
purpose, a thorough study should be made of the foundations
so far exposed, in order to identify characteristics of
different building methods and lay out pattern from the
specific t i rne-p er i ods . *"*
136
Systematical and methodological interpretation were
applied to the Banten observation to update and intensi-fy
the development of Banten archaeology in -finding an
indicator for the technological development of local
ceramics and metal mdustury during the Banten' s past
centuries. We have checked among the names of Banten- s
various quarters such as Kapandean, Kagongan,
Kemaranggen , and Kamasan (gold industry). Tools and traces
of metal works have been found at those sites. Probably the
craftsmen of Banten also made the sultanate coins, house-
hold untensils, and weapons during that time. By attempting
to assemble the various data, a plausible explanation of the
artifacts which were found in the sites during the
archaeological excavations in the form of a hypothesis which
will later be tested to further field resreach on how to
melt the bronze, silver, and gold for gilding and other
requisites. The aerial photography gives us a knowledge -
to identify the industrial site of Panjunan (about 750 m.
southwest of Kaibon palace). It has received a lot of
attention and is becoming a popular method in archaeology.
By this aerial photo, the study of the site and present days
material deposition was conducted to help in
understanding how certain physical regularities of material
affect human behavior in a given environment.
Random and systematic: test pits of the site will be put
t h r o u g h o li t P a n j u nan i n 1 o o k i n g f o r p o s s i b 1 e d w e 1 1 i n g areas
136-A
Photo no. 26 Aerial Photo of Surosowan Palace
This nhoto shows: A, Southern and western canal surrounding the
Royal palace. The photo is taken from Sutikno (cf.Bakosurtanal,1985)
m +. _-p cn^n-r--To 'n^tr^ss which shows the canal and
£ ^SS^LS^S^^^n Palace and Tasikardi.
Dhotof?rat>hed b-"- Dins Darrnayanti, 1935
137
and pottery kilns. These test pits can be informed about
the other kind of areal activites and the extent of
materials scattered or distributed on the site. A
microscopic study on lithic artifacts will be carried out.
This study goes together with an experiment on striations by
making and using a tool similar to the one under
observation. The research can help us in understanding the
technology employed by the ancient makers. With evidence
provided from finds such as these, the character of several
sites could by determined.
3.3. Banten and Javanese-Islamic Urbanization
It is not enough to compare old maps and aerial
photographic analyses, to answer the question "is Banten an
example of a Javanese or an Arab city pattern?", but we have
attempted to establish the shifting pattern, space, and
usage of the sites in the Islamic history of Banten.
Old Banten was almost, certainly the largest city in
northern coastal Java, and in all probability, in the whole
of Southeast Asia in 1596. Banten shared a number of basic
characteristics with other large Javanese ports; indeed
there aref enough similarities to suggest that they were
built according to an abstract plan of what a settlement
should be. Moreover, Old Banten possessed some attributes
commonly found in contemporary Islamic cities in other parts
138
of the world. In consideration of the hypothesis that Old
Banten developed as an Islamic city, we have already known
by our study to explore the prototype -for Old Banten. The
Islamic city of Banten as a part of Southeast Asian cities,
many models have been used to characterized a general city-
type of the Islamic world and non-Islamic cities of Souteast
Asia. We have said that Old Banten also has the similar
pattern of the world Islamic cities. Palace, citadel,
fortifications, mosques, gates, market and square which Are
found here in Old Banten, are the most obvious and most
important aspects of the state's visibility in the city as
characteristic forms of the Islamic world. The most
prominent centers of activity, as in Moslem India and Africa
as well as the Arab countries seem to have been the palace,
market and mosques. The settlement was divided into
quarters according to occupation and ethnicity, as were late
mediaeval cities in other Isl rnaici zed parts of the world.
Even Banten' s position as the largest city in Indonesia, not
only at that time but possibly in all history up to that
point, is a characteristic which it held in common with
other moslem cities of the late sixteenth century.
If the origin cities in Java coincided with the spread
of Islam, and the component elements of the cities were
c o m m o n t o m u c h o f t h e I s 1 a m i c w or 1 d , o n e might predict t h a t
the pattern of settlement within the new Javanese cities
also would have imitated a standard Islamic form.
138-A
Photo no. 28
Rock upstairs of the Surosowan fortress,
Photographed by Halwany Michrob, 1984
Photo no. 29
The pool "ara
Denok.
Photographed
by Kalwany
Michrob, 1983
The excavation
frayment ( br:
re su
ck u,
ted
ill c
to find the
f iiara Dcnok
ar
).
:hitectursl
139
Historical information however shows that this assumption
would be unclear or -False. If we have understood that
nowhere is the synthesis between Islamic culture and Hindu
India more clearly achieved than in Akbar's ceremonial city,
known as the town of Victory (Fatehpur Sikri), here
light and airy structures, reminiscent of Moslem pavilions
and tents, combine with the flate stone beams and
massiveness of traditional Hindu buildings. The natural
accompaniement of such reliance on Hindus was the policy of
religious toleration which Akbar adopted, as had other
Moslem rulers of Hindu people before. Various methods of
the sultanates' activities in Banten from the beginning of
Islamic growth, until the physical distribution of public
and private places in Old Banten and elsewhere continues the
traditional layout of the Javanese court complexes of
pre- Islamic times. Java can therefore be said to possess an
indegenous pattern of urbanization, with some elements
common to contemporary cities evolved from the acts of many
individuals, then we can conclude that the introduction of
Islam did not result in a revolutionary change in the
Javanese way of life, but rather underwent a process of
gradual evolution by stages (a policy of religious
tol erati on ) .
Banten was not unique in possessing a defensive
enclosure. Cirebon, Dernak, and Tuban also had brick walls
in 1596. Other ports, including Jayakarta, Jepara, and
140
Blambangan had stockades of wood or bamboo. *■*
Old Banten's layout was not unique among Javanese
settlements, nor was it an innovation which appeared in Java
in the fifteenth or early sixteenth century simultaneously
with the introduction of Islam. According to the
nagarakrtagam, Majapahit's capital was divided into manors,
or Kuwu, each belonging to a nobleman. Pajuan Pajajaran,
the capital of the last pre-Islamic kingdom of Sunda, seems
to have shared the same sort of structure. The kampun
(village) of Old Banten, therefore, can be traced back to
pre-Islamic times both in Sunda and east Java. Some reliefs
carved on the temple of Brobudur, central Java, around AD
300, seem to represent royal residences also surrounded by
wooden pal i sades.
The custom according to which foreigners were allotted
separate quarters also existed in Java in pre-Islamic times.
The Moslem burial ground at Troloyo, near Trowulan, east
Java, perhaps indiciates the location of the Islamic quarter
during the Majapahit era. Inscriptions from east Java
frequently mention "juru Cina" and "juru Keling", heads of
these foreign communities. Indeed such an arrangement seems
to have existed throughout the ancient world, at least from
the time of the Akkadian period in Mesopotamia, when the
Assyrian merchants in Cappadochia were allocated a
residential are a at K a r u m K a n e s h ( K a r u m pro b a b 1 y meaning
"foreigners1' quarters"). Such quarters certainly existed in
141
all ports in Java where foreign merchants resided in the
sixteenth century, and in all probability since the first
foreign merchants appeared in Indonesia. Even the
construction of a stone vault for storage was already
customary in fourteenth century Majapahit. The alun-alun,
palace, and mosque formed a group with a fixed spatial
relationship. The palace in the later courts of Surakarta
and Yogyakarta also faced an alun-alun; in both cases, the
palaces were also located towards the south. In Cirebon,
however, the palace lay on the north. In all cases, the
great mosque was erected in front of and to the left of the
palace, on one side of the alun-alun. Until 1650, it was a
custom common to Javanese courts to keep large perahus
(ships) on the north side of the alun-alun. AA
A drawing of Tuban, made during the second Dutch
expedition of 1599, shows the king of Tuban seated on a flat
square platform with subjects listening to him while seated
on three sides; this takes place on the alun-alun, and
perhaps represents a council meeting. The royal elephants
each have their own roof to shield them from the sun; here
the elephant's stables are, however, on the west side of the
alun-alun, between the palace and mosque. The greatest
elephant, however, was given a separate stall on the north
5:i.de.fo7
At Sunda Kalapa, in 1522, a Portuguese description
in e n 1 1 o n s t h a t t h e p a 1 a c e , m o s q u e , a n d a 1 u n - a 1 u n were 1 o c a t e d
142
on the Cisadane's west bank.** A Dutch description of the
same place, then called Jayakarta, in 1618, at the inception
of the war against the Bantenese and the British, indicates
that its layout very closely resembled that of Banter.. The
custom office (also fortified with cannon) lay on the west
bank of the Ciliwung river's mouth. The center of the town
lay further south. The Chinese quarter (here on the east,
not west bank as at Banter,) included some fortifications,
after which the main settlement appeared.6'
Chinese estimates of population for the main ports of
north east Java such as Tuban and Gresi k in about 1430
indicated that the average population of a large coastal
settlement then was only about 5000. In 1523 there were
about 30,000 people in Gresi k.™ Demak and Palembang were
estimated to contain 8,000 to 10,000 families. If one
family is reckoned to have averaged five individuals, this
would correspond to a total of 40,000 to 50,000. The palace
complex at Pasai alone was estimated to contain 3,000
inhabitants, with the whole city containing 20,000
i nhabi tants. -71
We do not know enough about the sizes of settlements in
the hinterland to compare them with the ports; perhaps in
the fourteenth century the largest cities were in fact in
t h e h i n t: e r 1 a n d , a b o u t w h i c h t h e C h i n e s e k new less, a n d the
growth of the ports simply reflected a shift in population
from the Agrarian interior to the coast. The first
143
descriptions of the settlement patterns of the interior of
Java, admittedly of a later time, do not support this
hypothesis, however. The dense population of the valleys of
central and east Java were dispersed among villages, among
which the royal centers were notable mainly because of the
different occupations of the inhabitants rather than greater
size. Thus the appearance of cities in Java seems to
coincide with the introduction of Islam.
The phenomenon of urbanisation was widespread in the
Islamic countries of the same period. At a time when most
Europeans still lived in agrarian villages and only a few
cities included as many as 100,000 people, Cairo and
Constantinople each had several hundred thousand. If we
accept the estimate that there were already 100 million
Europeans by 1600, and 8 million Indonesians, "in relation
to its total population, then, Southeast. Asia in this period
must have been one of the most urbanized areas in the
wor 1 d " . ^^
The rulers of Banten perhaps differed among themselves
in terms of the dgree to which they intended to claim the
right to all profits from foreign trade for themselves; in
other Indonesian kingdoms of the early Islamic period, the
king was often the main or even the only commercial party
allowed to do business with foreigners. In other instances,
relatively free trade was allowed. This relationship
between the? ruler and the nobility may have fluctuated from
144
one reign to another; very little was pre-determi ned by
precedent in Indonesian courts, aside from ceremony. All
else depended upon the strength of personality o-f the
individual rulers and nobles- In Banten, there seems to
have been of Javanese descent, other Sundanese. Perhaps the
Sundanese were more agriculturally oriented than the
Javanese.
