icgid

INDONESIA BACKGROUNDER:
HOW THE JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH

TERRORIST NETWORK OPERATES

1 1 December 2002

international
crisis group

Asia Report N°43
Jakarta/Brussels

TABLE OF CONTENTS

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY i

I. INTRODUCTION 1

II. JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH AND MMI: A REAPPRAISAL 3

III. THE CHRISTMAS EVE BOMBINGS 5

IV. THE CHRISTMAS EVE BOMBINGS IN MEDAN AND THE ACEH
CONNECTION 6

A. Acehand JI's Relationship with GAM Defectors 6

B. The Med an Bombings 9

C. The Pekanbaru, Riau Connection 12

V. THE LOMBOK-SUMBAWA CONNECTION 13

VI. THE WEST JAVA CHRISTMAS EVE BOMBS 15

VII. THE SULAWESI AND KALIMANTAN CONNECTION 18

VIII. JIHAD IN POSO AND MALUKU 19

A. Laskar Mujahidin in Maluku 19

B. Laskar Jundullah in Poso 20

C. Recruitment 21

D. Imam Samudra's Halaqah 22

E. Maluku's Importance to the JI Network 24

IX. CONCLUSION 25

APPENDICES

A. Partial List Of Bombings In Indonesia Attributed To Jemaah Islamiyah 27

B. Index Of Names And Organisations 30

C. Map Of Indonesia 38

D. About The International Crisis Group 39

E. ICG Reports And Briefing Papers 40

F. ICG Board Members 45

international
crisis group

ICG Asia Report N°43

11 December 2002

INDONESIA BACKGROUNDER:
HOW THE JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH TERRORIST NETWORK OPERATES

EXECUTIVE SUMMARY

As the Indonesian-led investigation proceeds, the
Bali attack on 12 October 2002 looks more and more
like the work of Jemaah Islamiyah (JI). But what
exactly is Jemaah Islamiyah and how does it
operate? It is one thing to describe, as many have by
now, a network of Islamic radicals extending across
Southeast Asia, led by Indonesian nationals, with a
loose structure characterised by four territorial
divisions known as mantiqis that cover peninsular
Malaysia and Singapore; Java; Mindanao, Sabah,
and Sulawesi; and Australia and Papua respectively.

It is another to get a feel for how people are drawn
into the network, what characteristics they share,
what motivates them, and what resources they can
draw on.

ICG examined earlier bombings in Indonesia linked
to JI to try to answer some of these questions. There
was no shortage of cases: JI has been linked to
dozens of deadly attacks across Indonesia, the
Philippines, and Malaysia from 1999 to the present.
ICG looked in particular, however, at the Christmas
Eve bombings of December 2000, in part because
they covered so much territory: more than 30 bombs
were delivered to churches or priests in eleven
Indonesian cities across six provinces, all wired to
explode around the same time. If we could
understand who the foot soldiers were from one end
of the country to the other, perhaps we could get a
better sense of JI as an organisation.

The report, therefore, takes the Christmas Eve
bombings in Medan, North Sumatra; Bandung and
Ciamis, West Java; and Mataram, Lombok, in Nusa
Tenggara Barat Province as a starting point. Using
trial documents, police information, and extensive
interviews, it examines the network linked to JI in

each area. Research for this report was conducted
over a two-month period by a team consisting of ICG
staff and consultants.

Several findings emerge:

□ JI does appear to operate through cells but with
a rather loosely organised and somewhat ad hoc
structure. The top strategists appear to be
proteges of Abdullah Sungkar, the co-founder
with Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, of Pondok Ngruki, a
pesantren (religious boarding school) in Central
Java, mostly Indonesian nationals living in
Malaysia, and veterans of the anti-Soviet
resistance or, more frequently, the post-Soviet
period in Afghanistan. A trusted second tier,
who share many of those characteristics, appear
to be assigned as field coordinators, responsible
for delivering money and explosives and for
choosing a local subordinate who can
effectively act as team leader of the foot
soldiers.

The bottom rung, the people who drive the cars,
survey targets, deliver the bombs, and most
often risk arrest, physical injury, or death, are
selected shortly before the attack is scheduled.
They are mostly young men from pesantrens
(religious boarding schools) or Islamic high
schools. The schools that provide the recruits
are often led by religious teachers with ties to
the Darul Islam rebellions of the 1950s or to
Pondok Ngruki.

