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Full text of "Icaria : a chapter in the history of communism"

LIBRARY OF THE 

UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS 

AT URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 



335 . 973 
Sh2i 



I • H • S • 







ICARIA 



Chapter in the History of Communism 



BY 



ALBERT SHAW, Ph. D. 



NEW YORK & LONDON 

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 

1884 



COPYRIGHT BY 

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 

1884 



Press 0/ 

G. P. Putnam's Sons 

New York 



:; 



335-. <H3 



CONTENTS. 



PAGE 

Preface v 

I. — £tienne Cabet, the Founder of Icaria .... 3 

II. — Colonization in Texas 29 

III. — Community Life at Nauvoo 47 

IV.— The Cheltenham Episode 67 

V. — Pioneer Life in Iowa 75 

VI. — The Sons versus the Fathers 91 

VII. — Reorganization — " The New Icarian Community " . 113 

VIII.— " La Jeune Icarie " 127 

IX. — In California — " Icaria-Speranza " .... 139 

X. — Personal Sketches 155 

XI. — Some Kindred Social Experiments . . . .173 

XII.— Appendix 189 

Index 217 



111 






PREFACE. 



A GREAT number of books and articles have been 
written in recent years discussing socialism and 
communism in the abstract. Some of these have 
been thoughtful and profound ; most of them have 
a partisan tone, and are either in sympathy with 
the doctrines and projects discussed, or else are 
given up to condemnation and warning. The sub- 
ject has been treated from almost every conceivable 
standpoint, and there would be no reason for the 
present monograph if it also undertook to enter the 
field of general discussion. Such is not its purpose 
or plan. Certainly the most common defect in the 
current literature of social and political questions 
consists in the tendency to generalize too hastily. 
Too little diligence is given to searching for the 
facts of history and to studying with minute atten- 
tion the actual experiences of men. In the follow- 
ing pages the attempt is made to present the his- 
tory of a single communistic enterprise. I have 
endeavored to explain its origin, to follow the ex- 
ternal facts of its checkered and generally unfortu- 
nate career, to picture its inner life as a miniature 
social and political organism, to show what are, in 



VI PREFACE. 

actual experience, the difficulties which a com- 
munistic society encounters, and to show, by a 
series of pen-portraits, what manner of men the 
enterprise has enlisted. 

Whether or not such a study of a community 
now small and obscure is trivial and useless, must 
depend upon the manner in which the study is 
made. If made with the requisite intelligence and 
thoroughness, it may give a better knowledge of 
what communism really is and what it wants than 
can be obtained from reading abstract disquisitions 
about communism. Minuteness, far from being a 
fault, will be the chief merit of such a study. To 
be of any value it must be conducted in the true 
historical spirit. Truth must not be distorted in 
the interest of picturesque narrative. A didactic 
spirit and a conviction that communism and social- 
ism in every form are dangerous heresies must not 
be allowed to make the investigator over-anxious to 
condemn or disparage ; nor, on the other hand, 
should sympathy with good intentions and brave 
efforts lead him to a blind praise of projects in 
themselves useless or unpraiseworthy. I have tried 
scrupulously to avoid all preaching for or against 
communism, and it is hoped that no reader of the 
following pages will interpret expressions of respect 
for well-meant attempts to alleviate the condition 
of our fellow-men as signifying approval of particu- 
lar projects about which I write without any dis- 






PREFACE. VI 1 

tinct word of disapprobation. To speak well of 
certain men who participated in the Paris Commune 
of 1 871 is not to justify that terrible episode. 

There are two reasons in particular why this frag- 
ment of communistic history should be written. 
In the first place it is a story which, except in the 
most meagre and inaccurate way, has never before 
been told, and therefore it furnishes students of 
social science with a new bit of illustrative material ; 
moreover, when compared with the annals of other 
communistic enterprises, the Icarian story is a pecul- 
iarly romantic and interesting one, and my oppor- 
tunities for collecting the necessary materials have 
been exceptionally favorable. 

In the second place, as an example of communism 
in the concrete, Icaria has illustrative value beyond 
all proportion to its membership, wealth, and suc- 
cess. Most of the communistic societies of the 
United States might better be studied as religious 
than as socialistic phenomena. Their socialism is 
incidental to their religious creeds. They believe 
themselves honored with special and direct divine 
revelations, and those revelations furnish them with 
governments of a theocratic character. They do 
not justify their socialism by any kind of philosophy 
of society, but simply refer the inquirer to a man- 
date received through their prophet or prophetess. 
I would not be understood as speaking con- 
temptuously of these religious societies or their pe- 



Vlll PREFACE. 

culiar creeds ; but I must insist that the experiences 
of such societies can afford little material to aid in 
the discussion of rational, democratic communism 
or socialism. For example, the Amana Inspiration- 
ists, a German communistic body, are to be found 
in the same State with the Icarians ; and while 
Icaria, with its handful of members, has been strug- 
gling, in poverty and dissension, for very existence, 
Amana has numbered its many hundreds of people, 
has accumulated great wealth, and has lived in 
peace and harmony. And yet, for all that, the 
history of Icaria is as superior to that of Amana for 
the student of social science as the history of Greece 
is superior to that of China for the student of politi- 
cal science. Icaria is an attempt to realize the 
rational, democratic communism of the Utopian 
philosophers, hence its value as an experiment. 
The movement most akin to Icarianism was Owen- 
ism ; but Robert Owen's colonies were all dissipated 
before their communistic life was fairly begun. 
Fourierism gained much prestige and made a con- 
siderable history in this country; but Fourierism 
was not communism by many degrees ; and even 
those two or three phalansteries which developed 
most strength and lived longest, died very young. 
If then it is proper to distinguish what I call the 
rational, democratic community from the religious 
community (Shaker, Amanist, Rappist, etc.), which 
seems only incidentally concerned with the solution 



PREFACE. IX 

of the social problems which confront the civilized 
world, I must conclude that Icaria is the most typi- 
cal representative of the former sort. Feeble and 
disappointing as its career has been, Icaria has per- 
severed for more than a generation ; and its ex- 
periences should not be left unrecorded. 

To both Icarian communes acknowledgments 
should be made for courtesies and hospitality. 
Especially from Messrs. A. A. Marchand, J. B. 
Gerard, A. Sauva, and E. Peron, valuable assistance 
has been received. Many others have rendered 
material aid in the gathering of facts which were 
scattered almost beyond recovery. It may not be 
inappropriate to add that this study, which was 
first undertaken at the instance of Professor Rich- 
ard T. Ely, of the Johns Hopkins University, has 
been accepted by the University as a thesis for the 
degree of Ph.D., upon the completion of a course in 
the department of history and political science. 

Johns Hopkins University, June, 1884. 






I. 

ETIENNE CABET, THE FOUNDER OF ICARIA. 



ICARIA. 



i. 

^TIENNE CABET, THE FOUNDER OF ICARIA. 

In the year 1848, the readers of the London Quar- 
terly Review, and also those of Taifs Edinburgh 
Magazine, were entertained with accounts of a con- 
temporary social movement in France which had 
attained remarkable proportions and influence, — a 
movement which even then had reached its zenith, 
and was destined to be obscured and almost forgotten 
in the intensity of the political events crowding that 
memorable year of revolutions, and the years imme- 
diately following. The foreign tourist of to-day, as 
he passes through southwestern Iowa on his wonted 
pilgrimage from Chicago to the Pacific, may see 
from his car-window a forlorn-looking little hamlet 
of a dozen cottages grouped about a larger wooden 
building, the whole irregularly flanked with the un- 
picturesque sheds, stacks, and cattle-yards of a 
prairie stock-farm. Such is the Icaria of to-day, the 
humble survival of a movement which, a generation 
ago, numbered its zealous adherents by hundreds of 
thousands, and which assumed the mission of re- 
organizing human society with as pure an enthusiasm 
and as sublime a confidence as has ever attended 

3 



4 ICARIA. 

the birth of any reform movement. The story of 
Icaria is a record of hardships, dissensions, and dis- 
appointments almost innumerable; but it is also a 
record of endurance, and of unswerving devotion 
that commands respect and honor. And, especially 
as heard from the lips of the few surviving pioneers 
of 1848, it is a story that awakens unusual interest 
and sympathy. Certainly no sincere and generous 
attempt to improve the condition of mankind, how- 
ever disappointing in its outcome, is entirely un- 
worthy the notice of the student of sociology or of 
the practical reformer. 

The first French Revolution was essentially a 
political upheaval. Nevertheless, Voltaire, Rous- 
seau, and the Encyclopedists, in their glittering 
doctrines of the equal rights of man, had pro- 
pounded a philosophy which did not reach its logi- 
cal ultimatum with the undermining of the Church 
and State of the ancien regime and the establish- 
ment of a political democracy. The emancipation 
of humanity, as preached by the doctrinaires, meant 
more than the subversion of kingcraft and priest- 
craft ; it meant also a revolution in the industrial 
organization of society. The communistic con- 
spiracy of Babceuf against the Directory shows the 
strength that communism had thus early gained as 
a practical creed. Marat, Robespierre, all the 
great revolutionary leaders were, in theory, advo- 
cates of the levelling philosophy. But it was not 



ETIENNE CABET. 5 

until the later revolutions of 1830 and 1848 that the 
socialists and communists took the leading part, and 
that the u tyranny of property ' became a more 
pervasive cause of discontent than the rule of the 
restored Bourbon, or the republican " king of the 
barricades." At the period of the first revolution, 
the new philosophy had scarcely reached the French 
people. The masses knew that they were op- 
pressed, but they had not yet imbibed the doctrines 
of the " social compact " and the " rights of man," 
nor had they yet learned that " property is rob- 
bery." But the revolution wonderfully aroused the 
intellect of the proletaire ; and the nineteenth cen- 
tury dawned on a French nation of thinkers, readers, 
philosophers. It is not strange that ignorant arti- 
sans and peasants, severed from all the moorings of 
the past by a revolutionary cataclysm which effaced 
every traditional landmark, and stimulated by novel 
circumstances to an unparalleled mental acuteness, 
should have adopted the new social philosophy 
with the ardor of intoxication. If the revolution 
of 1789 was the work of lawyers, journalists, and men 
of education, those a generation later were genuine 
movements of the people, — though diverted from 
accomplishing the popular objects. The ouvrier 
had become a doctrinaire. 

It is only by recurrence to these peculiar condi- 
tions and transformations of French society that we 
can thoroughly understand the career of a man 



I CARTA. 

whose own life strikingly illustrates them, foienne 
Cabet the founder of Icaria. Cabet was born Jan. 
I, 1788, at Dijon, in the department of the Cote 
d'Or, his father being a cooper by trade. He had 
the advantage of a general education under the 
tutelage of his celebrated fellow-townsman Jacotot, 
whose attainments as one of the leading educators 
of the age, and whose career as a revolutionary pa- 
triot must have had weighty influence in forming 
the character and opinions of young Cabet. Our 
subject next appears as a student of medicine, 
which profession was soon abandoned for the more 
congenial study of the law. He acquired a speedy 
reputation as an eloquent advocate at the Dijon 
bar, and probably made himself well known as a 
republican ; for, in 1825, two years after Charles X. 
had succeeded his brother Louis XVIII. to the 
throne, we find that Cabet has transferred his resi- 
dence to Paris, where he becomes at once a leading 
man in the new democratic movement which cul- 
minated five years later. Associated intimately 
with Manuel, Dupont de l'Eure, and other patriot 
leaders in Paris, he became a director in the secret 
revolutionary society of the Carbonari, which had 
lately been introduced into France from Naples ; 
and he threw himself fearlessly into the dangerous 
work of extending this society and its principles 
throughout the realms of his majesty the last French 
Bourbon. He was an active participant in the July 



ETIENNE CABET. 7 

revolution of 1830, heading the popular movement 
as member of an insurrectionary committee. The 
abdication of Charles X. was a triumph won by the 
democrats, but they reaped small advantage from 
their success. By superior adroitness, Lafitte, 
Thiers, Guizot, and their coterie succeeded in out- 
witting the democrats and in placing Louis Philippe 
on "a throne surrounded by republican institu- 
tions." However, the men who had precipitated 
the revolution must needs be recognized and con- 
ciliated : and we now find our subject representing 
the government of Louis Philippe as Procurer-Gen- 
eral in Corsica. But Cabet continued to be a thorn 
in the crown of royalty, and soon identified himself 
so notoriously with the radical anti-administration 
party that he was removed from orifice. Already, 
however, his old neighbors of the Cote d'Or had 
elected him as their deputy in the lower chamber, 
and he took his seat with the extreme radicals. 
This was in 1834. During his absence in Corsica 
there had been incessant democratic intrigues, the 
most formidable being the outbreak in Paris at the 
funeral of General Lamarque, in the summer of 
1832. The ministry had entered upon a course of 
severely repressive measures, undoubtedly exceed- 
ing their constitutional powers. Cabet's opposition 
in the chamber was intense. His denunciations 
and predictions were too revolutionary to be tolera- 
ted, and the government allowed him to choose be- 



8 ICARIA. 

tween two years of imprisonment and five years of 
exile. He preferred the latter, and found asylum in 
England. 

Hitherto, Cabet had been a man of action rather 
than of speculation. He had worked for the reali- 
zation of a political democracy. In his own life- 
time, which had not yet spanned half a century, he 
had witnessed a mighty growth of the people. 
Under the reign of Louis Philippe, he and his dem- 
ocratic associates had secured an extension of the 
elective franchise, and had seen the downfall of an 
hereditary peerage and an upper chamber of aristo- 
crats. These political reforms had engrossed him, 
but he had lived to see the popular movement shift 
its grounds. What had been at first a movement of 
the middle class against an absolute monarch and an 
intolerable aristocracy, had almost imperceptibly 
come to be a movement of the lowest class against 
the middle class. The first and second estates were 
no longer formidable ; Louis Philippe was the king 
of the bourgeoisie. Money was the new tyrant. Capi- 
tal controlled the electorate. The government was 
in league with bankers, manufacturers, and the mer- 
cantile classes. Democracy now meant the move- 
ment of the proletariat against the bourgeoisie. Society 
was breaking into two more and more clearly de- 
fined classes : the rich and prosperous, the capital- 
ized class, numbered by thousands ; and the laboring 
class, numbered by millions. Oppression was no 
longer conceived of as political, but as industrial. 



ETIENNE CABET. 9 

During the five years of his residence in England, 
Cabet gave himself to study and reflection. His 
mental processes at this period are well described in 
a little French tract 1 by one of his disciples, from 
which I translate a few sentences : " Studying, 
pondering the history of all ages and of all countries, 
he at length arrived at the conclusion that mere 
political reforms are powerless to give to society the 
repose, the welfare which it obstinately seeks ; that 
the slavery of antiquity, the serfdom of the Middle 
Ages, and the proletariat of modern times are, under 
different names, one and the same thing ; that, in 
short, if the malady has changed its name it has not 
changed its nature. He found at all epochs the 
same phenomena : society sundered in twain ; on 
one side a minority, cruel, idle, arrogant, usurping 
exclusive enjoyment of the products of a majority, 
passive, toiling, ignorant, who remained wholly des- 
titute. Excessive wealth and excessive poverty, 
such was the spectacle which every page of history 
presented to his eyes. To change all this, to find 
the means of preventing one portion of humanity 
from being eternally the prey of the other, — such 
was his desire, the goal of all his efforts. But how 
was it to be accomplished ? * * * Gradually 
this idea gained possession of Cabet's mind; he 
comprehended, he admitted that only equality of 
property could change the aspect of the world and 



i << 



Icarie," by A. Sauva. 



IO ICARIA. 

set humanity in the veritable path of its destiny. 
The transformation was wrought ; Cabet was a 
Communist." 

Cabet was an honest man, with the courage of 
his convictions. If his thinking had brought him 
to an unexpected result, he did not shrink from his 
conclusions. He had always ranked with "practical " 
men, and he had no taste for being called a chimeri- 
cal dreamer, a Utopian theorist, a visionnaire ; but 
nevertheless he resolved to become a propagandist 
of communism as he had been a propagandist of 
democracy. He was by nature an organizer ; his 
temperament was hopeful ; his mind was construc- 
tive. When, in 1839, ne was again admitted to 
France, he had worked out his system of social re- 
organization ; and in 1840 the workingmen of Paris 
were reading with enchantment the " Voyage en 
Icarie." Cabet had wisely chosen to write his new 
doctrines in a clear, popular style, and to give his 
book the form of a romance. Little as the work is 
now known or read, it is certainly one of the most 
clever and captivating volumes of social philosophy 
ever written. 1 

2 The form of the "Voyage en Icarie" was, confessedly, suggested 
by Sir Thomas More's " Utopia," and it contains many general 
ideas common to nearly all of the numerous books describing ideal 
commonwealths, from Plato's "Republic" down through the list. 
But the " Voyage " 'is neither a plagiarism nor a mere imitation, as 
several hostile French critics have pronounced it. Thus, Francis 
Lacombe, in his " Etudes surles Socialistes " (Paris, 1850), refers to 
the "^Voyage" as " copiee presque textuellement dans le Manifeste 
des Egaux, dans 1' Utopie de Thomas Morus, et dans la Vie de 



ETIENNE CABET, II 

The book purports to be the journal of an in- 
genuous and adventurous young English nobleman, 
Lord Carisdall, who has learned by chance that in a 
remote part of the world there exists an isolated 
commonwealth known as Icaria, in which the 
government, the arts and sciences, the popular wel- 
fare and all the accessories of life have attained a 
most astonishing perfection. My lord determines 
to see the country ; and his voyage of inspection 
gives title to the book. Part I., containing 300 
pages, is an exhaustive and realistic description of 
the social arrangements prevailing in this happy 
country, as they appeared to a man familiar with 
the civilization of England and France. Occasional 
allusions to current European events lend an added 
air of reality. Part II. tells the history of Icaria, 
recounting the mode of its transformation and mak- 
ing an exposition of its doctrines and theories. These 

Lycurgus." And Louis Reybaud in the " Etudes sur les Reforma- 
teurs ou Socialistes Modernes " in a similar spirit remarks : " Ce Lord 
Carisdall est en outre le heros d'un recit dans lequel Buonarrotti et 
Morus, Fenelon et Campanella se donnent la main a travers les siecles. 
L'Icarie est une terre promise ; elle doit ce bonheur au pontife Icar, 
qui a un faux air de famille avec l'Utopus du chancelier d'Angle- 
terre et le grand metaphysicien de la Cite du Soleil." It is true that 
there are striking points of external resemblance ; but it should be 
borne in mind that More's " Utopia," for instance, is a mere sketch 
as compared with Cabet's volume of six hundred pages. In its 
essential character the book owes much more to Robert Owen than 
to Sir Thomas. It should not be forgotten that Cabet's chief object 
was not the production of an original and unique piece of literary 
work, but rather the promulgation of his new opinions in a manner 
likely to gain the widest attention. For his opinions he doubtless 
owed something to each one of the principal contributors to the 
literature of communism. 



12 ICARIA. 

new and superior arrangements are effectively con- 
trasted with the vicious character of the former 
social and political organization. Part III. is a 
brief re'sume' of the principles of communism. Lord 
Carisdall, who is supposed to make his voyage in the 
year 1836, finds the history of Icaria to be some- 
what as follows : 

The country had been under the irksome rule of 
a long line of monarchs. In 1782 a hero, patriot, 
and philosopher named Icar led a successful revo- 
lution. Long reflection had made Icar a democrat 
and a communist. He readily convinced his grate- 
ful countrymen of the superiority of his proposed 
method of reconstruction, and his plans were 
adopted with enthusiasm. Ultimately, the country 
would become radically and exclusively socialistic ; 
but the transition was to be a gradual one, occupy- 
ing fully fifty years. The government was to be- 
come at once a democratic republic. The country 
was accordingly divided into a hundred provinces, 
and each province into ten communes. Each com- 
mune was a small self-governing democracy. Each 
province had its assembly composed of representa- 
tives of the communes, and the nation had its larger 
assembly composed of representatives of the prov- 
inces. At the head of administration there was an 
elective executive council, of which the good Icar 
reluctantly consented to be President. During the 
transitory regime existing proprietors and vested 



ETIENNE CABET. 1 3 

rights were to remain undisturbed, but the state 
was to begin at once a system of national work- 
shops, tenements for workingmen, and various other 
ameliorations. Taxation was to be removed from 
all articles of necessity, and a graduated income 
tax was to be an important means of arriving at 
equality. So speedily as possible the public lands 
were to be colonized by the poor, and devoted to 
the application of thorough-going communistic prin- 
ciples, being transformed into farms and villages 
organized on the industrial model of the ultimate 
Icarian constitution. Meanwhile, great attention 
was to be given to education. This was to be com- 
pulsory, thorough, and practical, and was to fit the 
growing generation for the dawning era of perfect 
equality and fraternity. By the absorption of in- 
heritances under an extended law of escheat, by 
the mode of imposing taxes, by the legal regulation 
of wages, and by the development of large national 
industries, the state would absorb all private prop- 
erty and all industrial and social functions, so that, 
at the end of half a century, the people would find 
themselves transformed into a vast partnership — a 
great national hive, where each labored according 
to his abilities and consumed according to his neces- 
sities ; where crime had vanished with poverty, and 
idleness with luxurious wealth ; where peace and 
plenty, liberty and equality, virtue and intelligence, 
reigned supreme. Thus the former political unit of 



14 ICARIA. 

the commune would have developed by a gradual 
and simple process into the unit of social and indus- 
trial cooperation. The waste of competition would 
have been replaced by the economy of general 
organization. Buying and selling and all monetary 
operations would obviously have become obsolete. 
Such is a slight outline of Cabet's elaborate " transi- 
tory constitution." The author was particularly 
proud of this portion of his work, which he believed 
contained many original suggestions and consti- 
tuted his most valuable contribution to commu- 
nistic thought. He makes one of the characters in 
the romance express regret that France had not 
adopted such a constitution after the July revolu- 
tion of 1830. 

The English voyager arrived in Icaria several 
years after the transitory period had been com- 
pleted, and he found the system in full operation. 
Space will not permit us to describe the interesting 
and beneficent manner in which the Icarians man- 
aged to provide all their people with healthful and 
abundant food, pleasant raiment and comfortable 
homes — suffice it to say that Icaria was a veritable 
housekeeper's paradise. The educational system 
was admirable, and is elaborately described by Lord 
Carisdall. The organization of industry was ingeni- 
ously planned and effectively carried out. Hygi- 
enic arrangements of all kinds were beyond praise. 
Writers, savants, men of high and varied attain- 



ETIENNE CABET. 1 5 

ments had honored places in the system. The 
standard of morality was pure and lofty. Marriage 
and the family were deemed sacred. The position of 
woman was fully on the par with that of man. The 
treatment of women and children is a cardinal sub- 
ject in the Icarian philosophy, and one will search 
in vain to find more sensible, enlightened views. 
The religious beliefs of Icaria were peculiar. All 
religions were freely tolerated, but the current 
belief was a species of rationalistic theism. (Cabet 
himself had a strong leaning toward Comte's posi- 
tive philosophy.) 

The second part of the book has a discussion of 
the faults of the old social and political organiza- 
tion, much in the vein of recent writers like Henry 
George. A valuable summary showing the progress 
of democracy in all ages and all countries crowds 
sixty pages with historical facts. Next follows a 
brief historical sketch of industrial progress. And, 
above all, comes finally a sort of chronological cyclo- 
pedia of communistic philosophers, bristling with 
names like those of Pythagoras, Lycurgus, Socrates, 
Plato, the Gracchi, Plutarch, the Fathers of the 
Church, Sir Thomas More, F6nelon, Grotius, 
Hobbes, Harrington, John Locke, Campanella, 
Rousseau, Morelly, Babceuf, Buonarotti, Robert 
Owen, Saint-Simon, Fourier, and scores of others, 
all of whom are most ingeniously quoted as advo- 
cates of the doctrines of human equality. This 



1 6 ICARIA. 

plan of associating a purely imaginary picture of an 
ideal society, with so learned and comprehensive an 
array of historical facts and distinguished philoso- 
phers, was well contrived to give the whole work an 
appearance of verity and sober weight. As Cabet 
says in his preface, the " Voyage en Icarie M is indeed 
"a veritable treatise on morals, philosophy, social 
and political economy, the fruit of long labors, im- 
mense researches, and constant meditations." And 
he adds : " To understand it well, it will not suffice 
to read the book ; it must be re-read, read often, 
and studied." 

The title-page, in an elaborate and symmetrical 
arrangement of mottoes, contains a summation of 
all Cabet's philosophy. It is so curious that I think 
it worth while to reproduce it in full upon the 
adjoining page. It is transcribed from a copy of 
the fifth edition, published in 1848. 

Such was the book which Cabet presented to the 
French public in 1840, and it met with a reception 
more immediate, and more serious, probably, than 
has ever been accorded to any similar work. It 
suited the popular mind because it furnished a pro- 
gramme. It was easy to read and to understand. 
Its generalizations were clear, and yet seemed pro- 
foundly wise. Its morality appealed to the best 
motives, and satisfied the ideals of the conscientious. 
Though rejecting Christianity as divine, it accorded 
Christ the highest place of honor as a teacher 



VOYAGE 



EN 



ICARIE 



PAR 



M. CABET. 



FRATERNITE 

TOUS POUR CHACUN — CHACUN POUR TOUS 



SOLIDARITE AMOUR EDUCATION 

EGALITE — LIBERTE JUSTICE INTELLIGENCE — RAISON 

ELIGIBILITY SECOURS MUTUEL MORALITE 

UNITE ASSURANCE UNIVERSELLE O R D R E 

PAIX ORGANIZATION DU TRAVAIL UNION 

— MACHINES AU PROFIT DE TOUS — 

AUGMENTATION DE LA PRODUCTION 
REPARTITION EQUITABLE DES PRODUITS 
SUPPRESSION DE LA MISERE 
AMELIORATIONS CROISSANTES 

premier broit mariage et famille premier beboir 

tfibre progres continuel (TrubiuIUr 

— ABONDANCE — 

A CHACUN ARTS DE CHACUN 

SUIVANT SES BESOINS Q SUIVANT SES FORCES 

BONHEUR COMMUN 



PARIS 

AU BUREAU DU POPULAIRE RUE JEAN-JACQUES-ROUSSEAU, 14 
Dans les Departments et k l'Etran^er chez les Correspondants du Populaire. 

1848 

17 



1 8 ICARIA. 

of human brotherhood, of unselfishness, of equality, 
and of community. 

The air was already full of social discontent. 
Babouvism had never wholly died out. Only the 
year before our book appeared the insurrection of 
Blanqui and Barbes had been recognized as a 
socialistic revolt. Fourierism and Saint-Simonism 
had each its large body of disciples. But nothing 
as yet had crystallized the vague longings of the 
masses. Icarianism met the situation. It was 
hailed as a new gospel to the poor. The " Voyage " 
was read not only in Paris but throughout France ; 
and it circulated widely in foreign countries, running 
through a number of editions. 1 

In the following year, 1841, Cabet founded a 
journal, the Popidaire, in which he defended and ex- 
pounded his ideas as set forth in the "Voyage." 
From 1843 to J 847 he printed an Icarian almanac, 
and a perfect flood of controversial pamphlets. 
During the same year he published his work on 
Christianity, and a " Popular History of the French 
Revolutions from 1789 to 1830," in five volumes, 
and he had now added the reputation of a man 
of letters to that of a radical politician. His 
" Christianity " (" Le Vrai Christianisme suivant 
Jesus-Christ") is a curious little volume of over six 

1 An English reviewer remarked in 1848 : " It has already gone 
through five editions — there is not a shop or stall in Paris where copies 
are not in readiness for a constant influx of purchasers — hardly a 
drawing-room table on which it is not to be seen." 



ETIENNE CABET. 1 9 

hundred very small pages. It undertakes to set 
primitive Christianity in contrast with modern ec- 
clesiasticism, and displays much ingenuity in mak- 
ing it to appear that the mission of Christ was 
to establish social equality among men, and that 
Christ was the chief teacher of communism that the 
world has ever seen. The newspaper, the almanac, 
the pamphlets, and the books were eagerly read and 
circulated, and no propaganda ever won a more im- 
mediate success. It is said on good authority that 
in 1847 the adherents of the Icarian doctrine — the 
members of the so-called " Icarian school " — num- 
bered four hundred thousand, besides many more 
who sympathized with the movement. These were 
almost exclusively working people, especially the 
better class of artisans in the towns. So extensive 
a movement could not but attract wide attention and 
could not hope to escape prosecution. The press, 
the government, through all its organs of magistra- 
ture and police, the priests, and the powerful influ- 
ence of the bourgeoisie — the mercantile class — were 
combined to crush out so dangerous a social 
heresy. 

It is altogether improbable that Cabet had at the 
outset any design of putting his theories into im- 
mediate practice, or of demonstrating their feasi- 
bility by means of an experimental colony. But as 
persecution and controversy increased, his sanguine 
friends on the one hand and his taunting enemies on 



20 ICARIA. 

the other constrained him into a project for the 
realization and vindication of his Icaria. He had 
at first been content to hope that at some political 
crisis the French people would be persuaded to or- 
ganize a democratic republic, with a constitution 
providing for a gradual transition to communism. 
But now he was urged to found a colony whose suc- 
cess would be the best Icarian argument, and would 
react inevitably upon the structure of European so- 
ciety. Cabet had won the perfect, unlimited confi- 
dence of his adherents, and he had but to propose 
the project of a colony to meet with prompt re- 
sponses from large numbers who were willing to go. 
Cabet was to them what the good Icar in the ro- 
mance was to the grateful people who took his 
name. 

It was in May, 1847, that there appeared in the 
Populaire a long oratorical proclamation headed, 
" Allons en Icarie ! " (Let us go to Icaria!) and 
signed " Cabet." The article is now before me as I 
write. It sets forth in the most lofty and glowing 
terms the desirability of an Icarian emigration. It 
promises a " new terrestrial paradise." Moreover, 
it expatiates on the unparalleled opportunity for 
achieving undying fame and for winning happiness, 
which should extend its blessings to the universe. 
For a glowing prospectus this certainly surpasses 
the best recent efforts of the Dakota land-agents. 
It promised a heavenly climate, a soil that would 



ETIENNE CABET. 21 

produce, with scarcely any labor, an unparalleled 
fruitage, and, in short, every thing was to be mag- 
nificent — perfect. But this first appeal did not 
name the location of the new land of promise. In 
the next number of the Populaire he completes his 
appeal, under the title: " Travailleurs, allons en 
Icarie!" This address to laboring men sets forth 
in strong contrast their unhappy lot in France and 
the delightful life that awaits them in Icaria. It 
ends with these words : " Let us found Icaria in 
America!" The next week an address to women 
appears in the Populaire, inviting them to an eman- 
cipated life in happy Icaria. Only a few weeks had 
elapsed when Cabet was able to announce : ' " To-day, 
after the reports and letters we have received, the 
accession to our proposal is so prodigious that we 
have no doubt of being able to unite more than a mil- 
lion of co-operators I " 

Cabet had announced that a year would be re- 
quired for preparations, but the people were be- 
coming impatient to go. The Populaire from time 
to time drew flattering pictures of the success of 
various communistic ventures in America. It was 
at this time that the Rappists in Pennsylvania were 
at their zenith ; the Zoarite community in Ohio was 
flourishing ; Robert Owen had failed at New Har- 
mony, but he was still indefatigably engaged in 
socialistic enterprises. This was the era of the 

1 For the use of valuable documents and materials, from which this 
portion of my sketch is prepared, I am indebted to J. B. Gerard. 