It i s at least possible to be relatively certain that
there was no mercantile or middle class as such in Banten.
The city's population within the walls seems to have
consisted only of nobles and servants, with possibly some
free craftsmen such metal workers associated with the
households. Foreigners were allowed into the walled city,
but not into the palace; hence we possess no description of
it from this date.
During the sixteenth century Banten rose to the peak of
the settlement heirarchy in Southeast Asia, with a
population estimated by the first Dutch visitors in 1596 as
equalling that of Amsterdam, and Banten experiences a
revival under Sultan Agung Tirtayasa from 1651 to 1682. But
after the civil war, Sultan Ha j i offered concessions to the
Dutch in return for reinforcements. Because of that, Banten
city remained a seat of royalty and a trading center under
Dutch supervision until 1810. The last Sultan voluntarily
abdicated in 1815, by which time Banten had declined to a
collection of fishing and farming villages as a post— urban
145
period until the present. John N. Miksic, during his
seminar to the 85th Annual Meeting of the "American
Anthropological Association" Philadelphia, 3 December 1986,
states:
Historical data suggest that Bantam's history can be
divided into -five phases:
1. a pre-Islamic Sundanese period, 1400-1525;
2. an early Islamic flourescence under Javanese
political control, 1525-1619;
3. a period of fluctuating fortunes, 1619-1682,
when Banten, the Dutch, and the central
Javanese Kingdom flataram were roughtly
bal anced ;
4. a period of Dutch vassaldom, 1682-1815;
5. a post-urban period, 1815 until the
present . "7'3
The mosque, which was called Mesj i d Agung Banten is a living
monument. This building was erected in the center of the
city and has a tiled roof with five tiers, looks like a
temple style. If we refer to Akbar's policy who combined
Islamic and traditional Hindu buildings in India during that
time, probably Sultan Banten made this mosque containing
architectural and architectonic elements derived from an
earlier Hindu-Javanese or Sundanese style (ill. 39). Its
settlement patterns and general plan appear to conform to a
pattern common to Islamic cities both in Java and throughout
1 1- 1 e M o s 1 em w o r 1 d .
Remains of ancient structures enable us to visualise
the ability of Banten to erect mosques, palaces,
146
fortifications, alun-alun, suspensions bridges, markets,
wharfs, canals, and city walls. Building styles indicate a
blend of foreign and indigenous elements, the five tiered
roof of the mosque at Banten preserves a characteristic of
Indonesian trait. Thus Old Banten displays some features
common to other Islamic cities of the period, but few links
with local Sundanese sites. Archaeology gives us little
data from the pre-Islamic period with which to compare later
si tes.
Possibly, Old Banten could be divided into five phases
of city development:
=t prehistoric settlement, from prehistory until
the kingdom activities of Tarumanagara in the 5th
century;
a pre-Islamic Sundanese town, during the Hindu-
Sundanese period, 600-1525;
an early Islamic city, from the beginning of
Islamic growth until the rise of the Sultanate
period, 1526-1580 (as a capital of Banten Islamic
ki ngdom) ;
an Islamic port-city, from Sultan Muhammad Ratu
ing banten till the end of Sultan Agung
Tirtayasa's period, 1580-1682;
a declining Islamic city, the period of Dutch
vassaldom, 1683-1809; thus in 1817, Banten was
finally placed under direct control of the Dutch
government, with an administrator residing in
Serang (see Brief chronology of Banten).
At present, the Old Banten is only a village of about
4,000 inhabitants, the old glory of the Islamic city of
Banten is gone forever.
END NOTES
Dam Ten H. , op. cit.. pp. 306—307
Miksic, John, Hasan ti. Ambary, Halwany Michrob. "The
Archaeological remains of Old Banten". unpublished
manuscript (Site Museum, Banten 1985) p. 31
Ibid, p. 32
Ibid, p. 33
Lombard, Salmon Dennys, "A Propos de Quel ques Steles
Chi noises Recemment Retrouves a Banten (Java Oust)",
unpublished manuscript (Site Museum Banten, 19S2) p.
105
Sutikno (ed.), op. ci t. . p. Ill 15
McKinnon, E. Edwards, "West Java's Increasing
Involvement in Overseas Trade in the 13th and 14th
Centuries", SPAFA Digest, Vol. VI, No. 1, 19S5, pp.
S.
9.
1 0 .
11.
12.
13.
14.
15.
1 6 .
17.
IS.
Ibid, p . 32
Rosy i an, Tubagus, op. cit., p. 76
Mudardj i to, ed . , op. ci t . . p. 55
Mollema, J. C. , op . c i t . . p. 221
Reid, Anthony, op. ci t . , p. 243
Miksic, John, Hasan M. Ambary, Halwany Michrob,
c: i t . , p . 3
Mol 1 ema,
cit,
PP.
van der Chijs, J. A., "Oud Bantam" Tijdschrift van het
Batavi aasch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wettneschappen ,
1881, p. 53
Michrob, Halwany, Progress Report o-f Restoration
andPreservati on of Urban Sites ot Banten , Jakarta; D i t ,
Sejarah dan Purbakala, 1983 p. 36, cited from van der
Chijs, J. A., 1881, p. 44
bchr i eke,,
cit,
II.: 127
Dj aj adi ni ngrat , Hoesain, op ■ cit. . pp.
147
148
19.
:l .
34.
Miksic, John N, Hasan M. Ambary, Halwany Michrob, op.
ci t . , p . 5
20. Fruin-Mees, W. , op. ci t . , p. II.: 69
de Eerste Schriffvaart I. 107-188, quoted in Anthonly
Reid, 1980, p. 249
van Leur, op. ci t . . p. 114
Fruin-Mees, W. , op. ci t . . p. II
van Leur , op. cit., p . 113
40
Tj andrasasmi ta, Uka, Sejarah Nasional Indonesia Jilid
III, " Jaman Pertumbuhan dan Perkembangan Kerajaan Islam
di Indonesia", Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan dan
Kebudayaan , 1975, pp. 225-227
Mollema, J. C, op . ci t . , p. 225
Tj andrasasmi ta, Uka, op. ci t . . p. 223
van Leur, op . ci t . . p. 113
van der Chijs, F. A., op. ci t . , p. 33
Valentijn, Francois, op. ci t . , pp. IV : 115-214
Tj andrasasmi ta, Uka, op. cit. , pp. 171-173
Pigeaud, T. G. Th . , Java in the Fourteenth Century, The
Hague: M. Nijhoff 1960-1962, pp. 64-65; 1970,111,: 68
Sen eke, B. , op . cit., pp. I.: 25-26
Pigeaud, T. G. , op. cit., p. II. s 65
Ambary, Hasa Muarif, "L'Art funeraire Musulman en
Indonesia des Origines aux XIX erne Siecle",
Dissertasi , EHESS-Paris, 1984, pp. 467-470
van der Chijs, J. A. , op. cit., p. 17
Miksic, John, Hasan M. Ambary, Halwany Michrob. op .
ci t . , p. 20
Sanjadireja, Llki "The Information of Tourist Places in
Serang Regency" unpublished manuscript (Dinas
Pariwisata Daerah Lab. Serang, 1985) p. 6
149
38. Sharer, Robert J. and Wendy Ashmore, op. cit. pp.
158-160
39. Fagan, Brian M. , In the Beginning: an Introduction to
Archaeology, Boston : Little, Brown Company, 1985, pp.
203-205
40. Vlekke, Bernard H. M. op. ci t. . p. 107
41. Mollema, J. C. , op. ci t . , p. 252
42. Valentijn, Francois, op. ci t ■ , (En Nieuw Oost-Indi en )
1975, III.
43. Heydt, J. W. , " Al 1 erneuester Geographisch und
Topographi scher " , Schau-platz von Africa und
Oost-Indien, 1759
44. Dipodjojo, Sidya N. , " Interpretasi Foto Udara Sebagai
Alat Penentu Situs Arkeologi (Studi Kasus Situs Ikan
Pari, Banten)", Yogyakarta" IAAI, 1986, p. 4
45. Serrurier, L. S. H., Kaart van Oud-Banten (Bantam) in
gereedheid gebracht door 1900
46. van der Chijs, J. A., op. ci t . , p. 31
47. Fruin-Mees, W. , op. cit. . p. II.: 42
48. Mollema, J. C. , op ■ cit., p. 226
49. Mei 1 l nk-Roel of sz , M. A. P., Asian Trade and European
Influence in the Indonesian Archipelago Between 1500
and about 1630 The Hague: M. Nijhoff, 1962, p. 242
50. Mollema, J. C. , op. cit. , pp. 223-224
51. Dj aj adi ni ngrat , Hoesain, op. cit., p. 621
52. Sutikno (ed. ) op. cit., p. I.: 10; III.: 15
53. De Long, David G. , "Historic Preservation for the site
and monuments in Banten", Final Reposrt " Seminar on
Preservation of Historic Sites of Banten, August 29,
September 6, 1986, Jakarta : Directorate of Protection
and Development of Historical and Archaeological
Heritage, 1986, p. 83
54. Miksic, John N., , op ■ cit.., p. 22; cited from van der
Chijs, J. A. , 1881 , p. 36
55. van der Chijs, J. A., op. cit., p. 40
150
57.
61 .
62.
63.
64.
65.
66.
Michrob, Halwany, op. ci t . . p. 39; cited from Cruck,
TBS. 1938, p. 363
The result of discussion between David G. De Long,
Hasan M.Ambary and John N. Miksic during their visit to
Surosowan palace on August 29, 1936, recorded by the
team and written in the Final Report: Seminar on
Preservation of Historic Sites of Banten, Jakarta 1986,
p. 3
Tj anrasasmi ta, Uka, op. ci t . . p. 165
Fruin-Mees, W. , op. ci t ■ . pp. 41-43
Miksic, John N. , op. ci t . . p. 10
Dam Ten H. , op. ci t . . p. 295
Miksic, John N. , op. ci t ■ , p
Tj andrasami ta, Uka, op. cit.
11
p. 17J
Cortesao, Armando, The Suma Oriental of Tome Fires],
London: Hakluyt Society 1944, p. 143; 155; 184
Reid, Anthony, op. cit., p. 239
Miksic, John N. , op. cit.. pp. 6-7
Chapter Four:
A Master Plan for the Preservation of Banten
4.1. Philosophy o-f Urban Historic Site Preservation
Urban sites have special -features compared to other
types of sites. They have a large area, they are the center
o-f many different activities, they undergo many rapid
changes over time and thus undergo frequent site
disturbance, and they are comprised o-f a combination of many
types of remains. All these features create special problems
for preservationists and restorers. The goal o-f
preservation is still the same as at other sites: to arrest
as -far as possible the forces which can change the condition
of a particular object, structure or landscape. When the
object of preservation work is straightforward, and requires
little or no research or interpretation to determine the
actions which need to be taken, we know that we must simply
seek to stop the processes of physical decay: rotting of
wood, rusting of iron, and so forth. The problem becomes
more? complicated if some restoration is judged necessary.