□ Until the Bali attack, the motivation for
bombings appears to have been revenge for
massacres of Muslims by Christians in
Indonesia -Maluku, North Maluku, and Poso

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ICG Asia Report N°43, 11 December 2002

Page ii

(Central Sulawesi) where communal conflict
erupted in 1999 and 2000. With a few
exceptions, such as the attack on the residence
of the Philippine ambassador in Jakarta in
August 2000, the targets were mostly churches
and priests. Recruitment of foot soldiers was
often preceded by discussions about Maluku
and Poso or the showing of videos about the
killings taking place there. Those conflicts not
only served to give concrete meaning to the
concept of jihad, a key element of JI's ideology,
but also provided easily accessible places where
recruits could gain practical combat experience.

The U.S. -led war on terror now appears to have
replaced Maluku and Poso as the main object of
JI's wrath, especially as those conflicts have
waned, and the targeting in Bali of Westerners,
rather than Indonesian Christians, may be
indicative of that shift.

□ Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, now under arrest in a
police hospital in Jakarta, is the formal head of
Jemaah Islamiyah, but a deep rift has emerged
between him and the JI leadership in Malaysia,
who find him insufficiently radical. Ba'asyir
undoubtedly knows far more than he has been
willing to divulge about JI operations, but he is
unlikely to have been the mastermind of JI
attacks.

□ A curious link appears in the Medan Christmas
Eve bombing between the Acehnese close to JI
and Indonesian military intelligence, because
both are bitterly opposed to the Acehnese rebel
movement, Gerakan Aceh Merdeka or GAM.
This link needs to be explored more fully: it
does not necessarily mean that military
intelligence was working with JI, but it does
raise a question about the extent to which it
knew or could have found out more about JI
than it has acknowledged.

pooling of all information from across the
country and review of cases where "confessions"
were alleged to have been extracted under
torture.

□ Strengthen intelligence capacity and
coordination, but through a focus on the
Indonesian police, rather than on the National
Intelligence Agency (Badan Intelijen Nasional)
or the army.

□ Address corruption more seriously in the police,
army, and immigration service, with particular
attention to the trade in arms and explosives.

Jakarta/Brussels, 11 December 2002

This is a background report, containing more in the
nature of conclusions than familiar ICG
recommendations. But there are three courses of
action which the Indonesian government authorities
should, in the light of our findings, certainly now
pursue:

□ Reopen investigations into earlier bombings, with
international assistance if possible, as to an extent
is being done, but as a top priority and with a
new investigation strategy involving systematic

international
crisis group

ICG Asia Report N°43

11 December 2002

INDONESIA BACKGROUNDER:
HOW THE JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH TERRORIST NETWORK OPERATES

I. INTRODUCTION

The 12 October 2002 attacks in Bali that killed
almost 200 people were the most devastating of a
series of bombings across Indonesia and the
Philippines that have been attributed to Jemaah
Islamiyah (JI). JI, an organisation set up in Malaysia
by Indonesian nationals in the mid-1990s that has
links to al-Qaeda, has a network of supporters across
Indonesia, Malaysia, Singapore, and the southern
Philippines and has reached out to Muslim
organisations in Thailand and Burma. The oil-rich
state of Brunei may be within its sights as well as a
possible source of support or refuge.

This report follows -up an August 2002 briefing by
ICG, which examined the historical and intellectual
antecedents of people linked to JI. 1 That briefing
focused on the Darul Islam rebellions in Indonesia in
the 1950s and on the central role of a religious
boarding school in Solo, Central Java, called Pondok
Ngruki and its two founders, Abdullah Sungkar, now
dead, and Abu Bakar Ba'asyir. The exact nature of
the structure and organisation of JI in Indonesia
remained unclear.

In the months that followed, much was published
about JI, largely based on regional intelligence
sources.' Singapore's representative to the United
Nations, Kishore Mahbubani, summed up much of
the existing knowledge when Singapore in October
formally requested the committee set up under

ICG Indonesia Briefing, Al-Qaeda in Southeast Asia: The
Case of the "Ngruki Network" in Indonesia, 8 August 2002.