22 I C ARIA. 

Brook Farm experiment, which enlisted such names 
as those of Ripley, Margaret Fuller, Hawthorne, 
Channing, Dana, and others as well known. I find 
in a copy of the Populaire, in the summer of 1847, 
a quaint little notice of " Brouck-Tarm, sous la 
direction du predicateur unitaire Ripley." The 
Populaire was also kept crowded with letters en- 
thusiastically endorsing the plan of emigration. 
Preparations were making, but the destination of 
the colony was not yet announced. In September 
Cabet went to London and spent some days in con- 
ference with Robert Owen. . As the result of that 
conference, the Populaire announced that the choice 
lay between three localities in the United States 
(none of which were specified), and that the final 
decision must be deferred until the most thorough 
investigation had been made of all such matters as 
soil, climate, products, streams, etc. This sounded 
very business-like. There seems little doubt that 
Robert Owen advised him to go to Texas, and 
that Cabet was pretty fully determined upon that 
State. Nearly twenty years previous, while Texas 
was Mexican territory, Owen had been in negotia- 
tion with the Mexican government and had visited 
the country with the object of planting colonies, so 
that he was familiar with its general character. 1 

1 Robert Owen's negotiations with the Mexican Government, after 
the failure of his Indiana project, and his visit to Mexico in the fall 
of 1828, form one of the most interesting episodes in Owen's remark- 
able career. His negotiations were at first very successful, and his 



ETIENNE CABET. 2$ 

Texas had now been admitted to the Union and 
was entering upon an era of prosperity. She was 
in every way inviting immigration to her vast em- 
pire of unoccupied land. Large grants were made 
to private companies on condition of securing im- 
migrants. One of these was the Peters Company, 
of Cincinnati ; and it was with this company that 
Cabet arranged for his land. He went through the 
form of sending a commissioner to examine the 
the property, but he was already satisfied and 
sanguine as to his chosen location. In the Populaire, 
Jan. 17, 1848, was the following announcement: 



<{ 



C EST AU TEXAS. 



" After having examined all the countries suitable 
for a grand emigration, we have chosen Texas — the 
northeastern part — as that which presents the most 
advantages in respect to health, the temperature of 
the climate, the fertility of the soil, extent of coun- 
try, etc. We have already obtained more than a 
million acres of land along the Red River, a beau- 
schemes of social reform attracted the Mexican President and par- 
ticularly fascinated Mr. Poinsett, the American Minister, who used 
his official influence for the success of the negotiation. Mr. Owen 
secured the promise of an enormous tract, thousands of square miles 
in extent, in Texas. Later the Mexican Congress refused to confirm 
the grant, and the affair came to nought. But Owen never forgot 
the daring project of a communistic commonwealth in Texas, and, 
naturally enough, twenty years later he put the idea into Cabet's 
head. Though I have no direct evidence, I cannot doubt that Cabet 
in choosing Texas was simply acting as heir to Owen's large plan of 
1828. For an account of Owen's visit to Mexico, see San;ant's 
" Robert Owen and His Social Philosophy," London, i860 (pp. 262- 
276). 



24 ICARIA. 

tiful stream, navigable up to our very settlement, 
and we will be ^able to extend our territory indefi- 
nitely. 

" Cabet." 

It had not been intended to begin emigration 
until the summer of 1848; but persecutions multi- 
plied. Cabet himself was continually charged by 
the press with being a swindler who had no real 
intention of founding a colony, and who was ob- 
taining money under false pretences. These irri- 
tating circumstances made haste seem desirable, and 
on the morning of the 3d of February there were 
assembled on the wharves at Havre sixty-nine 
picked men, constituting the " first advance guard." 
These, Cabet said, were to be followed soon by one 
thousand or fifteen hundred men, composing the 
11 second advance guard," and some weeks later would 
begin the general emigration. The scene of emi- 
gration was a most impressive one. Cabet and his 
friends, many relatives of the pioneers, and hun- 
dreds of curious spectators, thronged the piers. 
Before sailing, the sixty-nine entered into a solemn 
engagement with Cabet, in the form of a series of 
questions to which they assented one by one. For 
example, they were asked if they gave their adher- 
ence without any mental reservation to the " Social 
Contract," published in the Populaire some four 
months previous. This social contract was sim- 
ply a provisional constitution, providing for the 



ETIENNE CABET. 2$ 

organization of a communistic society, arranging for 
its management while in the early formative stages, 
and making Cabet the Director-in-chief for the first 
ten years. Other questions put to the advance 
guard had reference to their sincere devotion to the 
communistic cause and their willingness to endure 
privations for its realization. The whole formed a 
ceremony well adapted to make an indelible impres- 
sion on the minds of men leaving their native land 
under circumstances so romantic and peculiar. 

Cabet himself was touched with a sense of the hero- 
ism of the spectacle. He wrote in the Populaire, 
that in view of men like the advance guard, he 
" could not doubt the regeneration of the human 
race." He believed that the 3d of February, 1848, 
would be forever known as an epoch-making date. 
" At length," he writes, " on Thursday, February 
3d, at nine o'clock in the morning, there was accom- 
plished one of the grandest acts, we believe, in the 
history of the human race ; — the advance guard, 
departing on the ship ■ Rome/ has left Havre to 
enter the ocean and voyage toward Icaria. * * * 
These courageous Icarians, placed on the stern- 
deck of the ship, entoned in unison the farewell 
chant, ' Partons pour Icarie,' to which the specta- 
tors responded in a thousand cries of ' au revoir ! ' 
* * * May the winds and waves be propitious 
to you, soldiers of humanity ! And we, Icarians, 
who remain, let us prepare without loss of time to 
rejoin our friends and brothers ! " 



II. 

COLONIZATION IN TEXAS. 



II. 

COLONIZATION IN TEXAS. 

As the ship " Rome," bearing the sixty-nine pi- 
oneers, approached New Orleans on the 27th of 
March, its passengers heard the booming of artillery. 
But the salute was not in honor of their arrival. A 
faster ship had brought word from Paris of the 
Revolution of February 24th, and the French people 
of New Orleans were celebrating the downfall of 
Louis Philippe and the establishment of the Second 
Republic. If the advance guard had tarried three 
weeks longer in France, the subsequent history of 
Icaria would doubtless have been something very 
different from that which is recounted in the follow- 
ing pages. But it is for us to record what was, not 
what might have been. 

The Revolution of 1848 was the rock on which 
the great Icarian school split. Part of the society ad- 
vocated the recall of the advance guard, the aban- 
donment of the emigration scheme, and the concen- 
tration of every effort for the success of the new 
Republic. This party hoped for the gradual trans- 
formation of France into an Icaria. But on the 
other hand, the party led by Cabet maintained that 

29 



30 ICARIA. 

Icarians had nothing to hope from a government 
controlled by Lamartine, Ledru-Rollin, and others 
hostile to the Communistic cause. In reality, Louis 
Blanc, Blanqui, Cabet, and the extremists were now, 
as in 1830, the men who had precipitated the revolu- 
tion ; but, as before, they were unable to control its 
results. Louis Blanc was the only one of their 
number who obtained a leading place in the new 
government, and in accordance with his views a 
series of reforms were at once instituted, almost 
precisely in the line of those contained in Cabet's 
" transitional constitution," described in the " Voy- 
age. " The " right to labor " was proclaimed by law, 
and in a few weeks, more than a hundred thousand 
men were employed in national workshops. Taxes 
on salt, and other indirect taxes on the necessaries of 
life were removed, and direct taxes were almost 
doubled. The interests of the laboring man were 
solicitously, ostentatiously regarded in the legislation 
of the Republic. The length of a day's labor was fixed 
bylaw. Wages were made matter of legislation. But 
the triumph of socialism was brief, the workshops 
proved a dismal failure, and the reform legislation 
survived only a few weeks. 1 The whole situation, 

1 It is now established beyond controversy that Louis Blanc and his 
socialistic friends were not responsible either for the founding, the 
bad management, or the failure of the national workshops. They 
were doomed to failure from the beginning, because they were de- 
liberately planned by anti-socialists in order to throw discredit on the 
doctrines and the men represented by Blanc. The usual attribution 
of these measures to Blanc is therefore erroneous. For a proper state- 



COLONIZATION IN TEXAS. 3 1 

however, placed Cabet in a painful dilemma. He 
decided that he could not wisely abandon the col- 
onization, and the hitherto devoted and harmonious 
body of Icarians was fatally severed. 

On the 3d of June the second advance guard left 
France, but it was not the corps of 1,000 or 1,500 
men that had been promised. It was a resolute band 
of only nineteen ! 

Here let us turn to follow the fortunes of the 
sixty-nine pioneers. On learning in New Orleans 
that the Republic had been proclaimed in France, 
the question of immediate return was agitated. This 
view did not prevail, although three or four men left 
the party determined to go back. 1 It was ascer- 
tained that in order to reach the lands of the Peters 
Company they must go to Shreveport, Louisiana, on 
the Red River, by steamboat, and advance thence 
to their destination by teams. The Populaire had 
stated that the land acquired from Peters was washed 
by the Red River and would be readily accessible by 
boat ; but on arriving' at Shreveport the advance 
guard discovered a very momentous geographical 
discrepancy. Icaria was more than two hundred and 
fifty miles distant (some thirty miles distant from 

ment of the case, see Ely's " French and German Socialism " (New 
York, 1883), pp. 111-113. 

1 One of these seceders was a young fellow, A. Piquenard by name, 
lie afterward rejoined the society. In later years he became the 
most distinguished architect of the West. Among other public build- 
ings he designed the magnificent State Capitols at Springfield, Illinois, 
and Des Moines, Iowa. He died several years ago at St. Louis. 



12 ICARIA. 

the spot where the city of Dallas now flourishes), 
and must be reached by a march across a wellnigh 
trackless wilderness of plains and hills, prairies and 
forests, undrained swamps and unbridged streams, 
swollen by the spring rains. Like most emigrants, 
these pilgrims were encumbered with much unneces- 
sary luggage, and provided with too little ready 
money. They spent several days in Shreveport try- 
ing in vain to procure wagons and teams for the 
conveyance of their goods to Sulphur Prairie. (Sul- 
phur Prairie, be it said, was a farm about a hundred 
miles from Shreveport, which Sully, Cabet's com- 
missioner, had bought as an Icarian rendezvous and 
base of operations ; and at this time Sully himself 
was lying sick at Sulphur Prairie.) Finally a portion 
of the guard started, with two or three ox-teams and 
one wagon. The others remained behind until they 
had completed a large temporary shed on the edge 
of the village, in which shed they stored their trouble- 
some and bulky belongings. A most graphic account 
of the weary trudge on foot from Shreveport to 
Sulphur Prairie and thence to Icaria was written by 
Levi de Rheims on the 2d of June, a very few days 
after his arrival on the scene of the " new terrestrial 
paradise." This letter, written to relatives and 
friends in France, found its way into print, and a 
copy of it is among my materials for this sketch. 
From the arrival at New Orleans to the arrival at 
Icaria, almost two months had elapsed. Strangers 



COLONIZATION IN TEXAS. 33 

in a strange land, unable to speak English, ignorant 
of almost everything which a pioneer should know, 
their hardships were only exceeded by their forti- 
tude and good cheer. Sickness by the way, the 
breaking down of their one wagon, the wading of 
dangerous streams, the insufficient supply of food, 
sleeping on the damp ground, — the whole situation 
can hardly be realized by one who has not ex- 
perienced something of life in a wilderness. 

At Sulphur Prairie they found a new cause of 
anxiety and haste. They had been assured by Cabet 
and by the Populaire that a million acres of land had 
already been acquired. Here also, as in the case of 
the geographical situation, they found a painful dis- 
crepacny. The acquisition was discovered to be not 
absolute, but on condition of actual colonization. 
Each man could secure and hold a half-section (320 
acres) by building a house upon it and living therein. 
This would give free possession. But this offer held 
good only until July 1st. After that date, land 
would have to be purchased at one dollar an acre. 
When July 1st arrived, it was found that their utmost 
efforts had availed to build thirty-two very small 
log-cabins. They were, therefore, in possession, not 
of 1,000,000 acres, but of 10,240. As it was a jour- 
ney of more than three months from Paris to Icaria, 
emigrants leaving France later than the month of 
March could not possibly have arrived in time to 
secure land under the contract with Peters. 



34 



ICAR1A. 



But it remains to relate another sad discrepancy. 
The thirty-two half-sections were not contiguous ! 
The State of Texas had granted to the Peters Com- 
pany each alternate section (square mile, 640 acres) 
of a certain tract of land, on condition that the 
company should secure immigration. The company 
had in turn granted the Icarians the privilege of 
acquiring by actual residence the half of each of its 




sections, to the extent of a million acres. Cabet's 
million acres would therefore have been checkered 
over a territory of four millions, and the 10,240 
acres were scattered through two townships. The 
accompanying diagram represents a single township 
(thirty-six sections), the blank sections representing 
the land reserved by Texas, the blank half-sections 
that reserved by the Peters Company, and the 



COLONIZATION IN TEXAS. 35 

shaded half-sections showing the disjointed char- 
acter of the Icarian domain. 

It needs no argument to show that a colony in- 
tending to live grouped in a village, with a unitary 
cuisine and dining-hall and a cooperative system of 
agriculture and industry, must have its land in a 
compact body. The possibility of buying the alter- 
nate half-sections from Mr. Peters and the alternate 
sections from the State of Texas was entirely too 
remote and uncertain to have been relied upon. In 
spite of all this disheartening outlook, the pioneers 
kept pretty good spirits, and set resolutely to work 
to establish a central headquarters, in anticipation of 
the large arrivals expected. A log-house fifteen feet 
wide by twenty-five long was achieved, and three or 
four long covered sheds. The summer was far ad- 
vanced, but it was obviously necessary to put in a 
crop. A plow had been purchased, and they set about 
" breaking" prairie. But, alas! they knew not how. 
In turning the matted virgin sod of the prairie for 
the first time, the Western farmer never sinks his 
plow-share deeper than two or three inches ; but 
these young French tailors and shoemakers knew 
nothing about Western farming, and they drove the 
plow in clear to the beam. It was what is known 
in Western parlance as a large " breaking plow/' 
and they fastened twenty oxen to it. They broke 
their plow very promptly, but they never " broke ' 
any Texas prairie. For by this time the middle of 



36 ICARIA. 

July was past, and man after man succumbed to an 
intermittent malarial fever, till there was not a well 
person in the camp. The unaccustomed heat, their ar- 
duous and imprudent labors, and their unacclimated 
condition had subjected them to a terrible scourge. 
Their physician became sick, then hopelessly insane. 
Four men soon died of the fever. Another was 
killed by lightning. Those least sick prepared food 
and cared for their more helpless comrades. 

August was passing away. It was now too late 
to think of putting in a crop, even if they had been 
able to do the work. It took letters several months 
to reach France, and they knew that before word 
could be received from Texas their own wives and 
families, as well as many additional Icarians, would 
have embarked for America. To prepare either 
the settlement on the Peters lands or the camp at 
Sulphur Prairie for the winter-quarters of a large 
body of immigrants was now seen to be practically 
impossible. In June, the pioneers had been cheer- 
ful, and had written home glowing, enthusiastic 
accounts of the beauty and evident richness of the 
vast prairies, with their fine streams bordered with 
heavy timber fringes. But a wild southwestern 
prairie in the flowery months of May and June 
seems a much more inviting and hospitable place 
than under the withering sun and scorching winds 
of August. The fever had dispirited the Icarians, 
and the country had become loathsome to them. 



COLONIZATION IN TEXAS. 37 

They resolved to abandon it. Indeed, to have done 
otherwise would have been mistaken heroism. 

About the middle of September, after a residence 
of scarcely four months in Texas, the enfeebled 
Icarians began a straggling retreat to Shreveport. 
They had produced nothing and had bought many 
of their supplies from the agent of the Peters Com- 
pany, whom they now reimbursed by turning over 
to him their oxen and other articles of equipment. 
They were far too numerous to march in a body, for 
the few scattered farm-houses along the three 
hundred miles between them and Shreveport could 
not be expected to furnish food for a company 
numbering several scores of famishing men. The 
last money in the treasury was divided, and each 
man, with gun and haversack and six or seven dol- 
lars, began the journey. By different routes and in 
small squads of two, three, or four men, travelling 
faster or slower as their strength would permit, most 
of them had reached Shreveport at the end of a 
month. Four or five had died by the way. Nothing 
in Icarian annals is more doleful than this retreat 
of the Texas invalids. 

The little squad composing the second advance 
guard participated in this retreat. They had landed 
at New Orleans, July22d, and ten or twelve of them 
had reached Icaria on August 29th, others remain- 
ing sick at Sulphur Prairie. Two or three days after 
his arrival, Favard, the leader of the second ad- 



33 ICARIA. 

vance guard, had written home to Cabet the follow- 
ing letter : 

" Icarian Colony, Sept. 2, 1848. 
" Poor Father : — 

" How can I depict to you the situation in which I 
have found our brothers ? Almost all those who survive 
are sick. Four are dead ; the first was Guillot, the 
second, Collet, who was killed by lightning, the third 
was Guerin, and the fourth Tange. 

" Those least sick attend to the cuisine and the fatigue 
makes them fall sick again. 

" The sun is so hot that if one is exposed to its rays he 
is almost certain to have the fever. I have not hesitated 
an instant in favoring the abandonment of the camp — 
which also seems best to all ; for many have only awaited 
our arrival in order to have the assistance which would 
enable them to get away. 

" We should not be able to bring the women here by 
these abominable roads. Wagons could not make more 
than two or three leagues a day. One finds no villages, 
but only farm-houses at long intervals, and in none of 
them have they beds for four persons. One does not even 
find bread ; for the people of the country do not make 
bread except in small quantities at the very moment of 
eating. 

" When we started from Shreveport we left there our 
trunks and mattresses. We loaded our wagons with pro- 
visions for our brothers and ourselves. We placed in 
our haversacks such clothing as was indispensable and a 
blanket, and thus departed. We slept out of doors dur- 



COLONIZATION IN TEXAS. 39 

ing the entire route. We had beautiful weather all the 
time ; but that did not prevent eight [8 out of 19] of our 
men from falling sick, and it was necessary to leave them 
en route. Edouard remained with them as nurse. 

" I continued on the road with the others, and we ar- 
rived here in good health. All our attention is given to 
those who are most ill, and to preparations for departure. 
But what is most annoying is that we have incurred a 
debt of seven or eight thousand francs, and we are em- 
barrassed for the means to liquidate it under the circum- 
stances. If we can arrange with our creditors we will 
occupy ourselves exclusively with our retreat to Shreve- 
port. We will join in writing you a letter making you 
acquainted with all our affairs, * * * 

" Ever your devoted 

" Favard." 

Cabet received this discouraging letter early in 
November, but did not think it best to publish 
it until about the first of December. It does not 
seem to have occurred to him that he was in any 
wise responsible for the sad fiasco. We read in 
the Populaire in his bright, glowing style a most 
sympathetic epitome of their hardships, — the story, 
as he says, " of an ardor, a zeal, a devotion, a courage 
almost superhuman. " " But," he reprovingly sug- 
gests, "this was not prudent under a new climate." 
He proceeds to recount the praises which all their 
letters have bestowed upon the general features 
of the country, and he asserts that if they had 



40 ICARIA. 

labored more moderately, had cared for themselves 
more prudently during the heated term, and had 
had their baggage and medicines and proper food, 
"all our hopes would have been realized." He 
further endeavors to show how the February revo- 
lution had greatly contributed to the disaster. It 
had overthrown Icarian plans in France, destroyed 
financial resources, prevented the sending of men 
and money to the aid of the pioneers, and had been 
in every way paralyzing and distracting. Thus 
Cabet laid all the blame on the imprudence of the 
pioneers and the events of the Revolution, and it 
seems never to have crossed his mind that his own 
sanguine and immature sort of planning had really 
been the chief cause of disaster. He concludes this 
rather unsatisfactory article by saying that if the 
first and second guards would decide to return from 
Shreveport to Sulphur Prairie, which, he adds, they 
were morally certain to do, " all would yd be saved." 
" All would yet be saved." Just what Cabet 
meant by this it is difficult to say. Perhaps it was 
not quite clear in his own mind. As a practical 
financier and manager, Cabet's limitations were 
already becoming conspicuous. By this time the 
general emigration had begun. In several different 
vessels as many as four hundred Icarians arrived at 
New Orleans toward the close of 1848. Last of 
all Cabet came himself. He embarked from France 
the 15th of December and arrived in January. 



COLONIZATION IN TEXAS. 4 1 

Affairs had gone unfortunately with our politician, 
litterateur, and philosopher. He had fully believed 
that his colony would be carried on a tremendous 
wave of popularity, and had made no provision for 
possible reverses. The finances of the society were 
at low ebb. In fact the society had never had any 
firm financial basis. Before the first advance 
guard had sailed, the Populaire had published a 
"Plan Financier" which is rather a remarkable 
document. It begins by frankly confessing that 
Icaria lacks the funds for the proposed emigration, 
and that their cause would seem hopeless but for 
the fact that it was based upon grand truths, such 
as could be relied upon to win universal confidence 
and sympathy, and open universal purse-strings. 
The "Plan" proceeds to give five sources whence 
the necessary capital would be forthcoming. First, 
the property of the members. At least 600 francs 
for preliminary expenses v r ould be required of all 
who joined the emigration. Second, gifts and sub- 
scriptions for Icaria. An appeal was made to all 
classes to aid so beneficent and glorious a move- 
ment. Third, loans, which might be contracted 
with companies, large capitalists, and even with 
common people in sums as small as 500 francs. 
These loans would be secured by mortgage on the 
real estate of the prospective Icaria, which real 
estate Cabet declared would " augment in value ten- 
fold, fifty-fold and even a hundred-fold." Fourth, 



42 ICARIA. 

it was expected that credit could be obtained for 
the larger purchases and negotiations. Fifth, " we 
will establish a bank and issue circulating notes, as 
is the usage in America for grand enterprises which 
inspire sympathy and confidence ! " 

So ethereal and precarious a scheme may well 
make us smile ; but we must remember that more 
experienced men have often embarked in less prom- 
ising enterprises. The " Plan " read smoothly, had 
a plausible appearance, and was not subjected to 
very critical scrutiny by the enthusiastic young 
ouvriers y whose sublime faith in Cabet made them 
ready to brave any thing at his bidding. 

Besides the colonization scheme and its reverses, 
Cabet must have been at this time greatly occupied 
with French politics. It was not possible for him 
to be in France without being a participant in the 
incessant agitations of the entire year 1848. Those 
were times when it was literally impossible to tell 
what a day would bring forth. If Cabet had some 
political aspiration, some dream of being a Minister 
or even a President, it was pardonable under the 
circumstances. We actually find him mentioned 
during the fall as one of the seven or eight more 
prominent presidential candidates, Louis Napoleon, 
Cavaignac, and Lamartine leading in the list. But 
there was no prospect of his election, and five days 
before the overwhelming vote in favor of Louis Na- 
poleon was thrown, Cabet left France with declining 



COLONIZATION IN TEXAS. 43 

fortunes behind him and prospects none too bril- 
liant before him. 

Early in 1849, then, we find the Icarian pilgrims 
of seven or eight successive embarkations, and num- 
bering in all about four hundred and eighty souls, re- 
united with their founder and leader at New Orleans. 
Their treasury contained somewhere near 86,000 
francs — $35 per capita. It is hardly too conserva- 
tive an estimate to say that people founding a home 
in an entirely undeveloped country should have suf- 
ficient capital to provide for fully two years' suste- 
nance besides all other expenses. If it had been de- 
cided to return to Sulphur Prairie, the 86,000 francs, 
after deducting transportation and other unavoid- 
able expenses, would have furnished support for 
only a few months. Returning to Texas was there- 
fore out of the question. In the presence of hard 
realities, the beautiful dream of a million acres on 
the Red River, with the fine roads and the rapidly 
rising towns had faded away. For three months 
the Icarian community controlled no wider premises 
than those pertaining to two large brick houses on 
Saint Ferdinand Street, New Orleans. Exploring 
parties were sent in different directions in search of 
a new location. Those were weeks of suspense, 
dampened enthusiasm, and incessant — not always 
harmonious — discussion. Many wished to return 
to France. Others desired to secure a more suitable 
location than Texas, and persevere with the colony. 



44 ICARIA. 

At length a minority of two hundred withdrew, 
Cabet allowing them to take $5,000 — nearly one 
third of the precious 86,000 francs. Some of this 
minority remained in New Orleans, but the larger 
number returned to France, no more to embark in 
Utopian enterprises. Some two hundred and 
eighty souls remained with their leader, heard the 
reports of the returned explorers, agreed upon a lo- 
cation, and early in March took passage on a Mis- 
sissippi steamer for their new home. 



III. 

COMMUNITY LIFE AT NAUVOO. 



III. 

COMMUNITY LIFE AT NAUVOO. 

If these people had been of a religious mind, 
they might well have believed that their new home 
was providentially prepared for them. In 1840 
Joseph Smith had brought his Mormon followers 
from Missouri to Hancock County, Illinois, and had 
built the town of Nauvoo in a beautiful bend of the 
Mississippi, and on a magnificent tract of agricul- 
tural land. In four or five years the Latter-Day 
Saints at Nauvoo numbered 15,000, and their pros- 
perity was remarkable. At this time Chicago had 
only 8,000 people, and Nauvoo was the largest and 
most flourishing town in the State. But, as in 
Ohio, and afterward in Missouri, so now in Illinois 
the active hostility of " Gentile " neighbors was too 
intense to be withstood. Smith was killed, and the 
new prophet, Brigham Young, organized the migra- 
tion to Salt Lake — a migration as absolutely unique 
and remarkable as any ever recorded. This two 
years' migration was now practically completed, 
and Nauvoo was an almost empty town. The Mor- 
mons still had large properties there in land and 
houses, and had left an agent in charge. 

47 



43 I C ARIA. 

Here, then, was the opportunity for the Icarians. 
Their resources forbade the immediate occupation 
of the virgin soil on the frontier; but at Nauvoo 
they could find good houses ready built, and good 
land that had been brought under cultivation. Best 
of all, they were not obliged to exhaust their scanty 
treasury by the purchase of land, for under the cir- 
cumstances it could be rented at a merely nominal 
figure. It was indeed well for them that they had 
thus found a ready-made home, for they were 
dispirited and homesick. On the boat up the river 
they had been attacked by the cholera, and had 
lost twenty of their number. The division at New 
Orleans had parted many friends. The deaths in 
Texas and on the Mississippi had left many 
mourners. 

On the 15th of March they landed at Nauvoo. 
They purchased some houses in the village, rented 
perhaps 800 acres o*f land, bought a.mill.and a distil- 
lery, and set their social life in the best order that 
circumstances would permit. We will not concern 
ourselves with their doings for the first year or two, 
while they were fitting themselves to their sur- 
roundings, and were at work on the problem of 
adjusting their actual life to their Icarian theories. 
We must simply remember that they were average 
Frenchmen, abundantly endowed with the ordinary 
traits of human nature, trying sincerely to adopt a 
more equal, unselfish, altruistic life ; that they were 



COMMUNITY LIFE AT NAUVOO. 49 

embarking in a difficult enterprise without the ad- 
vantage either of experience or capital ; that they 
were artisans from French cities founding a com- 
munity based on agriculture ; that they were igno- 
rant of the language, laws, customs, and business 
methods of the country ; and that their leader was 
rather a patriot, agitator, and theorist than a practi- 
cal business manager. 

In 1854 or 1855, the visitor would have found the 
colony well established and measurably prosperous. 
Suppose we imagine ourselves shown through the 
establishment by the bland and affable Cabet, presi- 
dent of the community. On a tract of some fifteen 
acres were the principal Icarian buildings, clustered 
on and about the old " Temple Square " of the 
Mormons. The Mormons had left unfinished a 
huge "temple" of dressed white limestone, one 
hundred and twenty-eight feet long, eighty feet 
wide, and with walls sixty feet high. A fire in 
1848 had destroyed the interior, but the bare walls 
stood massive and uninjured. Cabet bought the 
property with the intention of completing the tem- 
ple and transforming it into a grand Icarian assem- 
bly and dining hall, school-rooms, etc. But shortly 
after the work of restoration had begun, a tornado 
blew down the north wall, and the building was 
henceforth utilized only as a stone-quarry whence 
materials were taken for other structures. The 
main Icarian building was one hundred and fifty feet 



50 ICARIA. 

by thirty, two stones high, and the first floor was 
used as the common dining-hall, an assembly room, 
theatre, etc., while the upper rooms were used as 
dwellings. A large two-story stone building was 
erected for educational purposes. Another large 
stone building, the old Mormon arsenal, was bought 
and transformed into workshops. For dwelling 
purposes a forty-room brick house had been pur- 
chased of the Mormons and a number of smaller 
houses were bought, built, or rented. Thus the 
question of habitations had been fortunately dis- 
posed of. 

Membership, meanwhile, had doubled, and we find 
a community numbering upward of five hundred, 1 
while as many more had come, tarried awhile, and 
departed. We find a thousand acres or more of 
rented land under cultivation. The chief industries 
are a flouring mill, saw mill and whiskey distillery. 
Various small workshops, tailoring, shoemaking, 
blacksmithing, carpentering, and the like supply the 
needs of the community and are a source of income 
by taking outside work. Good schools are main- 
tained in which boys and girls are taught separately 
and taken very young. English, French, mathe- 

1 Mr. Nordhoff is in error when he says that Cabet "had at 
Nauvoo at one time not less than fifteen hundred people." {Vide 
"Communistic Societies of the United States," p. 334.) Member- 
ship never reached six hundred at any one time. But members were 
coming and going continually, and it is not unlikely that as many as 
fifteen hundred different individuals were at one time or another 
connected with Icaria between 1849 anc * I 856. 



COMMUNITY LIFE AT NAUVOO. 5 1 

matics, drawing, history, and geography are taught, 
but mere cramming is not the object of the school. 
Careful training in manners and morals, and in 
Icarian principles and precepts, is work with which 
the schools are especially charged. The printing- 
office is a place of great activity. Newspapers are 
printed in English, French, and German. Icarian 
school-books are published, treating of the history 
and doctrine of the community as well as of the 
common branches of knowledge. Pamphlets, news- 
papers, and books designed to aid the propaganda 
in France are industriously produced, and dis- 
tributed through the agency of the Icarian Bureau 
at Paris. It is pleasant to find that the community 
is a model of industry, intelligence, peace and good 
order, that family life is sacredly regarded, and that 
the Nauvoo neighbors, whose experience with the 
Mormons had naturally made them at first suspicious 
of the new French colonists, have now learned to es- 
teem them highly. A library of five or six thousand 
volumes, chiefly standard French works, seems to be 
much patronized. Though obliged, as they explain, 
by circumstances to operate a distillery as a leading 
means of support, we see the Icarians discounte- 
nancing the use among themselves of alcoholic 
drinks and also of tobacco. They have not lost 
their love for public amusement, and a well-trained 
band discourses good music at the numerous fetes 
of the community. Frequent theatrical entertain- 



UNIVERS1TY OF 
ILLINOIS LIBRARV 



52 ICARIA. 

merits, social dances, and lectures are common means 
of diversion, and attract many outside visitors. The 
style of living is economical, hard labor is a neces- 
sity; but it must be admitted by the intelligent 
visitor that the Icarian system is enabling these 
families to live a less sordid life, one more social, 
humane, intellectual, and less grinding, toilsome, 
and degrading than that of the average workingman 
under the system of individualism and competition. 
They are far from the condition of the happy Ica- 
rians in the " Voyage," but considering the difficul- 
ties they have encountered they must be accredited 
with having done reasonably well. 

It was from the outset the intention to make Nau- 
voo only a temporary home ; and as early as 1852 
a number of men were sent into southwestern Iowa 
1 to acquire government land, and begin its improve- 
ment with the purpose of ultimately removing the 
community thither. At the end of the year 1855, 
we find that the official inventory of the community's 
property, exclusive of that in Iowa, sums up $76, 
439.76, from which should be deducted a debt of 
$11,633.23, leaving a net valuation of $64,806.53. 
In addition to this, the community owned in Iowa 
over three thousand (3,115) acres of land with some 
crude improvements on the tract. Unless some 
serious reverses should overtake them, the Icarians 
had now reached the point from which they might 
expect rapid material prosperity. Unhappily, the 



COMMUNITY LIFE AT NAUVOO. 53 

reverses were already impending. The difficulties 
were in connection with the government of the 
society. 