In the case of a single artifact, the restorer should not do
more than clean the object, including removing those parts
of the piece being restored which endanger the preservation
of the rest of object. Restorers are often tempted to
"recreate", to add new color or other material to the object
in order to make the object look just as it did when it was
1 5 1
152
new. However, this practice, which was once so common as to
be almost universal, is now judged to be wrong and to be
avoided at all costs.
When the thing to be preserved is a building, the
problem is more complicated. Buildings can be used for long
periods of time, during which they are remodeled and
otherwise changed. They may be made from a large variety
of different materials, each requiring different techniques
to preserve them. The most difficult problem to solve is in
deciding what should be preserved. If a building has been
remodelled several times, different parts of it will date
from different periods. If old walls have simply been
covered by a new layer of plaster or brick, it will be easy
to strip away the newer exterior. If old walls have been
removed, however, it is impossible to preserve them, and we
are again faced with the dilemma of restoring as imitation,
or leaving in place a newer wall. These problems are
multiplied in the example of a city. In such a complex
site, not only are the artifacts and structures
important and worthy of preservation, but also the spatial
relationships between them. How far was the mosque from the
palace? How far was the market? What did the Sultan see
w h e n I i e s a t i n h i s p a v i 1 1 i o n g i v i n g p u b 1 i c audi e nee in the
square? All these things are much more important than the
mere artifacts and structures themselves. We can only
obtain as close an image as possible of the past from
153
visiting a preserved site, individual objects in a museum
are more remotely connected with their functions in human
life, and even individual buildings provide a restricted
impression of the conditions under which people lived at
earlier times. But a complete site can create an
environment which effects a broad range of the human senses,
so that contemporary people ar& enabled to experience much
the same sensations as their ancestors.
The great potential of urban sites to inspire and
educate the public is, however, equaled by the enormous
difficulty involved in exploiting this potential. Let us
consider the problems faced at Banten:
1 ■ Area: The exact boundaries of the city have not
been determined, but it they include hundreds of
hectares. Much of it now belongs to private
individuals or organizations, such as the Maul ana
Hasanuddin Foundation. It is not yet possible to
incorporate the whole site into a single
preservation district, although such a goal has
been set. This will involve delineating red,
yellow, and green zones (see below).
Different Activities: The site was used for the
entire range of human endeavour. Some of these
activities can be identified from written records,
others from archaeology.. Further research will
154
reveal more, but some will never be known.
3. Rapid Change: During its 300-year history,
Banten's population rose and fell, and buildings
were built and destroyed. Crises and war-fare were
frequent. We must decide whether to restore the
city as it appeared in the 16th, 17th or 18th
century, or some combination thereof.
4. Frequent Disturbance: Some parts of the site,
especially the palace and residential area^ have
been dug up, built over,, and so on, so that not
all areas can be preserved.
5. Variety of Remains: Most activity at Banten has
been devoted to the restoration of the mosque and
Surosowan palace, rather than preservation. In
the future, as more areas of the site come under
the jurisdiction of the project, the focus will
shift to preservation. The first priority will be
to preserve rather than to recreate. However,
certain parts of the site? require special
attention. The various) parts of the site were
linked by water works. However, in many cases the
canals are silted up, the rivers" courses changed,
and the sluice gates for controlling the water
di sappeared . To what extent are we allowed to
alter the face of the site in order to restore
that aspect of life in the old city?
No old houses remain on the site. Can old houses be
recreated, or is this contrary to the principles of
preservation? Numerousquandari es such as this present
themselves. If we are guided bythe rule that our first duty
is to preserve and protect without any changes, except where
absolutely necessary, then our philosophy will guide us in
the proper direction. In deciding what is proper
preservation and what is not, perhaps we can use the
following criterion: what will our children say? By this
is meant, will they say that a certain preservation project
has helped them to understand their ancestors, or will they
say that we have destroyed a piece of evidence which could
have been useful to them? Preservation should not be aimed
at the present, but towards future ones. It is for our
children and grandchildren and their children that we work.
We do not hesitate to criticise our predecessors in
preservation for their mistakes; certainly those who fallow
us will be no less critical of us.
The most important element in a philosophy of
preservation is that nothing should be destroyed by it.
Impatience is perhaps the greatest 5in for the
preservationist. If he attempts to create a preservation
156
project in a short time by sacrificing detail, he will
certainly be condemned by his successors. While
ignorant people may scoff at the slow, painstaking progress
of a well-planned project as laziness or lack of skill,
future generations will praise us. We only live for a short
itme. Lack of praise now will be more than amply
compensated for the recognition of many future generations.
Thus to return to the question of the canal, the
original character of the city will not be visible until the
canals are restored to use. However, if the rapid
excavation techniques are used, tremendous amounts of data
will be lost forever. We must resign ourselves to the fact
that the restoration of the canal network will take many
years, and that we ourselves may not live to see it
completed. We can however take satisfaction in the
fact that when it is completed, we will be praised for our
work rather than blamed for it. It would be better to do
nothing than to do work which will give us a bad reputation
in the future. In essence, then, a philosophy of
preservation is based on the attribute of patience, a
quality for which Indonesians have long been famous.
4.2 Master Plan for the Restoration of Banten
With a great deal of study of Banten 's historic sit<
tnd its surroundings, one is continually drawn to the
157
monumental remains as prominent signs of Banten's past.
While the restoration problems are, of course, complex, the
project should try to make decisions that will enable people
to see clearly what original -forms were like, at. the same
time without adding too many new elements. In the case of
the palace structures, this might mean that one section of
the remains would be restored intensively, in order to get
as complete a rebuilding as possible, at the same time
leaving the rest of the area in an unrestored state. This
might, provide a more attractive setting than trying to
restore the entire palace compund in an incomplete or
unclear (false) way.
The kind of restoration involved might include adding
some materials, for example floor-tiles, but only if the
materials were convincing enough to really fit into the
site. Surosowan palace, where there are two or more bulding
phases evident (see historical background of this site), the
older and newer remains should be clearly marked, with dates
and general information. To as great an extent as possible,
printed signs should be placed to give the viewer
historical, archaeological, and functional details of the
structure in view, at. all of the important sites. The
extent to which the ancient city of E<anten should become a
focus of the historical site (rebuilding processes),
surrounding settlements and buildings may be naturally hard
to estimate. The archaeol oqi cal research of Banten in 1976
158
was the first step towards investigation in urban
archaeology and settlement archaeology. This is to be
expected, however, as the research was only undertaken in a
small part of the whole research area which is very
extnesive, and in a relatively short period o-f time.
Therefore it was necessary to continue year by year (up to
this year) to expand the research in the Ban ten area.1 This
case, as stated by David De Long:
The hypothetical plan should indicate the extent of
urbanization, the system of major canals and roadways,
and assumed as well as known major buildings. To be of
real use, such a plan would clearly depend on thorough
research of all available documents relating to Banten
as well as to similar sites elsewhere. The
identification of similar sites providing significant
parallels would be important. To test hypotheses
relating components of the plan, limited archaeological
explorations could be undertaken at designated spots ot
check for expected evidence. For instance, if a
specific intersection of roads were posited, a
short-term, focused archaeological dig at that spot
could confirm if an actual intersection of roads had
indeed existed. Such techniques have been successfully
applied at Sardis. By its very nature, the
hypothetical plan would be the sort of documents that
are constantly being updated based on newly discovered
evidence.2 (see photo no. 30)
Another impact on Banten is the maritime heritage.
There are traditions of boat-building, the activity of the
harbour and trade center at Karangantu. These could be
p r e s e r v e d ad m :i g I ~i t. b e p r e s e n t e d t h r o u g h < i m a g i n a t. i v e )
recreations. Like numerous historic: sites in America and
Canada, one promising idea in this line is a master plan tc
use the old river-way for boat transport from one
158-A
"'hoto no. 30 The city-wall is found during the archaeological
investigation in 1985
iiundardjito, one of Indonesian archaeologists is busy to control
his students during their excavation at the southern part of
Speelwijk. In this site, we are discussing some of the city-
walls which could not be detected without total excavation. This
photo shows a part of city-wall which has been found during their
archaeological excavation in 1985. Photographed by Dedy S.Priatna.
159
archaeological site to another within the Banter, area.
Unfortunately, it will not be possible to realize the master
plan for the restoration of Banten which includes old Banter,
becoming an Archaeological or Historical Park, unless
significant funding becomes available According to Uka
Tjandrasasmita, Burosowan Palace, Kaibon, and Fort Speelwijk
are the targets of study being carried out by a Team of The
Directorate of History and Traditional Values. Further, he
states;
The biggest part of old Banten has not been restored
because of lack of funds. Besides the inclusion of
parts of the work which have been finished in the
preliminary concept of the master plan, it is
imperative to include the following study:
1. The socio-economic life of the people in the
surrounding areas both for permanent and odd
j obs.
2. The socio-cultural life of the people
surrounding areas; the living arts, such as
dance, self-defense art, "debus", and
handi crafts.
3. The attitudes of the society towards the
restored objects, whether they support or
condemn them.
4„ The future prospects of the result of the
restoration. The use of the local manpower
and the management of the Archaeological Park
among the central government, local
government community, and non-governmental
bodi es.
5. The study of getting sources of income for
the maintenance of the archaeological Park.
6. Education for the people in surrounding areas
so t hat t h ey c ou 1 d sup p or t an d participate
actively in its further development.
7. Electricity, clean water,, sanitation of the
160
public facitities, etc.
3. Mechanisms of the implementation of the
projects among institutions involved in the
work and mechanisms o-f management a-fter the
completion o-f the projects.
It is expected that old Banten could become an
archaeological or historic Park which has historical,
archaeological and cultural value.3
The above study, as mentioned by Uka Tj andrasasmi ta,
contains the most important points o-f the "integrated
project" between the Central Government (numerous
departments, such as the Department of Education and
Culture, Public Work, Agriculture, Religion, etc.), local
community government, and non— governmental bodies. These
departments would integrate to csrry out Banten's
master plan which will be organized by the directorate
General of Culture, Ministry of Education and Culture. For
the socio— cul tural life of the people in surrounding areas,
the living arts and handicrafts, the Directorate General of
Tourism will pay particular attention to the public
facilities surrounding the archaeological park of Banten.
4.2.1 Proposal for Preservation
Successful preservation of historic buildings should
be always based on the preservation method. Inadequate
techniques used by restorers aiming to reconstruct the
building in the field have caused serious damage to the
161
artifacts. The principle of conservation involves the
control o-f atmospheric conditions to save all archaeological
remains, starting at the time they are discovered, whether
under ground or underwater. For the Banten site, the only
hope to alleviate this difficulty is to hire a chemist
trained or knowledgeable both excavation and restoration.