See, for example, "New Picture Emerges of Militant
Network in Southeast Asia - Jemaah Islamiyah Aided al-
Qaeda But Has Own Agenda: Islamic State," Asian Wall
Street Journal, 9 August 2002 and Tony Lopez "What is JI?"
Manila Times, 1 November 2002.

Security Council Resolution 1267 to add Jemaah
Islamiyah to its list of terrorist organisations
associated with al-Qaeda. 3 JI, the Singaporean
government said:

is a clandestine regional terrorist organisation
formed by the late Indonesian cleric Abdullah
Sungkar. On his death, the leadership {amir) of
the JI was assumed by another Indonesian,
Abu Bakar Bashir [sic]. The JI aims to set up a
pan-Islamic state in Southeast Asia . . . through
terrorist means and revolution. The JI
organisation consists of four districts or
territories (mantiqis) which are in turn made up
of several branches (wakalahs). The Singapore
JI is a wakalah level network under the
Malaysian JI mantiqi which was headed by
Hambali (a.k.a. Riduan Isamuddin) until the
latter half of 200 1 when he was wanted by the
Malaysian authorities in connection with
violence linked to the Kumpulan Militant
Malaysia (KMM). The Malaysian mantiqi
leadership position was then assumed by one
ustaz Mukhlas. 4

After the Bali bombings, international scrutiny of JI
increased but reporting tended to focus on the role
of Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, especially after his arrest in
mid-October; the whereabouts of top JI figure
Hambali; or the immediate circle of those suspected
of direct involvement in the attack.

ICG was interested in gaining a deeper
understanding of JI's network in Indonesia: who is
recruited and how, what motivates them, and what

Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Singapore, "MFA Press
Statement on the Request for Addition of Jemaah Islamiah to
List of Terrorists Maintained by the UN", 23 October 2002.
4 Ibid.

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Page 2

the relationship is between leaders and followers.
To do this, ICG looked more closely at one of JI's
major operations, the Christmas Eve bombings of
December 2000 in which the plan was for
explosions to go off at the same time in churches
across Indonesia.

While much information emerged on those issues
in the course of the research, ICG also made some
unexpected findings:

□ The hardliners within JI and the strategists of
its bombing campaigns have reportedly fallen
out with Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, whom they
consider insufficiently radical. He and some of
his closest followers were reportedly opposed
to the Bali bombings for tactical reasons.

□ The network in Indonesia on which JI can
draw extends geographically from Aceh in the
west to Sumbawa in the east, and probably
further to Flores. It includes alumni of Pondok
Ngruki, pesantrens led by Darul Islam-
affiliated kyai (religious leaders), veterans of
the conflicts in Maluku and Poso - but not
Laskar Jihad members - and veterans of
Afghanistan.

□ A few of the Acehnese who are close to the JI
leadership are also close to Indonesian
military intelligence. For historical and
political reasons, the interests of JI and
military intelligence intersect in Aceh because
both are opposed to the Acehnese rebel
movement, Gerakan Aceh Merdeka or GAM.

□ All the attention in 2001 to an "al-Qaeda
training camp" in Poso has obscured the fact
that JI members or sympathisers ran dozens of
camps throughout Indonesia, some of which
included foreign trainers. They were mostly
small operations involving a dozen or so
trainees at a time, who were taught use of
weapons and bomb-making as preparation for
fighting in Maluku and Poso.

□ The conflicts in Maluku and Poso were critical
to recruitment into JI and development of
combat experience and military skills. Indeed,
for at least two years, those conflicts may have
taken the place of Afghanistan and the
southern Philippines as training centres, not
just for Indonesian Islamic radicals but for
non-Indonesians linked to JI as well.

To the extent that those conflicts have cooled
down considerably, important questions arise:
does JI have the capacity to heat them up? As
the Maluku and Poso conflicts wane, has
targeting of Westerners replaced the targeting
of Indonesian Christians, a characteristic of JI
operations throughout 2000 and 2001? And
where will JI's next training ground of choice
be located?