In an earlier chapter I have spoken of the im- 
pressive scene at Havre when the first advance 
guard assented to the " Icarian Engagement" and the 
" Social Contract," promising among other things to 
accept Cabet as dictator for ten years. These en- 
gagements were also taken by the several parties 
embarking successively during the year 1848, and 
were renewed at New Orleans and again renewed on 
arriving in Nauvoo. However, before the com- 
munity had lived in Nauvoo a year, Cabet resolved 
to relinquish his absolute authority, and to give his 
people a constitution. The document was submitted 
and unanimously adopted in February, 1850. It is 
so long that a synopsis of its chief provisions must 
suffice here. It provided for six directors, called a 
" Committee of Gerance," elected for a year, three 
being chosen every six months. One of these 
was to be elected separately as President of the 
Icarian Community. These six divided among them- 
selves the work of administration as follows: 1st., 
Presidency and General Superintendence ; 2d., 
General Direction of Finances and Provisions ; 3d., 
Clothing and Lodging; 4th., Education, Health, and 
Amusements ; 5th., Industry and Agriculture ; 6th., 
Secretaryship and Management of the Printing- 
office. Legislative authority was vested in the 



54 ICARIA. 

General Assembly, which met every Saturday, and 
was composed of every male member of the com- 
munity twenty years old. The Committee of Gerance 
were responsible to the Assembly. The constitution 
was subject to revision every second year. Admis- 
sions to the community were first provisional; then 
definitive, by vote of the Assembly, after six months' 
probation. In case of withdrawal, half of the 
property brought into the community by the in- 
dividual was returned to him. 

One of Cabet's objects in granting this constitu- 
tion was the procuring of a charter of incorporation 
from the Illinois Legislature. The Mormon charter 
had been revoked by the Legislature during the 
trouble at Nauvoo, and there had remained a very 
strong prejudice against chartering peculiar so- 
cieties. Cabet's constitution contained a great 
amount of preliminary and general matter explain- 
ing the moral and social virtues of the Icarian sys- 
tem, and appealing to the approbation of the 
average legislator by expressing many of the glitter- 
ing political maxims of the American Declaration 
of Independence. Notwithstanding this unexcep- 
tionable constitution, the community had some 
difficulty in getting its charter, the act finally pass- 
ing by a small majority. Under the new organic 
law, Cabet was elected President, and was unani- 
mously reelected from year to year. But on more 
than one important subject differences of opinion 



COMMUNITY LIFE AT NAUVOO. 55 

began to appear. Cabet was not always wise, and 
a number of younger and more practical men found 
themselves frequently at variance with him. He 
was now nearly seventy years old, and was perhaps 
growing more arbitrary and determined in the ex- 
ercise of power while becoming less capable of 
exercising it wisely. 

The breach was widening imperceptibly, and its 
extent was not realized by either party until in 
December, 1855, when Cabet made a proposition 
for a radical change in the constitution. He pro- 
posed the abolition of the governing board of di- 
rectors, the so-called " Committee of Gerance," and 
the substitution of a President, to hold office four 
years, who should have authority to name and to 
remove at will all the subordinate officers of the 
community. The constitution distinctly provided 
for revision every two years, namely, in March, 
1853, March, 1855, March, 1857, etc. Cabet's propo- 
sition therefore came at an illegal time. It should 
have been made nearly a year earlier, or more than 
a year later. Moreover, it violated express provis- 
ions of the Illinois charter. Nevertheless, he in- 
sisted, and every Icarian took sides, — the majority 
being against Cabet. The contest grew serious, 
bitter, and disturbing. A few weeks later, on Feb. 
3d (anniversary of the first departure from Havre), 
came the annual Presidential election. In the 
meeting of the Assembly on that day Cabet stoutly 



56 ICARIA. 

refused to withdraw his proposition, and hinted 
darkly at abandoning the society. Thereupon the 
majority proceeded to choose as President a vigor- 
ous young leader of their party, J. B. Gerard by 
name. Cabet was thoroughly surprised. He con- 
sented to withdraw his proposition for a year, and 
the whole Icarian community met the next day 
and showed their undiminished personal affection 
for their old chief by unanimously electing him 
President, Gerard gladly resigning for that purpose. 
Peace seemed to be secured, but hostilities soon 
opened again. Cabet had most of the Committee 
of Gerance on his side, and therefore controlled the 
executive, while his opponents held a steady major- 
ity in the Assembly, to which the executive was 
theoretically subject. Cabet controlled the printing- 
office and newspaper, and used the press for par- 
tisan purposes. Dissension now so threatened the 
permanence and prosperity of the society that many 
withdrew from membership. The Assembly ap- 
pointed an investigating committee who condemned 
the management of the printing-office. Another 
committee investigated the affairs of the Icarian 
Bureau in Paris. This was in the charge of Madame 
Cabet and other members of the family. It had 
been a centre of propaganda and information, had 
secured recruits, and had been the European fiscal 
agency of the community, negotiating loans and 
receiving donations. Cabet had made use of it for 



COMMUNITY LIFE AT NAUVOO. $7 

the distribution among the thousands of Icarians in 
France of bulletins and circulars which were secret- 
ly printed at Nauvoo and were full of denunciations 
against the actions of the majority. The committee 
reported that the Bureau was expensive, ill-managed, 
and hostile to the majority of the community, and 
recommended its immediate suppression. The rec- 
ommendation was adopted by the Assembly. Ca- 
bet now brought in proposals of separation, his 
plan being that one party should remain at Nauvoo 
and the other occupy the Iowa domain. But a 
party which was in the majority and legally in the 
right could hardly be expected under the circum- 
stances to cede half the common estate to a disaf- 
fected, turbulent, and law-breaking minority. So 
all hope of amicable separation fell to the ground. 
Both parties rushed into print voluminously 
enough, with memorials, resolutions, pamphlets, 
polemics, and appeals to the world ; but though I 
have collected a quantity of such materials relating 
to this bitter little civil war, I must hasten the re- 
cital lest the story become tedious. I have al- 
ready stated that half the Committee of Gerance 
were elected in February, and half six months later 
— viz., August 3d. The majority of the Gerance 
were still Cabetists. The date of the August elec- 
tion arrived, and the anti-Cabet party elected their 
own candidates, thus at length obtaining preponder- 
ant executive influence. Cabet and the minority 



58 ICARIA. 

refused to submit to the election, and the old mem- 
bers of the Gerance would not yield up their offices 
to the newly elect. Excitement and enmity now 
reached their climax, and the civil authorities of 
Nauvoo intervened to prevent probable bloodshed. 
The new directors were installed by force. The 
whole Cabet party thereupon ceased to work at 
their places in shops, fields, and mills. For months 
the party lines had been drawn everywhere. In the 
Assembly the opposing factions had occupied oppo- 
site sides of the hall ; at meals they had taken sep- 
arate tables ; the little children at school had be- 
come partisans. Now the majority decided that 
those who would not work should not eat. The 
new Gerance assigned every individual his work, 
and gave notice that those who absented themselves 
from labor would be cut off from rations after 
August 13th. 

Cabet rented a large building in the village of 
Nauvoo, and the minority made it their temporary 
home. Their object now seemed to be to secure 
the dissolution of the society. By secret letters and 
messengers Cabet had secured the loyalty of the 
larger part of those absent on the land in Iowa, and 
he undertook to effect the abandonment of that 
estate, which would have entailed severe damage 
upon the community, since the titles were in Cabet's 
name, and if the estate had been deserted, the 
Nauvoo Community would not have the prestige of 



COMMUNITY LIFE AT NAUVOO. 59 

" possession," which " is nine points of the law." 
The alertness of the majority foiled Cabet's scheme 
in this direction. He also endeavored to bring 
financial confusion on the community by making 
damaging statements to its creditors, and represent- 
ing it as in an unsound condition. He had carried 
away the records and account books, and as he had 
always represented the community in its external 
relations, he was in a situation to injure its credit 
materially. He further attempted to secure the 
dissolution of the community by bringing suit in 
the State courts. This plan was found ineffective, 
and in a long partisan statement the Cabetists pe- 
titioned the Legislature of Illinois to repeal the Act 
of Incorporation. The Legislature refused to do so 
by a vote of 55 to 9. In October a committee ap- 
pointed for that purpose brought into the Assembly 
a series of formal charges against Cabet which were 
sustained by unanimous vote, and he was expelled 
from membership. 

The minority had already resolved to spend the 
winter in St. Louis, where their men, largely tailors 
and mechanics, could find work pending the adop- 
tion of some permanent arrangement. About the 
1st of November the minority, comprising one hun- 
dred and eighty persons, left Nauvoo. A week 
later, Nov. 8, 1856, Cabet died suddenly of apoplexy, 
in St. Louis. He was in his sixty-ninth year. In 
his threescore years of life in France as a democrat, 



60 ICARIA. 

revolutionist, and doctrinaire, Cabet had suffered im- 
prisonment, exile, ridicule, slander, persecution by 
the officers of church and state ; but nothing had 
ever so pained and shocked him as his rejection at 
Nauvoo. He had grown old ; he had long since 
abandoned all idea of preferment and power in 
French public life ; nothing was left to him but the 
colony he had founded. And he had so identified 
himself with its fortunes that he unconsciously mag- 
nified his own importance to the community. It 
seemed to him his very own. Any dissent from his 
opinion was treason. The democratic government 
which he had himself granted became an evil thing 
in his eyes, because it sometimes obstructed his own 
necessary, beneficent, and pre-eminently wise gov- 
ernment. Cabet must not be too severely blamed 
for the plots, subterfuges, and machinations he em- 
ployed in the quarrel. He was hardly responsible 
for his conduct. He had lost the power to view 
Icaria as a thing separate from his own personality ; 
he was not a part of the community — the com- 
munity was a part of him. 

Cabet was so industriously calumniated and un- 
dervalued in France by contemporary writers hostile 
to socialism, that the lies have, in part at least, 
stuck ; and neither his character nor his ability have 
been appreciated at their true worth. He had 
faults, more than one of which I have been obliged 
already to show. But he was a better and truer man 



COMMUNITY LIFE AT NAUVOO. 6 1 

than his Parisian detractors. He was ambitious ; 
but more than once he sacrificed office, fortune, and 
prospects rather than be false to his convictions and 
his sense of public duty. Disaffected persons who 
had left the community at New Orleans and re- 
turned to France charged him with embezzlement 
before the French courts and in his absence secured 
against him a verdict of guilty. Hearing of the 
matter he journeyed from Nauvoo to Paris to 
vindicate himself. In the spring of 1852 he 
triumphantly refuted all charges preferred against 
him and was formally acquitted by the court. 1 

Cabet's literary work, done chiefly in the intervals 
of a life busy with other pursuits, was considerable 
in amount and not devoid of merit. A list of his 

1 Professor Richard Owen of New Harmony, Ind., a son of the dis- 
tinguished English reformer, Robert Owen, furnishes me with two or 
three pleasant incidents connected with this visit of Cabet's to 
Europe. It would seem that on his return from France he stopped 
in England to see his old friend and counsellor, Owen. For, says my 
informant : " In Part XXI. of Robert Owen's Journal, June 5, 1S52, 
an account is given of the toasts and responses, on May 14th, when 
celebrating my father's birthday at Anderton's Hotel, Fleet St. My 
father responded to the first and second toasts, ' The Queen,' ' Robert 
Owen ' ; the third, ' The distinguished social reformers from abroad,' 
etc., etc., was responded to by MM. Cabet, Pierre Leroux, Walter 
Cooper, and Lloyd Jones." As to honors paid Cabet on his arrival 
in New York, Mr. Owen also says : " I find in my father's periodical 
(' Robert Owen's Journal,') Part XXV., Sept. 25, 1852, a paragraph 
copied from the A T ew York Tribune of July 9th giving an account of 
a banquet at the Shakespeare Hotel, N. Y., on July 8th, in honor of 
M. Cabet, at which M. E. Chevalier [the French economist] pro- 
posed his health, and M. Cabet ' responded in an interesting and 
eloquent speech,' etc. On the next page [of Owen's Journal] is an 
extract from The Popular Tribune, organ of the Icarian community. 
It is headed: 'Arrival of M. Cabet at Nauvoo.' All this shows 
the strong interest my father took in the movements of M. Cabet." 



62 ICARIA. 

writings has never been placed on record. Those 
which I shall name in this paragraph have all come 
under my notice, and I have heard of no others of 
importance. The five-volume " Histoire Populaire 
de la Revolution Frangaise de 1789 a. 1830," is his 
most extensive work. The "Voyage en Icarie ' 
and the " Vrai Christianisme ' have already been 
sufficiently described and are without question the 
author's best productions. " Douze Lettres d'un 
Communiste a. un Reformiste sur la Communaute ' 
(1841-2, pp. 166) was published a year after the 
appearance of the "Voyage," in explanation and 
defence of its doctrines. The " Refutation du 
Dictionnaire Politique (articles Babouvisme, Com- 
munaute, Association, Propriete) et de la Revue des 
Deux Mondes (sur le Communisme)," the character 
of which is sufficiently obvious from the title, ap- 
peared in the fall of 1842. In the previous year 
also he had published an important pamphlet de- 
fending marriage and the institution of the family, 
and entitled " Refutation de X l Humanitaire ' (de- 
mandant l'abolition du manage et de la famille)." 
Deploring the hostility between French communis- 
tic sects and journals, he wrote in 1845 a little book 
of fifty-six pages, " Le Salut est dans TUnion ; la Con- 
currence est la Ruine." " Les Masques Arraches ' 
(1845, PP« *44) is a controversial defence of com- 
munism. Cabet took advantage of his visit to 
France to publish in 1852 a " Lettre du Citoyen 



COMMUNITY LIFE AT NAUVOO. 63 

Cabet a l'Archeveque de Paris en Reponse a son 
Mandement du 8 Juin, 185 1." The Archbishop had 
issued a mandate severely condemning communism, 
and Cabet in a pamphlet of forty-seven pages refers 
him to the communistic practices of the Apostles 
and the early Church, cites the opinions of the 
Church fathers, etc. " Proces et Acquittement du 
Citoyen Cabet Accuse d'Escroquerie pour 1' Emigra- 
tion Icarienne " is a volume of two hundred and forty 
pages, in which are compiled the evidence, corre- 
spondence, addresses, etc., relating to Cabet's trial 
for embezzlement. I have seen no copies of the 
" Icarian Almanac," published from 1843 to j ^47j 
— a work which seems to have played an important 
part in the propaganda. The " Realization du 
Communisme" (1847) is a volume filled with ex- 
tracts from the Populaire respecting the proposed 
emigration. To this list of writings might be added 
a very large number of pamphlets, some published 
in France and some at Nauvoo. 



IV. 

THE CHELTENHAM EPISODE. 



IV. 

THE CHELTENHAM EPISODE. 

The Icarians, one hundred and eighty in num- 
ber, who had accompanied Cabet in his retreat from 
Nauvoo to St. Louis, had relied in every thing upon 
their leader ; and his death was a terrible blow to 
them. A romantic young German, Fritz Bauer, 
committed suicide in his grief, and the whole group 
were hardly less disconsolate. But, the first mo- 
ment of stupor past, they took courage. They had, 
on October 13, 1856, before leaving Nauvoo, taken 
an engagement to remain faithful to Icaria and its 
founder ; and they now resolved unanimously that 
the best mode of honoring the memory of their de- 
parted leader and of testifying to their faith in his 
principles consisted in remaining united and con- 
tinuing his work. 

They installed themselves as well as they could in 
St. Louis, intending as soon as possible to acquire a 
tract of land somewhere further west for a perma- 
nent home. Meanwhile the men, who were nearly 
all tailors, shoemakers, or mechanics of some de- 
scription, found work in the city. Explorers were 
sent in various directions to discover the promised 

67 



68 ICARIA. 

land, but nothing was found which met all the con- 
ditions requisite. In May, 1858, the search was 
given up and an estate called Cheltenham, lying six 
miles west of St. Louis, was purchased. 

This place afforded some advantages as a domicile 
for the community. It was near the city, and the 
men could continue to work at their trades. It pos- 
sessed a large stone house capacious enough to 
lodge the greater portion of the colony, besides six 
log-houses. Unfortunately there were only twenty- 
eight acres of land, and the price paid was very 
large — $25,000. Further, the location was unhealthy, 
and the intermittent fever was as regular in its semi- 
annual visits as the appearance of spring-time and 
fall. It was much better, however, than remaining 
in St. Louis, crowded into several scattered houses ; 
and it was with elation that the new home was en- 
tered on May 8, 1858. 

During the sojourn in the city a few families had 
withdrawn, and at the time of removal the member- 
ship was not above one hundred and fifty. This is 
as large a number as was ever reached at Chelten- 
ham ; for though accessions from France were made 
almost continually, the withdrawals were quite as 
numerous and constant. At once upon their re- 
moval the Icarians set about perfecting their social 
and industrial organization. They established work- 
shops of tailors, joiners, wheel-wrights, blacksmiths, 
painters, shoemakers, etc. All these shops, of 



THE CHELTENHAM EPISODE. 69 

course, did work for outsiders, in addition to sup- 
plying the Icarians themselves, and were sufficiently 
prosperous to furnish a comfortable support for the 
establishment as well as to meet the first payments 
on the property as they became due. 

The Cheltenham community was exceedingly 
active in propaganda. It had many correspondents, 
it published a journal and a number of books, and 
it maintained at Paris the Bureau which the Nauvoo 
majority had so bitterly condemned for its partisan- 
ship. The Bureau printed and circulated many 
brochures throughout France. Cabet's name and 
the efforts of the bureau gave the Cheltenham 
branch a prestige which the Nauvoo brethren lacked, 
and the formerwas recognized in France as the only 
original and genuine Icarian community. Thus the 
men and money sent to reinforce the Icarian cause 
were all diverted to St. Louis, and the Nauvoo 
people strove in vain to get a hearing in France. 
Many recruits were forwarded through the activity 
of the Bureau, and a loan opened in Paris, in 1857, 
produced the considerable sum of 50,000 francs 
among Icarian disciples. 

All now went prosperously; hope and enthusiasm 
reigned in Cheltenham. Schools were opened for 
the boys and girls, and a " salle d'asile " — a sort of 
kindergarten — for the smallest children. The band 
of music and the theatre, so dear to the French 
heart, were not wanting. In 1858 the so-called 



70 ICARIA. 

11 Cours Icarien ' was inaugurated. This was a 
Sunday-afternoon assembly which contributed much 
to the intellectual and moral well-being of the com- 
munity. The programme usually consisted of select 
readings from the works of Cabet and other authors, 
recitations by the school-children, and discourses on 
various subjects by the more accomplished members 
of the community. It was a school for mutual im- 
provement in things moral and mental. Progress 
was also making in the payment of the debt on the 
property ; and thus the material as well as the moral 
situation was satisfactory. Still a few years of cour- 
age, union, and perseverance, and the community 
of Cheltenham would be in condition to undertake, 
with good guaranties of success, its removal to some 
ampler and more suitable domain. 

But this was never to be realized. In May, 1859, 
the community entered upon a discussion of the 
social and political constitution. Two radically dis- 
tinct parties were developed. The majority adhered 
faithfully to the later ideas entertained by Cabet, 
and believed in investing very large if not absolutely 
dictatorial authority in some chosen leader, — some 
" gcrant unique" directing the moral and material 
affairs of the community. The minority, however, 
were unalterably opposed to so undemocratic a sys- 
tem of government. Difference of opinion degener- 
ated into party strife; and the vanquished minority, 
numbering forty-two persons, left the community. 



THE CHELTENHAM EPISODE. 7 1 

This proved the death-blow to Cheltenham. From 
the date of this withdrawal the community declined 
in every way. Many of the most intelligent mem- 
bers, many of the most skilful craftsmen, were 
among those who withdrew, and the loss was irre- 
parable. The depleted society struggled heroically 
for five years longer in spite of a series of untoward 
events which seemed to be in conspiracy to crush it 
down ; and in 1864 there remained only eight 
" citoyens," seven " citoyennes," and some chil- 
dren. Thus had the number been reduced to a 
residue of the bravest and most persistent spirits. 

The mortgagee was pressing for payment and 
threatening to take the property. Funds were ex- 
hausted, and there were no available sources of 
revenue. The propaganda had ceased, and no more 
aid came from France. A last effort was still made. 
Two members were sent to Nebraska to find an 
eligible location on the public lands. But on their 
return the morale was so weakened, and the funds 
requisite to accomplish the removal were so com- 
pletely lacking, that the undertaking had to be 
abandoned. 

It was a moment of profound sorrow for these 
eight families when they met for the last time in 
the capacity of an Icarian Assembly, to hear the 
President, A. Sauva, 1 formally announce the disso- 

1 For the materials from which this chapter is prepared, I am en- 
tirely indebted to Mr. Sauva, who at my request wrote me out, in 



72 ICARIA. 

lution of the community. There were few words 
and many tears. In March, 1864, Sauva bestowed 
the keys upon the mortgagee, and the last Icarian 
left Cheltenham. 

French, a little sketch of Cheltenham upon which the chapter is 
based. In several places I have rendered into English Mr. Sauva's 
own expressions. 



V. 

PIONEER LIFE IN IOWA. 



PIONEER LIFE IN IOWA. 

It need scarcely be said that the community at 
Nauvoo had been greatly weakened by the split. 
Much of the movable property, all of the account 
books, a large portion of the library, had been car- 
ried off by the seceders. The titles to the real 
estate, both in Nauvoo and in Iowa, were in Cabet's 
name, and long, tedious suits were required in order 
to give the community perfect legal title to its own 
premises. The whole system of industry had been 
deranged. Crops had failed. Debts had greatly 
increased. The St. Louis party, claiming as we 
have already shown, to be the real Icarians and 
maintaining the old Bureau in Paris, had so indus- 
triously circulated their version of the story in 
France, that the Nauvoo majority were there re- 
garded by their still numerous Icarian fellow-dis- 
ciples as base ingrates who had overturned the 
society for selfish ends, driven away their noble 
benefactor Cabet, broken his heart, and caused his 
death by their brutal treatment. Letters of explana- 
tion sent from Nauvoo to France were returned 
unanswered. No more funds or recruits came to 

75 



76 ICARIA. 

Nauvoo. However, the community pursued an 
active, resolute course. Gerard was made Presi- 
dent, and Marchand, a young man especially quali- 
fied for the position, was made Secretary and placed 
in charge of the printing-office. The Revue Icarienne 
was reestablished and it most ably defended the 
conduct of the majority in the recent strife. 

On the first of January, 1857, the community 
found itself with two hundred and thirty-nine 
members, eighteen of whom were absent doing 
pioneer work on the estate in Iowa. By the official 
inventory of the same date, the assets of the com- 
munity (exclusive of the Iowa property) had shrunk 
to a little less than $60,000, while the debt had 
grown to nearly $19,000. In Iowa they owned 
3,115 acres of land, of which 273 were under culti- 
vation and about 1,000 were woodland. Several log- 
houses had been built, and live stock and farming 
utensils to the value of several thousand dollars had 
been accumulated. 

Four or five years later, in the flush times, such a 
financial showing would not have been discouraging. 
But it must be remembered that this was at the 
beginning of the year 1857. The great panic and 
business depression of that year could not be 
weathered by the community. Their industries 
were no longer a source of profit ; creditors pressed 
their claims ; Nauvoo property was dead, and could 
not be made to realize any thing like the inventoried 



PIONEER LIFE IN IOWA. 77 

valuation. As to the land in Iowa, the soil of 
almost the entire State lay wild and uninhabited, 
and there was no demand for so remote a track as 
that owned by Icaria. To crown the difficulty 
Cabet's heirs held the title-deeds and would not 
yield them up. 

In this predicament it was decided that the com- 
munity should remove to Iowa, and that its prop- 
erty should be placed in the hands of assignees for 
the benefit of the creditors. Mr. Gerard, the Presi- 
dent,' and another member withdrew from the 
society temporarily in order to be qualified to act as 
assignees. These, with enough members to consti- 
tute a board of directors, in order to do business 
legally under their charter, remained at Nauvoo till 
the courts had satisfactorily adjusted the titles in 
Illinois and Iowa, the Nauvoo property had all been 
sold, and the creditors had all been honorably 
arranged with. This required more than two years, 
and it was not until the fall of i860 that Nauvoo 
was finally abandoned as the legal headquarters of 
Icaria. In September of the same year a new char- 
ter was procured under the laws of Iowa. 1 

1 Section 3 of the Illinois charter of 1851 read: "The busi- 
ness of said company shall be manufacturing, milling, all kinds of 
mechanical business, and agriculture." But in Iowa it was illegal 
for the Legislature to grant special charters to corporations. General 
laws of the State provided for the formation of banking and other 
business corporations. These general laws, however, evidently did 
not contemplate the incorporation of a community ; and their pro- 
visions were in several respects unsuitable. For the benefit of the 
Icarians the Legislature was prevailed upon in the spring of i860 to 



78 ICARIA. 

In these years of removal and non-production the 
society reached a most unenviable financial condi- 
tion. It retained the Iowa land, but subject to a 
mortgage for a large amount. This debt drew ten 
per cent, interest, and as the community was unable 
to meet the interest payments, the debt was com- 
pounding at a fearful rate. Moreover, membership 
had become rapidly reduced by withdrawals after 
the assignment in 1857. 

The Icarian land lay in Adams County, in the 
southwestern part of Iowa, about thirty miles north 
of the Missouri State line, and about sixty miles 
east of the Missouri River. It is upon a great 
highway of travel, the main line of the Chicago, 
Burlington, and Quincy Railroad passing across the 
tract. Four miles to the west lies the prosperous 
town of Corning, and twenty miles eastward is the 
city of Creston. But, twenty-five years ago, the 
railroad was not built, nor was there a house where 

enact an additional section to the general law of corporations. This 
section read as follows: "Corporations for agricultural and horti- 
cultural purposes, and cemetery associations may be formed to endure 
any length of time that, may be provided by the articles of incorpora- 
tion thereof: Provided, such corporation shall not own to exceed 
nine sections [5,760 acres] of land, and the improvements and neces- 
sary personal property for the management thereof : and provided 
further that the articles of incorporation shall provide a mode by 
which any member thereof may, at any time withdraw from such 
incorporation, and also the mode of determining the amount to be 
received by such member upon withdrawal ; and also for the 
payment thereof to such members subject only to the rights 
of the creditors of such incorporation." Under this Iowa law, 
therefore, which came into effect July 4, 1S60, the Icarians in Sep- 
tember following took out a charter as an agricultural society. 
Many years later this became a matter of vital consequence. 



PIONEER LIFE I AT IOWA. 79 

the towns stand. Where the traveller now finds 
rich farms and clustering villages, there then 
stretched the virgin prairie. In 1857 there was 
not a squatter along the trail for forty miles east of 
Icaria. It was indeed a new country. Cabet seems 
to have believed that it was necessary for his colony 
to begin its life in the greatest possible seclusion. 
He wished its members to be free from the influ- 
ences and attractions of the outside world, and to 
be thrown in on themselves as entirely as possible 
during the early years of the experiment. It was 
with some such thought as this that he chose first 
Texas and then southwestern Iowa for a location. 
Perhaps, if his community could have grown, as he 
had anticipated, into a very populous and diversified 
society, it might have found itself able to maintain 
a prosperous existence independent of the outside 
world, as the Mormons proved themselves able to 
do in Utah. And in that case Cabet's choice of a 
remote location would doubtless have been well 
advised. But a small community, a mere handful 
of people, especially people like our French Icarians, 
accustomed to a highly complex life in an old and 
populous country, can not cut themselves loose from 
the great world without peculiar hardships. They 
would have done better to remain at Nauvoo, if 
possible, or at least to have sought a less remote 
locality. 

Land under such circumstances has no value, ex- 



So ICARIA. 

cept a speculative or anticipatory one. It is, in the 
economic phrase, a " free natural agent." It pro- 
duces sustenance for the tiller, but it has not begun 
to yield rent, and therefore it gives no surplus 
to apply toward the purchase price. The present 
homestead law, which makes wild lands free to 
actual settlers, is simply just and reasonable on 
economic principles, and the old law, under which 
settlers like our Icarian friends were obliged to pay 
$1.25 per acre, was a hardship. But, if the actual 
settler on remote lands can not afford to pay any 
purchase money, much less can he bear an addi- 
tional weight of mortgages on his land. It is 
simply a foregone conclusion that he will forfeit his 
land to the speculative holder, who can afford to 
await the time when the growth of population and 
new facilities for transportation will give the land 
market value. What if the Icarians had lived so 
frugally that two thirds of their crop would have 
been net surplus. There was no accessible market 
for surplus farm products. 1 Such was their situa- 

1 The annals of the Western States are full of curious instances of 
this kind. Within ten years quantities of corn have been burned as 
fuel in parts of Missouri and Nebraska ; less because of a fuel famine 
than from want of a market for grain. Being " land poor" is a fre- 
quent expression in the West. Thousands of men have committed 
the mistake of buying lands on credit at what seemed merely nominal 
prices, but have ruined themselves and forfeited the lands because 
they had not sufficient capital to hold valueless land until circum- 
stances gave it value. In 1876, in Dakota, the writer found a solitary 
farmer who had established himself on the shore of a beautiful little 
lake. The rich shocks of harvested wheat dotted broad acres, and 
the maize was maturing in his fields. In his granaries were thousands 



PIONEER LIFE IN IOWA. 8 1 

tion when they settled in Iowa on land which had 
no actual market value, and yet was mortgaged for 
three or four dollars an acre, on which ten per cent, 
'annual interest was to be paid. Of course, they paid 
no interest. The small amount of products which 
they were able to transport eastward to a market 
scarcely sufficed to procure clothing, salt, and the 
most absolute necessaries. The story of their priva- 
tions and hardships in those days can not be written. 
It is a story which testifies to their high faith in the 
principle of communism, and to their personal cour- 
age and devotion. The group of small log-huts in 
which they spent those days remains as a suggestive 
reminder of pioneer privations. 

In 1863 the debt had grown to $15,500. The war 
of the rebellion, which was the destruction of Chel- 
tenham, was the salvation of the Iowa Icaria. Agri- 
cultural products rose to fabulous prices. The Icarians 
had acquired a flock of sheep ; and wool had the 
double advantage of being readily transportable and 
of selling at an enormous figure. They improved this 
favorable juncture and made a settlement with their 
creditor by allowing him to take two thousand acres 

of bushels of fine wheat, stored up from the crops of two or three 
preceding years. It was a beautiful sight, this flourishing farm in a 
wide uninhabited region ; but the clear grain was almost as valueless 
as the chaff. It could not be drawn 150 miles to the nearest railroad 
market over almost impassable wagon roads with any profit. To-day, 
however, a prosperous "city" has grown up close by, two or three 
railroads are accessible, any possible amount of farm surplus com- 
mands high prices, and the formerly valueless land now has real and 
high value. 



82 ICARIA. 

of their land at five dollars an acre. For the remain- 
ing $5>500 of the debt they succeeded in procuring 
the money. It was a fortunate deliverance. 

They were left with only a little more than eleven 
hundred acres of land ; but it was all they needed, 
for their number was now reduced (1863) to only 
thirty-five, including men, women, and children. The 
withdrawal of members in those years of hardship 
can not in all cases be attributed to selfish motives 
or an unwillingness to share privation. Members 
had to be fed, clothed, and sheltered ; and to a com- 
munity unable even to pay interest on its debt, 
membership may be a cause of added expense rather 
than a source of advantage and profit. 

For the ensuing twelve or thirteen years, life was 
any thing but ideal and poetic in Icaria, and we need 
not dwell at length upon its external features. 
There were few events to break the monotony of 
secluded farm life. These were years of patient, 
self-sacrificing struggle, devoted to the one object of 
securing a solid material basis for the happy Icaria 
of the future. With this end in view these " soldiers 
of humanity " shrank from no privation. Little by 
little they bought back portions of their land. 
Through their domain ran a stream known as the 
Nodaway River, overlooking which, on the bluffy 
upland half a mile away, was their cluster of a score 
or more of diminutive log dwellings grouped about 
a larger log structure which was used as common 



PIONEER LIFE IN IOWA. 83 

dining-hall and assembly room. On the river they 
built a grist- and saw-mill, which was patronized by 
the neighbors, and was the source of a small net in- 
come. Their industry, intelligence, and upright con- 
duct gained the favor of all the surrounding country. 
Now and then an old Icarian family would return ; 
and by the end of the year 1868, they were able to 
report a membership of sixty, a domain of over 
seventeen hundred acres, fairly well stocked with 
horses, cattle, and sheep, their mills paid for, and 
their entire indebtedness lifted. Three years later 
we find the domain increased by two hundred more 
acres, steam introduced in the mills, a personnel of 
seventy members, a new framed central hall, sixty 
feet long and two stories high, carpenter, black- 
smith, wagon and shoe shops in operation, and rail- 
road connections with Eastern markets furnished by 
the completion of the Burlington and Missouri River 
(now the Chicago, Burlington, and Quincy) Railroad. 
Such are the meagre annals, for a dozen years, of 
these disillusioned pioneers, who had hoped that by 
this time their brilliant demonstration and realiza- 
tion of a beautiful idea would have converted all 
civilized nations and transformed the face of the 
earth. Verily, the world had even forgotten their 
existence. 