The study and the role of conservation is, as stated by
Caroline K. Keck,
"... (For many of us, the word restorati on is synonymous
with alteration and is a term that has acquired a
derogatory flavor. It is fool -hardy to take offense to
a word that we happily claim for our personal state
after the benefits of a fine vacation. Discredit
associated with the title or restorer stems from our
20th-century concept that what is preserved should
serve as a historic witness. It is as unfair for us to
refute the labors of our predecessors in restoration as
it will be for our descendants to damn ours for
prolonging images that they may interpret offensively.
We think of ourselves as the medical end of the art
world. The analogy is valid. When medicine emerged
from its cloaks of secrecy and myth to become a
profession, it commenced to amass a body of shared
knowledge founded on experience, experiments and
observation. With persistent research came innovations
that honed the application of skill..."'*
It will be found in some cases that the importance of
the architecture will outweigh political or personal history
and the tentative date will be selected accordingly.
Conversely in some buildings the preservation should be
directed to unusual or significant architectural features of
a different period. A careful reconstruction may be as
valuable as a setting for the presentation of history as a
162
restoration even though the patina of age (that
indescribable atmosphere) is removed and replaced by a
modern finish. Thus, the architect awarded a commission to
restore an ancient building should be one who has a careful
and inquiring mind. He must be able to subordinate his own
design ideas to the taste of past generations. When the
research work is complete the architect must prepare a
detailed report which will correlate the results or research
by the historian, the archaeologist, and the architectural
investigators. The architect for a restoration of any
monument should be responsible for the entire operation
including historical, archaeological, and special research
as well as the architectural work. In any event, every step
of the restoration project must be under the close and
meticulous supervision of the architect in charge. In
restoration work, the historian's research recovers the
story of the site, informing about building, the people who
built and those who used it, their lives, property, and
personal
possessions. It is the rare historical report, however,
which includes an accurate physical description of the
building. The extent of documentary source material
available for historical research is literally endless and
the accumulation of evidence related to a building and its
uses can never be said to be absolutely complete. Without
such a detailed record the same ground may be covered by
163
subsequent researchers and even the original worker will be
handicapped in attempting to prove, review or check his
work. Techniques -for historical research must depend on the
scope of a project. Archaeological exploration, produces
two direct results, physical remains o-f a building, and
articles related to the bulding's occupants, especially
their local activities. Base maps, the grid system,
photographs, and excavation of the site Bre the field
activities of archaeological role and practice. Through
study of such reports of digs at various sites,
archaeologists become increasingly efficient in the
interpretation and dating of evidence recovered in their own
investigations. The problems of the restoration in Old
Banten, arise when objects or structures that have been
excavated from the damp soil ^re dried quickly instead of
being allowed to adapt themselves gradually to the new
environment above ground. In order to prevent such
deterioration, it is essential on excavations which will be
restored after finishing the reports, the materials or
objects must be kept in a cool place out of the sun, where
they can give their moisture slowly. The decision to
restore the old building in the ancient city of Banten is
likely to amount to deciding whether to arrest the life
process, to reverse it under conditions that encourage
ongoing contributions of worthy character.
According to my experience working in the
164
archaeological site of Banten, I know that archaeologists
are not always concerned with what happens to the materials
they excavate, once they have rung -from the bones every
scrap of relevant i n -for mat ion. Neither the resultant rubble
at some digs nor the preservation of the uncovered finds is
necessarily important to archaeological research.
Historians and Museol ogi sts would be better served if every
archaeological expedition included in its membership at
least one well-trained conservator. In addition to the
responsibility for discovering and interpretation of the
archaeological data, and for insisting upon accuracy in
preservation projects, the archaeologist must often also be
a scientist-conservator. While in the field, he may have to
face the same conservation-restoration problems regarding
archaeol ogi cal 1 y recovered artifacts as does the conservator
working in the laboratory. And, when the archaeological
program does not include the services of a staff
conservator, the field archaeologist is required to perform
necessary treatment or to stabilize the object so that it
can be examined and treated later.3
Generally speaking, preservationists agree that it is
better to preserve than repair, better to repair than
restore, and better to restore than to reconstruct. A
period reconstruction if well done will not be
distinguishable on the surface to even a practiced eye. In
this event the record and interpretation must clearly report
165
where the new work was done and the basis for its
design. *>
4.2.2 Building by Building Application -for Preservation
The preservation o-f Old Banten buildings and monuments,
should always be based on the restoration and preservation
methods -for application, in order to facillitate the study
of not only a single building, but the relationships between
contemporaneous ancient buildings. Rapid growth and renewal
have resulted in tragic losses of old buildings, creating an
increasing demand to conserve significant examples of the
Banten architectural heritage. While it is clearly beyond
the scope of this thesis to discuss all the major buildings
that could be restored in Banten I will discuss the issues
involved in the restoration of three significant buildings-
Surosowan Palace, Kaibon palace and the Great Mosque- and
the development of the Banten Museum. Surosowan Palace is
one of the restoration plans for which the project should
try and make decisions that will enable people clearly to
see what the original forms were like, while at the In the
case of the palace structures, this might mean that one
section of the remains be restored intensively, in order to
get as complete a rebuilding as possible, at the same time
leaving the rest of the area in an unrestored state. This
might provide a more attractive setting than trying to
166
restore the entire palace compound in an incomplete or
unclear way.
As we know that Surosowan Palace was built and rebuilt
many times, so that the restoration between the older and
newer remains should be clearly marked with date and general
information, as in places where there are two or more
buildings and structure phases evident. In order to ensure
that the result of structural restoration will not be
misunderstood, the architects and the archaeologists must be
responsible not only -for the discovery and interpretation o-f
archaeological data, and the insistence on accuracy in the
restoration project, but also act as scientific
conservators. It is no longer expected, however, that a
single individual will handle all these aspects. Rather,
the archaeologist, architect, and restoration specialist
will work together in this project to ahcieve the same goal,
to preserve the physical remains o-f the past and to employ
them in perpetuating the Banten historical heritage. Also,
Hugh Braun describes a -fungus, spread by spores, whose long
tendrils creep considerable distances to find wood,
penetrating mortar joints of brick walls with such
determination that a whole wall may become filled with a
mass of threadlike tendrils. The way to cope with this
situation is to cut horizontal chases every two or three
feet in the wall, each chase penetrating nearly to the
center of its thickness, make a temporary dam of clay at the
167
edge of each chase, and completely fill the trough thus
created with -fungicide, allowing it ot seep down through the
wall by gravity. Care must be taken to employ a solution
which will not subsequently stain the plaster.7"
Kaibon Palace
Kaibon palace was built in the 19th century during the
reign of Sultan Syafiuddin 1809. It was the residence of
ratu, (Queen) Aisyah, his mother, but unfortunately, the
building was destroyed by the Dutch East Indies Government
in Batavia (now Jakarta) in 1S32 (see background history of
Kaibon Palace). The structures, including foundations,
walls, floors and basements, were of brick and rock. This
site has been excavated, but will not be restored until all
of the original structures are known, and the total
excavations are complete. The variety of brick bonds found
during the 1934 excavation, such as Flemish bonds found
along the walls of main buildings, and also British bonds in
the parts of the arch forms of doors in every system of
construction, might be limited only by the imagination of
the architect or artisan during the time they were made.
The great burst of archaeological activity in the ruins
of this palace, must be admirably aimed at the exploration
and interpretation of the past. The impact of such
activities has been immeasurable; it has altered the
163
conceptual picture of Ancient Javanese history. The logic
of the procedure is, so -far as it goes, is strong: most o-f
the artifacts discovered in any dig could not long survive
naked exposure to the climate of the site-let alone to the
attentions of honest tourists.3 Before excavating this
site, recent advances in photography and other
techniques of documentation have served to somewhat mitigate
the negative aspects of archaeological investigation, data
lost through removal from context. Though materials are
carefully recorded, and small artifacts, and movable
fragments discovered on site are saved and moved to the Site
Museum, the Site Museum of Banten is rather far removed from
the Kaibon site, so that the artifacts will never again be
seen in their proper contextual setting. The technique of
conserving this site focuses on the controlling of the
efflorescence which originates in the mortar. Salts,
principally sodium carbonate, potash and magnesium, in the
brick is dissolved by water absorbed by the mortar and later
precipitated to the surface, leaving a white deposit as the
water evaporates. When dry, the deposit can usually be
brushed off, but the brick may have to be washed and
rewashed until the offending salts have been leached out.
To eliminate efflorescence permanently, the brick must be
protected from water and dampness.
Important for the preservation of the site, is the
relationship of the archaeologist to other professionals as
169
they try to solve the problems of preserving the site. One
o-f the greatest pleasures o-f a building is the appreciation
of the observation of the relationships involved in
restoration. The preservation activities must be
responsible for the conservation, especially the preparation
of working drawings, must constantly bear in mind that the
architect is not a designer in the normal sense of the word.
He must be a detective, finding and interpreting clues, and
the drawings for the work to be done under his direction
must be documented and authenticated in every detail. He
must not only indicate what changes he proposes to make in
the structure, but also include working drawings for a
conservation showing the precise lication based on
conservation techniques.**
It is wrong to think deterioration caused by spalling
or dust can be stopped only by replacing any unsound brick;
there seems to be no way to stop disintegration of soft
brick once it has started. The failure of some structural
deficiencies may be corrected following normal building
practices, such as underpinning, replacement or resetting of
lintels and arches and replacement of cracked brick.10 A
coat of a solution gives good protection against damage by
moisture if carefully applied to brick wall, but to be
effective it must be reapplied every few years. A
pentrating water-repellent coating sold under the trade name
"hydrozo" has a claimed life of 35 years and has given
170
apparent satisfaction in many applications.
Practically all old buildings share one major
maintenance problem, -floors are subject to the most
conspicuous deterioration through the wear of the feet of
hundreds of thousands of visitors and the impact of spiked
heels. This must be anticipated and given special
attention. If the floor is original work and hence has
intrinsic value it should be protected from damage with a
surface covering or it will be slowly worn away.
Architectural photogrammetry also makes it possible to
discover, draw, and measure surface indications of change in
a historic building such as the palace, for instance, the
interruption of brick bonding patterns where an opening has
been bricked in, a lintel replaced, a sill or threshold
raised, or where wall notches for bearing joints have been
filled. The preservation of architectural brick elements
depends largely on the recongition of their cultural and
architectural values. It is to be hoped that before it is
too late, some of the better examples of its many uses may
be preserved.