The quick and credible results produced thus
far by the team of Indonesian and international
investigators working on the Bali case, in
particular the arrests of Amrozi (on 5
November 2002); Abdul Aziz alias Imam
Samudra (on 21 November 2002); Ali Gufron
alias Muchlas (on 3 December 2002) and
more than a dozen others, have done much to
convince a sceptical Indonesian public that
home-grown radicals were involved in the
Bali killings. On 28 November 2002, I Made
Pastika, the police general heading the Bali
inquiry, said the results "should put to rest
widespread doubts about whether JI exists in
Indonesia". 5

"Jamaah Islamiyah operating in Indonesia: Police", Jakarta
Post, 30 November 2002

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II. JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH AND MMI: A
REAPPRAISAL

Abdullah Sungkar, the co-founder with Abu Bakar
Ba'asyir of Pondok Ngruki, started Jemaah Islamiyah
in Malaysia around 1995. 6 It was an ideological
hybrid. The influence of Egyptian Islamist radicalism
was strong, in terms of organisational structure,
secrecy, and the mission of jihad. The Darul Islam
rebellions of the 1950s remained an important
inspiration but there was a pronounced anti-Christian
tinge to JI teachings that was uncharacteristic of
Darul Islam. People close to Abdullah Sungkar
attribute this to his long association with the
Indonesian Islamic Propagation Council (Dewan
Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia or DDE) that one
scholar noted had "an almost paranoid obsession
with Christian missionary efforts as a threat to Islam
and an increasingly strong orientation towards the
Middle East, notably Saudi Arabia". 7

A student of Sungkar' s said he frequently compared
the struggle of Muslims in Indonesia to that of the
Prophet in Mecca. Just as the Prophet had had to
adopt a strategy of working in secret, so any attempt
to struggle openly for an Islamic state was likely to
be crushed by the enemies of Islam. 8 Sungkar' s
teachings were promoted through not only JI but also
the pesantren or religious school he helped found in
Malaysia called Pondok Pesantren Luqmanul
Hakiem in Johor. Amrozi, the Bali bombing suspect,
was a student at this school, which he acknowledged

Since the 1970s, Abdullah Sungkar had preached the need
for a new organisation that could work more effectively to
achieve an Islamic state, and he called this organisation
Jama ah Islamiyah. Key elements were recruitment,
education, obedience, and jihad. But there were arguments
and debates within the Darul Islam movement about who
should lead the new organisation and where it fit within the
movement more generally. See Muhamad Nursalim, Faksi
Abdullah Sungkar Dalam Gerakan Nil Era Orde Baru, thesis
to meet the requirements of S2 (Master's Degree) at
Universitas Muhammadiyah Solo, 2001. The JI formed in
Malaysia followed a dispute within the Darul Islam
leadership when Sungkar broke with an Indonesia-based DI
leader named Ajengan Masduki. The new JI appears to have
been a much more tightly structured organisation than
anything Sungkar was involved in in the past, but very much
based on his teachings.

7 Martin van Bruinessen, "Geneaologies of Islamic Radicalism
in Post-Suharto Indonesia", ISDVI and Utrecht University,
2002,p. 3. See www.let.uu.nl/~martin.vanbruinessen/personal.

8 ICG interview, Jakarta, 28 November 2002.

was as a JI institution. 9 In his interrogation
deposition, Abu Bakar Ba'asyir said that Malaysian
authorities accused the pesantren of having a
Wahabist orientation. 1 °

When Abdullah Sungkar died in November 1999,
shortly after his return to Indonesia, Ba'asyir was
named his successor as head of JI. But many of
Sungkar' s Indonesian recruits, particularly the more
militant younger ones, were very unhappy with the
idea of Ba'syir taking over. This younger group
reportedly included Riduan Isamuddin alias
Hambali; Abdul Aziz alias Imam Samudra, arrested
in West Java on 21 November 2002; Ali Gufron
alias Muchlas (the older brother of Amrozi, a key
suspect in the Bali bombings, arrested on 3
December; and Abdullah Anshori, alias Abu Fatih,
among others. They saw Ba'asyir as too weak, too
accommodating, and too easily influenced by
others."