Doubtless their care and toil for the means made 
them sometimes forget the end. It would have been 
strange had it been otherwise. When men and 



84 ICARIA. 

women have spent the best quarter-century of their 
lives drudging for the bare means of subsistence and 
haunted by the spectre of debt, even if they do not 
grow sordid and hard, they tend to become cautious 
and conservative ; the generous enthusiasms and 
glowing ideals of youth are toned down and tem- 
pered by stern experience. The amenities of life 
had a poor chance in those miserably built, cramped 
log-huts, which were not half as large as the average 
one-room log-house of the American backwoodsman. 
But even in this condition the Icarians favorably 
impressed visitors, as the following extracts from 
letters will show. An intelligent gentleman who 
visited Icaria in 1869 wrote that he found in the 
"log-shanties" "a degree of cultivation, courtesy, 
and kindness not often so generally found among 
the same number of persons." The same writer con- 
tinues: "The Icarian community is a success. The 
best of feeling appears to prevail among them, and 
we could but feel elated that here at least was a 
demonstration of successful communism. We wish 
them that good success in the future to which their 
self-denial and perseverance so richly entitle them." ' 
In 1871, another visitor wrote as follows: "The 
most surprising thing there was the presence of so 
many intelligent persons content to live in such a 
squalid way. The kind, hospitable, and tolerant 
spirit of the association was perfectly fascinating, 

'Letter from Dr. Briggs, in The Communist, 1S69. 



PIONEER LIFE IN IOWA. 85 

and almost gilded the quasi hog-pasture in which 
they live. I thought I perceived in the young people 
a goodness and intelligence which will in another 
dozen years revolutionize their mode of living and 
doing business, and make their society a power in 
the land. Indeed, I think there is more vitality and 
virtue and hope for humanity at Icaria than in any 
other association." 1 

About this time the finances of the community 
began to justify the building of better habitations, 
and as these were gradually erected (arranged in the 
form of a quadrangle enclosing the larger hall), the 
old log-huts were one by one abandoned. As Dr. 
Gaskin had predicted, the new generation began to 
exert a strong influence in the direction of improve- 
ments and "progress." Flowers and shade trees 
began to be cultivated, and the village took on a 
better appearance. Mr. William Alfred Hinds visited 
Icaria in the summer of 1876, and the following ex- 
tracts from a letter which he sent to the American 
Socialist give a true and graphic picture of life in 
the community at that time : 

"A dozen small white cottages arranged on the sides 
of a parallelogram ; a large central building containing a 
unitary kitchen and a common dining-hall, which is also 
used as an assembly room and for community amuse- 
ments, including an occasional dance or theatrical presen- 

1 Private letter of J. W. Gaskin, of Chicago, printed in The Com- 
munist, 1871. Mr. Gaskin some years later proved the sincerity of 
this opinion by joining the community. 



S6 1CARIA. 

tation ; a unitary bake-room and laundry near at hand ; 
numerous log-cabins, also within easy reach of the central 
building — forcible reminders of the early poverty and 
hardships of this people ; a small dairy-house near the 
thatched stable to the south ; barns for the horses and 
sheep to the north : all these buildings on the bluff rising 
from the valley of the Nodaway River, and surrounded 
by the community domain of over two thousand acres of 
fertile land, of which seven hundred have been culti- 
vated, and including, with some timber land, extensive 
meadows and pastures, over which range 600 sheep 
and 140 head of cattle — the cultivated part having the 
present season 5 acres of potatoes, 5 acres of sorghum, 
100 of wheat, 250 of corn, one and a half of straw- 
berries, besides vineyards, orchards, etc.: behold the 
present external aspects of Icaria. 

" At the sound of the bell all direct their footsteps to 
the central building ; and should you enter at meal-time 
you would see the entire community, now numbering 
seventy-five, seated at the oblong and circular tables, as 
lively and sociable as French people know how to be. 
Over the entrance door you would notice in large letters 
the word 'Equality,' and directly opposite the word 
1 Liberty,' and at one end of the room the suggestive 
1 1 776-1876.' You would notice also that upon the table 
there is an abundance of substantial food, but that every 
thing is plain. 

"Should you enter the same building at evening you 
might find most of the family assembled, some to con- 
verse, some to sing their songs of equality and fraternity. 
Or should you call on a Sunday afternoon, as was my 



PIONEER LIFE IN IOWA. 87 

good fortune, you might hear selections from the writings 
of their great apostle, Etienne Cabet, or recitals by the 
young, or songs, perchance, which would stir your social- 
istic enthusiasm. One of these I heard had this refrain : 

' Travailleurs de la grande cause, 
Soyons fiers de notre destin ; 
L'egoiste seul se repose, 

Travaillons pour le genre humain.' 

" A recital by a maiden of fifteen was very effective. 
She put great expression into the words : 

' Mes freres, il est temps que les haines s'oublient ; 
Que sous un seul drapeau les peuples se rallient ; 
Le chemin du salut va pour nous s'aplanir. 
La grande liberte que l'Humanite reve, 
Comme un nouveau soleil, radieuse, se leve 
Sur l'horizon de l'avenir.' 

" It is indeed time that hatreds were forgotten and that 
all people rallied under a single flag. Shall that flag be 
Communism ? The Icarians will enthusiastically answer 
* yes ' ; and yet should one inquire whether all hatreds 
are forgotten in Icaria itself, would the reply be also 
' yes ' ? 



>> 1 



This last question of Mr. Hinds' was a peculiarly 
significant one as we shall proceed to show. 

1 This letter is quoted by Mr. Hinds in his " American Communi- 
ties," pp. 67-69. 



VI. 

THE SONS VERSUS THE FATHERS. 



VI. 

THE SONS VERSUS THE FATHERS. 

Outwardly Icaria was in a promising state. Its 
assets were now equal to about $60,000 dollars, its 
membership was increasing, some of the convenien- 
ces and a few of the luxuries of life were finding 
admittance ; the lads had grown up to be good 
farmers; the library was freely used, and French 
and American periodicals were eagerly perused by 
bright minds. A generation had now passed since 
the great socialistic movement which had stirred 
generous souls in every country, which had given 
birth to so many enterprises besides Icaria, and 
which reached its climax in the eventful year of '48. 
And now a new tidal wave of socialism was sweep- 
ing Europe and America. It did not fail to reach 
Icaria; and the community was quickened with a 
new sense of its moral mission. The young people 
felt a thrill of that grand enthusiasm for humanity 
which in '48 had transformed peasants and artizans 
into heroes and philosophers. And so, with a solid, 
though moderate, material prosperity, with a hard- 
earned knowledge of the practical things of life, and 
yet with a high consciousness of a moral mission 

91 



92 ICARIA. 

which lifted them above that sordidness and men- 
tal sloth to which otherwise their mode of life 
must have degraded them, — with these conditions 
existing, what stood in the way of a proud and 
brilliant future for Icaria ? 

Alas, the Icarians were again to demonstrate the 
exceeding difficulty of maintaining harmony in a 
community based upon the principle of acquiescence 
in the will of the majority. Party spirit had broken 
up the great Icarian school in France ; it had di- 
vided the colony at New Orleans ; it had violently 
rent the society at Nauvoo ; it had precipitated the 
fall of Cheltenham. For some years the elements 
of a new tragedy had been silently brewing. A 
writer on American communities has well observed: 
" It is obvious that the process of transferring the 
interests of a community from one generation to 
another, which always has to be done sooner or 
later, will be at least a painful one. The highest 
wisdom is needed to make this transfer, and not 
mar the harmony of the society." The process may 
be a very gradual one, yet it necessarily involves a 
more or less serious crisis. The thoughts and man- 
ners and maxims of the fathers are not as those of 
the sons. 

In the Icarian contest, which we must now briefly 
describe, neither party was wholly right nor wholly 
wrong. As for motives of conduct, it must be as- 
sumed that each party felt itself justified. The 



THE SONS VERSUS THE FATHERS. 93 

party of the old people, who were in the voting 
majority, and whom we may call the Constitutional 
party, were undoubtedly more nearly right accord- 
ing to the tenets and written law of Icarianism ; but 
perhaps they may have been too rigid and too little 
conciliatory. The party of the young people, whom 
we may term the Revolutionary party, were chafing 
for change, expansion, progress, and to them the 
party of the majority seemed retrogressive and 
dead to the cause of humanity. It is not worth 
while to trace in detail the growth of these parties, 
nor the points at issue between them. Such 
breaches tend to widen constantly. The younger 
party desired changes in the business management, 
and improvements in the method of agriculture. 
They wished the franchise given to women, — only 
males above twenty years being voters. Perhaps 
they were the more anxious for the emancipation of 
the sex because it would have changed the voting 
majority in assembly to their side. They were for 
admission of many new members and for the intro- 
duction of a varied industry which would provide 
work and maintenance for a much larger number 
than could be supported or employed by ordinary 
agriculture. The older party were unwilling to try 
any rash or doubtful experiments, and their long 
experience had made them cautious and circumspect 
in admitting strangers. 

The younger party were eager for " propaganda." 



94 ICARIA. 

They had been fired by the events of '71 in Paris, 
and felt strongly with the new Communism of 
France, the Social Democracy of Germany, and the 
Nihilism of Russia. The new ideas were taking 
sudden and rank growth in America. Socialistic 
labor parties and socialistic newspapers were spring- 
ing up in every city, and the movement was rapidly 
taking shape which was soon to culminate in the 
rash and unfortunate riots of 1877. ^ n tne West 
the Greenback party, honest and earnest in its rank 
and file, though misguided by fallacious doctrines 
and in some cases by false leaders, was proclaiming 
a form of socialism. The business depression that 
had followed the panic of 1873, and which kept 
thousands of workingmen idle, contributed above 
all else to the menacing form assumed by social 
agitation. With these new views, and with the 
anarchical spirit of the new agitation, whether in 
Europe or in America, the older party of Icarians 
had little sympathy. In its very essence the Icarian 
doctrine was one of peace and good-will. Its mis- 
sion was constructive or nothing. Its work was to 
teach the world the philosophy of a better social 
system, and to demonstrate the practicability of 
that philosophy. It proposed a peaceful and grad- 
ual evolution of existing society into the society of 
the future ; and violent subversions would only 
hinder progress. Such were the opinions of the 
older party. , 



THE SONS VERSUS THE FATHERS, 95 

I would not affirm that this difference of sym- 
pathy was sufficiently defined to form a very dis- 
tinct issue between the two parties in Icaria, but it 
certainly contributed, consciously or unconsciously, 
to widen the breach. The young party wished to 
fall in line with the large movements outside, to 
wage a more vigorous propaganda, to make Icaria 
an asylum for communists. Distrust grew rapidly 
between the parties. The old people regarded 
every proposition to admit a new member as a wily 
move of the minority to gain a vote in the assem- 
bly. The following resume of the situation is from 
the pen of a versatile young Parisian communist 
who came at this stormy moment to join Icaria, and 
who afterward became prominently identified with 
the party of the young people. The reader should 
bear in mind that this account, written several years 
after the events it describes, is entirely from the 
standpoint of the young party: 

" Icaria was also to furnish proof that all things are 
born of suffering, and that progress is but the prize of 
brave effort, and of the discussion, the struggle, and dis- 
tress which accompany it. 

" For a long time isolation, privations, an absorbing 
labor, perhaps also the effects of age, had totally effaced 
in the eyes of the Icarians the moral mission of Icaria. 
Very little cared they for its socialistic character, or de- 
sired to yield to the consequences of its legitimate des- 
tiny. The age of generous illusions was past, the desire 



96 ICARIA. 

for improvements extinguished ; internal progress no 
longer possessed charms for them. It is not always ego- 
tism which makes one a conservative ! The recollection 
of an unfortunate past, while inspiring exaggerated fears 
for the future, also forces people into inaction or immo- 
bility. 

" Meanwhile a new generation came upon the stage. 
Some old Icarians, in whom the fire of the cause of 
humanity still smouldered under the ashes of years, 
aided by communistic visitors who were attracted to 
Icaria by its ancient renown, communicated to the youth 
of the community the heat of their convictions and the 
light of their counsels. Nevertheless, as it is with the 
earth on which seed vainly falls, some of the young 
people remained insensible to this kind of magnetism. 
But, in general, the sons grew rapidly in the love of 
progress, and were not slow to manifest the impatience 
and discontent which were produced in them by the 
resistance, unconsciously systematic, opposed by their 
predecessors to every innovation. 

" This divergence of views soon created in the heart of 
the Assembly a distinction of groups. The law of affinity 
is irresistible ! The members yielded to its power, and 
formed parties, one to defend the progressive movement, 
the other to oppose it and favor inertia. 

" The struggle was at first pacific and quite fraternal. 
But soon came the bad habit of mingling personalities in 
the controversy. The friction of irascible characters and 
an old leaven of antipathy, brought from Nauvoo and 
revived in the heat of the combat, very quickly substi- 
tuted absolute incompatibility for the comparative homo- 
geneity which had previously existed. 



THE SONS VERSUS THE FATHERS 97 

" Two opposing parties encamped face to face. One 
was that of the young Icarians, including some aged 
people ; the other that of the old Icarians, including 
some young people. There were the Progressives and 
the Non-Progressives. 

" As with all parties, those of Icaria sought recruits — 
with this difference, however, between them, that while 
the old party endeavored to increase their numbers from 
within, the young party, faithful to the principle of ad- 
mission, especially sought to increase their strength by 
new members. Nevertheless, by the law of admission, 
the first party possessed the ' open sesame ! ' of the doors 
of Icaria, and it was only with all the fears, all the 
anxieties of conservatism that they consented to pro- 
nounce the magic words. 

" The necessity of gaining the ascendancy became for 
each party more and more urgent. Menaces of ostracism 
had been lanced by the majority of the old party against 
the minority of the young people, and the latter, while 
conscious of the advantage it would probably gain by the 
admission of new members, was anxious, in its turn, 
about the future attitude of the candidates. It was 
necessary that these should offer to both parties the 
hope of a future support in order to overcome all resist- 
ance to their admission. 

" The logic of parties is to continually widen the gulf 
which separates them. Sentiment may deny this ; reason 
does not. Compromises may intervene ; they will never 
unite the incompatible. The skepticism which new ideas 
profess toward old ways and old notions is at first an 
obstacle to this. 



98 ICARIA. 

" Subject to this rule, the Icarians were so separated 
at this point that each party foresaw the imminent rup- 
ture of the material bond which still held the two groups 
together. 

" This was in the spring of 1876. 

"On the 17th of April of the same year, the minority 
read in the Assembly a document in which it protested 
against the retrogressive acts of the majority, reproached 
them for the lack of regard for the rights and opinions 
of women, their hostility to propagandism, their perse- 
cution of the progressives, etc. It affirmed its devotion 
to the cause, and its purpose to pursue its ideal at all 
cost, and to this end signified its wish to be separated 
from the majority, amicably if possible, by legal means if 
necessary. The majority refused to consider such an 
unusual demand. 

" Meanwhile, four Internationalists had made applica- 
tion for admission to Icaria. Animated by the fears we 
have mentioned, each party considered it to be its duty to 
plead its cause in advance before these prospective mem- 
bers. The majority wrote to them : ' Our enemies desire 
a separation, that they may then divide the property 
among themselves.' The minority sent its reasons for 
demanding a separation. 

" Thus forewarned, the candidates left New York, in 
spite of a dispatch from the majority which told them to 
postpone their coming. On their arrival each party de- 
scribed to them the situation in its own manner. But it 
is in supreme moments that one trusts to chance. 
Either from confidence in the result, or because they 
were willing to risk every thing, the two parties united 



THE SONS VERSUS THE FATHERS. 99 

in admitting the new-comers after only fifteen days of 
novitiation." 

One of these new-comers was Emile Peron him- 
self, the author of the paragraphs quoted above, a 
young man who had come to New York after the 
downfall of the Paris Commune. Another was A. 
Sauva, who years before had come from France to 
join the Cheltenham Icarians at St. Louis, and had 
supported that unfortunate enterprise to the very 
last. He had then served in the Union army, and 
afterward had returned to France. He was a promi- 
nent member of the great organization of the In- 
ternational, and helped to make French history at 
Paris in 187 1. Both were men of marked ability. 
The new-comers bent their energy to a restoration 
of harmony, and apparently with gratifying success. 
It was during this lull that Mr. Hinds made his 
visit to Icaria and wrote the letter to the American 
Socialist quoted in the preceding chapter. 

The annual election, which came on the 3d of 
February, 1877, resulted most encouragingly. The 
directors of the two departments of Industry and 
Agriculture, those most susceptible of improve- 
ments such as had been clamored for, were chosen 
from the young party. With excellent taste the 
Presidency for the year was confided to Sauva, who 
had not identified himself with either faction, but 
had been a peace-maker. This election seemed to 
indicate a genuine spirit of concession on all sides, 



100 ICARIA. 

and a disposition to sink party differences for the 
good of the whole which promised well for the com- 
munity. 

But Sauva did not find his administration a bed 
of roses. It soon became evident that the leaders 
of the young party were wholly disaffected, and 
were only waiting for an occasion to insist again 
upon separation. Although three or four more 
"men of '71 " — and certainly men of "progressive" 
views — were soon admitted, the young party were 
not satisfied ; and the refusal of the majority to 
admit a young candidate whom the minority espe- 
cially favored, brought to the surface again all 
the old animosity. Another point of controversy 
must be mentioned ; not so much because of its in- 
trinsic importance, as because it illustrates a phase 
of community life. 

This was no less a matter than that of " les petits 
jar dins" — the little gardens. Prior to 1870, while 
the families of the community still lived in the log- 
huts, the privilege had been granted each family of 
using a narrow strip of ground surrounding the 
house for a flower-garden, or for cultivation in any 
way that seemed good to the occupants of the 
house, in their hours of leisure. These poor pio- 
neers, with their Gallic love of flowers and of gar- 
dening, found genuine satisfaction in their bits of 
ground ; and here a vine, there an apple-tree, a 
tobacco-plant, or a fragrant bunch of garlic, were 



THE SONS VERSUS THE FATHERS. 101 

added to the original flower-bed feature. Every- 
where else in the community the Icarian motto, 
" All for each, each for all," was the invariable rule. 
If in the one matter of these tiny plots environing 
their humble domiciles, the Icarians allowe67"the 
idea of "meum et tuum " insidiously to enter, and 
if they found a keener enjoyment in the flowers or 
the grapes because of the forbidden but delicious 
sense of personal ownership, we must not condemn 
them too harshly, nor impeach their communism. 
There was something noble and pathetic in the 
manner with which these " citoyens " and " citoy- 
ennes " put away the accursed thing when they 
awoke to a realization of the fact that the gardens 
were introducing a dangerous element of individual- 
ism and inequality. This consciousness was arrived 
at about the time when the first half dozen of the 
new and more commodious houses were built ; and 
it was arranged that whenever a family should leave 
the hut for a frame-house, the wicked garden should 
be given up and no new ones should be made. 1 
" Years rolled on," as the novelists say, and we 
come again to our point of departure, the inauspi- 
cious days of 1 877. Three citizens still abode in 

1 It is somewhat interesting to note that this Icarian village com- 
munity, in its tendency to evolve individual proprietorship, began 
precisely at the same point as the primitive village communities, 
which maintained common ownership and use of arable lands and 
pastures and woodlands long after the homesteads and their imme- 
diate environment had become individual property. Evidently the 
" petits jardins " are a modern reproduction of the ancient " toft and 
croft." 



102 ICARIA. 

their primitive log-huts, and maintained, therefore, 
their " petits jardins." To the young party this 
was a scandal and an abomination ; nor did the old 
party really approve of the conduct of the three 
selfish citizens in clinging to their truck-patches and 
vines. In the fall of 1877 there was to be a sale of 
grapes ; and a member of the young party proposed 
that, instead of gathering the fruit in the commu- 
nity's vineyard, there should be a confiscation of 
the grapes in the three little gardens. The proposi- 
tion was certainly in keeping with Icarian princi- 
ples. But the person who made it, and his manner 
of making it, were so offensive to the old party that 
they voted solidly against it. 

All compromises were now at an end, and the 
factions were openly at war again. Sauva had by 
this time identified himself with the conservative 
party, and Peron had become the fluent spokesman 
of the " progressives," as they termed themselves. 
On the 26th of September the young party an- 
nounced their fixed purpose to withdraw and found 
an autonomous branch on a portion of the domain, 
and a few days later they submitted a detailed plan 
by which the division might be accomplished. The 
land was to remain the common property of the 
two branches, but was to be assigned for use and 
control to the respective communes in a manner 
which they set forth in the following paragraph of 
their proposition : 



THE SONS VERSUS THE FATHERS. 103 

" That a division of land and stock be made pro 
rata, each stockholder, man, woman, and child, to 
be given ten acres of land ; that henceforth we 
carry on our affairs, agricultural, industrial, and 
financial, as two distinct branches of one com- 
munity; that the land be held on both sides in 
usufruct only, each branch having the privilege of 
mortgaging its land to one fifth of its appraised 
valuation ; that each branch admit to its ranks such 
new members as it may deem proper (births being 
reckoned as new admissions) ; and that the surplus 
of land remaining after the division shall be made 
according to the above proposition, shall be held in 
common at the disposal of both sides for the use of 
its new members. In case of death on either side, 
if the portion held in the name of the deceased is 
not taken up by a new admission within a specified 
time, the opposite party shall have the right to 
claim it." 

The nineteen voters of the old party were em- 
phatically opposed to the proposition, while, of 
course, the thirteen voters of the young party were 
agreed in urging it. The plan certainly was a very 
awkward one, and must have led, if adopted, to 
continual friction and misunderstanding between 
the two communes. Having thus failed to accom- 
plish a separation in lawful manner by vote of the 
assembly, the " progressives " assumed a revolu- 
tionary attitude. They might very easily have re- 



104 ICARIA. 

signed and withdrawn, as at one time and another 
in the history of Icaria many hundreds had done; 
but they could have taken with them only a small 
portion of the property. At this juncture the 
Icarian constitution showed a singular weakness, 
which was taken advantage of by the revolutionary 
party. This faction had now resorted to the civil 
courts, and was doing every thing in its power to 
harass and destroy the community ; and yet the 
majority had no adequate defence, for the reason 
that expulsion required a two-thirds vote, whereas 
the rebellious minority cast one vote more than 
three-eighths of the whole number. Though plot- 
ting its destruction, the community was powerless 
to expel them. The legal proceedings, which were 
pending for some months, resulted in the forfeiture 
by the Circuit Court of the Icarian charter, and the 
appointment by Court of trustees to "wind up " the 
business of the community. 

Meanwhile many fruitless efforts at amicable 
adjustment had been made. A new colony in some 
remote region where personal frictions would be 
avoided was a plan promptly rejected by the revo- 
lutionists. Both parties devised plans of arbitration, 
but in neither case could the preliminaries be agreed 
upon. 1 The old party grew so generous as to offer 

1 The old people proposed that arbitrators should be selected from 
among former Icarians, many of whom were scattered throughout the 
West. They maintained that a dispute between Icarian factions 
could best be understood and adjusted by those who had knowledge 



THE SONS VERSUS THE FATHERS. 105 

their disaffected young compatriots a cash bonus 
of several thousand dollars if they would withdraw- 
in peace and set up a community somewhere else. 
But the young people had other plans. 

It is, perhaps, not to be expected that, in a coun- 
try where the property rights of the individual are 
held more sacred by the laws than aught else, 
scarcely excepting life and personal liberty, the 
Courts should take into consideration the peculiar 
nature of a property accumulated, and held through 
an entire generation, on the principles of commu- 
nism. Many an old member whose toil had helped 
to build up the establishment, and whose donation 
of his private possessions on joining the community 
had added to the wealth of the society, had long 
since died ; or perchance he had for personal reasons 
withdrawn from membership, taking next to nothing 
with him, but consoled by the thought that what he 
had left behind would perpetually promote the 
good cause of communism. The purpose and prin- 

of and sympathy with Icarian principles. They thought the vital 
issue should be settled on the basis of communistic and Icarian doc- 
trines. On the other hand the young people proposed an arbitration 
by "old settlers" of the county, i. e., by their American farmer 
neighbors. Now the only point of view possible for such arbitrators 
must have been that of individual rights. With them separation 
would have been a foregone conclusion. Their only care would have 
been to secure an equitable distribution of the property among the 
members. Certainly the young party were right in regarding this 
plan as the most favorable to the end they had in view, that of sepa- 
ration ; while the plan proposed by the old folks was of course much 
more in accord with the peculiar principles professed by both parties, 
and much more likely to favor the object of the old party, that of 
preserving intact the domain of the community. 



106 ICARIA. 

ciple of Icaria was radically different from that of 
an ordinary business corporation or joint-stock com- 
pany. Except as recognized in a very limited way 
in cases of withdrawal, there were really no individ- 
ual rights in the property of the community. 
Occupiers held only in trust, as it were, in a line of 
perpetual succession. Unfortunately, under the 
laws of Iowa they had been obliged to organize in 
the form of a joint-stock company under the desig- 
nation of an " agricultural society," and each mem- 
ber was nominally the holder of a share of stock. 
The Court saw fit to hold the community strictly 
and technically as a chartered business corporation. 
The plan pursued by the minority was to secure the 
abrogation of the charter by proving that the com- 
munity had performed functions in excess or in vio- 
lation of those granted. Of course the plaintiffs felt 
themselves justified in using every influence and 
every technicality to gain their end. Nevertheless, 
it did seem a little surprising when they gravely 
charged their elder brethren with being communists 
forsooth, and with making the establishment of 
communism the chief motive and purpose of their 
organization, rather than the tilling of the soil and 
the raising of live stock, as specified in their articles 
of incorporation! When it is remembered that the 
young party possessed several members fresh from 
the Paris barricades of 1871, and that the complaint 
against the old party all along had been its luke- 



THE SONS VERSUS THE FATHERS. 107 

warm zeal for communism, and when one further 
considers the wholesome horror that an Iowa jury- 
would be likely to experience when the word " com- 
munist " was mentioned in court, — these things 
taken into account, one is in condition to appreciate 
the fine humor of such- an accusation. The forfeiture 
of the charter seems finally to have been pronounced 
by the Court on the ground that a society which was 
incorporated for agricultural purposes had exceeded 
its powers in constructing and operating a mill on 
its estate, and in doing certain other things of a 
mechanical and manufacturing character. The man- 
ufacture of lumber and flour had really been a very 
subordinate part of the industry of the community, 
and the spirit of the charter had suffered no viola- 
tion ; for Icaria, even against the will of the 
accusing party, had remained an agricultural com- 
munity instead of becoming a manufacturing com- 
munity. But the Court doubtless believed a recon- 
ciliation to be hopeless, and being convinced that 
substantial justice to all parties required the disso- 
lution of the society, the technical ground already 
named was made to justify a forfeiture of the char- 
ter. In 1856 the Cabet party at Nauvoo had tried 
in vain to compass the abrogation of the Illinois 
charter; and after Cabet's death, his heirs, probably 
in behalf of the Cheltenham community, had fruit- 
lessly attempted to secure the real estate, the titles 
to which were in Cabet's name. Certainly the com- 



108 ICARIA. 

munity had better cause to expect protection from 
the law in 1878 than in those former suits. The 
decision disregarded the nature of the Icarian estate 
as a perpetual foundation, with its own definite 
provision for the withdrawal of discontented mem- 
bers, — a foundation in which were involved the rights 
of hundreds of predecessors and the rights of an 
indeterminate number of prospective successors, as 
well as the rights of those immediately on the 
ground and which alone were regarded. Possibly 
the current feeling against communism, vague but 
strong, made the Court the more willing to reduce 
Icaria to its constituent atoms. 

On the 17th of August, 1878, the Circuit Court 
declared the charter forfeited, and appointed three 
trustees, who were charged with the task of an 
equitable distribution of the property. By mutual 
agreement between the factions, these trustees were 
superseded by a board of arbitrators chosen among 
the American neighbors ; and during the months of 
January and February, 1879, this board held ses- 
sions attended by the delegates from the two par- 
ties. In their apportionment the arbitrators took 
account of the amount individuals had originally 
deposited with the community, and the period of 
their service as members. Somewhat more than 
half of the property fell to the party of the old 
people. Meanwhile, it was understood that each 
wing would reorganize as a separate community, 



THE SONS VERSUS THE FATHERS. 109 

and it was arranged that the domain should be 
divided into eastern and western portions, the old 
party remaining in the original village, and the 
young people building a new hamlet a mile to the 
eastward, where they had asked leave to colonize 
themselves two years before. 



VII. 

REORGANIZATION— " THE NEW ICARIAN 

COMMUNITY." 



VII. 

REORGANIZATION — " THE NEW ICARIAN COMMUNITY." 

It was expected that the old party would retain 
the old name and keep the old domicile ; but it hap- 
pened otherwise. The young people were some- 
what more prompt in their reorganization, and on 
the 16th of April they were the possessors of a new 
charter under the ancient title of " The Icarian Com- 
munity." The conservative ex-majority took the 
name of " The New Icarian Community" ; and upon 
receipt of a bonus of fifteen hundred dollars from 
their successful adversaries, they consented to be- 
come the emigrants, and accepted the eastern por- 
tion of the domain for their new home. There, 
with a patience and courage which enemies could 
but respect, they took up the broken threads of com- 
munity life, and quietly restored the order of their 
social economy. 

For President they chose Marchand, who had suf- 
fered with the first advance guard in Texas in 1848, 
and had ever since been a leading Icarian. They built 
a new dining and assembly hall similar to the one in 
the old village, and grouped about it eight of the 
frame cottages which had been assigned to them in 

113 



114 



ICARIA. 



the division of goods, and which they removed 
bodily from the other hamlet. 

The subjoined diagram will show the plan of 
New Icaria : 






■BH 



(Trees and Park.) 
(Hall.) 

mm 




f 



Hi 

mi 



The group of houses stands upon a level plateau 
many acres in extent, and commanding a view un- 
usually varied and charming for a prairie State. 
From the plateau the land slopes gradually to the 
meadows flanking the Nodaway, a mile to the north- 
ward. The stream is fringed with trees, and its 
winding course across the prairie is revealed for 
many miles by the waving timber line, now a mere 
fringe of underbrush, and now widening into a con- 
siderable grove. On the bank directly north of the 
hamlet is to be seen the mill, which in the partition 
fell to the portion of the old party. Half-way 
between the village and the mill passes the railroad. 
East and south of the village recede long stretches 
of rolling prairie, broken now into farms. To the 
west, among the trees, lies the old village ; and 
still further west, on the horizon, are the more 
ambitious uplands beyond the Nodaway, on the 
slopes of which a glimpse may be had of the town 
of Corning. Here, in the summer of 1879, some 



REORGANIZA TIOJV. 1 1 5 

thirty Icarians resumed the seemingly discouraging 
experiment of communistic life. 

In the spring and again in the fall of 1883 it was 
my privilege to spend several days among them 
there. Their numbers had remained almost station- 
ary, and amounted now to thirty-four, including ■ 
twelve men, ten women, and twelve children all 
under thirteen years of age. In spite of its hardships, 
Icarian life has proved remarkably conducive to 
health and longevity ; and eight of the thirty-four 
people were past the age of sixty. While in one 
sense the whole community constituted one family, 
there was not wanting something of a private home- 
life in each of the humble cottages, in which one was 
sure to find books and papers, with perhaps a bird- 
cage hanging in the window, or a quaint picture or 
two on the plain walls. With no carpets, the scantiest 
furniture, and a sad lack of the small household ac- 
cessories, these neat and tidy Frenchwomen had man- 
aged to give an air of decency and even of comfort 
to their little homes. Quite regardless of the old 
scruple against the " petits jardins," a number of 
bright flower-beds environed the houses. The park 
upon which the cottages fronted had been laid out 
with some care and taste, and promised to be a 
charming place when the trees were grown. Young 
vineyards and orchards were flourishing. A large 
kitchen-garden supplied abundance of all ordinary 
greens and vegetables, together with a great variety 



1 1 6 ICARIA. 

of extraordinary kinds known only to Frenchmen. 
The fare in the common dining-hall was wholesome, 
though not served in an elaborate manner. The 
visitor could not fail to be impressed by the intelli- 
gence of every one, the pleasant and polite manners 
of the women, and the bright and pretty appearance 
of the children. 