The Compound of the Great Mosque
Most of the building stock in the study area is
homogeneous, consisting of two story brick rows which were
built within a hundred years of one another. Differences in
171
architectural style among the buildings of Old Banten,
especially the Great Mosque are primarily attributable to
differences in the style of their various components, such
as porches, windows, doors, cornices and roofs. By
examining the various elements of the old bulding in the
historic site in Banten, judgments may be made as to which
style they most approximate, but, however, this additional
bulding which was called "Tiyamah" is an instance where a
building's style within the study area can be described as
"mixed". The survey of categories of style of architecture
is, of course, far from complete. It is intended in part to
indicate the service ability of the popular categories for
the analysis of style. ll The application of this
architecture, even more striking than pertinence of the
terminology is the application of precisely the same
terminology of stylistic analysis to the
non-representational forms in architecture. The Tiyamah
building was formally used as a meeting place, particul ari 1 y
to discuss religious matters. The minaret stands in the
front yard of the compound of the mosque. In the "Journal
van de Aeyse" (de Eerste Schipvaart der Nederlanders naar
Oost-Indie onder Cernelis de Houtman 1595-1597) we found a
map of Banten which showed this tower. In the history of
Banten it is mentioned that this tower was built when
"Kanjeng Maul ana Yusuf " was married. On the basis of the
report and documentation, it was the opinion of K.C. Crucp
172
that, the minaret had already existed before 1569-1570.
Moreover, on architectural grounds, it is historically known
that at the beginning of his reign, Sultan Hasanuddin had
planned the Islamic city of Banten which the Surosowan
palace and the great mosque was created to be built. They
were to be in the center of the town, the minaret having two
functions, that of the moslem activities (call to prayers),
and that of a look-out station for ships from the top,
especially in the second half of the 16th century, between
1560-1570 A.D.13 On the northern yard side of the great
mosque compound, there are several old and new graves in the
cemetery. The Mosque is still preserved up to this day,
and it is a life monument for the moslem activities. But
research of the building is very important because mud
masonry remains environmentally the optimal material for
hot, dry climates and requires no cash outlay for raw
materials. The wood part of the mosque element can be
destroyed by decay fungi, insect, or ultraviolet radiation.
As we know that, the wood is a porous material, possessing
excellent insulation and working qualities. However,
because of the highly variable communication capabilities
between cells, the permeability of wood varies greatly. The
weathering of wood is caused by rapid wetting and drying,
which are accompanied by destructive stresses. Rapid
wetting of wood can be prevented by applying coating or
finishes, which also protect the wood against ultraviolet
173
radiation.13 Coatings slow the penetration o-F water vapor
and liquid water (that is, rain) into the wood. As Moisture
enters the wood which has been coated, swelling occurs
slowly, and stresses are easily accommodated by plastic
adjustments. However, i -f the coating weathers badly, it may
cease to protect the wood against penetration by water,
making the wood susceptible to -fungal attack. The importance
of proper selection and maintenance of coatings cannot by
overstated.
Water repellents are another means o-f protecting wood
against penetration by water. Joints where wooden elements
meet are extrememly vulnerable because they readily trap
liquid water, which, of course leads to the development of
the stresses previously mentioned and the creation of
conditions conducive to decay. Ideally, vulnerable areas of
wooden elements should be dipped in a solution of a
water-repellent fungacidal preservative, such as penta, and
a water repellent, such as wax, which prevents liquid water
from penetrating the joint. Capillary action carries the
treatment solution to surface areas. Preservationists are
generally concerned with arresting destructive action under
way in historically interesting and important structures,
rather than with protecting newly assembled structures.
Damage to historic structures may be caused by continuous
out-door exposure with inadequate protection or by insect
damage .
174
4.2.3 Site Museum Development
The Site Museum is a new building situated in -front of
Surosowan Palace. It was began on September 1984 and
completed on January 30, 1985, with the official celebration
by Professor Haryati Subadio, the Director General of
Culture, Department of Education and Culture, Republic of
Indonesia. The site Museum building consists of three
components, a main hall for exhibition of archaeological
displays, an auditorium, and a conservation
laboratory with quarters for watchmen. The presentation is
designed to reflect the activities of the populace of the
Banten urban ar&a during the past centuries. Now this
museum is able to present the fruits of the archaeological
field research on the Banten site in a scholarly fashion.
An archaeol ogci al approach is applied to the style of this
presentation. The primary objective of this museum is to
set guidelines on research methods on documentation and
conservation of the artifacts, and to come up with a
definite plan of action based on the documentation and
conservation works engaged in by the museum staff. The
emphasis of the course is on the principle of chemistry.
The evaluative analysis of the conditions of documentation
materials such as papers, photos, maps textiles, and other
monumental documentations is important. Environment plays a
major role in conservation, and for this reason any study of
175
the innumerable aspects of documentation and conservation
objects in the site museum, which must be preceded by a
general consideration o-f the effects of environmental change
in particular, change o-f temperature and relative
humidity.1-* The problems related both to effect of change
of environment on the objects immediately, therefore all
finds in the site museum of Banten, and many artifacts which
are still in the storage, can not be carried out with the
purpose to answer certain questions, how to solve the
problems of all historic materials from their
deterioration.13 Our daily life is always related to
organic chemistry. It is a field of immense importance
totechnology. Paper, ink, dyes, paint, plastic are all
products derived from the study of organic chemistry.
Chemical compounds from organic sources contain the element
carbon, and each compound has its own characteristic of
chemical and physical properties. So that, chemical
analysis is very important and it is a basic framework on
which any argument for preservation of documentation,
especially organic materials which are still in the storage.
More than 500,000 objects now in the Site Museum have
so far been labelled, registered and catalogued. The
laboratory activities should be continuously conducted to
study the artifacts, not only organic material but also
stones, brick, ceramic, etc. The similar kind of problems
arise, when the objects those have been excavated from the
176
damp soil are quickly instead of being allowed to adapt
themselves gradually to the new environment above ground.
In order to prevent such deterioration it is essential on an
excavation to keep objects in cool place out of the
sun, where they can give their moisture slowly.13 Pottery,
earthen-ware, tiles, and such like are all porous, and if
they require strengthening, this can be done by impregnation
using dilute synthetic laquers containing polyvinyl acetate
or polymethyl methacryl ate. It is not possible to repair
dusty joints, therefore, for making permanent joints very
strong and for water-proofing, an epoxy resin adhesive or
araldite is recommended.1'7
The most relevant role of chemical analysis lies in the
attribution of cultural affinities to a series of artifacts.
Old techiques and sources of each material can be deduced by
chemical analysis. Chemistry performs an indespensible
function for archaeologists and historians in developing the
picture of early man's life, style and culture. The
principles have already been understood clearly but
incorporating them to actual practice is yet to be achieved.
Continuity between the scientific knowledge and the working
solutions to the practical problems of the conservator is
very difficult since every case is particular in its own
way. There are no general procedures to be implemented,
the solution lies in the present state of deterioration of
the object and has to be assessed carefully. The main issues
177
in conservation problems can be solved more easily i -f the
conservator can discuss with other skilled professionals
regarding the conservation schemes.
4.3 Banten and Tourism
The goal of devloping tourism, as formulated in the
guidelines of the Indonesian government's policy, is to
support and expand employment opportunities, as well as to
promote the culture of Indonesia. As a matter of fact,
tourism involves many aspects of living. It has a cultural
element that deals with a possible increase of the source of
the Government's income as well as local people's, and Old
Banten is one of the historical sites in Indonesia which is
still being restored to preserve its cultural heritage. It
is necessary to integrate and coordinate all sectors, namely
government, private and social, in order to improve the
provision of related facilities, and the quality of
services, and to promote touristic activities.
Banten is one region in west Java which has the largest
number of ancient treasures, and historical buildings and
sites. The Directorate of Protection and Development of
Historical and Archaeological Heritage, and also the
national Research Centre of Archaeology, have undertaken
programs to excavate, restore and to preserve the sites of
Old Banten. The Directorate General of Tourism and Local
178
Government's support of those activities and to promote
tourism programs is quite conspicuous. Old Banten has many
building with different styles of architecture with symbolic
functions. According to John Miksic, these buildings need
not be elaborated here. Further, he says:
"Architecture is, at one level, an artifact, albeit a
complex one, in view of the number of parts which
comprise most buildings. Architecture may have many
diverse purposes, and at Banten we have examples of
several. Overtly, Speelwijk was built for defense, the
Great Mosque for worship, the Kaibon as a residence. ie
The display of individual structure can be studied,
especially the stages of construction and alteration which
are recovered from information regarding the chronology of
the site. Regarding a tour through Java, De Long said:
"Along the road near Banten, the temporary bamboo
shelters erected as part of the brick industry struck
me as interesting from the point of view of providing a
possible technique for temporary shelters over tourist
kiosks, and for providing temporary screens around
other facilities. There is a sense of impermenence
about such structures which is reassuring on an
archaeological site. They are never mistaken as
ancient, and they will eventually fall down when no
longer wanted rather than remaining as unused ruins in
their own right. I have seen too many archaeological
sites where permanent new structures were erected with
the best of intentions, only to be later abandoned and
remain as ugly, empty shells, detracting from the site
itself. " "•*»
Study of nature, materials, workmanship, and traditional
techniques of construction in the entire area of Banten can
provide some information regarding skill and education of
the people who built the edifices which we are now seeking
to restore and preserve.
179
The essential elements o-f exhibit policies and
procedures may, because o-f the comples subject, seem
discouraging to the very large site struggling with a
minimum of -Facilities and small sta-Ff. The intention at the
archaeological site o-f Banten is to experiment with the Bite
Museum exhibit in an effort to approximate the policies
discussed. For Old Banten, expert advice and assistance
stand by in the site and can usually be had -for the asking.
"A surprising wealth o-f specialized information may be found
even in a small town."20 The museum has come to light as
the result of work aimed at discovering details of
structures; its display of artifacts can be studied by
scientists, but among the most rewarding museum activities
are those designed for children. The benefits the children
receive from their museum and site experiences are
recognized and appreciated by the parents, parent teacher
associations, school authorities, and child welfare
organizations. An organized program of children's
activities is on of the best ways of winning community
support. Therefore, analysis of these artifacts has been
given priority as the main focus of a plan to document the
life of Banten * s population through material culture. All
restoration activities of Old Banten have the goal of
producing material which will exhibit one aspect of the
Islamic city's cultural identity in Indonesia during the
sultanate period; it will serve as an object for cultural
180
tour i sm.
"From an early stage of the project, the Directorate
has done its best to maintain some balance between the
presentation o-f information on Banten's past via
exhibition o-f small objects as well as restoration o-f
the impressive monuments These arti -facts and others
have been housed in the Site Museum which was opened in
1984. this museum adds a significant new dimension to
the infrastructure now available to make the Banten
project an effective instrument with which to
communicate historical and cultural information to both
the general public and scholars."21
As is true of Site Museum activities, success depends upon
ingenuity and perseverence. The integration of Site Museum
services with school instruction is widely practiced; museum
visits are school assignments, not sightseeing excursions.
The field lecture during their visit can be given at the
Site Museum's auditorium. Follow-up discussion and
assignment in the class-room will increase the instructional
value of the visits.