The split worsened when Ba'asyir, together with
Irfan Awwas Suryahardy and Mursalin Dahlan, both
Muslim activists and former political prisoners,
founded the Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI) in
August 2000. n According to the radicals, the concept
of MMI diverged from Abdullah Sungkar' s aims. For
one thing, they felt it betrayed Sungkar' s ijtihad
politik or political analysis that JI should remain
underground until the time was ripe to move toward
an Islamic state. Abu Bakar Ba'asyir argued that the
post-Soeharto openness offered opportunities; not to
take advantage of them was not just wrong, it was
sinful.

The radicals retorted that the political system might
be more open, but it was still controlled by infidels.
They were upset that MMI welcomed representatives
of Muslim political parties working for Islamic law,
because according to Sungkar' s teachings, any

9 " Hasil Interogasi Terhadap Tersangka M. Rozi al. Amrozi
al. Chairul Anom sampai dengan jam 13:30 WIB Tanggal 6
Nopember 2002," p. 2

1(1 Questioning of Abu Bakar Ba'asyir by Indonesian police
intelligence, 2002 (copy obtained by ICG, with date and
name of investigator removed).

11 ICG interviews, Surabaya, 7 and 9 November 2002.

12 Irfan Suryahardy has been close to Ba'asyir since the early
1980s when he was the editor of a Muslim newsletter in
Yogyakarta. He was arrested by the Soeharto government on
subversion charges. Mursalin Dahlan is a Muslim preacher
who is the head of the West Java branch of a small Islamic
political party, Partai Umat Islam.

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Page 4

accommodation with a non-Islamic political system
could contaminate the faithful and was forbidden.

It was anathema to Sungkar's devotees when Fuad
Amsyari, secretary of the religious council of MMI,
suggested it was better to work for Islamic law
through the Indonesian parliament and voting for
candidates of Muslim parties than to abstain (golput)
in Indonesian elections. The radicals' anger deepened
when Ba'asyir brought a lawsuit against the
Singaporean government earlier this year, because it
suggested the legitimacy of a non-Islamic legal
system. 13

(The philosophy of the radicals may be gleaned from
examining a website that Imam Samudra told
reporters reflected the ideas behind JI's struggle.) 14

After the Omar al-Faruq confession appeared in
Time magazine in September 2002, MMI-JI held
several meetings in quick succession in which
Ba'asyir argued strenuously that bombings and the
armed struggle for an Islamic state should be put on
hold for the time being because they would have
negative repercussions for the movement 15

MMI reportedly called meetings with its JI members
in the Perak area of Surabaya; Lamongan; and
Mojokerto, among other places, to discuss the
possibility of bombings and argue that the moment
was not ripe to go forward because the U.S. and
Indonesia acting in concert could crack down on
Muslim activists. It was not that Ba'asyir disagreed
with violence as a tactic. He was concerned that the
timing was wrong.

Ba'asyir's advice went down poorly among JI
members, and while they continued to show respect
and acknowledge him as de jure head of JI, the
radicals began searching for new leaders closer to

their way of thinking. The focus on Abu Bakar
Ba'asyir, who remains under arrest in a police
hospital in Jakarta, may be somewhat misleading.
He almost certainly has deep knowledge of the JI
network and how it operates, and he almost certainly
had prior knowledge of some of the bombings that
have taken place in Indonesia. He is unlikely,
however, to have been the mastermind.

ICG interview, Surabaya 7 November 2002.

14 The website, www.istimata.com, was recommended by
Samudra in an interview published in "15 Menit Bersama
Imam Samudra", Kompas, 5 December 2002.

1 5 ICG interviews, Surabaya, 7 November 2002, and Solo, 26
November 2002; also see "Confessions of an al-Qaeda
Terrorist", Time, 23 September 2002. Al-Faruq, allegedly a
Kuwaiti national (although the Kuwaiti government denied
he was a citizen), is a senior al-Qaeda operative who lived in
Indonesia for several years and apparently was active
creating or supporting JI cells in Indonesia and the
Philippines. As of December 2002, he was in U.S. custody,
reportedly at Bagram Air Force Base in Afghanistan.