In dress the Icarians are necessarily very plain, 
though entirely free from the affectation of peculi- 
arities. At Nauvoo, when the colony numbered 
some hundreds, there was more reason for adopting 
uniformity of garb than in the small community of 
to-day where there is no temptation to extrava- 
gance or to rivalry in dress. A dark blue calico is 
the fabric most commonly worn by the women on 
week-days. The men wear the plain, substantial 
clothes of western farmers. Most of the members 
can converse in English, but French is used exclu- 
sively in the community, and it is spoken with great 
accuracy and purity. The government is, of course, 
purely democratic. The functionaries are a Presi- 
dent, a Secretary and Treasurer, and three Direc- 
tors, all of whom are chosen annually, on the third 
of February, the anniversary of the first departure 
from Havre. The President represents the society 
in its external affairs, and the Directors have charge 
respectively of agriculture, industry, clothing and 
lodging. The Director of Industry is superintend- 
ent of buildings, fences, the mill, etc. A woman is 



REORGANIZA TION. 1 1 7 

generally chosen Director of Clothing and Lodging. 
The acts of all these officers are subject to discus- 
sion and revision in the general assembly, which 
holds frequent sessions ; and in more important 
matters, the officers simply carry into effect the 
decisions of the assembly. The women are entitled 
to vote on several questions, such as the admission 
of new members, amendments to the constitution, 
choice of a Director of Clothing and Lodging, and 
some other matters either of more than ordinary 
importance or of more than usual concern to the 
women themselves. On most current questions 
they do not vote. 

The community has its own tailor and shoemaker, 
but otherwise little is attempted besides agriculture. 
The land of the New Icarian Community amounts 
to about eleven hundred acres, of which two hun- 
dred are woodland. Since an abundance of good 
coal has been found in the county, timber land has 
not the relative value it once had, especially as 
very few of the trees are suitable for sawing into 
lumber. Fuel and fencing material comprise the 
total product of the timber land. The sawmill has 
ceased therefore to yield much income, and stands 
idle most of the time. The same is also true of the 
flouring mill which is under the same roof. The 
agriculture is of the usual western character, corn 
and hay being the principal crops, and cattle and 
hogs the chief marketable products. 



Il8 JCARIA. 

The amusements of the community are not of a 
very gay and hilarious character, and are not so 
prominent a feature of the social life as they would 
be, were the young members more numerous. (Al- 
though we have generally referred to this branch 
as the " old party," it was not exclusively composed 
of old people ; on the other hand the party of the 
young people contained several aged persons.) The 
younger members have some musical taste, and 
there is a cabinet organ in the hall. The library, 
now containing about a thousand volumes — an 
equal number having been kept at the other village, 
— consists chiefly of standard French works of 
literature, philosophy, history, science, and miscel- 
lany, most of them saved from the wreck of the 
Nauvoo library. A number of French and Ameri- 
can periodicals are taken, and their perusal is the 
favorite recreation. Sunday is kept as a holiday, 
and sometimes the little community gathers in the 
assembly hall for music, select reading, a dance, or 
an amateur play; while on other Sundays a quiet 
picnic is enjoyed under the trees on the Nodaway. 
The standard of morality is high, and the ethical 
sense of the community, trained by their unselfish 
mode of life, is superior; but, though permitting 
any form of belief among their members, they are 
not religious. Being materialists and positivists, 
philosophically, they exalt their communistic doc- 
trines into a so-called religion of humanity. Cabet's 



REORGANIZA TION. 1 1 9 

views of the life and character of Jesus Christ, as 
presented in his " Vrai Christianisme," are those 
held by the Icarians to-day. 

Their relations with the outside world show ad- 
mirable discretion and good sense. If a marriage 
is to take place, the nearest justice of the peace is 
resorted to, and the knot is tied in a simple and legal 
manner. The school-house, which stands midway 
between the two villages and is patronized by both, 
belongs in the regular district school system of the 
county, and school-director and teacher are chosen 
in the usual manner. As there are only two or 
three families besides Icarians resident in the school- 
district, an Icarian is always elected director, and 
the teacher is appointed with particular reference to 
the character of the school. For several years an 
intelligent French lady, well educated in Cincinnati, 
and formerly an Icarian, has presided in the school- 
room. Until quite recently Icaria maintained its 
own schools, wherein Icarian doctrines, manners, 
and morals received much attention ; but the de- 
pleted membership of the communities has of late 
years made the present arrangement expedient. 

From the first the Icarians have been good 
American citizens, taking a quiet but intelligent 
part in public affairs, and showing high respect for 
our institutions and forms of government. Cabet 
and all his comrades took out naturalization 
papers in 1848, and showed ardent sympathy with 



120 ICARIA. 

abolitionist and free-soil doctrines. They voted the 
Fremont presidential ticket in 1856, and Marchand 
is rather proud of having voted for every Republi- 
can President. All his fellow-members in the New 
Icarian Community remain Republicans. The other 
community has for several years thrown its political 
influence with the "Greenback" party on the 
ground that it represents dissatisfaction with the 
present state of society. If the colony had remained 
in Texas, its thorough-going ideas of liberty must 
have involved it in trouble with its neighbors, 1 and 
the war would have endangered its existence. A 
number of its members saw military service in the 
Union Army. They wisely keep aloof from the 
strife of politics, and enter its domain only as simple 
voters. An Icarian occasionally fills a township 
administrative office, but never is a candidate for 
any position the duties of which would interfere 
with his community life and work. 

As money-getters, the people of New Icaria are 
only moderately successful. However, by frugal 
living and faithful labor, they are reducing and will 

1 Mr. Marchand informs me that the pioneer party in Texas in 
1848, were everywhere asked if they were Democrats. Their igno- 
rance of the English language was only surpassed by their profound 
ignorance of American party distinctions. Of course they replied un- 
hesitatingly that they were " democrats," as they certainly had been 
in France ; and for some reason not then understood by them they 
found that this profession of political faith made the Louisianians 
and Texans uncommonly kind. Mr. Marchand thinks the Demo- 
cratic party wins the adherence of a great many foreigners simply on 
account of the prepossession they bring in favor of the word 
"democrat." 



REORGANIZA TION. 1 2 1 

soon extinguish the debt in which their expensive 
quarrel and their re-establishment involved them. 
On the ist of January, 1883, the property of New 
Icaria was worth at a very low estimate $25,000; 
and their indebtedness approached $4,000. Their 
land is steadily appreciating in value, and one or 
two good crops will pay the debt and leave them in 
a financial condition which will amply justify the 
admission of new members and will permit the in- 
troduction of many comforts and luxuries now pain- 
fully lacking. Of their business policy and manner 
of labor, one who knew the Icarians before the sep- 
aration, made the following remarks, which are 
quite applicable to New Icaria to-day : " Having 
learned from bitter experience that debt is the bane 
of societies, as well as of individuals, the Icarians 
have adopted it as a fixed principle, to contract no 
liabilities, and to avoid all speculative and hazard- 
ous enterprises. They are content with small 
gains, and in an old-fashioned way study rather to 
moderate their outlays than to increase their profits. 
Naturally, as they own in common, they are not in 
haste to be rich. With them the acquisition of 
wealth is not a leading object of life. They have 
greater regard to independence, and give more 
thought to personal ease. They labor industriously, 
but not exhaustingly, and in such ways as to make 
their toil as comfortable and pleasant as possible." ' 

1 S. W. Moorhead in The Western Magazine, Omaha, July, 1877. 



122 ICARIA. 

To keep the world apprised of its doings the com- 
munity issues a small monthly paper the Revue 
Icarienne, which is printed on a curious and anti- 
quated little press — originally a lithograph press — 
brought from France by the early colonists. An 
edition of about three hundred copies is printed. 
These circulate among French people of Icarian 
antecedents in the United States, and in France 
among the friends of the colonists. 

Such, in brief, is an outline of the modus vivendi 
prevailing in New Icaria, as it has come under my 
observation. It is a plain, monotonous life ; yet I 
cannot hesitate to affirm that it seems in some re- 
spects a more rational and intelligent life than that 
which is to be found in the average American 
farmhouse of the West. Certainly a more serene 
life one will not often discover any where, in this 
age of turmoil, haste, and discontent. 

In their reorganization both parties undertook to 
provide against the recurrence of deadlocks and 
constitutional crises, but resorted to different expe- 
dients. The New Icarian Community (the old 
people), instead of filing articles of incorporation 
under the State law, decided to organize in the 
form of a general partnership. They drew up a 
comprehensive Contract of Partnership which they 
all duly signed and which was placed on record in 
the office of the County Recorder. This organization 
was found to give the community all the practical 



REORGANIZA TION. 1 2 3 

advantages of an incorporated body, while avoiding 
some of the dangers and disadvantages. The con- 
tract is itself so satisfactory a statement of Icarian 
principles and of their ordinary modes of govern- 
ment, as well also as of their constitutional pro- 
visions for the protection of the society in case of 
future dissensions, that I have made a translation of 
it and added it as an appendix. 1 

So far as the form of organization can protect a 
society and provide safeguards against its dissolu- 
tion, New Icaria seems to be well fortified by the 
main provisions of this contract. Each member 
agrees to relinquish all individual claims and to re- 
frain from any attempt at any time to recover a 
portion of the property. Permission is given to a 
majority to expel a minority when in an overt 
state of rebellion or insubordination. Under arti- 
cles of incorporation the society might at any time 
be dissolved for some technical violation of its 
charter on the information of an outsider ; but under 
this contract of partnership no outside interference 
is possible. But safeguards like these, while they 
may assure the existence of New Icaria for a long 
time to come, cannot give it life and success. The 
evils of stagnation are now more to be feared in New 
Icaria than those of dissension. If the jealousy of 
personal leadership could be laid aside, and if some 
strong man gifted with executive ability and full of 

1 See Appendix I. 



124 ICARIA. 

enthusiasm could be entrusted with the direction of 
affairs, an auspicious future might yet await the so- 
ciety. As it is, predictions would be worthless and 
superfluous. 



VIII. 

"LA JEUNE ICARIE. 1 



VIII. 



"LA JEUNE ICAR1E." 



The new Articles of Incorporation under which 
the young party reorganized on the 16th of April, 
1879, took care to provide against the fate of the 
old charter by stating the nature and purpose of the 
organization in terms so inclusive as to render it 
practically impossible for the community to exceed 
its lawful powers. Article II. reads as follows: 
'* This corporation, having for its object the mutual 
support of each other, and the creating of a fund 
with which to provide for the comfort of the young, 
the old, the sick, and decrepit, and the carrying out 
of the principles set forth in the preamble hereof 
[welfare and happiness of humanity and demonstra- 
tion of the feasibility of community life] ; for that 
purpose the general nature of business to be trans- 
acted shall be all kinds of agriculture, horticulture, 
stock-raising, mechanical arts of every kind and 
nature, milling, manufacturing in all its depart- 
ments, and the establishment and building of 
towns, villages, colonies, schools, and colleges, also 
the development of the fine arts and also all kinds 
of commerce." The articles provide that upon 

127 



128 ICARIA. 

withdrawal members shall receive the amount of 
property actually paid in by them, less a proportion 
of the indebtedness of the society, and shall further 
receive such sums for years of service as the by-laws 
of the corporation may specify. To show, however, 
that this liberal provision for a return to the selfish 
life of the world was not for their own benefit but 
rather for the reassurance and comfort of new- 
comers, the incorporators at once proceeded to 
draw up what they entitled an " Act of Donation to 
the Icarian Community," by which they relin- 
quished all personal claim upon the property. The 
essential paragraphs in this act of donation are as 
follows : 

" Know all men by these presents that we : Antoi- 
nette Cubels, Therese James, Louise Bettannier, Marie 
Mourot, Madeleine Vallet, Valentine Vallet, Louise 
Peron, Leonie Dereure, Francoise Leroux, Adele Gau- 
vain, Emilie Fugier, Maria Laforgue, Henriette Vallet, 
Caroline Gauvain, Jean Haegen, Michael Brumme, An- 
toine Gauvain, Emile Fugier, Alexis Marchand, Simon 
Dereure, Jerome Laforgue, Paul Leroux, Emile Peron, 
Eugene Mourot, Pierre James, Justin Vallet, Auguste 
Gauvain, Alexandre Vallet, being members of the Icarian 
Community of Adams County, Iowa, and being desirous 
of promoting its interests, and of establishing a perpetual 
fund for the promotion of the business and principles of 
said Corporation, do hereby donate, assign, and set over, 
unto the said Corporation, each for ourselves, the several 
sums, property, rights, and credits as follows, to wit : 



LA JEUNE ICARIE. 1 29 

"All our right, title, and interest unto the several sums, 
subscribed by us, on the books of said Corporation, being 
the property and interest received by us as our share of 
the old Corporation of Icarian Community, and which 
we were found to be entitled to by a board of arbitration 
that was selected to settle up between the members of 
the old Icarian Community ; the same to be held by 
said Corporation to them and their successors forever, 
never to be divided between the individual members of 
said Corporation under any circumstances whatever ; but 
to be used by the Corporation for the general purposes of 
its organization, and in case said Corporation shall for 
any reason dissolve, and fails to keep its organization 
renewed from time to time, upon such dissolution the 
above amount as donated, after the payment of debts of 
the Corporation, shall be accounted for and paid over to 
any number of Icarians, who shall become incorporated 
on the same principles and for the same purposes as are 
set forth in the Articles and By-Laws of this Corpora- 
tion." 

In the following October Icaria adopted a new 
constitution which, in the picturesque phraseology 
of a member, " extends the right of suffrage to 
women, abolishes the presidency, overthrows the 
demi-gods and their Jacobin notions of political in- 
fallibility, associates the efforts of the community 
with those of outside socialistic agitation, formu- 
lates the Icarian creed according to rationalism 
founded on observation, and places it outside of and 
against all anti-scientific revelations." This consti- 



130 ICARIA. 

tution, which abounds in felicitous and epigrammatic 
expressions pointing to Mr. Peron as its author, is 
a rather remarkable document. It has a long 
preface discussing the history of society and main- 
taining the philosophical and scientific basis of 
socialism. The second chapter sets forth in twenty- 
six articles the general principles of the community 
on the subjects of Society, Equality, Liberty, Fra- 
ternity, Unity, and Law. The third chapter is con- 
cerned with Social Organization, and states the views 
of the society as to community of property; the 
education of the young ; the institution of marriage, 
which is approved ; voluntary celibacy, which is dis- 
approved. The fourth chapter deals with the 
Political Organization. The government is as purely 
democratic as possible, and the office of President 
is given up. The only officers are four Trustees, 
two of whom are elected semi-annually. One of 
these is Secretary-Treasurer, and the others have 
charge respectively of Industry, Agriculture, and 
Commerce. These Trustees execute the mandates 
of the general assembly. Various matters of detail 
are entrusted from time to time by the general as- 
sembly to special commissions appointed and em- 
powered as the occasion requires. The general 
assembly is itself the government. It is not to be 
presided over by one of the Trustees, but by a chair- 
man selected anew at each meeting. The constitu- 
tion states that " it is the duty of the Community 



LA JEUNE ICARIE. 131 

to set apart such sums of money as it may deem 
necessary to the propagation of principles which 
tend to the political, philosophical, and economic 
emancipation of mankind," and to this end a stand- 
ing committee of propagandism is provided for. 

For the information of the public and the con- 
venience of applicants and inquirers, a pamphlet 
was published containing this constitution and other 
laws and regulations of the Icarian Community. 
The " Law upon Admission " and the " Law upon 
Withdrawal and Expulsion ' are particularly full 
and minute, and they contain so much of frank con- 
fession and sage reflection, under the head of 
" preliminary considerations/' upon the difficulties 
of a community life, the differences between Uto- 
pian visions and existing realities, and the inevitable 
embarrassments of a sudden transition from the 
individualistic to the socialistic life, that it is thought 
worth while to publish them as an appendix. 1 

Young Icaria, freed from the apron-strings of the 
conservative party, set in order its household 
economy with some flourish and a great deal of real 
energy. During the period of discord and interreg- 
num between the decision of the court and the reor- 
ganization^ number of people withdrew altogether. 
Of the eighty persons in the society before its disso- 
lution, forty-seven belonged to the young party and 
thirty-three to the old, although as has been ex- 

1 See Appendix II. 



132 ICARIA. 

plained, the latter party had a voting majority. 
Having paid their elders an indemnity to withdraw, 
the young party, with a total personnel of about 
thirty-five, largely women and children, found them- 
selves in undisputed control of the old village. Their 
enthusiasm proved contagious, and applications for 
admission came by the score. Before the end of 
1880 there were upward of seventy names on the 
roll of membership, including those admitted pro- 
visionally. Good crops blessed their labor. The 
orchards and vineyards planted by the fathers were 
now yielding bountifully for the sons. Advanced 
methods in agriculture and stock-raising were 
eagerly adopted. The industrial branch of produc- 
tion was begun with a shoe-shop and a blacksmith- 
shop in the neighboring town of Corning, and a 
broom factory was started. All labored with a fine 
energy for a reduction of the debt of seven or eight 
thousand dollars with which the community 
property was encumbered. 

Peron made La Jeune Icarie, the organ of the 
community, a bright and able paper. He found 
some time for scientific experiments. In the winter 
he taught the inter-communal school ; and the 
electric telephone by which he connected the school- 
house and his own cottage was the first one used in 
the State. Among the new members were men of 
intellect and experience. The communistic world 
has its own channels of communication ; and the 



LA JEUNE ICARIE. 1 33 

new vigor and promise of Icaria became known in 
the communistic world. Ten applicants knocked at 
the gate where one could be admitted. The com- 
munity had only eight hundred acres of land, and 
so long as its industry was chiefly agricultural, mem- 
bership could only be increased gradually, and 
could not safely pass a certain limit. Consequently 
it was the design of the society to develop a variety 
of industrial enterprises as speedily as circumstances 
would allow. The "Act of Donation," as an evi- 
dence of sincere devotion to the cause, had been 
highly approved by the communistic world, and 
young Icaria was enjoying an enviable reputation. 
And certainly its society was not to be despised. 
It had men who had seen military service on two 
continents ; men who knew languages, history, 
philosophy, and modern science ; men who could 
discuss current thought and were familiar with cur- 
rent literature ; men who had seen experience in 
other communistic societies ; old Icarians who had 
come back after years of absence ; agreeable women, 
and plenty of vigorous infants. 

So constituted, Icaria seemed to give promise of 
speedy and interesting achievements; but the 
promise, unfortunately, was not to be realized, — at 
least not without some adversity and delay. Under 
the first flush of excitement and novelty, the com- 
munity had seemed to be of one heart and one 
mind ; but when the group had become fairly ac- 



134 ICARIA. 

customed to their surroundings and to one another, 
little inharmonies and incompatibilities began to 
appear. Decided differences of opinion as to the 
general policy of the community were found to be 
entertained. There were too many clever men, and 
no one with a gift of leadership sufficient to assimi- 
late and unify the group. To use a favorite Icarian 
word, there was no real "solidarity." There were 
no bitter party quarrels, there was no "crisis," nor 
even much unfriendliness ; but the most of the 
new-comers soon deemed it expedient to withdraw, 
and the community was, in a year or two, reduced 
to a membership of about thirty, most of whom 
were of the original " young party ' who had 
formed the incorporation and made the " Act of Do- 
nation." Of those who departed, some went into 
private life ; a family or two went to Florida with 
the purpose of founding there a colony on Icarian 
principles; and in the spring of 1881 a group of 
families went to California to inaugurate a com- 
munity enterprise which will again have mention 
in these annals. 

So many members having departed, it became 
for the present unprofitable to give attention to its 
new industrial enterprises, and the shops in Corning 
were given up, the community merely providing for 
its own needs in small shops on its own estate. 
The cultivation of corn and the cereals on a large 
scale was also given up, and the land was seeded to 



LA JEUNE ICARIE. 1 35 

grass for the maintenance of flocks and herds, stock- 
farming having been found more profitable and less 
toilsome than plowing and sowing and reaping. 
But our friends were already becoming convinced 
that the business of general farming and stock- 
feeding in a Northern State is not the one best 
adapted to the welfare of a community like theirs. 
A certain amount of leisure for mental improvement 
must be regarded as an indispensable condition of 
success in a society based on Icarian or similar prin- 
ciples. Community life must provide something 
besides bread and butter, or it falls short of its main 
object. The young Icarians came to have a painful 
feeling that for them the arduous business of gen- 
eral farming was an impediment in the way of moral 
and intellectual progress, and they began to look 
forward to a removal at some time to a warmer 
climate, where horticulture, a business so congenial 
to the Frenchman, might take the place of heavy 
farming, which seldom suits the Gallic tempera- 
ment. 

Florida was talked of, and those who had gone 
thither sent glowing accounts of orange and lemon 
groves and cheap lands. A committee which was 
sent out to " prospect " for a location visited Ken- 
tucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, and the neighborhood 
of the original Icarian station in Texas, now a flour- 
ishing region. The group of families who went to 
California had purchased a tract of fruit-land in 



136 ICAR1A. 

Sonoma County, eighteen miles from San Francisco, 
and were sending enthusiastic reports from the Oc- 
cident, and were inviting their former associates in 
Iowa to join them. At length it came to be gen- 
erally understood that the community would leave 
Iowa whenever a favorable opportunity to sell the 
property should be found, and would resort to the 
pleasant fruit-lands of California. Under these cir- 
cumstances plans of enlargement and improvement 
were for the time postponed, and attempts at propa- 
ganda were held in abeyance. The future triumphs 
or failures of the community were not to be in 
Iowa, 



IX. 

IN CALIFORNIA—" ICARIA-SPERANZA." 



IX. 

IN CALIFORNIA. " ICARIA-SPERANZA." 

At length, in the winter of 1883-4, the negotia- 
tions which had been for some time pending, resulted 
in the adoption of a definite basis and contract of 
union between the little Icarian group at Cloverdale, 
California, and the Icarian community (young 
branch) in Iowa. It was agreed that as soon as 
Icaria could dispose of the Iowa estate, its members 
would remove in a body to California and unite for- 
tunes with their friends on the " Bluxome rancho." 

Of the interesting personal history of the little 
group already in California something more will be 
said in a subsequent chapter devoted to the por- 
traiture of various Icarians. Suffice it to say here 
that the leader of the colony was a Mr. Dehay, the 
son-in-law of an aged exile of '48, Jules Leroux, and 
that the sons of the latter, Pierre Leroux and Jules 
Leroux fits, with their families, with two or three 
additional families not of the Leroux connection, 
made up the entire membership. These families had 
left Icaria in the spring of 1 881, and had wisely spent 
several months in California before deciding upon a 
purchase. In September they found for sale the 

139 



HO ICARIA. 

Bluxome ranch on the Russian river, in Sonoma 
County, two or three miles from the town of Clover- 
dale, and eighteen miles from San Francisco. It 
contained 885 acres, and suited them precisely. The 
price demanded was $15,000. Mr. Dehay was pos- 
sessed of upward of $4,000, and the others were able 
to contribute enough to make up the first payment of 
$5 ,000. The remaining payments were considerably 
deferred, and the little colony set vigorously to work 
to pay the debt. At the -end of two years they had 
a farm worth $30,000 and their debt was reduced to 
$6,000. Though living in an associative way, they 
had not yet framed a formal and legal organization, 
that being deferred in anticipation of some such 
event as the fusion with the young Icarian commune. 
For a description of the character and capabilities 
of the farm, and its charms of situation, I may quote 
from an article which an editor in the neighboring 
town of Cloverdale inserted in his paper in Decem- 
ber, 1882. 1 

" Two miles and one half below town, skirting the 
banks of our beautiful stream, Russian River, lies the 
extensive farm owned by the French colonists. * * * 
The commodious dwellings and barns are located on the 
Healdsburg road, where they were erected several years 
ago, and present a rare picture of rural comfort. Sweep- 
ing around over low, rolling hills and smiling valleys, is 
seen the body of the farm, which is destined in the near 

1 The Pacific Sentinel, Cloverdale, Dec. 21, 1882. 



IN CALIFORNIA. I4I 

future to become one of the finest vineyards in California. 
The entire tract comprises 885 acres, of which about 400 
is first-class vineyard land that is being rapidly cleared 
and made ready for the plow. Nine white men and six 
Chinamen are at work grubbing out trees and brush, pre- 
paring the land for cultivation, and acre after acre is rap- 
idly being added to the improved area. At present, 
forty-five acres are planted in rooted vines, principally of 
the Zin-fandel variety, and enough will be added in the 
spring to swell the area to fifty acres. * * * Besides 
the vineyard, one hundred acres of fair-grade wheat land 
is under cultivation, and at this writing it is all sown and 
some of the young grain is already above ground. A 
thrifty orchard of five acres stretches to the west from 
the Healdsburg road, and includes many choice varieties 
of trees. Some of the finest peaches we have ever tasted 
were produced here. * * * It is the intention of the 
proprietors to increase the area of the orchard as soon as 
possible, and they will engage extensively in the culture 
of French and German prunes. They intend planting 
nothing but the very best varieties, and hence will make 
a success of the business. They also propose establish- 
ing a first-class winery and distillery as soon as their pro- 
duction will admit of the outlay. As soon as practicable 
a French colony will be formed, duly incorporated, to 
include some twenty-five families, and with this force the 
large farm will soon be developed. * * * The site on 
which the dwellings intended for the colonists will be built, 
is located near the road in a beautiful meadow, sloping 
on a gentle incline to the banks of the Russian River, and 
is one of the most beautiful spots in this locality. 



142 I C ARIA. 

" Standing on a vine-planted mound near the road, and 
gazing upon the beautiful valley, which will one day be 
the centre for so much life and prosperity, we must admit 
that it is naturally an earthly Eden. Geyser Peak stands 
boldly forth at no great distance from the lovely vale, and 
even Mt. St. Helena is plainly visible, towering toward 
heaven in the distance. The low hills on every side, the 
road winding along and almost parallel here with the 
curving river, the picturesque woods and the smiling vine- 
yards, all unite in forming a panorama transcendant in 
its quiet, peaceful beauty. Exclusive of vineyard and 
grain land, there yet remains about three hundred acres 
of rolling hill-land, suitable for pasture, and the colonists 
will utilize this by entering the cattle-raising business. 
They thoroughly understand this class of ranching, and 
prefer it to wool-growing." 

As thus described, the topography and the capa- 
bilities of the new Icarian station are most inviting. 
Certainly, if the writer were seeking the realization 
of a Utopia, his ideal would not be met in a com- 
munity of factory operatives, nor of toiling agricul- 
turists engaged in the rough labor of general farm- 
ing in a Northern State; but of all places and all 
occupations on earth he would choose as most con- 
sonant with the theories and purposes of com- 
munism — California and horticulture. In begin- 
ning life anew on the Pacific slope, an Icarian com- 
mune for the first time finds itself in an environ- 
ment thoroughly favorable to its development. 
Few persons outside of California have yet come to 



IN CALIFORNIA. 1 43 

realize the marvels of its orchard products and the 
''terrestrial Paradises" in which its opulent horti- 
culturists embower themselves. An acre there pro- 
duces more fruit, and of vastly superior quality, 
than ten or twenty acres elsewhere in the United 
States. The soberest recital of facts concerning 
the transformation, during the past decade, of wide 
tracts of California wheat-lands into orchards and 
gardens containing all the fruits and spices of the 
tropics in addition to all the fruits of the temperate 
regions, seems too extravagant for belief. Yet it is 
true that lands which a few years ago, as wheat- 
fields, gave employment to four men, now require 
at least four hundred fruit-gatherers during the 
picking season ; and the tract which, in wheat, fur- 
nished a comfortable income to a single proprietor, 
now enables fifty proprietors to live in comfort and 
refinement as fruit-growers. 

Taking, therefore, the roseate view of the future 
of the " Icaria-Speranza Community," as the fusion 
of the two groups is to be called, it is not hard to 
imagine that in a few years they will have trans- 
formed the Bluxome ranch into a veritable Paradise ; 
that in place of the primitive sheds of the Texas 
pioneers, the tenements of the sojourners at Nau- 
voo, the log-huts or the box-like frame structures in 
Iowa, the Icarians will dwell in commodious and 
beautiful houses with complete appointments some- 
what after the manner of those pictured by Cabet 



144 ICARIA. 

in the "Voyage en Icarie"; that the educational 
and recreational, the scientific and literary, pursuits 
so highly esteemed by the Icarians will have found 
their long-deferred opportunity to flourish ; that the 
climate and the nature of the work will have proved 
remarkably adapted to the French temperament, 
and that membership will have increased rapidly, 
both from within and from without. Indeed, the 
very necessity of many active hands to gather in 
the fruit will compel the increase of membership as 
the area of orchard and vineyard increases ; and in 
work of this kind the women and children are as 
useful as men. On the other hand, the enforced 
leisure of six or eight months in the year will prove 
advantageous to the mental and moral interests of 
the community. But even while picturing this 
attractive prospect, one can hardly help remember- 
ing the unpleasant occurrences which were disas- 
trous to the first Paradise of which we read; and 
judging their future by their past, what guaranty 
can we have that our French friends will love one 
another and behave themselves discreetly in their 
Paradise ? Alas, there is the rub ! 

The new name, " Icaria-Speranza," was adopted 
as a compromise. The Messrs. Leroux were at- 
tached to the name " Speranza" because their uncle, 
the famous philosopher, Pierre Leroux, had given 
that title to a Utopian romance he had published, 
in which he pictured a social organization somewhat 



IN CALIFORNIA. 1 45 

like that advocated by Cabet. The name " Icaria- 
Speranza " perpetuates, therefore, the memories 
and unites the similar social systems of two distin- 
guished contemporaneous writers and radical politi- 
cians, Etienne Cabet and Pierre Leroux. 

The new constitution of " Icaria-Speranza " is in 
the form of a " Contract and Articles of Agree- 
ment." Like the " New Icarian Community," they 
have concluded that the form of a general partner- 
ship is preferable to that of a corporation. This 
new constitution contains many important innova- 
tions ; and as it is the fruit of the combined reflec- 
tion and experience of men who know well the 
problems of community life, it is worth careful 
study. 1 Among the cardinal principles of the old 
Icarian constitution were these three: i, the abso- 
lute authority of the majority except in a few speci- 
fied cases ; 2, the absolute community of property ; 
3, the absolute control of the individual by the so- 
ciety — i. e., the abnegation of personal liberty. The 
new constitution considerably modifies these three 
principles, as we shall proceed to show, after having 
explained the framework of the government. The 
General Assembly is composed of all full members 
of both sexes, above the age of twenty-one. In 
January of each year, five standing committees are 
elected, having charge of the following subjects : I, 
Works ; 2, Home Consumption ; 3, Education ; 4, 

1 This constitution will be found in full as Appendix III. 



146 ICARIA. 

Commerce ; 5, Accounts. These committees in a 
collective capacity constitute the Board of Adminis- 
tration. The Board has vested in it the titles to 
the property of the community. Ordinary matters 
of administration are attended to by the individual 
committees, or if more important, by the entire 
Board. Regular meetings of the General Assembly 
are held only twice a year ; though special meetings 
may be called at any time by the Board, or by a 
certain number of members concurring in a written 
request. No action whatever can be taken by a com- 
mittee, or by the Board of Administration, unless with 
the unanimous consent of every member of such Commit- 
tee or Board ; and no decision of the General Assembly 
is valid unless stistaincd by a three-fourtJis vote. In 
many matters,such as admissions, expulsions, etc., a 
nine-tenths vote of the whole voting membership is 
required. To amend or change certain of the Articles 
of Agreement, a unanimous vote is requisite, for other 
articles a nine-tenths vote, and for the rest a three- 
fourths vote. The evident object is to have as 
little government as possible, and to leave routine 
administration to the committees instead of dis- 
cussing every detail in frequent meetings of the as- 
sembly. This will have a marked tendency to miti- 
gate that bane of communities, — too much politics. 
While majority tyranny will evidently be impossible, 
minority conservatism may at times block the 
wheels of progress. But this power of the minority 



IN CALIFORNIA. 1 47 

can be exercised only negatively — i. e., as a veto 
power ; and the intention that changes shall not be 
made without a very general concurrence of view, 
would seem favorable to the stability of the society. 
Party action under this system will have much less 
scope than under the old majority rule. A useful 
device to facilitate elections of officers is introduced. 
For election on the first ballot a three-fourths ma- 
jority of all the voting membership is requisite; on 
second ballot a simple majority elects ; and on third 
ballot the person receiving the highest number of 
votes — that is, a plurality — is elected. 