"Unfortunately, many teachers are not aware of the
valuable instructional aids which may be found in
museums. The class tour may be directed by a museum
staff member familiar with the class needs and its
background in the subject discussed."22
Old Banten hopes to become a respected and popular
institution, recognized as one of the important agencies
devoted to furthering the cultural and educational interests
of its community and tourism. It has the unique opportunity
of presenting through the use of site and material
collections an intimate and authentic survey of the origins,
growth and nature of the environment and cultural factors
181
that characterize the individuality of its community. To
approximate these goals a number of differing obligations,
procedures and responsibilities must be welded together into
one active and effective organization. Old Banten
has not yet been an example of an endeavor to preserve and
restore such a large and complex collection of architectural
and non-architectural remains. But such conservation
activities can be presented to the public as an educational
topic just as derving of understanding as the message of the
exhibits, despite the fact that they seem to partake of a
different nature. One should not attempt to design a museum
visit as a history book, to be read from cover to cover in a
straight line, for no visitor will sit still for such a
structured experience of his or her own free will. Field
research or archaeological excavation is another side of
historic site preservation which can become a means to
attract and study visitors to a site once they ar& there.
Furthermore, John Miksic explained during the Seminar on
preservation o-f historic sites of Banten that if at all
possible, provisions should be made to allow and encourage
visitors to view excavations in progress, with suitable
security measures.33 Old Banten should serve as a cultural
center of the ancient city, and should combine visual and
performing arts, and art, history, and archaeological
subject matter, in order to reach a regional audience.
Perhaps the way to make this kind of broadened function
182
clear is to examine some actual cases. We believe that
objects are important and evocative survivals of human
civilization worthy of careful study and with powerful
educational impact. Whether aesthetic, documentary, or
scientific, object tell much about human condition and human
heri tage.
END NOTES:
1. Mundardjito, Hasan M. Ambary, Hasan Djafar, op. ci t . .
p. 56
2. De Long, David G. , op. ci t ■ . p. 80
3. Tj andrasasmi ta, Uka "Preliminary Report of the
Masterplan on Archaeological Park of Banten" in Final
Report, Seminar on Preservation of Historic Sites of
Banten, Jakarta: DPDHAH. , 1986, pp. 52-53
4. Timon, Sharon (ed.), Preservation and Conservation:
Principle and Practices, Washington D.C., 1976, p. 27
5. South, Stanley, The Role of the Archaeologist in
Conservation and Preservation Process. Washington),
1976, pp. 35-44
6. Bullock, Orin M. Jr. The Restoration Manual. An
Illustrated Guide to the Preservation and Restoration
of Old Buildings, New York, 1983 p. 12
7. Braun, Hugh, The Restoration of the Old Houses. London,
1954 p. 100
8. Fitch, James Marston, Historic Preservation.
McGraw-Hill Book Company, New York 1982, pp. 293-294
9. Bullock, Orin M. Jr. op. ci t. . pp. 83-84
10. Insall, Donald W. The Csrs of Old Buildings, A
Practical Guide for Architects and Owners, London, 1958
pp. 28-32
11. Rothschild, Lingcoln, Style in Art, London 1960, p. 61
12. Day, Clive, The Policy and Administration of the Dutch
in Java, London, 1904 p. 69
13. Timmons, Sharon, op . ci t . , p. 109
14. de Guichen, Gael, The Documentation and Conservation
Probl ems, ICCR0M, Rome, 1981 p. 25 (recopy in Bangkok:
SPFAFA training, 1982)
15. Agrawal , 0. P. , National Research Laboratory for
183
184
Conservation of Cultural Property. New Delhi, 1982, p.
15
16. Janposri, Kul panthada, Conservation o-f Ethnographic
Material . Bangkok, 1982, p. 32
17. Aranyanak, Ch., Handling o-f Museum Objects. Bangkok,
1982 p. 32
18. Miksic, John N. , "Artifact, Museum, and Urban Site
Restoration" in Final Report, Seminar on Preservation
o-f Historic Sites o-f Banten. Jakarta: DPDHAH.,pp. 55-56
19. De Long, David 8., "Travel Report" in Ibid. . p. 24
20. Buthe, Carl E. So You Want a Good Museum. A Guide to
the Management o-f Small Museums. (Research Associate to
the American Association of Museums, Publications, New
Series No. 17 1957, p. 29)
21. Miksic, John N. , op. ci t . . pp. 57-58
22. Guthe, Carl E. , op. ci t . . p. 30
23. Miksic, John N. , op. ci t . . pp. 59
CHAPTER F I VE : CONCLUS I DN
5.1 The Chronology of Banten' s Evolution
According to chronicles, on October S, 1526, the city
was moved -from Banten Girang to Banten Lor (13 km to the
north) initially on the orders of Maulana Hasanuddin's
father Syarif Hi day at ul 1 ah (Sunan Gunung Jati ) . Building
was supervised first by Sultan Maulana Hasanuddin
(1552-1570) and his son Maulana Yusuf (1570-1585), who
commanded the city and its walls be "bata Kalawan kawis"
(Javanese), this means "built of brick and stone". The
classic configuration of mosque, palace, square, market, and
harbour a.re already present. Tasikardi lake has been
erected by Maulana Yusuf.1
Between 1570—1596, Banten has been encircled by a
masonry wall and is internally divided into fenced
compounds. A canal has been cut bringing the Banten River
into the city. During this period, the city has continued
to grow. According to Cornells de Houtman, (who arrived
here in Banten on June 23, 1596), "this city looks like
Amsterdan".2 (see ill. 40a) The city has grown between
1596 and 1659, requiring the extension of canals and walls.
The city— wall facing the sea has been strengthened with
bastions and bulwarks. The market— place of Krangantu
located (still outside of the city-wall) to the east
mouth of Banten River has been given a wall of its own. To
185
Illustration no»**0 a.
185-A
BANTEN
A HYPOTHETICAL
RECONSTRUCTION OF
THE ISLAMIC CITY
OF BANTEN "
INDONESIA
HALWANY MICHROB
HISTORIC PRESERVATION
UNIVERSITY OF
PENNSYLVANIA 1987
BANTEN, 1596
'. reiver/ Canals
TXity-walT
: Coast-line
Harbour/Bazar
SCALE
NORTH
LEGEND
15S6
165S
1S70
1725
175S
1S02
1S87
REGIONAL CONTEXT!
| Bar>tc-i
SOURCES
186
the west a walled compound for -Foreigners has been built.
According to Cortemunde, to the west of this city are "de
Europaeiske loger og Ki neserkvarter " (Danish). In English,
this means "the European lodgings and the Chinese quarter".
Some canals, city-walls and roads are shifting.3 (see ill.
40 b) After two centuries, between 1659-1725, the city has
continued to grow. Now the canals have been added, older
ones filled in both the foreigner's compound (to be "a new
town") and the eastern market have grown considerably. The
encircling fortress wall has now been completed. Although
not portrayed in Valentijn's map, the Dutch have added a
stronghold fortress (Speelwijk) in the northwest corner
facing the sea. The city-walls and canals are shifting.*
Between 1725-1759, the extensions of the road and the
canal systems now have been made to create moats around the
Burosowan Palace and the Dutch fortress. The canal which
curves towards the suspension bridge ( jembatan-rante) has
been straightened to the east through the south part of
Karangantu market. According to Heydt's map, it portrays
the process of shifting of the city planning (the aspect of
architecture, canals, roads, and city-walls). Through
analysis of ancient maps and remote sensing, we try to
detect a shift in stylistic orientations, for Old Banten.
The extension of the Dutch buildings, accomplished in 1751
when the revolt was quelled, served mainly to solidify the
poition of the Dutch company and reaffirm Banterrs
BANTEN
186-A
A HYPOTHETICAL
RECONSTRUCTION OF
THE ISLAMIC CITY
■ OF BANTEN
INDONESIA
HALWANY MICHROB
HISTORIC PRESERVATION
UNIVERSITY OP
PENNSYLVANIA 1987
BaNTEN, 1659
r^ld/ new Canal j
: City-walls
Coast-lino
: Market-jblace
SCALE
NORTH
LEGEND
15S6
165S
1670
1725 !
175S
LS02
1SS7
_ . 185-B
BANTEN
187
weakness.3 (se ill. 40d and 40e)
After Stavorinus' visit of 1769, no other sources
mention the development of this city. According to
Breughel, who wrote in 1787, there were some warehouses and
a jail, also a pendopo with a platform ten to twelve feet
high crowded onto the alun-alun. The residential quarters
of the indigenous inhabitants of the city do not seem to
have changed very much, only a few houses had tile roofs at
this time. In 1795 thepopul ati on of the Banten distict was
estimated at 90,000 out of a total populaiton for all Java
of 3.5 million. There was still a kampung Arab between
Karangantu and Surosowan Palace, but by this time 4/5 of the
Chinese houses were said to be empty. The economic
attraction of Batavia was too strong, Banten was being
reduced to the status of a provincial settlement. The
political and military events of the Napoleonic wars,
British occupation, and also reimposition of Dutch rule took
their course, so that the settlement gradually declined to
the status of a village, and burned in 1808-1809. The city
of Banten is gone for ever, except to mention that Kaibon
was built as a kraton in 1815 for Sultan Rafiuddin's mother,
and again, destroyed in 1832 by the Dutch, and its bricks
and other materials robbed for construction in Serang. In
1893 Serrurier visited and sketch Banten, and published
these sketches in 1902. * (see ill. 40f )
BANTEN
A HYPOTHETICAL
RECONSTRUCTION OR
THE ISLAMIC CITY '
OF BANTEN
INDONESIA
HALWANY MICHROB
BANTEN '
A HYPOTHETICAL
RECONSTRUCTION OF1
THE ISLAMIC CITY
■ OF "BANTEN ""
INDONESIA
HALWANY MICHROB
HISTORIC PRESERVATION
UNIVERSITY OF
PENNSYLVANIA IS87
HI. no. hCim
BANTEN, 1759
&V : New Canals
,: Fortresses
: Old fioad
New -tioad
SCALE
NORTH
LEGEND
15S6
165S
1670
1725
175S
LS02
1S87
REGIONAL CONTEXT'
SOURCES
187-C
BANTEN
A HYPOTHETICAL
RECONSTRUCTION OF1
THE ISLAMIC CITY
" OF BANTEN
INDONESIA
HALWANY MICHROB
HISTORIC PRESERVATION
UNIVERSITY OF
PENNSYLVANIA H87
BANTEN, 1902
■m : Coast-line
:~E£dns of City-
Mall ,
: New Roads
NORTH
188
5.2 The Present Site of Old Banten
The present site is known by "Banten Lama" or Old
Banten (10 km north of Serang). Banten is now an abandoned
ruin. Only the canal system, palace walls, kraton Kaibon,
Speelwijk, and some meagre port facilities are left
standing, (see ill. 40g) According to Serrurier, a map of
Old Banten which was published in 1902 had been made some
time after 1879. Serrurier, the curator of the ethnographic
collection of the Batavian Society of Arts and Sciences (the
forerunner of the present Indonesian National Museum)
obtained it from the Resident of Banten in 1893 to orient
himself during a visit to this site. It divides the site
into 33 kampunqs and gives other landmarks as well. The
Dutch scholar, Brandes, found the outline of the map
"unreliable", but agreed that the names given to the various
divisions of the settlement were useful as indications of
which groups had inhabited various areas. The first
restoration of Banten began in 1915 and lasted until 1930,
and was initiated by the Dutch government, but did not
mention any shifting of the site chronologically, especially
the canals and city-walls. The restoration and preservation
of Old Banten continued by the Indonesian government began
in 1945, and carries on today. Themain problem is that some
ruins and sites are scattered, but still, we try to plan to
develop this site as an "Archaeological Park of Old
i— > i — i I Ni I CI M
■ 1884- |
A HYPOTHETICAL |
RECONSTRUCTION OF
THE ISLAMIC CITY
"" " OF'BANTEN "~
INDONESIA
HALWANY MICHROB
HISTORIC PRESERVATION
UNIVERSITY OP
PENNSYLVANIA RB7
BAN'MJ, I987 .