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Page 5

III. THE CHRISTMAS EVE BOMBINGS

there, for Medan; Imam Samudra for Batam, and
Enjang Bastaman alias Jabir for Bandung. 1 7

The Christmas Eve bombings of December 2000 are
important to study as an example of the JI network's
reach. While the professionalism involved in making
and delivering the bombs was far lower than the Bali
bombing, the coordination was impressive. The
network ensured that bombs were delivered on
Christmas Eve to 38 churches or priests in eleven
cities: Jakarta, Bekasi, Bandung, Sukabumi, Ciamis,
and Mojokerto, all on Java; Medan, Pematang
Siantar, and Pekanbaru on Sumatra; Batam, the
island off the coast of Sumatra close to Singapore;
and Mataram on the island of Lombok, east of Bali.
Nineteen people were killed, and some 120 wounded.

The bombs that worked exploded between 8:30 and
10 p.m., with most going off around 9 p.m. Several
were duds, including ten of the eleven delivered in
North Sumatra, and others were defused by police.
Bombs exploded prematurely in Bandung and
Ciamis, West Java, killing some of the plotters. The
materials used for explosives were similar across the
country. A full list of the bombsites is at Appendix
A.

From interrogation of some of the suspects at the
time, police concluded that young Islamic radicals
linked to the movement to establish an Islamic state
(Negara Islam Indonesia or Nil) were involved and
that the motivation was to create terror among
Christians. An investigation by journalists from the
newsweekly Tempo, however, suggested that the
motivation was to take revenge on Christians for the
killing of Muslims in Maluku. 16 Both were partly
right, but there was no hint at the time of a link to
Jemaah Islamiyah or the network around Pondok
Ngruki.

It was only much later, through the interrogations of
JI detainees in Singapore and Malaysia, and of Omar
al-Faruq at Bagram Airforce Base (Afghanistan), that
the involvement of JI came to light. It is now
believed that plans for the bombings were finalised in
October 2000 in a meeting in Kuala Lumpur, with
different JI operatives assigned parts of the plan:
Hambali was primarily responsible for Jakarta, Yazid
Sufaat, a JI leader in Malaysia and now in detention

"Cerita dari Mosaik Bomb Natal," Tempo, 25 February
2001,pp.60-80.

Faiz bin Abubakar Bafana, a Malaysian JI member
who grew up in Jakarta and is now detained in
Singapore, and Hambali reportedly purchased the
explosives in Manila for MR 180,000 (about
US$47,000).

Bafana, in his interrogation deposition, said that
sometime in November 2000, he met with Hambali
who ordered him to go to Pondok Ngruki in Solo. At
a small hotel in Pasar Klewer, Solo, Hambali and
Bafana met with Ba'asyir and Zulkifli Marzuki, the
JI secretary, to discuss three things: a regular
monthly contribution of MR4,000 (US.$ 1,055) that
Ba'asyir had requested for the high school
associated with Ngruki; attacks on American
interests in Singapore; and plans for the Christmas
Eve bombings. 18

Faiz Bafana returned to Singapore after the meeting,
while Hambali went on to Jakarta. The key figures,
including Hambali, Faiz Bafana, and Imam Samudra,
met again in Kuala Lumpur before Christmas Eve. 19
A police print-out of telephone traffic shows regular
cell phone communication among Hambali, Imam
Samudra, and Jabir in the weeks before Christmas
Eve.

One week before the Christmas Eve bombings, a
meeting took place at the Hotel Alia on Jalan
Matraman in Jakarta. Among those attending,
according to one person present, were JI leader Abu
Fatih, Agus Dwikarna, Hambali, Zulkifli, and five
representatives of the Darul Islam movement.. 20 The
discussion focused on hatred of Christians, but,
according to one of those present, there was no
discussion of any plan for a nationwide bombing
operation. 21 No one was ever arrested for the

17 Dian Intannia, "Ba'asyir Restui Bob Natal", detik.com, 29
October 2002.

18 Surat Pernyataan, Faiz Bin Abu Bakar Bafana, a
deposition taken at the Indonesian embassy in Singapore on
4 September 2002, N°6006/KONS/LEG/0902.

19 Dian Intannia, op. cit.

20 Agus Dwikarna, a businessman from Makassar, also led
Laskar Jundullah, an armed force that reportedly deployed
fighters to the conflicts in Poso, Central Sulawesi, and
Maluku. He was detained in the Philippines in March 2002;
Omar al-Faruq' s telephone number was found on his cell
phone.