But the greatest innovation in this new constitu- 
tion lies in the admission, to a limited extent, of the 
principle of private property. Each family is to 
have exclusive and absolute ownership in articles of 
apparel, furniture, and in general in the equipments 
and utensils of the household. This will give 
greater freedom and independence to personal and 
family life. Up to an annual value of fifty dollars, 
individuals may receive, and keep as their own, 
presents from friends outside the organization. The 
book-keeping of the community is to provide in the 
following way for the contingency of withdrawal : 
Upon entering the community, individuals place 
all their property in the common fund, and the 
amount is credited upon the books. An inventory 
is taken at the end of every year, and the surplus, 
or net profits, is calculated. This sum is divided 



I48 ICARIA. 

into two equal parts, one of which goes to augment 
the common indivisible fund, and the other is 
divided into as many equal shares as there are 
voting members, such shares being credited on the 
individual accounts in the community's books. 
This, however, is not so great a departure from 
communism as it might at first seem ; for no one 
has any right or claim to the sums placed to his 
credit until he has relinquished all his membership 
rights, and has actually returned to the world and 
its ways ; in which case this method of book-keeping 
readily determines the amount that shall be paid 
him. Of course under this constitution the famous 
" Icarian Donation " is still respected, and the most 
of the charter members would not be entitled to 
withdraw their original deposit in case they should 
retire, although they would be entitled to the an- 
nual sums placed to their credit, and also to a bonus 
of two hundred dollars provided for, to meet their 
case, in an article of the new contract. 

The feature of this constitution most open to 
criticism is that of the so-called " labor-premiums." 
To each person above the age of sixteen who en- 
gages in the common work of the community, there 
is to be J paid a monthly " labor-premium " of one 
dollar and a half, provided he has lost no working- 
time. If he has lost not more than half a day in 
the month, he will receive one dollar; and if not 
more than a day, fifty cents. No excuses whatso- 



IN CALIFORNIA. 1 49 

ever will be accepted in lieu of lost time. The 
Icarians are neither hermits nor fanatics ; and from 
the nature of their surroundings they must come so 
much in contact with the outside world, as to make 
a little private spending-money a convenient thing. 
Furthermore, in the theory of communism there 
can be no serious objection to having such spending- 
money, provided the distribution of it is not upon 
objectionable principles. This plan of labor-premi- 
ums would seem designed to reward good health 
and a mere show of " putting in the time." The 
man who is sick a day, or who is kept from work 
by reason of sickness in his family, may have served 
the community during the other days of the month 
in such a way as to be ten times as valuable as another 
who has lost no time ; yet the former sacrifices his pit- 
tance of spending-money. " From each according to 
his abilities, to each according to his needs," is the 
original Icarian motto ; and this labor-premium ar- 
rangement is not at all consistent with it. One 
might infer that the chief practical difficulty in a 
communistic society arose from the disposition of 
members to shirk steady labor ; and yet as a matter 
of fact that is not the case. With the possible ex- 
ception of Robert Owen's motley congregation at 
New Harmony, no community has ever been 
troubled in that way. With all their other adverse 
experiences, the Icarians have never been annoyed 
by the presence of lazy members. An atmosphere 



I50 ICARIA. 

of industry pervades community life which is prac- 
tically irresistible in its influence. There seems no 
good reason whatever why the distribution of a 
little pocket-money once a month should be made 
upon so arbitrary and unreasonable a plan. In our 
opinion the labor-premiums will be found impracti- 
cable, and will in time be superseded by a simple 
and even-handed method of distributing from time 
to time among all faithful members such sums as 
may seem desirable. 

The matter of clothing illustrates the greater per- 
sonal freedom permitted by the new constitution. 
Instead of furnishing necessary articles of raiment 
without regard to individual choice, the Board of 
Administration will open accounts in the name of 
each individual member with merchants in the 
neighboring town ; and each may buy such clothing 
as pleases him, within the limits of the sum placed 
to his credit for that purpose. Parents provide for 
their children on the same plan. The credit is to 
be renewed twice a year, the " budget" being pre- 
pared by the Committee of Home Consumption, 
and subjected to the approval of the Assembly. For 
other interesting features of this constitution, the 
reader is referred to the document itself. 1 

The following extract from a letter written me by 
Mr. Peron is a good general comment upon the new 
instrument : 



1 See appendix III. 



IN CALIFORNIA. 151 

11 We have abandoned the legal form of a corporation, 
and have adopted that of a general partnership, living 
under the clauses of a covenant containing a good many 
more provisos for liberty than our former constitution 
does. * * * We consider the adoption of our new 
modus vivendi as a pacific revolution in Icaria. We have 
all lost the greater part of our faith in the principles of 
majority rule, and adhere more every day to the higher 
doctrine of assent by all to any act affecting common in- 
terest. Therefore we reject all the more the primitive 
notions of leadership, temporal or spiritual, have no use 
for Presidents, high-titled officials, etc., and rely mostly 
upon everybody's sense of duty and responsibility to keep 
our machine a-going morally and materially. In fine, it 
is our first leap in the brilliant avenue which leads to 
social anarchy — understood in its good sense — or to the 
very attractive doctrine of ' Do as you please,' so cleverly 
and humanely expounded by our immortal French phil- 
osopher, Rabelais. Of course narrow minds, the common- 
place tribe of grocers, will call it a mad leap ; but we 
except, stating that we know our high business as well as 
they understand theirs, which is limited to the very small 
circumference of a hysteric dollaromania." 

The material prospects of Icaria-Speranza are de- 
cidedly good. The community begins with an 
a gg re g ate capital of about $60,000. Besides its 
fruit-culture and wine business, it will engage in the 
breeding of blooded live stock, and will have good 
expectations of a bountiful income after a season or 
two of preparation. The combined membership at 



152 ICARIA. 

present is fifty-two. Such is the Icarian movement 
in its latest phase. There is no middle ground for 
" Icaria-Speranza " ; it must be either a bright success 
or a dismal failure. Which it shall be will depend, 
not upon external conditions, but upon the devotion, 
forbearance, harmony, and what in general we may 
term the associative capacity of its members. 






X. 

PERSONAL SKETCHES. 



X. 

PERSONAL SKETCHES. 

A BOOK might be filled with sketches of the re- 
markable men who have at one time or another been 
connected with Icaria. Thus, of the colony in its 
palmy days at Nauvoo some one has written : " A 
physician who had received diplomas from two Ger- 
man universities, and an ex-military officer who had 
won distinction in Algiers and had been decorated 
with the cross of the Legion of Honor, were enrolled 
in the corps of wood-choppers. A civil engineer 
who had superintended the construction of a great 
French railroad was put in charge of the wheezy old 
engine of the flouring mill. An accomplished young 
architect and builder from Normandy was retained by 
the President as a private secretary, and spent most of 
his time rendering Cabet's good French into bad Eng- 
lish for publication in The Popular Tribune, a dingy 
little five-column journal devoted to the glorification 
of the ' new philosophy of life.' And so on through 
the list." Another speaks of a " talented fresco- 
painter who was set to digging coal, at which em- 
ployment he was able to make the magnificent sum 
of fifteen cents a day." But these remarks may be 

155 



1 56 ICARIA. 

somewhat misleading as to the general personnel of 
the colony. Only a few had been men of mark in 
France. Saint-Simonismhad appealed to the highly 
intellectual classes, and so, to a less exclusive degree, 
had Fourierism ; Icarianism had gone home to the 
ouvrier class, — the sturdy young tailors and shoe- 
makers and mechanics of the provincial towns all 
over France. But, none the less, they were a re- 
markable body of men. The very nature of their 
experiment had been a sifting process, had developed 
their intellects, and had made them men of thought 
and character. 

The young architect referred to in the passage 
quoted above, was scarcely more than a lad when he 
joined the advance guard of Icarians who left Havre 
for Texas on Feb. 3, 1848. On reaching New 
Orleans and learning of the outbreak of the Revolu- 
tion in Paris, this young man, A. Picquenard by 
name, was in favor of returning to France ; and 
abandoned the pioneer party. But with a young 
man's curiosity he determined to see Indians before 
returning home, and spent a year or two among the 
tribes in the Indian Territory. Meanwhile Icaria 
had become located at Nauvoo, and Picquenard there 
rejoined the society. His first large achievement as 
an American architect was to have been made in the 
completion of the great Mormon temple and its 
transformation into Icarian assembly-halls and 
school-rooms. Picquenard was absent on business 



PERSONAL SKETCHES. I $7 

connected with this building project when a great 
storm demolished the temple walls. He never re- 
turned, but took up his abode at St. Louis, wherein 
later years he made a reputation as an architect 
second to none in the country. The two finest 
buildings in the West, the new State-houses of 
Illinois and Iowa, will for centuries be monuments 
to his genius. He died in 1876. 1 

There are several surviving members of the first 
band of Texas pioneers. One was too sick to 
follow his comrades away from Texas, and he re- 
mains to-day a flourishing citizen of Dallas. A few 
others are scattered through the west, at Nauvoo, at 
St. Louis, or in different Iowa towns. But while 
nearly all the old Icarians keep their faith in the 
principles of their youth and retain sympathy with 
the struggling little community, only one of the 
first advance guard remains an active Icarian. 
Alexis A. Marchand has been a prominent man from 
the first. He was the Secretary and Treasurer of 
the Texas party, a young man of such courage and 
devotion as only the spirit of '48 could have pro- 
duced. He had been a student at Paris and a clerk 
in an attorney's office, and was regarded as having 
more literary ability than the young mechanics who 
surrounded him. At Nauvoo he was made useful 
in the work of education and especially in the busy 

1 More than one young and rising architect owes his success to asso- 
ciation with Picquenard, among the number being Mr. M, E. Bell, the 
Supervising Architect of the United States Treasury Department. 



158 ICARIA. 

printing-office. He was one of the leaders of the 
party which withstood Cabet, and he edited some 
very strong numbers of the Revue Icarienne, in justi- 
fication of the action of the Nauvoo majority, for 
circulation in France after Cabet's withdrawal and 
death. In 1857 ^ e was made president of the com- 
munity, and was also the first president after the 
reorganization in Iowa two or three years later. 
Since that time he has repeatedly filled the presi- 
dential chair. He is now a man of benign and ven- 
erable aspect, but in full vigor of body and mind. 
No one can know him without being impressed with 
the purity, dignity, and unselfishness of his char- 
acter. Serene and kindly in manner, lofty in his 
standards of right and duty, almost a mystic in his 
devotion to communism and the welfare of mankind, 
Marchand is a true type of the altruist. To have 
produced a few such characters as Marchand is itself 
enough to redeem Icarianism from the charge of 
utter failure. He was a prominent member of the 
party of the old people in the unhappy division of 
1877, which not only cleft the community in twain, 
but also divided families, — his son, Alexis Marchand, 
going with the young party. 

On a farm of five or six hundred acres adjoining 
the land of the New Icarian Community lives a 
a man who has made himself a part of Icarian his- 
tory, — Jean Baptiste Gerard. In France he was a 
young cabinet-maker, of bright mind and remarka- 



PERSONAL SKETCHES, 159 

bly strong characteristics. Though only twenty-five 
years old, he was the leader of the third advance 
guard, which left France in the fall of 1848 and met 
the retreating Texas pioneers at New Orleans. He 
became at Nauvoo a member of Cabet's administra- 
tion, filling the office of Director-General of Finan- 
ces. In the quarrel with Cabet he became the most 
prominent figure, and was made Cabet's successor 
in the presidential office in 1856. In 1857 ^ e 
found it necessary to resign and retire temporarily 
from the society in order to act as assignee for the 
community. This duty occupied him a number of 
years, and to his honorable discharge of the trust 
were due the payment of the creditors on the one 
hand and the preservation of the society on the 
other. Many a long and weary journey on horse- 
back or on foot did he make over the several hun- 
dred miles of almost uninhabited prairies between 
Nauvoo and western Iowa, in the prosecution of his 
unpaid task. In 1863 he had fully completed the 
duties of the trust and was about to re-enter the 
society (his withdrawal of course had only been 
technical); the community was not very rich nor 
prosperous, but it was on a safe footing and had 
fair prospects ; Gerard had no other home, and his 
family had always remained in the community; 
what it retained of fortune he had a right to feel 
was due to him more than to any other man. But 
there was a prominent member with whom he was 



l6o I C ARIA. 

not in accord, and he feared that his return might 
endanger the harmony of the society. He was forty 
years of age, and had given the community fifteen 
years of talented and self-sacrificing service. With 
the pittance of twenty dollars apiece which the 
Icarian constitution at that time allowed to with- 
drawing members, he took his family and departed 
to find a new home. It is not apprehension of their 
own failure in the competitive struggle which im- 
pels such men as Gerard to seek community life. 
As we have said, he owns to-day a magnificent farm 
of several hundred acres; and he is surrounded by 
a phalanx of sturdy, manly sons who do him honor. 
Gerard has never lost his faith in communism, nor 
has his success made him a mere sordid money-get- 
ter. He has always remained a friend and adviser 
of the neighboring community, and has kept abreast 
of the social movements and thought of the day. 
In the Icarian quarrel of 1877 he espoused the cause 
of the old party, and published in their defence a 
tract entitled " Quelques Veritas sur la derniere 
Crise Icarienne." The Icarian split had attracted 
wide attention among French socialists both in this 
country and in Europe. Communistic bodies in 
New York, Chicago, St. Louis, Keokuk, and else- 
where, had endeavored to prevent the separation, 
and various French papers had published accounts 
favoring one party or the other. Under these cir- 
cumstances Gerard constituted himself the cham- 



PERSONAL SKETCHES. l6l 

pion of the old party, and in 1880 and 1881 pub- 
lished several numbers of a paper which he called 
LObservateur. This engaged in lively controversy 
with La Jeune Icarie, the organ of the young branch, 
and also contained valuable reminiscences of early 
Icarian days. In this plain and simple-hearted old 
French farmer on the Iowa prairies is the stuff from 
which statesmen and generals are made. Force, 
patience, sagacity, and a certain largeness of mind 
and character mark him as one of nature's noble- 
men. 

The leader of the second advance guard was 
P. J. Favard, whose letter from Texas to Cabet has 
been quoted in a former chapter. In the Nauvoo 
controversy Favard sided against Cabet, although 
his brother-in-law. He soon after withdrew from 
the society, and is to-day a merchant in Keokuk, 
Iowa. Of the Cheltenham leaders, the young 
lawyer Mercadier whom Cabet designed to be his 
successor, and who was president at Cheltenham 
for the first year, is now a gentleman of wealth and 
influence in St. Louis. Charles Raynaud, who was 
equally prominent in the Cheltenham movement, is, 
with other ex-Icarians, resident in New York Citv. 

There are some vigorous specimens of manhood 
among the second generation, who have spent their 
lives in Icaria; — for it must be remembered that 
Icaria is more than a third of a century old. Eugene 
F. Bettannier preferred to remain with the old 



1 62 ICARIA. 

party. He is a man whose good sense and shrewd 
intelligence would be recognized in any sphere of 
life. His father, long since dead, was a leading man 
at Nauvoo. Eugene Mourot and Emile Fugier 
were, from the first, chief agitators in the young 
people's movement. Mourot was born in Paris, the 
son of E. Mourot, a revolutionist of '48, who was a 
victim of the bloody contest of the " bourgeois re- 
action " of June. His young children were sent to 
America and brought up as Icarians. Fugier is a 
native of Lyons, that cradle of revolution, and in 
early childhood accompanied his father to Nauvoo* 
Both Fugier and Mourot are men of energy and 
practical ability, and Icaria-Speranza will doubtless 
owe much to them. 

Antoine von Gauvain, who died at Corning, 
Iowa, in January, 1883, was an Icarian of blessed 
memory. Born in Berlin of a French Huguenot 
family, the son of an army ofricer, he became an 
army ofricer himself. At twenty-five he came to 
America, edited a French paper in New York for a 
time, was a teacher in several different States, and 
at length joined Icaria at Nauvoo. He served three 
years in the Union army and then reentered the 
community. He sided with the young party in the 
division ; but two years before his death he with- 
drew and made his home in Corning. Gauvain was 
one of the most scholarly men ever in the com- 
munity. He was acquainted with languages, litera- 



PERSONAL SKETCHES. 1 63 

ture, philosophy, and history. His was a spirit so 
gentle and so guileless, though so brave and soldierly, 
that every one loved him. He was of noble blood 
and of still nobler nature. 

The admission of six Internationalists to member- 
ship in Icaria in 1876 has been mentioned. Their 
careers and characters are of sufficient interest to 
have more particular attention. The six were : A. 
Sauva, Emile Peron, J. Laforgue, A. Tanguy, S. 
Dereure, and Charles Levy. Arsen Sauva is by 
trade a tailor. Of his early history I have learned 
nothing. In about i860 he came from France to 
join the Cheltenham Icarians at St. Louis. He re- 
mained in that community until its dissolution, and 
then entered the Union army serving until the end 
of the war. He returned to France and fought 
through the Franco-Prussian war. He played an 
active and prominent part in the commune rising of 
1871, being an officer and acquainted with all the 
leaders. After the collapse of the commune gov- 
ernment he took refuge in this country. He was a 
member of the notable Congress of the International 
Society at the Hague in 1872, and aided in the ex- 
pulsion of Bakounine and the Anarchist faction. 
Returning to this country and working at his trade 
in Chicago, St. Louis, and New York, he joined the 
Iowa Icarians in 1876, where he was soon elected to 
the presidency, and threw his influence with the 
Conservative party. Sauva is not a man of many 



164 ICAR1A. 

words, but he has seen the world, and does his own 
thinking. Two pamphlets in my possession, "La 
Crise Icarienne " and "Icarie," prove that he is 
master of a brilliant and cogent French style, while 
the books in his humble home show him to be a 
student of the French social philosophers. The sin- 
cerity and thorough integrity of Sauva's character 
are manifest to all who know him. Since the bitter 
quarrel in which he and Peron were so active upon 
opposite sides, the two men have not been on terms 
of friendship. Yet even Peron bears the following 
high testimony as to Sauva's character : * 

" I have so bitterly fought Sauva's course of action 
during Icarian troubles that one might expect me to write 
about him with a pen dipped in gall and aloes. Well, it 
would not be right ; for Sauva with all his shortcomings 
is certainly a high type of man. His errors, blunders, and 
mistakes, his straying judgment and reason on men and 
events, do not impair his faith and commendable devo- 
tion to principles that we claimed to be wrong but that 
he believed to be right. * * * If all social work- 
ers had his perseverance, endurance, devotedness, and 
moral courage, the world would soon adopt better modes 
of social relations. Sauva is a fine example of the faculty 
of altruism as discovered by A. Comte, for he can suffer, 
work, and live for others. Is not that very much in a 
man, especially in a country where the dollaromaniacal 
disease is so prevailing ? " 

Emile Peron himself is a younger man, and has 

1 I take the liberty to quote from a private letter. 



PERSONAL SKETCHES. l6$ 

not so long a history. He too was engaged in the 
Paris Commune of 1871, and came to New York im- 
mediately after. He was a machinist by trade, but 
a philosopher, critic, and scholar, by natural in- 
stinct. In the workingmen's clubs of Paris, at night 
lectures, and in one way or another, he managed to 
find food for his voracious intelligence, and when he 
arrived at New York, though only a young prole- 
tarian of twenty-three or thereabouts, his scientific 
baggage was very considerable. It is not often, 
even among those trained from early boyhood in 
the best schools, that one finds a young man who 
is so conversant with philosophy, history, belles- 
lettres, political and social economy, and the natural 
sciences, as this Parisian mechanic. Quotations al- 
ready given show that he has learned to write a very 
picturesque English. In philosophy he is an un- 
qualified Positivist. If he does not fully sympathize 
with Anarchists and Nihilists, he can at least make 
a very apologetic statement of their doctrines. 
His keen critical faculty makes his conversation 
sparkling and epigrammatic. It is to be hoped that 
Icaria-Speranza may afford Peron time for system- 
atic study and for literary work; 

La Forgue and Levy follow their trades in Iowa 
towns, and seem to have lost somewhat of their 
pristine fervor for social reform, according to the 
report of their former brethren in Icaria. This is 
not the case with Tanguy and Dereure, both of 



1 66 ICARIA. 

whom have returned to Paris. Tanguy is an ac- 
complished fresco-painter. He was an active Com- 
munist in 1871, and was obliged to flee for his life, 
first to England and then to America. After the 
amnesty he left Icaria and resumed his old calling, 
among the palaces and salons of the gay French 
capital. But he plays his part in the work of social 
agitation, and is known among the " militantes." 
As for Simon Dereure, he is no ordinary man. He 
was a member of the Commune Government of Paris 
in 1871, and also with Sauva a member of the Inter- 
national Congress at the Hague in 1872. Dereure 
is a shoemaker of superior skill ; and while he shoes 
the Paris plutocracy for a living, his real calling is 
that of a social agitator. He is a man of force, 
energy, and convictions, — one of the sort whom 
revolutions bring to the front. 

As has been said, the Leroux family constitute 
the nucleus of the California colony. The name 
Leroux is entitled to occupy a prominent place in 
the history of modern French socialism. The two 
brothers, Pierre and Jules Leroux, were among the 
group of brilliant disciples of Saint-Simon. Pierre, 
the elder of the two, had already made his reputa- 
tion as a distinguished Parisian journalist, and in 
1829 his paper, the Globe, was transformed into an 
organ of Saint-Simonism. 1 After the breaking up 
of Saint-Simonism into rival sects, Pierre Leroux 

1 For the part played by Pierre Leroux in the St.-Simonian move- 
ment, See Booth's "St.-Simon and St.-Simonism." 



PERSONAL SKETCHES. 1 67 

withdrew and became a socialistic philosopher on 
his own account. He founded the so-called Hu- 
manitarian School, the doctrines of which were of a 
rather mystical and transcendental character. He 
wrote many books, which at the time made a 
marked impression on the intellectual people of 
France. For years he was intimately associated 
with George Sand, and exerted upon her philo- 
sophical opinions an influence as strong as was that 
which afterward Mr. Lewes exercised upon those of 
George Eliot. Like most other dreamy philoso- 
phers, Pierre Leroux also indulged in the construc- 
tion of an ideal society, which he named " Speranza." 
Jules Leroux, born in 1805, was seven years younger 
than his brother, and though also a man of ideas 
and of literary talents, he was not so prominent as 
Pierre, with whom he was intimately associated, and 
whose views in general he shared. Both brothers 
became Representatives in the Legislative Assembly 
after the Revolution of 1848, and both were exiled, 
victims of Louis Napoleon's coup d'etat of December 
2, 185 1. They found homes in the island of Jersey, 
where for many years they maintained their families 
by agriculture. It was not a small mitigation of 
their hardships that in their exile they enjoyed the 
company of Victor Hugo. In 1869 Pierre Leroux 
returned to Paris, where he died in 1871. Jules 
Leroux resolved to make a home in America ; and 
in 1867, with his family of now full-grown children, 



1 68 ICARIA. 

he settled on government land in Kansas, where he 
and his sons acquired homestead claims. Here, in 
1872, they were joined by Adam Dehay, who after- 
ward married the youngest daughter of Jules Leroux. 
Dehay was a young Frenchman who had seen life 
in various parts of his native country, had spent 
some years in London, and had come to America in 
1866. He bought the homestead of his father-in- 
law, and undertook the formation of a community 
thereon, but without success. In 1877 Paul Leroux, 
one of the sons, went to Iowa and joined the 
Icarians, whither he was followed by his father and 
mother, and afterward by his brothers and by Dehay. 
The old hero of '48 lived for several years in the 
Icarian community, but did not become a member. 
He had begun in Kansas the publication of a little 
French paper expository of his views on social and 
religious philosophy, and continued its publication 
in Iowa, and afterward in California up to his death 
in October, 1883. The last number of his paper, 
" L' Etoile des Pauvres et des SourTrants," was com- 
pleted a few days after his death by his son, Pierre 
Leroux, and contained a touching account of the old 
philosopher's life, doctrines, and personal traits. 
Jules Leroux was undoubtedly a man of pure and 
noble character and of a strong religious nature. 
His sons revere his memory and his opinions ; and it 
is their desire to honor and perpetuate the associated 
labors of their uncle and their father which has led 



PERSONAL SKETCHES. 1 69 

them to insist upon the retention of the name 
"Speranza" in the title of the community. Dehay 
must be regarded as the prime mover in the Cali- 
fornia enterprise. His purpose in joining Icaria 
had been to found a colony in a warmer climate 
after having gained some practical experience of 
community life. " Icaria-Speranza " may trace its 
lineage on the one side to Cabet, and on the other 
through the Leroux family to Saint-Simon. 

The story of Emile B£e furnishes a rather charac- 
teristic Icarian biography. Bee was a tailor's son 
in northern France, and became a tailor himself. At 
the age of sixteen he went to Paris, where he found 
the tailors very active in the secret revolutionary 
society of Barbes and Blanqui, under which influen- 
ces he became indoctrinated in Communism. He 
identified himself with the numerous disciples of 
Cabet, and subscribed of his humble means to aid 
the grand Icarian colonization. He was one of 
many thousands who were arrested on occasion of 
the coup d' 'Mat of Dec. 2, 1851, and he soon man- 
aged to leave France for the gold mines of Califor- 
nia, where he spent some years. In 1862 he re- 
turned to France. As a member of the 69th 
Battalion of the National Guard, he was actively 
engaged in the defence of Paris in 1870, and in 1 871 
served the Commune. He found it expedient to 
return to California the same year, and became ac- 
tive in the San Francisco section of the International 



17° ICARIA. 

Society. A few years later he joined Dehay and 
his friends in the purchase of the Cloverdale estate, 
and is now a peaceful citizen of Icaria-Speranza. 

Such are a few hasty pen pictures of some of the men 
whose lives have been identified with Icaria. Many 
more, perhaps equally interesting and adventurous, 
might be given ; but these will suffice to show that 
French Communists are not necessarily the tremen- 
dous villains or the blood-thirsty wretches which we 
Americans are generally taught to believe that they 
are. Some of their doctrines may be dangerous to 
the existing order of society ; probably they are. 
History may render her final verdict in condemna- 
tion of many of their actions ; probably she will. 
But good men may mistake in their opinions and 
may honestly err in their actions ; and we can never 
understand the history and meaning of social move- 
ments in France, or in any other country, unless we 
render due credit to the sincerity, devotion, cour- 
ageous self-denial, and grand enthusiasm for hu- 
manity, of many of the participants in those move- 
ments. 



XI. 

SOME KINDRED SOCIAL EXPERIMENTS. 



XI. 

SOME KINDRED SOCIAL EXPERIMENTS. 

ONE cannot long explore the history of a social 
experiment like that of Icaria until he has discov- 
ered that the seeming isolation of the experiment is 
more apparent than real. He encounters threads 
of connection and lines of influence extending in 
most unexpected directions ; and if he follows those 
threads they will lead him into the labyrinths of 
a world of whose very existence, probably, he had 
been unaware. The past ten years have been full 
of earnest inquiry and discussion, in the larger circles 
of American society, touching all matters of social 
reform ; but the persons engaged in those discus- 
sions have been almost absolutely ignorant of the 
equally earnest efforts embodied in the obscure 
literatures and obscure social experiments which 
this same decade has produced in out-of-the-way 
nooks and crannies of nearly every State in the 
Union. There is no formal organization among 
these obscure experimenters and theorists ; their 
ideas are infinitely varied ; they are unlike in every 
thing except in their despair of the present struc- 
ture of society, and also in this, that they have made 

173 



174 ICARIA. 

themselves peculiar by their views or their prac- 
tices ; and these two things supply a bond of loose 
federation. 

These people constitute a little world within a 
world. The large world is not even aware of their 
existence ; while they have the advantage of know- 
ing their own world and also of knowing the great 
world perfectly well. This network, interwoven 
with all manner of curious, intersecting influences 
and lines of intercommunication, constitutes what 
we may term the Communistic World, for lack of a 
better designation. Viewed in the aggregate, it 
contains those persons whose convictions or whose 
traditions make them the foes of modern individual- 
istic, competitive society. Its unity is of a negative 
rather than of a positive character. Each element 
of its membership is working in its own chosen way 
to compass the transformation of society. 

It comes to the surface most prominently in such 
manifestations as those of the International Society 
and the Socialistic Labor Party ; yet, in such active 
measures the Communistic World is never in agree- 
ment and union, and perhaps the organizations 
named might better be regarded as forming a con- 
necting link, or a transitional stage, between the ob- 
scure Communistic World and the substratum of the 
larger society. Newspapers, travel, personal corre- 
spondence, are the means of communication in this 
unseen world. Yet, though their papers are num- 



KINDRED SOCIAL EXPERIMENTS. 1 75 

bered by the score, and are not printed on secret 
presses, nor designedly kept from the perusal of the 
larger society, few people have read any of them, or 
even know of their existence. If this seems a little 
strange at first, it is really not so strange after all. 
Ordinarily people are much more interested in what 
goes on in their own world than in the things which 
pertain to worlds beyond their own. It does not, 
therefore, necessarily brand a man as an ignoramus 
if he has never heard of The Sociologist, published at 
Adair Creek, in the mountains of East Tennessee ; 
or of The Communist, published near Glen-Allen, 
Bollinger County, Missouri ; or of the Matrimonial 
Review, which issues from Farmersville, Pennsyl- 
vania ; or of The Agnostic, whose home is Dallas, 
Texas, or of fifty more reform sheets which now 
exist or have existed within half a dozen years. 
Nevertheless, to read these papers and to learn the 
personal history of those who publish them, is to 
enter a new and a very curious field of sociological 
inquiry. 

In the last sixty years there have been hundreds 
of attempts at associative or communistic organiza- 
tions in this country, all but a few of which failed 
in their very inception. Thousands of people have 
been engaged in these short-lived enterprises. What 
becomes of these people ? Has their futile attempt 
freed them from illusive hopes and unattainable 
ideals? Have they been, as we should suppose, 



I?6 ICARIA. 

completely cured ? Generally not. It was the tes- 
timony of the community at Brook Farm that : 

" The life which we now lead, though to a superficial 
observer surrounded with so many imperfections and em- 
barrassments, is far superior to what we were ever able to 
attain in common society. There is a freedom from the 
frivolities of fashion, from arbitrary restrictions, and from 
the frenzy of competition. * * * There is a greater 
variety of employments, a more constant demand for the 
exertion of all the faculties, and a more exquisite pleasure 
in effort, from the consciousness that we are laboring, 
not for personal ends, but for a holy principle ; and even 
the external sacrifices which the pioneers in every enter- 
prise are obliged to make, are not without a certain ro- 
mantic charm, which effectually prevents us from envying 
the luxuries of Egypt, though we should be blessed with 
neither the manna nor the quails which once cheered a 
table in the desert." 

Some such feeling as that seems to be perma- 
nently retained by almost all who have ever engaged 
in community life. It is a notable fact that many 
of these people who have enlisted in what they 
deem the work of human amelioration have their 
wits wonderfully quickened thereby, while the one- 
sidedness of their development tends to deepen and 
confirm opinions once received. The ill-fated colo- 
nies of Robert Owen had passed into the history of 
" extinct socialisms " a generation ago ; and yet the 
writer hereof might designate one and another and 



XINDRED SOCIAL EXPERIMENTS. 1 77 

another of the now venerable associates of Owen, 
still fresh with enthusiasm and warm with sympathy 
for every proposed social reform. The last of the 
Fourierist Phalansteries disappeared before the war; 
but many of the men who were engaged in them 
may still be found wrestling with the problems of 
cooperation, or pounding away at something more 
radical. Icaria once numbered its hundreds of dis- 
ciples. Most of them have disappeared, seemingly 
swallowed up in the mass of American society; 
but if the truth could be ascertained they would, 
in all probability, still be found to be communists 
at heart. 