New Canals
: Fortresses
Coast-line
,: New Villages
SCALE
NORTH
3B0 METRES
LEGEND
15SS
165S
. 1S70
1725
175S
LS02
1S87
REGIONAL CONTEXT;
SOURCES
189
Banten" . T
5.3 A Master Plan of Old Banten
According to the geological map, the present site is
between 1-25 meters above sea-level, with a 27. slope. The
land rises to 25 to 100 meters in elevation at Banten
Girang, to the south, with slopes of 2 to 57.. Banten
experiences heavy rain-fall, averaging 1840 mm (72 inches per
year and its average temperature is 26-27C. The site has
been subjected to repeated flooding and the deposition of
silt since the time of the sultanate. In 1883,
Krakatoa exploded and deposited as much as two inches of
volcanic dust.°
A masterplan of the archaeological park of Banten is a
must, if successful restoration is to be achieved.
Hyupothetical formulations of the urban plan at various
periods; seeking parallels in other cities; revising it as
new information becomes available, thus this plan ccan help
identify areas to be held in open reserve. This sites,
generally is still preserved, with some of architectural
foundations buried under-ground. A masterplan will help
plan for excavation in the long-term future, with some areas
he?ld in reserve for the use of specific villages, with
permission of the Directorate of Protection and Development
of Historical and Archaeological Remains.
END NOTES
Djajadiningrat , Critische beschouwi nqen over de
Sadjarah Banten. A dissertation. Haarlem, 1913 (also
Babad Banten. pupuh XXII)
Mollema, J. C. , De Eerste Schipvaart der Hollanders
Naar Qost-Indie 1595-1597's Gravenhage: M. Nijhoff ,
1936 (see also Rouf aer, G. P.De Eerste Schipvaart der
Nederlanders Naar Post Indiender Cornells de Houtman
1595-1597' s Gravenhage: Martinus Nijho-f-f, 1915)
Cortemunde, A-f . J. P. Daqboq Fra en Qstindi e-f art
1672-75. ved Hinning Hinningsen, Handels Og
Sof artsmuseet, Pa Kronborg, 1953 (Danish, day-book -from
East Indies, between 1672-1675) pp. 90-129
Valentijn, Francois, Pud en Niew Post Indien. III.
Uitgegeven door Dr. Keyser 7 s Gravengage, fl858 (cf.
Laurens van der Hem 1621-78. See also Anthony Reid,
"Southeast Asian Cities be-fore Col on i al i sm " , JSAS . 1985,
pp. 144-149)
Heydt, J. W. , "Al 1 ernuester Geographisch und
Topographer Schau-platz van Africa Und Cost Indien",
1759
Serrurier S. H. L. "Kaart van Oud Bantam (Banten) in
greedheid gebracht door 1900" (a map o-f Pld Banten
which was made sometime after 1879, and published by
Serrurier in 1902). See also John Miksic, "The
Archaeological Site o-f Pld Banten" unpublished
manuscript (c-f. Breughel, 1787), Site Museum, Banten
1985.
Ambary, Hasan M. , "A Preliminary Report o-f the Urban
Site of Banten" SPAFA workshop on Archaeology. Bangkok,
1977. See also, Nundardjito (ed.) Laporan Penelitian
Arkeol ogi . no. 18, 1978
Sutikno (ed. ) , Pengi nderaan Jauh untuk Pemetaan
Terinteqrasi Kepurbakal aan Banten dan Jepara,
Yogyakarta: Fakultas Geografi Universitas Gad j ah flada,
1984
190
BRIEF CHRONOLOGY OF OLD BANTEN
A- Chronology of Kings and Kingdoms
No. Name o-f King Name o-f Kingdom Location/
Time-period Site
1. Devavarman (Sr.) Tiao-pien (Ch.) South
(Argabinta) Banten
130-168 A.D.
2. Purnawarman (Sr.) Tarumanagara Bogor and
395-434 A.D. Banten
3. Rajaputara <Sr.) Salakanagara (?) Pandeglang
4. (?) Kosala (?) Lebak
5. (?) Legon (?) Serang
6. Wisnuwarman (Sr.) Taruma, 437 A.D. (?)
7. Sili(h)wangi (Sr.) Pajajaran Bogor and
(Mundingwangi or 1482-1579 A.D. Banten
Prabu Sepuh)
8. Sunan Gunungjati Pioneer o-f the Old Banten
(Jr.) or Syari-f Banten's Islamic and Banten
Hiadayat 'ullah Kingdom, 1525 A.D. Girang
(Ar. )
9. Sultan Maul ana (Islamic kingdom Old Banten
Hasanuddin (Ar.) o-f Banten
or Panembahan (Surosowan) )
Surosowan (Kr.) 1552-1570 A.D.
10. Sultan Maulana Banten Old Banten
Yusu-f (Ar.) 1570-1580
Pakalangan Gede
(Kr. )
11. haul ana Muhammad Banten Old Banten
(Ar.) Pangeran 1580-1596
Ratu ing Banten
( Kr . )
12. Sultan Abul Banten Old Banten
Ma-fachir 1596-1640
Mahmud Abdul -
Kadir Kenari (Ar.)
191
192
13. Sultan Abul Banten Old Banten
Ma'ali Achmad 1640-1651
Kenari ( Ar . )
14. Sultan Abul Banten Old Banten
Fathi Abdul 1651-1672
Fattah <Ar.)
or Sultan
Agung Tirtayasa
( Kr . )
15. Sultan Abun Banten Old Banten
'Nasr Abdul 1672-1687
Kohar (Ar. )
or Sultan
Haji
16. Sultan Abul Banten Old Banten
Fadal (Ar.) 1687-1733
Pangeran Ratu
( Kr . )
17. Sultan Abul Banten Old Banten
Mahasin Zainul 1733-1750
Abidin (Ar. )
or Pangeran
Dipati (Kr. )
18. Sultan Syari-fuddin Banten Old Banten
Ratu Wakil 1750-1752
(Ar. and Kr. )
19. Sultan Muhammad Banten Old Banten
Wasi ' Zainul 1752-1753
• Alimin (Ar . )
20. Sultan Muhammad Banten Old Banten
•'Ari-f Zainul 1752-1773
Asyikin (Ar. )
21. Sultan Abul Banten Old Banten
Ma-Fachir 1773-1801
Muhammad 7 Al i u
'ddin (Ar.)
22. Sultan Abun Banten Old Banten
'Nasr Muhammad 1801
Muchyiddin (Ar.)
Zainul Soldi chin
23. Sultan Muhammad Banten Old Banten
Ishak Zainul 1801-1803
19;
Muttaqin (Ar. )
24. Sultan Wakil Banten Old Banten
Pangeran 1803
Natawijaya (Kr.or
Ar. )
25. Sultan Abul Banten Did Banten
Mafachir 1803-1808
Muhammad
Aqi 1 uddin (Ar . )
26. Sultan Wakil Banten Old Banten
Pangeran 1808-1809
Suramanggala <Kr.)
27. Sultan Muhammad Banten Old Banten
Sya-fiu 'ddin (Ar.) 1809-1813
28. Sultan Muhammad Banten Old Banten
Ra-Fiu 'ddin (Ar.) 1813-1815
(Ar.) =Arabic name
(J. ) =Javanese name
(Kr.) =Krama; high Javanese title
<S. ) =Sundanese nick— name
(Sr.) =Sanskrit nick=name
SOURCES TO KINGS
1. Chatter jee, Bijan Ray, India and Java. Calcutta Greater
Indian Society Bulletin, 1933, p. 1 (no. 5, cited -from
Chinese Chronicle)
2. Stone inscription, Munjul, Banten
3. Sundanese chronicles (West Java Museum), Bandung, 1985,
no. e. 15
4. Ibid, collected by Atja, p. e. 17
5. Ibid, collected by Atja, p. e. 25
6. Ibid, collected by Atja, p. e. 29
7. Atja, Ratu Pakuan. Bandung. 1970, pp. 15-16
8. Ambary Hasan M. , (ed.) Hari Jadi Kabupaten Serang,
1985, p. 11
9. Mundardjito (ed.) Berita Penelitian ArkeoloQi. Jakarta,
194
1978, no. IB (cf. A j i p Ismail).
10. Ibid, (from no. 10 until no. 28)
Guide to Further Reading
1. "Final Report, Seminar on Preservation of Historic
Sites of Banten" The Ford Foundation Project for the
Conservation and Development of Site Museum of Banten,
August 29-September 6, 1986, Jakarta: Directorate of
Protection and Development of Historical and
Archaeological Heritage, Directorate General of
Culture, 1986
2. Moertono, Soemarsaid, State and Statecraft in Old Java.
Monograph Series (Publication No. 42, Revised Edition),
Ithaca, New York: Southeast Asia Program, Cornell
University, 1981
3. Tj andrasasmi ta, Uka, Sultan Aqunq Tirtayasa Musuh Besar
Kompeni Belanda, Jakarta; Nusalarang, 1974
B. Dutch Residents o-f the Banten Residency
City o-f
Name o-f Resident Year Residency
1. J. de Bruijen wi 1817-1818 Serang
2. Vas Wit 1818-1819 Serang
3. J. de Puij 1819 Serang
4. J. H. Pobias 1819-1921 Serang
5. P. Van de Poel . 1821-1822 Serang
6. A. A. de Malurda 1822-1827 Serang
7. F. H. Sinulders 1827-1835 Serang
8. T. L. Hora Siecama 1835-1839 Serang
9. C. F. Coldinan 1839-1843 Serang
10. D. A. Bruijn 1843-1851 Serang
11. C. A. E. Wiger 1851-1855 Serang
12. C. F. Brest van Kemper 1855-1857 Serang
13. C. F. de Lanoy 1857-1862 Serang
14. 0. van Polanen Petel 1862-1865 Serang
15. J. H. vander Palm 1865-1872 Serang
16. B. van Baak 1872-1874 Serang
17. F. E. P. van der Boasch 1874-1877 Serang
18. W. F. van Andel 1877-1878 Serang
19. J. P. Metman 1878-1881 Serang
20. A. J. Span 1881-1884 Serang
21. E. A. Engerbrecht 1884-1888 Serang
22. J. A. Velders 1888-1892 Serang
23. B. H. H. Reven Waay 1892-1893 Serang
195
196
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
29.