One would not unnaturally suppose that the at- 
tempts to form new communities would be made by 
new men who had not experienced the almost 
insuperable difficulties of such an enterprise. The 
fact is that the new propositions almost always 
come from men who have had abundance of dis- 
heartening experience, but who have a limitless 
stock of hope and faith. Widely different as are the 
American communities in point of origin, objects, 
and policy, there is still a strong sympathy among 
them all. Thus I found that a leading member of 
the Oneida Perfectionists was regarded as a friend 
and counsellor by the Icarians, widely divergent as 
were their religious views. I made the acquaintance 
at Icaria of an Ohio Shaker, who is in the habit of 
paying long and welcome visits to the French 



178 ICARIA. 

materialists of Iowa. I found the Icarian women 
clad in calicoes manufactured by the prosperous 
German community known as the " Amana Inspira- 
tionists " ; and I found that friendly correspondence 
and acts of courtesy brought Icaria into relations 
with various other communistic enterprises. 

One of these, with which Icaria has a peculiarly 
intimate relation, is the new colony known as the 
" Mutual Aid Community," located at Glen-Allen, in 
Bollinger County, Missouri, a hundred miles or more 
below St. Louis, on the Iron Mountain Railroad. 
Its actual working existence began only in the sum- 
mer of 1883, and it has as yet only twenty or thirty 
members, with a small capital. Its principles and 
organization are essentially Icarian, though its mem- 
bers are Americans. Its founder is Mr. Alcander 
Longley, who in 1867 was a member of Icaria. The 
story of Mr. Longley's career is one so typical 
of a certain class of American social reformers that 
I shall give its outlines. Mr. Longley comes very 
honestly by his advanced views. His father, who 
was a Universalist minister at Cincinnati, took 
a leading part in about 1843 m forming the Cler 
mont (Ohio) Phalanx, which however lived only 
three years. The Fourier movement was at its 
height in those days and young Longley heard of 
little else in his boyhood. At eighteen he proposed 
to found a Phalanx himself, but without success; 
at twenty-one, in the year 1853, he found himself a 



KINDRED SOCIAL EXPERIMENTS. 1 79 

member of the famous North American Phalanx, 
which was '■' the test-experiment on which Fourier- 
ism practically staked its all in this country." 1 
Horace Greeley was its Vice-President, Charles 
Sears was its practical chief, and Albert Brisbane 
was its sponsor. Longley did not remain here many 
years, for in 1857 we find him undertaking to 
establish a Phalanx at Moore's Hill, Indiana. In 
1864 he appears at Black Lake, Michigan, as the 
founder of a Cooperative Association. No failure 
could suppress Longley. In 1865 he is founding 
another Association at Foster's Crossing, Ohio. 
The year 1867 finds him and his family converted 
from the complicated system of Fourierism to a be- 
lief in Communism pure and simple, and admitted 
to membership in Icaria. But it did not suit 
Longley's temperament to be a quiet Icarian 
farmer ; he was born to be an apostle. So in 1868 
he withdrew, went to St. Louis, founded his paper 
The Communist (which he has published ever since), 
and advertised his purpose to establish a community 
on Icarian principles. So came into being the " Re- 
union Community" in southwestern Missouri, in 
the county of Jasper. In the spring of 1870 " Re- 
union" had twenty-seven members, among them 
being several remarkably intelligent men, and the 
prospects of the establishment were counted good. 

1 The story of the North American Phalanx is best told by 
J. H. Noyes in his " History of American Socialisms," pp. 449 
to 512. 



l8o I C ARIA. 

But suddenly the enterprise collapsed. Longley 
had good old-fashioned views about marriage, while 
some of his companions were inclined to the doc- 
trines of free-love ; and on this rock " Reunion " 
split. Mr. Longley returned to St. Louis in the 
best of spirits, and The Communist began to publish 
an extended prospectus of the " Friendship Com- 
munity" which Mr. Longley proposed to establish 
in Dallas County, Missouri, near the town of Buffalo. 
In 1872 "Friendship Community" was an actuality. 
Its ups and downs, hopes and possibilities, were 
food for the issues of The Communist for a period of 
five years. " Friendship " never attained a large 
membership or a strong financial footing. It did 
not win the favor of the stalwart Missourians of 
Dallas County, who regarded it as something essen- 
tially equivalent to Mormonism, and a disgrace to 
good Missouri society. Accordingly they organized 
a " Committee," and Mr. Longley was warned that 
his institution must go. Means were taken to give 
emphasis to the warning. So the " Friendship 
Community" closed business in 1877. 

Again Mr. Longley returned to St. Louis. This 
was the year of strikes, riots, labor unions, and 
socialistic political organizations. Mr. Longley's 
paper became, temporarily, an organ of the socialis- 
tic labor party. Meanwhile he published the 
prospectus of a " Liberal Community," to be or- 
ganized in St. Louis. This community never ex- 



KINDRED SOCIAL EXRERIMENTS. l8l 

isted except in prospectus. In 1879 we find The 
Communist published at Cincinnati, energetically 
proposing to revive the "Friendship Community," 
and meanwhile giving much attention to politics 
and the state of the country. Two years pass and 
The Communist in 188 1 is issued from the " Principia 
Community," Polk County, Missouri, in which 
community Mr. Longley has now become a social 
pillar. His sojourn in " Principia " is brief ; for in 
January, 1882, we find him once more domiciled at 
St. Louis and advertising to the world the doctrines 
and prospects of the " Mutual Aid Community," 
which he desired to found at Glen-Allen, Bollinger 
County, Missouri. " Mutual Aid," though a humble 
and small outfit, became a resident fact in Bollinger 
County in July, 1883. To predict that it will live 
long and prosper would be the very climax of reck- 
lessness after the history we have just narrated ; 
though it is right to say that the " Mutual Aid " 
has some reasons for regarding itself as on a more 
solid basis than its predecessors. As for Mr. 
Longley himself, he is doubtless a gentleman of 
good conscience, of complete faith in communism, 
and of such buoyant spirit and fine pluck that he 
never acknowledges himself beaten. His paper has 
been an organ for other enterprises besides his own, 
and its files are a storehouse of information con- 
cerning the crude and obscure communistic enter- 
prises of the West during fifteen years past. A 



1 82 ICARIA. 

hobby with Mr. Longley is inter-communal or 
ganization. He advocates a loose union, or at least 
an occasional delegate convention of all the com- 
munities in the United States for the furtherance 
of such views and ends as they have in common. 
From such a beginning he pictures the gradual 
transformation of the whole country into a congeries 
of united communities. 

One of the most remarkable men associated with 
Mr. Longley in the " Reunion Community " was 
William Frey. Though never an Icarian, he has 
visited Icaria, and through association with Mr. 
Longley he may be regarded as having gained some 
of his afflatus from our little French centre of in- 
fluence. Frey is a Russian, and was an astronomer 
in the service of his government, with a brilliant 
career before him. But his communistic views sub- 
jected him to political persecution, and he came to 
America in 1868. In the spring of 1870 he went 
west, and entered Mr. Longley 's " Reunion Com- 
munity " with his family. After the collapse of that 
enterprise we find him, with another of its recent 
members, on government land in Howard County, 
Kansas, proposing to found there the " Progressive 
Community." There he remained for several years, 
publishing a paper called The Progressive Communist, 
and endeavoring to found a colony on hygienic and 
high moral principles. It had neither length of days 
nor temporary success. For several years following 



KINDRED SOCIAL EXPERIMENTS. 1 83 

that effort, I do not know his history, though from 
the recent appearance in Boston of a little book en- 
titled "The Religion of Humanity," I infer that he 
must have spent much time in thought and study. 
With a profoundly philosophical mind, and at the 
same time a deeply religious nature, Mr. Frey adopts 
and expounds the religion of Positivism with the 
moral earnestness of an apostle. He is at present 
engaged in a most interesting work. In Douglas 
County, Oregon, a company of thirty young Russians 
founded the " New Odessa Community " in the fall 
of 1882. They had great confidence in Mr. Frey, 
and asked him to live with them and be their teacher 
and guide in the theory and practice of Communism. 
They have seven hundred acres of land, and their 
material prospects are not bad. But Mr. Frey is not 
chiefly concerned to win a material success. As he 
says in a letter to the writer : " I am convinced that 
a proper communal life must be a school for moral 
improvement, a cooperation for mutual assistance 
and support in realization of the common ideal of a 
better life; that, in short, moral aims must pre- 
dominate over material." Mr. Frey is fully con- 
vinced that no bond except religion can permanently 
unite men in communistic societies, and he is under- 
taking the ethical culture of these young country- 
men of his as the only means of saving their enter- 
prise. How he is succeeding may be seen from the 
following sentences which I extract from a private 
letter written by an intelligent observer : 



1 84 ICARIA. 

" I find the thirty Russians full of good feeling ; they 
embrace each other each day like devoted brothers and 
sisters. Every act of their social life is dominated by the 
ideas of conduct imposed upon them by the teaching and 
personal magnetism of Frey. Frey's idea of happiness is 
to eat two meals a day of crackers and raw fruit, to touch 
no kind of stimulant, to do all the labor between meals so 
as to be free after to study, — the evenings in his com- 
munity to be devoted to study and moral and social ex- 
hortations in which all should join. This includes per- 
sonal criticism with the purpose of perfecting character. 
In the morning there is music and singing, which exercise 
is supposed to make those who join in it feel more friendly 
to each other, so that if you meet one of them before the 
music he hurries by with a cold " good morning " ; but if 
you meet him afterward he warmly shakes your hand and 
kisses you. As a friend of Frey's I am both surprised and 
delighted at the success he has made. The disciples are 
all young and full of devotion ; it is charming to see such 
persons, resolved to love each other, and determined to 
do what is right. It is unquestionable that these persons 
have given up bad habits for a social purpose, led to do 
so not by superstition, but by a rational conception of 
personal and public duty. For instance, they were nearly 
all smokers, and without exception have given up the 
habit as unwholesome and unsocial. * * * It is a 
charming spot amongst the mountains which these 
Russians have secured. I like the people very much in- 
deed, and believe they will be successful in establishing 
such a society as they aim at." 

Mr. Longleyin Missouri, and Mr. Frey in Oregon, 



KINDRED SOCIAL EXPERIMENTS. 1 85 

are instances of what one may discover by following 
the threads he finds radiating from such a centre as 
" Icaria " ; just as he would have discovered 
"Icaria' if his point of departure had been the 
" Mutual Aid," or just as he would have found the 
" Mutual Aid " and " Icaria " if his investigation 
had begun at "New Odessa." Almost equally 
striking is the story of N. T. Roumain, an associate 
of Longley at one time, and an applicant for admis- 
sion to Icaria at another time, who, in 1877, 
founded the " Esperanza Community" in Kansas, 
— an enterprise which had its bright day, but ended 
in sadness and disaster. Or one might make a long 
tale of the adventures of Earl Joslin, who was 
Longley's associate in his earliest attempts at Pha- 
lansteries, who has since been in various enterprises, 
and who, at last accounts, was endeavoring to or- 
ganize a "Cooperative Association" in Rice 
County, Kansas. Though these sketches might be 
multiplied, it is not my object to give a catalogue 
of abortive attempts at association, but rather 
merely to suggest the curious ramification into 
which an apparently isolated social experiment is 
likely to widen before the investigator, and to call 
attention to a kind of sociological study deserving 
of more consideration than it has received. 

Beginning with a single community and with no 
object of studying American communities in general, 
I have incidentally discovered and could enumerate 



1 86 ICARIA. 

probably not fewer than fifty distinct attempts to 
found communistic or semi-communistic associa- 
tions in the United States since 1870. Most of 
them were obscure, fruitless, and ephemeral. They 
attracted almost no public attention, and some of 
them were perhaps worthy of very little. If 
they had been in Europe, they would doubtless 
have thriven on the persecution of government and 
the calumnies of the press, and such opposition 
would have cemented and preserved them ; while in 
this country their very liberty to be or not to be, to 
become incorporated, to buy and sell and get gain, 
to wear peculiar garments, to preach peculiar doc- 
trines, and to worship strange gods, has been a 
centrifugal force that community bonds have seldom 
been able to stand against. 



XII. 

APPENDIX. 



APPENDIX I. 

CONTRACT OF THE NEW ICARIAN COMMUNITY 

of Adams County, Iowa. 

In order to form an association whose object is the realization of 
Community on Icarian principles, and the formation and establish- 
ment of a common fund for the assurance to each of us and of our 
children of our wants, intellectual and material, in all conditions of 
life — infancy, old age, health, sickness, and infirmity, — and being re- 
solved to give to our association a solid basis and to place its exis- 
tence beyond the risk of all misunderstanding and of all controversy 
which might arise among us, — 

We, the undersigned, members of the ex-Community Icarian of 
Adams County, Iowa, do freely and voluntarily make, admit, sign, 
and accept this contract for the formation of an association which 
shall be known under the name of the New Icarian Community of 
Adams County, Iowa. 

Consequently we give and transfer freely to our said association all 
property of every nature and of every kind immovable, movable, 
and mixed — which we have and possess now, and also all property of 
every kind which we may acquire in the future — by inheritance, gift, 
or otherwise, to be during our lives and after our death and for ever 
the exclusive property of the New Icarian Community. 

We promise and agree freely and formally that, at no time and in 
no case will we, or any of us, make any reclamation or demand, nor 
will we claim any pecuniary compensation for any property which we 
give now or which we may give in the future to our association, 
either for interest or for capital, for work, labor, or any other service 
which we may have performed for it. 

We formally enjoin upon our heirs and upon their guardians, in 
perpetual succession, not to make any reclamation against our said 

189 



I90 I C ARIA. 

association for any thing which we have freely and voluntarily given 
to it. 

We consent to submit our children during their minority to the 
care and the absolute control of our association, giving it the same 
rights and the same powers over them, and charging it with the same 
duties toward them, as if they were under its guardianship conform- 
ably with the laws of Iowa. 

We, who sign this contract, engage ourselves and enjoin upon our 
heirs, and upon their executors, administrators, and guardians, never 
to bring any suit in law or in equity against our said association, 
neither to recover any property which we have freely and voluntarily 
given to it, nor to obtain any salary or pecuniary compensation for 
labor or service done or rendered by us or them for the said society. 

We engage ourselves to give all our time, all our strength, and all 
our capacities for the service of the association, during all the time 
while we are members of it, and at every time and under all circum- 
stances without opposition or murmur to obey the laws and regula- 
tions which shall be adopted conformably to this contract, and to the 
following articles : 

Article i. — The place of business of the New Icarian Commu- 
nity for the present, and until it may be changed, shall be Icaria, 
Adams County, Iowa ; the nature of the business, which shall com- 
mence on the first of May, 1879, shall be : agriculture, horticulture, 
industry, art, commerce, mills, and manufactures. 

Art. 2. — This association shall last for ninety-nine years, and shall 
not be dissolved before that time for any reason whatsoever, without 
the unanimous consent of all the adult members. 

Art. 3. — The capital or the property of the New Icarian Commu- 
nity shall consist of all which the founders may have recovered, in im- 
movable or movable property in the liquidation of the former Icarian 
Community, dissolved by a judgment of the Court of Adams County, 
Iowa, rendered the 17th of August, 1878 ; and of all the increase re- 
sulting from the operations of the agriculture, horticulture, mills, 
manufactures, commerce, and arts of the said society, of all gifts 
made by strangers, and of all money paid, or property given by new 
members when they have been admitted to final membership. 



APPENDIX. 191 

Art. 4. — The social capital shall be common and indivisible. It 
shall be recorded in the name of the New Icarian Community. 

Art. 5. — The affairs of this society shall be conducted and ad- 
ministered by five directors, chosen among the members, as follows 
a President, a Secretary-Treasurer, a Director of Industry, a Director 
of Agriculture, a Director of Clothing. Each director shall hold 
office for a year, and shall be elected separately in a general assembly, 
which shall meet on the 3d of February of every year after the year 
1879 for this especial purpose. 

Art. 6. — No member of the association who has not reached the 
age of twenty-five years at least shall be eligible to the office of di- 
rector, and no one shall be eligible to the presidency who is not at 
least thirty years old and has not been a member of the society for 
at least five years. The founders of the society are excepted from 
this rule. No member shall be chosen director more than twice con- 
secutively, and after a member shall have been elected director twice 
consecutively, he shall not be re-elected director until after having 
been a year out of office. 

Art. 7. — The title of all the fixed property which the society now 
possesses, or which may hereafter be acquired, is and shall be vested 
in the name of the five directors hereinafter named, or of their suc- 
cessors in office, for the use and benefit of the said association ; and 
may be sold, conveyed, or mortgaged by a vote of the association as 
hereinafter described, and the five directors shall sign and acknowl- 
edge all the conveyances, and set upon them the seal of the associa- 
tion. 

Art. 8. — In all transactions relating to movable property, the 
President of the community alone may buy, sell, and contract in the 
name of the community, after authorization of the general assembly. 
Every contract, sale, or purchase which has not been made by the 
President, or upon an order written and signed by him, shall not in 
any manner bind the association. If by any reason not provided for 
in this contract, it is impossible for the President to attend to the 
affairs of the society, the other directors shall appoint one of their 
members to act temporarily in his place. 

Art. 9. — The directors of this association are responsible before 



192 ICARIA. 

the general assembly, and can be suspended or removed from their 
office by a vote of the majority of the male members. In case of the 
death, suspension, dismissal, withdrawal, or expulsion of a member of 
the administration, the assembly shall fill the vacancy eight days after 
either the death, suspension, dismissal/withdrawal, or expulsion of a 
member. 

Art. 10. — Every business transaction exceeding in amount $100, 
must be signed by the President and the Secretary, and must bear the 
seal of the society in order to be binding. 

Art. 11. — All male adult members who have been definitely ad- 
mitted, are eligible to all the offices of the society subject to Article 
7 of this contract, and will participate by their vote in all decisions. 
The adult members of the ' ' sexe f eminin "have the right to vote 
upon all admissions and exclusions ; they are both electors and eli- 
gible for all committees and for the office of the Director of Clothing. 
They have the right to vote upon the revision of this contract, upon 
the dissolution of the society, and in general upon all matters of 
moral and intellectual interest, such as education, propaganda, and 
amusements. Minors and members admitted on probation have no 
right to vote in any case. 

Art. 12. — The suffrage shall be exercised in the general assembly 
and in person ; no vote by proxy or substitute will be permitted. The 
vote in general assembly may be taken in any manner whatsoever, 
except in the following cases : admissions, exclusions, and the elec- 
tion of the Board of Directors, which votes shall be by written bal- 
lot, signed or unsigned at the will of the voter. 

Art. 13. — Provisional admissions and definitive admissions shall 
take place in general assembly by a vote of at least nine tenths of the 
members having the right to vote. Adult candidates, when they are 
admitted definitively, shall pay $100 ; minors, $20. They shall con- 
form to all the special law on the subject of admission. Provisional 
admission must take place, at the latest, fourteen days after the ar- 
rival of the candidate at Icaria ; six months after arrival, a second 
vote likewise is necessary for permission to continue the novitiate. 
Definitive or full admission shall take place one year after the pro- 
visional admission. Any admission not made conformably to the 



APPENDIX. 193 

terms of this contract is null and void, and does not confer any 
right. 

Art. 14. — When a candidate has not the means to pay a part or 
all of the sum required by Article 13, the society may exempt him by 
a vote of nine tenths of the voting members. 

Art. 15. — No stranger may reside more than fourteen days in the 
association without the consent of nine tenths of the members having 
right to vote. 

Art. 16. — The adults and minors admitted provisionally are held 
to obey the directors and to perform the labor assigned to them by 
decision of the assembly general. They shall labor at all times ac- 
cording to their strength and their capacity, and shall receive in com- 
pensation for their labor, proportionally to their needs and to the 
means of the society, their lodging, food, clothing, care in sickness, 
attention and care for the children and the aged ; but no other com- 
pensation of any sort. 

Art. 17. — Minors who have lost father and mother in the associa- 
tion, shall be supported and shall remain under the surveillance of the 
society, which shall take the same care of them and give them the 
same support as the children whose parents are living. When the 
minors, having arrived at their majority, desire to remain in the as- 
sociation, they shall state the same in writing to the general assem- 
bly, and shall sign this contract. They shall then have all the rights 
of members admitted definitively by this contract. 

Art. 18. — The principal object of this association in conducting 
the affairs described and considered in these articles, being that of 
creating and establishing a fund which shall provide for the needs and 
comforts of the young, the old, the sick, and the infirm, no dividend 
shall be paid to any member ; but every accumulation of wealth shall 
be added to the common fund. 

Art. 19. — Every member who has decided to retire from the so- 
ciety shall give to the general assembly fifteen days' notice in writ- 
ing. Every member retiring in this manner shall receive from the 
society the pledge of a gift of $100 if he be an adult, and $20 if he be 
a minor. This amount may be increased by a vote of three fourths 
of the general assembly, in the meeting which is held on the 3d of 



194 ICARIA. 

February, for trie election of the Board of Directors, upon the propo- 
sition of five members of the society. 1 

Art. 20. — The sale of annual products may be made when it is 
authorized by a vote of the majority of the adult men present in the 
general assembly, and the majority may decide upon the use and the 
disposition of such products and of the proceeds of their sale. Be- 
sides these annual revenues of the society, the majority may — but 
not more than once in a month — decide upon the use or the disposi- 
tion of a portion of the social capital not to exceed $100. Every dis- 
position of the social capital beyond the amount of $100, must be 
made by a vote of nine tenths of the voting members, and the dis- 
position of the fifth part of the social capital may not be made except 
by the unanimous consent of the members voting. 

Art. 21. — This association does not approve the borrowing of 
money as a general rule ; but as it may sometimes be necessary, the 
President may, by a vote of the general assembly, borrow money to 
the amount of $100, when the loan does not require mortgage ; but 
this may be done only once a month. 

Art. 22. — No loan under any other conditions shall bind the so- 
ciety, unless by the consent of nine tenths of the voting members. 

Art. 23. — All the ordinary affairs of the society shall be con- 
ducted and decided by a majority vote of the adult men who are 
present In the general assembly at the moment of the vote, ex- 
cept in cases specified and provided for in the other articles of this 
contract. 

Art. 24. — The general assembly of this association shall be com- 
posed of the members having the right to vote ; and its decisions shall 
bind the association when the half plus one of the men having the 
right to vote are present at the meeting. In case of urgency recog- 
nized by the majority of the men having the right to vote, that ma- 
jority shall suffice to authorize the assembly to make decisions which 
shall bind the society when the postponement of a decision might be 
prejudicial to the interests of the society. 

1 Note to Art. 19. — This article was revised at the meeting of Feb. 3, 1883. 
Under the new rule, a man when admitted simply gives the society whatever 
he possesses. If he retires, he receives two thirds the amount of his initial de- 
posit, and $25 additional for each year he has served the society. This rule 
applies to charter members and later admissions equally. 



APPENDIX. 195 

Art. 25. — Any member of this association maybe expelled by a 
vote of nine tenths of the members having the right to vote, when 
that member has been guilty of voluntary disobedience, without any 
good reason, and of refusing repeatedly to perform the orders of the 
directors, or when he refuses to conform to the decisions of the gen- 
eral assembly, if, by his conduct, the said delinquent member has 
seriously prejudiced the moral and material interests of the society. 
The expulsion will take place in a special assembly called for that 
purpose, of which assembly and of the charges preferred against him 
the said member shall have fifteen days' notice. The member ac- 
cused shall have every guaranty for the proof of his innocence and 
for the explanation of the acts of which he is accused. In case 
of withdrawal or expulsion from the society of a member who is the 
head of a family, that withdrawal or expulsion shall imply the with- 
drawal of his children under the age of fifteen years. 

Art. 26. — If one or more members of this association shall rebel 
against its authority, or form a party detached from the common 
group, in the matter of nourriture (eating), of labor, of purchase and 
of sale, of loans and of gifts, or in any other manner ; or shall under- 
take to turn the society from its true end as specified above ; or shall 
leave the society for more than three consecutive days without the 
consent of a majority of three fourths of the members ; or shall labor 
repeatedly outside the community, or within its limits, for strangers, 
without the knowledge and consent of the assembly, that member 
or those members may be expelled by a majority of the members 
having the right to vote, but the member or members expelled shall 
have the right to receive the gift of $100 upon their expulsion, like 
members withdrawing. The member or members accused of 
offences against this contract shall not have the right to vote upon the 
penalty which shall be inflicted upon them by the assembly. 

Art. 27. — All the laws and regulations necessary to execute and 
to carry into proper effect the objects of this association, provided 
they are not inconsistent with or opposed to this contract, may be 
made by a majority of the men. 

Art. 28. — Five members of the association may, at every annual 
assembly for the election of the directors, propose the revision of any 



196 ICARIA. 

part of this contract whatsoever, and if a majority of nine tenths of 
the members having the right to vote, vote in favor of the proposed 
revision, it shall be placed upon the order of the day of the general 
assembly, discussed and voted upon three months after its presenta- 
tion, and if at this last vote the nine tenths of the members having 
the right to vote decide in favor of such revision, it shall have full 
force and effect as part of this contract. 

Art. 29. — In case of the dissolution of this association by the 
unanimous consent of all its members, or by any other unforeseen 
cause, the social capital and the property shall be divided as follows : 
First, all the debts' or claims due or belonging to persons outside the 
society shall be determined and paid. Second, the members who 
were founders or who signed this contract at the date of its adoption, 
viz., May 1, 1879, shall receive, and shall be paid in money or in 
equivalent property the amount placed in the common fund by 
them at the date of the signature of this contract, or at any other 
later date, as the books of the association shall make evident. Third, 
the members who were not founders shall also receive in money or in 
equivalent property that which they have placed in the common fund 
of the association at the time of their definitive admission, or at any 
other time thereafter, as the books of the association may show. 
Fourth, the remainder of the property of the association, if there be 
any, shall be divided among the members according to the years of 
service of each adult member, reckoning from the time of his signa- 
ture of this contract. Every adult member shall receive a part pro- 
portioned to his time of service under this contract. The period of 
service of the founders shall be counted, in reckoning their years of 
service, from the date of this contract ; the period of the other mem- 
bers shall be counted from their definitive admission ; the time of 
children bom in the community, and of those who enter as minors, 
shall be counted from the day when they have attained their 
majority ; minor orphans shall have the right to ten years of service 
in making this division of the property in case of dissolution. 

We, the undersigned, in full possession of our faculties intellectual 
and moral, knowing well and comprehending perfectly the above con- 
tract and all its articles, do adopt and accept them freely and volun- 



APPENDIX. 197 

tarily, and do engage ourselves not to make any reclamation of any 
sort or nature whatsoever against our said association which would 
not be in accordance with the terms of this contract. 

The directors chosen conformably to this contract, in 1879. for 
the year 1879, to remain in office until Feb. 3, 1880, are as follows : 
E. F. Bettannier, President ; A. A. Marchand, Secretary-Treasurer ; 
V. E. Caille, Director of Agriculture ; Armel Marchand, Director of 
Industry ; and Marie V. Marchand, Director of Clothing. 

[Here follow signatures, acknowledged before a notary public, and 
the minute of the county recorder.] 



APPENDIX II. 

LAW UPON WITHDRAWAL AND EXPULSION FROM 
THE ICARIAN COMMUNITY. 1 ' 

Section I. — Preamble. 

When a person has resolved to live in communism, and has made 
his demand for admission into Icaria, the greatest prudence, the 
most serious reflection, should be exercised in the accomplishment of 
the act, which, by its good or bad results may be classed among the 
most important acts of his life. 

No inconsiderate enthusiasm for the beauty of the Icarian system 
should influence his mind, nor have weight in his decision. It is im- 
portant that he separate from the causes of his determination all 
sentimentalism, all enthusiasm of a nature to conceal the truth from 
his eyes and make him conceive of the community as much more 
beautiful, more developed, more perfect than it really is, and its 
members better than they really are. 

In the distance defects are unperceived, forms harmonize, all is 
embellished ; men are exalted in their merit, and things appear more 
beautiful than they are. 

But if it is necessary that one should always be on his guard 
against mirages and illusions, it is especially important that he 
should do so in reference to an act which may result, in the future, 
in regrets to all concerned. 

Icaria does not escape the rule of illusions ! The experience of 
many years demonstrates, on the contrary, that the hope of amelio- 
rating his situation, the idea which he generally forms of Icaria and 
Icarians, the joy that he experiences in the thought of being able to 
live according to his principles, exercises over every distant candidate 
an irresistible enchantment, which in many cases suffices to conceal 

1 See page 131 
198 



APPENDIX, 199 

from him the inconveniences of our society of equality, and leave on 
his mind only a conception of its advantages. 

To these natural inclinations toward the transports of enthusiasm 
are added the great influence of the writings of Cabet, picturing the 
splendors that communism shall one day realize, and also the favor- 
able impression that the regular publication of La Jeune Icarie 
cannot fail to exercise over the mind, by its exposition of the organi- 
zation, the principles, and the grandeur of the end which the com- 
munity proposes to itself. 

But in all things — it is necessary to repeat — it is a long distance 
from the desire to the realization, from the principle to the fact, 
from the theory to the practical embodiment ; and what is true else- 
where is true also in Icaria. Those who desire to join it ought to be 
thoroughly impressed with this fact, and act only after having thor- 
oughly considered the gravity of the situation. 

For, let us not forget, enthusiasm is ephemeral ! When its inspi- 
ration has passed, deceptions, discouragement, succeed to the en- 
chantment, and a prompt return to individualism is often the sad 
consequence of it. 

Theoretically, quitting old society to embrace the communistic 
life should be an irrevocable act. Those who join themselves to the 
community should do it for all time ; and whatever property they 
possess should be deposited in the social fund without power of 
recall. For if it is reasonable that one should withdraw himself 
from the iniquities of individualism, to adopt a better form of associa- 
tion, there can be no reason for quitting the latter in order to live 
again under the yoke of laws which one has once rejected with all 
his convictions. 

Change for the better is logical ; returning upon one's steps, in the 
path of progress, is an absurdity. 

Moreover, withdrawal often involves a multitude of inconveniences 
for the society and the seceders. 

In what concerns the definite deposit of property there is, in fact^, 
a certain inequality in this respect, that one family can retain some 
rights over a deposit while others have nothing which belongs to 
themselves. 



200 ICARIA. 

It is true that the inequality reappears only on the morrow of 
their departure. While persons live in Icaria equality is perfect as 
regards possession. But for the communists this difference with 
the seceders is not less an evil, which the financial weakness of Icaria 
can alone justify. 

Later, when the community shall have grown, when its produc- 
tion shall be better assured and its general situation prosperous, it 
will be able, while giving increased comforts to its members, to 
exact guarantees of stability, and to establish equality even in the 
case of withdrawing members. 

Meanwhile many inconveniences would result from holding too 
rigorously to principles deduced from pure reason, and upon this 
point, as upon others, it is necessary to conform to the exigencies of 
practical life. 

Nevertheless, the sincere and firm intention to remain perma- 
nently in Icaria should be the basis of the application of every can- 
didate. 

But since the weakness and variableness of men compel us to an- 
ticipate withdrawals, and since, on the other hand, a member may so 
disregard his duties that the Society will feel itself under obligation 
to exclude him, it is important to regulate in advance, in the interest 
of seceders and of the Society, the condition which shall govern vol- 
untary or constrained withdrawals. 

Section II. — Withdrawal. 

Article i. — Every member, provisional or absolute, can at any 
time, by giving notice to the delegates one month in advance, with- 
draw from the Community. 

Art. 2. — The withdrawing member shall give notice of his pur- 
pose in a written paper or letter of withdrawal. 

Art. 3. — The withdrawing member shall not be relieved of his 
duties until the Assembly shall have passed a vote accepting his 
resignation of membership. 

Section III. — Withdrawal in the Novitiate. 

Art. 4. — When a provisional member shall decide to withdraw, 
the money, deeds, jewelry, credits, tools, and other things that he 



APPENDIX. 20 1 

may have deposited on entering, -with the knowledge of the trustees, 
shall be returned to him. 

Art. 5. — The provisional member, being considered in every thing 
save voting a full member, no interest, rent, or revenue whatsoever, 
be it :n money or in commodities which shall have been obtained by 
mone/. the credits or the property that he shall have deposited upon 
entrance, shall be returned to him. The revenue in all its forms be- 
longs to the community. 

Section IV. — Withdrawal of Full Members. 

Art. 6. — After having accepted the resignation of a full member, 
the General Assembly shall take into consideration the time that said 
member has passed in the community, the services that he has ren- 
dered to it, the value of his deposit, the condition of his family, his 
personal resources, and allow to him, under the title of gift, such 
sum of money or such property as the financial condition and interest 
of the community, being well considered, shall at the time permit it 
to give. 

Art. 7. — The withdrawal of the husband involves the withdrawal 
of the wife, and vice versd ; also the withdrawal of their children 
under twenty years of age. By a two-thirds vote the latter may be 
re-admitted upon their application. 

Section V. — Cash Deposits. 

Art. 8. — When a member who has deposited in the common 
treasury more than a hundred dollars shall have offered his resignation 
of membership, the general assembly shall designate the times and 
the successive payments in the refunding of such deposit. 

Art. 9. — Deposits not exceeding one hundred dollars shall be re- 
funded within one year after the withdrawal of the depositor. 

Art. 10. — The same amount shall be refunded that was deposited ; 
that is, it shall be refunded without interest. 

Art. 11. — Likewise, after the dismissal of a member, the sums 
which the community shall refund to him in partial payments, by 
the direction of the general assembly, shall not bear interest. The 
exact amount contributed shall be refunded. 



202 ICARIA. 

Art. 12. — Articles 8, 9, 11 shall be in force until the present debt 
of the community is paid. 

Art. 13. — After that the General Assembly shall have the power 
to determine in advance the sums which shall be refunded yearly in 
case of withdrawal. 

Section VI. — Deposits other than in Cash. 

Art. 14. — When a member shall contribute to the community a 
deposit other than cash, such as houses, lands, credits, mortgages, 
horses, cattle, etc., the said deposit, with a statement of its character, 
shall be recorded to the credit of the member on the books of the 
community. 

Art. 15. — In case of withdrawal this deposit shall in the course of 
six months be returned to him in the condition in which it shall be at 
the time. 

Art. 16. — When the community shall have sold a part or the 
whole of the lands, houses, or property of any kind, deposited by a 
member, the net product of this sale shall be placed to the account of 
said depositor, and he shall be reimbursed just as though his deposit 
had been made in ready money. 

Art. 17. — The tools, arms, instruments, machines, books, furni- 
ture, etc., shall be returned immediately and in the condition in 
which they are at the time of withdrawal. 

Art. 18. — No damage or indemnity shall be accorded for tools, 
instruments, or property of any kind, which shall have been mislaid, 
used, damaged, or destroyed. 

Section VII. — Special Contracts. 

Art. 19. — When a candidate shall possess considerable money, and 
the conditions of the present law shall prevent his admission, the 
community may make a special contract with him respecting the 
manner in which his capital shall be refunded in case of his with- 
drawal. 

Art. 20. — Nevertheless this special contract shall not be in opposi- 
tion to Article 10, concerning the non-payment of interest for time 
anterior to withdrawal. 



APPENDIX. 203 

Art. 21. — Special contracts shall be recorded upon the books of 
the community at the pages devoted to the contracting persons, and 
signed by the latter and two trustees. 

Section VIII. — Expulsion. 

Art. 22. — When a member shall not wish to conform to the laws ; 
when he shall refuse to fulfil his duties ; when he shall conduct 
himself improperly toward his associates ; when his general attitude 
shall constitute a real danger to the society, he can be expelled by 
a vote of two thirds of the members. 

Art. 23. — This expulsion can only take place when the accused 
has been notified of the misdemeanors charged against him ten days 
in advance of the day for their investigation, and he shall' have been 
given full liberty to defend himself before the assembly. 

Art. 24. — As in admission so in dismission, the expulsion of the 
husband implies the withdrawal of his wife, and reciprocally ; also 
the withdrawal of their children under twenty years of age. 

Art. 25. — Expelled members shall be settled with in accordance 
with the law upon withdrawals, as in the case of dismissed members. 

Section IX. — Revision. 

Art. 26. — The present law is subject to annual revision beginning 
from the 1st of May, 1879, by a majority of two thirds of the mem- 
bers of the General Assembly. 



This law was unanimously approved by the General Assembly 
Dec. 8, 1879. 



APPENDIX III. 

CONTRACT AND ARTICLES OF AGREEMENT OF THE 
ICARIA-SPERANZA COMMUNE. 1 

Section I. — Society. 

Article i. — Know all men by these presents that we : Armand 
Dehay, Marie Dehay, Paul Leroux, Francoise Leroux, Pierre Le- 
roux, Josephine Leroux, Gustave Provost, Irma Provost, Emile 
Bee, Caroline Bee, Eugene Mourot, Marie Mourot, Emile Fugier, 
Emilie Fugier, Therese James, Michel Brumme, Alexis Marchand, 
Louise Mourot, Louise Peron, Emile Peron, 

and all others who shall be admitted and allowed to sign this Contract 
and Articles of Agreement ; being of age and in full knowledge of 
our action and deed, do hereby associate and form a society, under 
such name and conditions, and for such business and object as is 
hereinafter described. 

Art. 2. — The name of this society is 

ICARIA-SPERANZA COMMUNE ; 

and its location and principal place of business is on Bluxome 
Rancho, near Cloverdale, Sonoma County, State of California. 

Section II. — General Object. 

Art. 3. — The general purpose of the Icaria-Speranza commune 
is as follows, to wit : 

A. To establish for humanity as an example and in devotion to 
its welfare, a system of society capable of rendering it happy. 

B. To prove to our fellow-men that community, based on soli- 
darity, is realizable and possible. 

1 See page 145 
204 



APPENDIX. 205 

C. To perform such labor, and use such sums of money, from 
time to time, as the commune may deem sufficient in publishing, ad- 
vertising, and circulating the business and principles of the Icaria- 
Speranza Commune ; but the aggregate of sums of money and 
reasonable value of labor applied to such advertising shall at no time 
be less than fifty dollars per annum. 

D. To create a common fund, composed of money, real estate, 
personal property, and all kinds of other property, said common fund 
to be used for the mutual support and in the interest of all members 
composing this society ; for the supplying of their legitimate wants, 
their comfort, care, and education, in all stages of life, as well in in- 
fancy, sickness, infirmity, and old age ; and to be used also to carry 
out the principles, business, and various objects of the community, in 
accordance with the purport of an instrument styled, " Act of Dona- 
tion to the Icarian Community" dated April 22d, A. D., 1879, and 
recorded in Book II., miscellaneous, at page 378, in the office of 
Recorder of Deeds, Adams County, State of Iowa. 

Section III. — Dtiration and Dissolution. 

Art. 4. — The duration of the Icaria-Esperanza commune shall be 
ninety-nine years, counting from the date of the adoption of this con- 
tract, and its organization shall be renewed whenever it becomes 
necessary. 

Art. 5. — If for any reason whatever this contract should become 
annulled, or if for any cause whatever the Icaria-Speranza commune 
should be dissolved, its entire property shall be disposed of in the 
following manner. 

A. First, all outside creditors shall be paid up and settled with. 

B. Next, all credits to which the members of the commune shall 
be individually entitled to, and which sums shall have been entered 
on the books of the commune, below their individual name, as their 
exclusive property, shall be paid to them. 

C. The remainder shall be accounted for, paid over, assigned or 
transferred in accordance with the several donations that shall have 
been made to the Icarian Community, a true copy of which donations 
is hereto attached. 



206 1CARIA. 

Section IV. — Capital Stock. 

ART. 6. — The capital stock of the Icaria-Speranza commune com- 
prises all kinds of property, and constitutes a common fund owned 
by the commune and applicable to all its wants through its proper 
agents. 

But said common fund shall not be mortgaged, alienated or in- 
debted to a greater extent than is hereinafter prescribed, unless nine 
tenths of the members having voting privilege agree, in general as- 
sembly, to such greater alienation. 

Art. 7. — The common fund of the Icaria-Speranza commune is 
composed of all sums of money or property of any description that 
shall have been either donated, transferred, assigned, or set over in 
any lawful manner to the commune, by friends, well-wishers, charter- 
members or later admitted members, by societies or any other com- 
munes ; and such money or property, as well as all accumulations 
thereof, shall be held in trust and used only in accordance with the 
purport of said donations, transfers, assignments, and the stipulation 
of this contract. 

Art. 8. — The common fund of the Icaria-Speranza commune is 
further composed of all sums of money or property whatever, owned 
or possessed by its individual members before entering this associa- 
tion. 

But such money or property as shall have been conditionally con- 
tributed to the common fund by individual members, is to be re- 
funded to them, in case of their withdrawal from the commune, un- 
der such conditions as are hereinafter agreed to. 

Art. 9. — However, each and every individual member has the ex- 
clusive use and ownership of the following property : 

A. Each and every article of his wardrobe. 

B. Each and every article of his furniture, bedding, and house- 
hold implements. 

C. Each and every article that shall have been given him as a 
present by persons who are not members of the commune, and who 
shall be still living at the time when the individual member takes pos- 
session of such present ; provided, however, that, in the aggregate, 
the fair value of the present, or presents, so received in the course of 



APPENDIX. 207 

any one year, shall not exceed fifty dollars, and that all surplus shall 
be remitted to the common fund, and entered on the member's 
credit. 

D. Each and every article which shall have been given him as a 
present by any one member or members of the commune, who shall 
still be living at the time when the donee-member takes possession of 
such present ; provided, however, that, in the aggregate, the fair 
value of the present or presents so received by him in the course of 
any one year shall not exceed twenty-five dollars, and that all surplus 
shall be remitted to the fund. 

Section V. — Prodtiction and Business. 

Art. 10. — The general nature of production and business of the 
Icaria-Speranza commune is as follows, to wit : agriculture, horti- 
culture, viticulture, mechanical arts, milling, manufacturing, and 
commerce in all various branches ; also the building and establishing 
of schools, colleges, villages, colonies, and the developing of sciences 
and fine arts. 

Section VI. — Administration. 

ART. II. — The business affairs and common interests generally 
shall be conducted by a Board of Administration, composed of five 
committees, denominated as follows : 

A. Committee on Works. 

B. Committee on Home-Consumption. 

C. Committee on Education. 

D. Committee on Commerce. 

E. Committee on Accounts. 

Art. 12. — Each one of these five committees shall be composed of 
at least two members having voting privilege ; and when acting 
separately, shall transact only such business as comes within the lim- 
its of their conferred powers. 

Art. 13. — The duties, power, and scope of action of each com- 
mittee shall be defined in special by-laws to be adopted in general 
assembly. 

Art. 14. — When any unusual or contingent matter shall 
come before any one committee, the latter shall convene the 



208 ICARIA. 

board of administration and lay such matter before them, either for 
final decision, or for reference to a special or to an ordinary meeting 
of the general assembly. 

Art. 15. — The board of administration may convene the general 
assembly in extraordinary session, whenever they deem it necessary ; 
and said board shall convene said assembly when any five members 
having voting privilege shall have made a written application for that 
purpose. 

Art. 16. — No decision or vote, taken either by a committee or by 
the board of administration, shall be valid unless it obtains the 
unanimous assent of its members. 

Art. 17. — The title to all common property, either real, personal, 
or mixed, is vested in the persons composing the board of adminis- 
tration, and in their successors in office, who shall, in this relation, 
be considered as trustees of the Icaria-Speranza commune. 

Art. 18. — Each and every member of the board of administration 
shall be elected by the general assembly in the month of January, 
for one year, and shall be, at any time, accountable to, and remov- 
able by, said assembly. 

Art. 19. — The names of the persons composing the board of ad- 
ministration until next January are as follows, to wit : 

Section VII. — Liabilities. 

Art. 20. — The highest amount of debts for which the property of 
the Icaria-Speranza commune shall become liable is thirty- 
three per cent, of the whole assets, as shall be yearly shown by a cor- 
rect inventory. For exceptions, see Art. 6. 

Art. 21. — The aggregate of debts, or the liabilities of any kind, 
shall include all credits which may, at any time, become due to the 
members, as shall appear from the books of the commune. 

Section VIII. — General Assembly. 

Art. 22. — The general assembly is composed of all members, of 
both sexes, who are at least twenty-one years old, and who shall have 
been admitted to sign this contract. 

Art. 23. — Minor members above fourteen years of age, and pro- 



APPENDIX. 209 

visional members may be admitted to its sessions, but with consulta- 
tive voice only. 

Art. 24. — Its regular sessions are held semi-annually, but special 
sessions may be convoked according to the foregoing provisions. 

Art. 25. — The general assembly may adopt, at any time, such 
by-laws and regulations as shall be deemed necessary to the proper 
fulfilment of this agreement. 

Art. 26. — No decision or vote taken in general assembly shall 
be valid unless carried by fully three fourths of the voting members 
who shall be present at the session when such vote is taken. 

Art. 27. — A majority of fully three fourths of the members having 
voting privilege constitutes a " quorum," without which " quorum " 
the general assembly shall not open its sessions, except to adjourn 
twice, if necessary ; and, after such adjournments, a majority of half 
plus one of the members having voting privilege shall be deemed a 
M quorum " to transact any business. 

Art. 28. — All admissions of new members, all expulsions of mem- 
bers, and all elections to any office shall be by ballot upon unsigned 
tickets. 

Art. 29. Elections to any office shall not be valid, unless carried 
as follows, to wit : — 

A. Candidates must obtain a majority of fully three fourths of 
the members having voting privilege, to be elected on first ballot. 

B. Elections on second ballot shall be determined by a majority 
of half-plus-one of the members having voting privilege. 

C. A relative majority, viz. : the highest number of votes cast, 
shall carry an election on third ballot. 

Section IX. — Withdrawal Fund. 

Art. 30. — In the month of January of every year, the board of 
administration, through the committee on accounts, shall make a 
correct inventory in which every article of common property of the 
Icaria-Speranza commune shall be listed and appraised at its fair 
cash value. 

Art. 31. — In appraising some classes of property, especially real 
estate, the possible fluctuation of the market shall be taken into con- 



210 ICARIA. 

sideration, and the average fair cash value, of such property, in two 
or more past years, shall be deemed the correct value. 

Art. 32. — One of the objects of the taking of said inventory is to 
fairly ascertain the surplus or net profit earned, year after year, by the 
Icaria-Speranza commune, said profit to be expressed in dollars. 

Art. 33. — When the amount of said surplus shall have been ascer- 
tained, and approved by the general assembly, said amount shall be 
divided into two halves ; one half shall belong to the commune and 
accumulate to the common fund ; and the other half shall be divided 
by the number of members having the voting privilege for the purpose 
of ascertaining each member's equal share. 

Art. 34. — The amount thus yearly found due to each member shall 
be entered on the books of the commune, below his individual name, 
together with any other credits that he may have ; but shall only be- 
come his exclusive property, and be paid him, in case of his with- 
drawal from the commune. 

Section X. — Consideration. 

Art. 35. — Besides all other benefits that each member may derive 
from this contract, the Icaria-Speranza commune, as a further con- 
sideration, shall enter on its books, and pass to the credit side of -each 
individual member having voting privilege, the sum of two hundred 
dollars, to come out of its property, and to be paid to said member 
in case of his withdrawal ; provided, however, that each such mem- 
ber shall have made a donation, transfer, or assignment forever of his 
property to the Icaria-Speranza commune, located at near Clover- 
dale, Sonoma County, State of California, within one year from the 
date of the recording of this contract, or, previously to such record- 
ing, to the Icarian Community situated near Corning, Adams County, 
State of Iowa. 

Section XI. — Labor Premiums. 

Art. 36. — Monthly labor premiums shall be given to each member, 
being above sixteen years of age, provided said member partakes in 
the common work of the commune ; said premium shall be paid in 
money, and shall not be less than fifty cents, nor more than one dol- 
lar and a half per month. 



APPENDIX. 211 

Art. 37. — The member of the board of administration, acting as 
treasurer, shall not pay any money as labor premiums, unless in 
accordance with the following conditions : 

A. Every month he shall pay a premium of fifty cents to each 
member who shall not have lost more than one working-day during 
said month. 

B. Every month he shall pay a premium of one dollar to each 
member who shall not have lost more than half a working-day during 
said month. 

C. No excuse whatever shall be admitted as a substitute for 
working-time lost by a member, in relation to the payment of pre- 
miums. 

Art. 38. — The general assembly shall adopt a special by-law in 
which all labor of any kind that is to be considered common work, 
shall be defined. 

Section XII. — Inheritance. 

Art. 39. — Each and every signer of this contract formally agrees 
and stipulates that if he deceases while being a member, each and 
every article of his individual property, as well as all credits entered 
on the books of the commune, shall return forthwith to the common 
fund ; with such minimum exception, however, as the law may 
require. 

Section. XIII. — Clothing. 

Art. 40. — The board of administration, through the committee on 
home consumption, shall make a semi-annual budget of expenses 
necessary to properly clothe each and every member of the Icaria- 
Speranza commune, and to that effect they shall carry out the fol- 
lowing rule : 

A. They shall ascertain and express in dollars what sum is neces- 
sary to purchase the clothing, in the six ensuing months, of each full- 
grown female member. 

B. They shall find what sum is necessary for each full-grown male 
member. 

C. They shall classify all the children in as many series as shall 
be found necessary, and ascertain what sum is wanted to clothe each 
member of each series. 



212 ICARIA. 

D. When the aggregate of all such sums shall be found, they 
shall submit the " Semi-Annual Budget of Expenses for Clothing" 
to the general assembly for correction or approval. 

E. After such proceedings, the member of the board of adminis- 
tration, acting as delegate to commercial business, shall open, in one 
or more stores of the nearest town to be designated by said delegate, 
a credit to each individual member, said credit not to exceed the sum 
found as his individual budget ; and the said delegate shall see, when 
necessary, that no credits opened in any store are diverted from their 
legitimate destination. 

F. All credits so opened shall be equal for each member of each 
series of persons ; but in cases of special wants of clothing for spe- 
cial common works, or common purposes, the committee on home 
consumption may cause such articles to be bought and delivered 
whenever deemed necessary, and every such article shall be common 
property to be used temporarily. 

Art. 41. — Within the limits of his individual budget, each mem- 
ber shall be at liberty to select whatever object of clothing that suits 
him. 

Section XIV. — Rights and Duties. 

Art. 42. — All who shall be admitted to sign this contract, together 
with their children, shall be members of the Icaria-Speranza com- 
mune, and shall have equally all the same rights and privileges, 
either express or implied, pertaining to such membership ; provided, 
however, that no privilege, so exercised by any one member, shall 
conflict with the expressed or implied provisions of this contract. 

Art. 43. — The committee on home consumption shall see that 
all food prepared and cooked in the common kitchen be wholesome, 
and that the menu, or bill of fare, be so varied and so complete as is 
reasonably compatible with the means of the commune. 

Art. 44. — As far as practicable and not objectionable, all meals 
shall be taken in common, in the common dining-room of the com- 
mune ; but each member shall have the privilege to obtain, from the 
menu prepared in the common kitchen, his reasonable proportion of 
food, and to take his meals wherever he pleases. 

Art. 45. — In cases of sickness each member shall be entitled to a 



APPENDIX. 213 

private bill of fare, privately prepared, provided said bill shall not ex- 
ceed the ordinary and reasonable staples of food, and call only for 
such articles of food as shall be within the easy purchasing powers of 
the commune. 

Art. 46. — Except in special cases designated by the general as- 
sembly, each member shall reside on the place where the commune 
is located, in houses furnished for that purpose ; and said residences 
shall only be used for their legitimate destination, viz. : exclusively as 
dwellings for said members. 

Art. 47. — Each and every signer hereof formally agrees and stipu- 
lates that he shall never claim, nor attempt to recover, either directly 
or indirectly, at law or in equity, any other sums of money, or pro- 
perty whatever, than is herein specified and provided for as part of the 
compensation given by the commune for his time, services and labor. 

Art. 48. — He further agrees and stipulates that he relinquishes all 
rights of recovery from work, time, or services whatever given to the 
commune, by any one member of his family ; relinquishing also all 
rights of recovery either for services, damages, expectancy of life or 
estate, in cases of death or of any accident whatever that may have 
happened, by any reason or cause, to any one or every member of his 
family ; agreeing hereby that the benefits that he, and each member 
of his family, derived daily from the operations of this contract, 
are ample and sufficient compensation for the relinquishment of all 
such rights. 

Art. 49. — Each and every member of this association shall give 
his entire working time and abilities to the common use and works of 
the commune, as shall be amicably distributed among them by the 
committee on works, after a workers' consultation. 

Art. 50. — The Icaria-Speranza commune shall give to each minor 
member, at least until he shall have attained the age of sixteen years, 
as thorough and as complete an education, in both English and 
French languages, as shall be found reasonably compatible, at any 
time, with the various works, the financial means, and the professorial 
opportunities of the association. 

Section XV. — Admission. 
Art. 51. — New members may be admitted in the Icaria-Speranza 



214 ICARIA. 

commune, and allowed to sign this contract, under the following con- 
ditions : 

A. Each and every applicant for admission should sufficiently 
know the French language to speak it and read it fluently. 

B. All admissions shall be, at first, provisional, and shall not be 
valid, unless fully nine tenths of the members having voting privilege, 
assent, by a vote in general assembly, to such provisional admission. 

C. After such provisional admission, each applicant shall stay in 
novitiate for a term of strictly twelve consecutive months, after which 
term he may be absolutely admitted in general assembly, by a vote of 
fully nine tenths of the members having voting privilege. 

Art. 52. — Upon the written request of five voting members, the 
board of administration may cause any provisional member, as well 
as any other person having sojourned for more than three consecutive 
days, to withdraw from the commune at any time within forty-eight 
hours from such request. 

Section XVI. — Withdrawals. 

Art. 53. — After having given ten days' notice of his intention to 
the committee on accounts, each member may, at any time, resign 
his membership and withdraw from the commune, but such formal, 
resignation shall be made on a written and signed instrument stating 
that the resigning member relinquishes all his membership rights for 
the purpose of obtaining a settlement of his accounts with the com- 
mune. 

Art. 54. — After such proceedings, the committee on accounts 
shall convene the board of administration, and lay before them such, 
letter of resignation for final acceptation and mode of settlement of 
the resigner's account, or for reference to the general assembly. 

Art. 55. — Within sixty days after he shall have tendered his resig- 
nation, each member shall receive, and be paid, all his credits that 
shall have been entered on the books of the commune ; provided, 
however, that within the twelve months preceding such resignation, 
the Icaria-Speranza commune shall not have paid out, as fund for 
withdrawing members, more than fifteen hundred dollars in the 
aggregate. 

Art. 56. — When within any one year the Icaria-Speranza com- 



APPENDIX. 2 1 5 

mune shall have paid to withdrawing members a sum of money ex- 
ceeding fifteen hundred dollars, the board of administration, when 
requested to settle with any other resigning member, shall strike a 
balance of the account of said member, deliver him a due-bill or note 
for such balance, and shall be allowed one year's time to pay said 
bill. 

Art. 57. — In cases of married members, the resignation of the 
husband shall imply the resignation of his wife, and vice versd ; as 
well as of all their children under sixteen years of age. 

Section XVII. — Expulsions. 

Art. 58. — When the conduct, or general behavior, of any member 
above sixteen years of age shall be so obnoxious as to seriously en- 
danger either the material, financial, or moral interests of the Icaria- 
Speranza commune, he may be ousted from his membership and ex- 
pelled from the commune. 

Art. 59. — Each accused member shall have ten days' notice of the 
charges preferred against him, and shall have fair opportunities to de- 
fend himself in general assembly ; but no expulsion shall be valid 
unless carried by a vote of fully nine tenths of the members having 
voting privilege, the vote to be expressed in two different sessions, 
to be held at least thirty days from the first. 

Art. 60. — No member, or his wife, and vice versd, shall vote 
upon his own expulsion ballot, and in case he does vote, his ticket 
shall be refused. 

Art. 61. — The expulsion of a member husband shall imply the 
resignation of his wife, and vice versd ; as well as the resignation of 
all their children under sixteen years of age. 

Section XVIII. — Revisions. 

Art. 62. — Each and every article of this contract may be revised 
in General Assembly ; but the revision of any article shall not be 
valid unless the following rules shall have been strictly adhered to : 

A. The unanimous consent by vote is requisite to revise the fol- 
lowing enumerated Articles : I, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, — 30, 31, 32, 33, 34, 
35,-42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 43, 49, and 50. 



2l6 1CARIA. 

B. The consent by vote of fully nine tenths of the members hav- 
ing voting privilege is requisite to revise the following enumerated 
Articles : 8, 9,-20, 21, 22, 23,-39,-53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 
61, 62. 

C. The consent by vote of three fourths of the members having 
voting privilege is requisite to revise the following enumerated 
Articles : 10, 11, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, — 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 

29,-36, 37, 38,-40, 41. 

D. The consent by vote of nine tenths of the members is requisite 
to revise Articles 51 and 52 ; but after a period of three years, from 
the day of recording of this contract, Articles 51 and 52 shall be re- 
visable by a majority of three fourths of the members having voting 
privilege. 



INDEX. 



Almanac (Icarian), 18. 
Amana Community, 178. 
American Socialist, 99. 
Amusements, 51, 52, 118. 
Arbitration, 104, 108. 

Baboeuf, 4, 15. 

Babouvism, 18. 

Barbes, 18. 

Bauer,^ Fritz, 67. 

Bee, Emile, 169. 

Bettannier, E. F., 161. 

Blanc, Louis, 30. 

Blanqui, 18. 

Booth's " St. -Simon and St.-Si- 

monism," 166. 
Briggs, Dr., 84. 
Brisbane, Albert, 179. 
Brook Farm, 22, 176. 
Buonarotti, II, 15. 
Bureau, Icarian, at Paris, 56, 69, 

75- 

Cabet, Etienne, early career, 6 ; 
in political life, 7 ; in exile, 8 ; 
a communist, 10 ; his " Voyage 
en Icarie," 10-17 J colonization 
scheme, 19-25 ; reaches Amer- 
ica, 43 ; quarrel with majority, 
at Nauvoo, 53-58 ; death, 59 ; 
character, and writings, 60-63. 

Cabet, Madame, 56. 

California, 134, 136, 137 et seq. 

Campanella, 11, 15. 

Carbonari, 6. 

Cavaignac, 42. 



Channing, 22. 

Charters in Illinois, 54, 59, 77, 

107. 
Charters in Iowa, 77, 104, 107, 

127. 
Cheltenham, 67-72. 
Chevalier, M. E., 61. 
Chicago, 47. 
Christianity, 16, 18, 19. 
Clothing, 116, 150. 
Cloverdale, 139. 
Communist, The, 84, 179. 
Constitution at Nauvoo, 53-55. 
Constitution of " New Icaria," 

122, 189. 
Constitution of "Young Icaria," 

129. 
Constitution of " Icaria-Speranza," 

145-150. 
Corning (Iowa), 78, 114. 
Creston (Iowa), 78. 

Dana, 22. 

Dehay, Adam, 139, 168. 

De 1' Eure, Dupont, 6. 

Democratic Party, 120. 

Dereure, S., 166. 

"Donation, Act of," 128, 133, 148. 

Ely, Professor R. T., "French 

and German Socialism," 30. 
Encyclopedists, French, 4. 
Esperanza Community, 185. 

Fathers of the Church, 15. 
Favard, P. J., 37, 161. 



217 



218 



INDEX. 



Fenelon, II, 15. 

Florida, 134, 135. 

Fourier, 15. 

Fourierism, 18, 156, 177, 178. 

French Revolution, 4, 5. 

Frey, William, 182. 

Friendship Community, 180, 181. 

Fugier, Emile, 162. 

Fuller, Margaret, 22. 

Gardens ("les petits jardins "), 

100-2. 
Gaskin, J. W., 85. 
Gauvain, Antoine von, 162. 
George, Henry, 15. 
Gerard, Jean Baptiste, 56, 76, 

158-61. 
Gracchi, 15. 
Greeley, Horace, 179. 
Greenback Party, 94, 120. 
Grotius, 15. 
Guizot, 7. 

Harrington, .15. 
Hawthorne, 22. 
Hinds' " American Communities," 

87. 
Hinds, William Alfred, 85. 
Hobbes, 15. 
Homestead Law, 80. 
Humanitarian School, 167. 

" Icaria-Speranza Commune," 137 

-152. 
Intercommunal Organization, 182. 
Internationalists, 98, 163, 174. 
Iowa, 52, 58, 77. ' 

Jacotot, 6. 

44 Jeune Icarie," 132. 
Jones, Lloyd, 61. 
Joslin, Earl, 185. 

Kansas, 182, 185. 



Labor Party, 174. 

Labor-premiums, 148. 

Lacombe, " Etudes sur les Social- 

istes," 10. 
Lafitte, 7. 
LaForgue, J., 165. 
Lamarque, Funeral of, 7. 
Lamartine, 30, 42. 
Ledru-Rollin, 30. 
Leroux, Jules, 139, 166-7. 
Leroux, Jules (fils), 139. 
Leroux, Pierre, 61, 144, 166. 
Leroux, Pierre, (fils), 139. 
" L Etoile des Pauvres et des 

Souffrants" 168. 
Levy, Charles, 165. 
Liberal Community, 180. 
Libraries, 51, 118. 
L' Observateur, 161. 
Locke, John, 15. 
Longevity, 115. 
Longley, Alexander, 178. 
Louis Philippe, 7, 8. 
Lycurgus, 15. 

Manuel, 6. 

Marat, 4. 

Marchand, Alexis A., 76, 113, 120. 

Marchand, Alexis (fils) 158. 

Marriage, 15, 119, 157, 180. 

Mercadier, 161. 

Mexico, 22. 

Moorhead, S. W., 121. 

More, Sir Thomas, 10, 11, 15. 

Morelly, 15. 

Mormons, 47. 

Mormon Temple at Nauvoo, 49. 

Mourot, Eugene, 162. 

Mutual Aid Community, 178, 181. 

Napoleon, Louis, 42. 

National Workshops in France, 30. 

Nauvoo, 47 et seq, 77. 

Nebraska, 71. 

New Harmony, 21. 



INDEX. 



219 



New Icarian Community, 113-24. 

New Odessa Community, 183. 

New Orleans, 29, 31, 37, 40, 43. 

Nordhoff's "Communistic Socie- 
ties," 50. 

North American Phalanx, 179. 

Noyes' "American Socialisms," 
179. 

Oneida Perfectionists, 177. 
Owenism, 176. 
Owen, Richard, 61. 
Owen, Robert, 11, 15, 21, 22. 

Pacific Sentinel, 140. 

Panic of 1857, 76. 

Panic of 1873, 94. 

Paris Commune, 94. 

Party Spirit, 58, 92. 

Peron, Emile, 99, 102, 130, 150, 

164. 
Peters Company, 23, 34, 37. 
Piquenard, A., 31, 156, 
" Plan Financier," 41. 
Plato, 15. 

Plato's Republic, 10. 
Plutarch, 15. 
Populaire (newspaper), 18-25, 39» 

41. 
" Popular History of the French 

Revolutions," by Cabet, 18. 
Popular Tribune, 155. 
Principia Community, 181. 
Progressive Community, 182. 
Propaganda, 69, 93, 131. 
Pythagoras. 15. 

"Quelques Verite's," 160. 

Rappists, 21. 
Raynaud, Charles, 161. 
Red River, 23. 
Religion, 118. 
Republican Party, 120. 



Reunion Community, 179. 
Revolution, of 1789,4, 5. 
Revolution of 1830, 5, j t 14. 
Revolution of 1848, 5, 29. 
" Revue Icarienne," 76, 122, 158. 
Reybaud, " Socialistes Modernes," 

11. 
Rheims, Levi de, 32. 
Riots of 1877, 94. 
Ripley, George, 22. 
Robespierre, 4. 
Roumain, N. T., 185. 
Rousseau, 4, 15. 

Saint-Louis, 59, 67. 

Saint-Simon, 15. 

Saint-Simonism, 18, 156, 166. 

Sand, George, 167. 

Sargant's, " Robert Owen," 23 

Sauva, A., 9, 71, 72, 99, 102. 163. 

Schools, 50, 51, 69, 119. 

Sears, Charles, 179. 

Second French Republic, 30. 

Shakers, 177. 

Shreveport, 31, 32, 37. 

Smith, Joseph, 47. 

" Social Contract," 24, 53. 

Socrates, 15. 

"Speranza," 144, 167. 

Sulphur Prairie. 32. 

Tanguy, A., 165. 
Texas, 22, 23, 29 et seq. 
Thiers, 7. 

Voltaire, 4. 

" Voyage en Icarie," 10-17. 

War of the Rebellion, 81. 
Western Magazine, 121. 
Withdrawal, 54, 128, 131, 198. 

Young, Brigham, 47. 

Zoarite Community, 21. 



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