30.
34.
36.
37.
J. A. Velders
J. A. Herdeman
F. R. Svenduyn
C. W. A. van Rinsum
H. L. C. B. Vlenten
Byl evel d
W. C. Time
C. Caune
J. C. Bedding
de Vries
F. G. Put man Cramer
J. S. de Kanter
A. M. van der Els
Coert
1893-1895
1895-1906
1906-1911
1911-1913
1913-1916
1916-1918
1918-1920
1920-1921
1921-1915
1925
1925-1931
1931-1933
1933-1939
1939-1942
Serang
Serang
Serang
Serang
Serang
Serang
Serang
Serang
Serang
Serang
Serang
Serang
Serang
Serang
Guide to Further Reading
1. Tubasus, A. Sastrasuganda, "Tjatan Desdjarah
Perdjoangan Rakjat Banten" unpublished manuscript,
Serang: Kantor Kebudajaan, 1964, p. 64
2. Kartodirjo, Sartono, The Peasants' Revolt o-f Banten in
1888, the Hague: Nijhof-f, 1966
3. Hatta, Mohammad, Past and Future, Ithaca, New York:
Cornell Modern Indonesian Project Publications, No. 22,
1960 (out o-f print)
4. Williams, Michael C. , Sickle and Crescent: The
Communist Revolt of 1926 in Banten, Ithaca, New York:
Cornell Modern Indonesian Project Southeast Asia
Program 1982.
GLOSSARY
adipati — high title, rank
agus — title for Jong, one of the two Bantenses Moslems
duri ng
the period of Sultan Hasanuddin (see also Mas)
agama — religion
ageng — big
alun-alun — open square before the residence of a high
di gni tary
asra,a — hermitage
babad — to clear (woods); history; chronicle
baluwarti — city wall
bandar — tol 1 stop
Bantam — see Banten
Banten — name of Islamic kingdom or capital city
of Banten, from the word (hypothetical system of
terminology) wahanten meaning river, or
katiban-i nten meaning to have an inten-
(diamond) fall, another word is from bantahan
meaning protest or contri di cti on; some people
especially foreigners since the 16th
century qualify "Bantam" as meaning strong
bata — brick
Batavia — name of a city during Dutch period (now it is
Jakarta, capital of Indonesian Republic)
batawi — local expression for Batavia
bazar — or pasar means market
belaraja — or balaraja means Banten borders on Batavia
during past century; king's army
desa — Javanese or Sundanese village
dewa — deity
dipati — see adipati
firasat — physiognomy
fitrah — clean
gamelan — Javanese or Sundanese orchestra
fawe — to build
gede — big
gusti — master, lord
hadist — Moslem tradition, theological interpretation;
Prophet Muhammad's speech
hyang — title of a deity
islam — religion; Mohammedan
istana — palace; castle
197
198
Jakarta — capital city since Pangeran Jayakarta led there
Jayakarta — name of Pangeran during sultanate period
kadigdayan — immunity to weapons or magic spells
kadipaten — adipati's territory
kafekihan — or kapekihan means "Priests' quarter"
kagongan — quarter where the gamelan might be played;
industrial quarter or musical (gong means
musical instrument) -factory; quarter of smiths
Kaibon — name o-f palace or castle in which Sultan
Mohammad Rafiuddin's mother (Ratu Aisyah) lived
kaloran — named after Pangeran Lor who once lived there
kamandalikan — named after Pangeran Mandal i ka who once
1 i ved there
kapandean — quarter of smiths
kapuban — named after Pangeran Puba who once lived there
karadenan — quarter for high society
karangantu — name of harbour, karang means coral or rock;
antu means ghost
kasantrian — Santri's quarter (santri means religious
student )
kasemen — field for plantation of tamarind trees; quarter
of farmers
kasunyatan — quarter of the Saints
kawangsan — named after Pangeran Wangsa who once lived
there
kebalen — quarter of officers (bale means office)
kenari — name of tree or fruit; name of Sultan; named
after sultans (Sultan Abul Mafakhir Abdul Kadir
and Sultan Abul Ma'ali Akhmad) who once lived
there
kraton — or keraton means the palace of Ratu or Sultan
kuta — city (kota)
langengmaita — concubines' settlements
1 °r — north; name of Pangeran during sultanate period
lorodenok — or laradenok means beautiful woman; name of
fountain or courtyard in the center of
Surosowan palace,
lurah — master, lord
madrasah — (arabic) chool ; religious-teaching place
maidan — (arabic) open square
mandala — territorial circle of political influence
mandal ika — name of Pangeran during sultanate period
mas — or premas is the title of high society in Banten.
According to tradition (babad), Jong and Ju were
matris of Pucuk Umum who led Banten during the
Hindu-Pajajaran period, Jong andJu became moslems,
and Sultan Hasanuddin gave them titles, "agas" for
Jong, and "mas" for Ju.
: = =
michrob — nich in mosque-wall (directed to Mecca)
mi mbar — plat-form
muadsin — larabic) means one who calls -for praying
munara — or menara, means minaret or tower
natawijava — name o-f Pangeran who once became Sultan
nur — light, divine light
pabean — quarter o-f export and import duties o-f-fice
zaz£bangan — named a-fter Fangeran Gebang who once lived
c~£^£
pajajars- — name o-f Sundanese kingdom during Hindu period
pakalanga~ — Ls^ze ::=--5:.s-5
pakoewon — or pakwan means palace (-from the word "paku",
-ame o-f a tree)
pakojan — Quarter of the Ko j as and other -foreign Asians
pa»a-:zs_ — quarter o-f the marica (pepper) warehouses
(other types o-f warehouses were also there)
pancanit: — -five— path; main plat-form used -for playing
;fi! =-
pangeran — prince: lord
pawilahan — quarter o-f the craftsmen who made small
articles o-f bamboo -for -z-5£hold
pekarungan — quarter o-f the craftsmen who made pepper— bag
peseban — or paseban means a meeting place; square in
■front of palace
penembahan — or panembahan means veneration
z~~ ; a^ : - ; = " — *:=-£--£-"= z-s-~z°^
pesantren — institution for Moslem religious institution
:.£■! = - -- :-=': = ', :e:r=e
pondc'. — boaring house (of pesantren)
prabu — title of the king
Z - 5 J = -- Z ~ £ = Z a Z £
:' = ::• -- :.; :e z - zzzz-_z-=~£lL .% z - • e - = •-• ~ z - = z e
:-;-.-. . Little zups, with or without feet, froa
.-. - : z - - = z:z:_= .s a = z a • a - a - z ~ - : z ~ a •- = a z : 1 1
found az z_.=_ -b-;b~z an island 5 mile north
z- Zlz :-a-:=-
z •" i •. a . : — z ~ = - : _ z " = z--iz:aL=. - z — : " z ~.~ a r;_:e-s5e
pulau — island (many islands which are situated
surrounding Bant en bay, such as Pulau Panjang,
Pulau Dua, Pulau Lima, etc)
Z.-11&-& — :--::: =1 = _zz z- ~zz1e zlzzz
z _ •■ z = -- . £ - . z'. z a - z~ a : = - : - a - e z - =r-;a--5-
z_-za-. ala — : - z 1 zaaz z: ~~ , a^z~ ai z
; _ a a a — - z 1 . :--£•■ :z = z z z _• £ z z s
200
ratu — king or queen
ratu ing Banten — king o-f Banten
sabil — war to propogate
sabrang — -foreign country
sahbandar — or syahbandar means harbourmaster
seba — come to audience
sejarah — history
senapati — commander-in-chief
speelwijk — Dutch fortress made by Hendrick Lukasz
Kardeel ; named during Governor General
Speelman time o-f o-f-fice at Batavia
sukadiri — own pleasure; new settlements near (southern
part o-f) Surosowan palace
sultan — (arabic) king
sunan — title o-f a king or that o-f wal i
surosowan — palace used -for 21 sultans during Islamic
period (see brief chronology of Old Banten)
susuhunan — family's formation
svadarma — (Sanskrit) destination
tapa — ascetic practice
tatu — from ratu, name given to Sultan's daughters
tiyamah — (arabic) from tihamah, the building annex south
of the Grand Mosque made by Hendrick Lukasz
Kardeel; name of town outside Mecca during
Prophet Muhammad period
tirtayasa — title for Sultan Abul Fathi Abdul Fattah
(tirta means water, yasa is artificial,
tirtayasa means irrigation)
tuan — sir, mister
tubagus — title for Sultan's sons
turunan — descendant (raja) of kings
wahyu — divine token of greatest and honor
wedana — district officer
wong — man
ziarah — visit to grave, pilgrimage
zikir — recitation
zulhijjah — twelfth month (of Moslem year)
zulqoidah — eleventh month (of Moslem year)
zulvikar — (arabic) written on "Ki Amuk" holy cannon.
The high medallion on the top of the barrel,
with Arabic inscriptions. One, at the
touch-hole, reads: "la fata ilia "Ali rudya
'alaihi la saifa ilia Zul vi kar ilia huwa lam
yakun lahu kufuan ahad." which means "there
is no hero but Ali, Allah is pleased to give
him no sword but Zul vi kar; its equal does not
exist."; zulvikar = two sided-branch
of klewang (a short sword) possessed by
201
Sayidina
peri od.
Ali during the Prophet Muhammad1
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1968" Unpublished report of Archaeological Excavation
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Museum of Banten", Final Report. Seminar on
Preservation of Historic Sites of Banten. Jakarta:
Ditl inbinjarah, 1986
8. Michrob, Halwany, Progress Report of the Excavation and
Restoration of the Ancient City of Banten. Jakarta:
Ditl inbinjarah, 1985
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Distance Trading Institutions of Malacca Straits Area
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of Banten. Jakarta: Di tl i nbi nj arah, 1986
11- , "Banten and Javanese Urbanisation during
the Early Islamic Period", The 85th Annual Meeting of
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the American Anthropological Association. Philadelphia,
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1983
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University of Chicago Department of Geography, Research
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211
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Berdasarkan Interpretasi Foto Udara" (Aerial
Photography o-f Old Banten), Unpublished These,
Yogyakartas Fak. Sastra UGM. , 1985
25. Yellen, J. E. Archaeological Approaches to the Present;
Models -for Reconstructing the Past. New York: Academic
Press, 1977
26. Zimmerman, D. W. , "Uranium distributions in
archaeological ceramics: Dating of radioactive
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27. Zeuner, F. E. , Dating the Past: An Introduction to
Geochronology. London: flethuen, 1958
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