21 ICG interview, Jakarta, 21 November 2002.

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Page 6

Mataram or Pekanbaru bombings. Of the three
people arrested in Medan, two were not involved in
the bombings but overheard discussions about them.
The third was tortured into a confession about
making the timers for the bombs that may or may not
be true; in any case, he was a minor figure. Jabir, the
man who led the Bandung operation and was a close
friend of Hambali's, was killed when the bomb he
was supervising went off prematurely. One of those
caught in West Java knew that Jabir and Hambali
were part of a secret political organisation; the others
were brought in through personal ties to local people
and almost certainly had no inkling of the larger
network.

ICG took a closer look at the bombings in Sumatra,
West Java, and Lombok to see what additional
information could be gleaned about how JI operates.

IV. THE CHRISTMAS EVE BOMBINGS
IN MEDAN AND THE ACEH
CONNECTION

JI's linkages and affiliations throughout Sumatra may
be more complex than anywhere else in Indonesia,
and in Aceh, they intersect with individuals and
organisations long associated with Indonesian
intelligence.

One only has to look at a map to see how Sumatra
becomes the way station for people going to and
from peninsular Malaysia. Malaysia-bound workers
coming by bus from Java first stop in Pekanbaru,
capital of Riau province, then catch local
transportation to Dumai or Tanjung Pinang, from
which they cross the Strait of Malacca to Johor. It is
no coincidence that suspected Bali bomber Imam
Samudra was on a Pekanbaru-bound bus when he
was arrested on 21 November 2002.

Batam Island, just off the coast of Singapore, is a
smuggling haven; it is also where many Acehnese
sell marijuana in exchange for goods, including arms.

Lampung, in southern Sumatra, had a strong Darul
Islam movement in the 1970's, led by Abdul Qadir
Baraja, a Pondok Ngruki teacher and close associate
of Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, who was present at the
founding congress of Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia.
Way Jepara in Lampung was also the site of what
was effectively a satellite school of Pondok Ngruki
that in 1989 became the focus of a bloody clash with
the Indonesian armed forces. 22

A. Acehand JI's Relationship with
GAM Defectors

And then there is Aceh. Aceh is a source of arms and
explosives because of its separatist conflict, and
there is a well-trodden path back and forth from
Aceh through Batam to Singapore and through
Medan and Riau to Malaysia for people and money
transfers. More importantly, Aceh is where, in a
bizarre way, the interests of JI and the Indonesian
military intersect because both oppose GAM. 23

See ICG Briefing, Al-Qaeda in Southeast Asia, op. cit, pp.
15-16.

23 Gerakan Aceh Merdeka (GAM), the Free Aceh Movement,
has been fighting for an independent Aceh since 1976.

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Historically, JI's links to Aceh are to the Darul Islam
rebellion there (1953-1962) and to its leader,
Teungku (Tgk.) Daud Beureueh, and his associates. 24
Unlike the leaders of the Darul Islam rebellions in
West Java and South Sulawesi, Beureueh was
allowed to return to civilian life after his surrender
and remained a venerated figure in Aceh until his
death in 1987.

All Acehnese see Daud Beureueh as a hero. But if
GAM regards him as the pioneer of the Aceh
independence movement, JI leaders consider him the
champion of an Islamic state. Members of the Darul
Islam movement consider the West Javanese rebel
leader, Sekarmadji Kartosuwirjo, to have been the
first imam of the Islamic State of Indonesia (Negara
Islam Indonesia or Nil). As he was dying in 1962,
Kartosuwirjo reportedly named Daud Beureueh as
Nil's second imam. Daud Beureueh, in turn, named
Abu Hasbi Geudong, an Acehnese who had fought
alongside him, as his successor.

Geudong 's son, Teungku Fauzi Hasbi, a GAM
defector regarded as a traitor by the current GAM
leadership, divides his time between Medan, Jakarta,
and Kuala Lumpur and meets regularly with the
Jemaah Islamiyah leadership in Malaysia. He says
he treats Hambali like a son. Most extraordinarily
for a man with links to the JI leadership, he has also
been close to the Indonesian army special forces
(Kopassus) since he first surrendered in 1979 to then
Kopassus officer First Lieutenant Syafrie
Sjamsuddin - now Major General Sjamsuddin,
spokesman for Indonesian military headquarters. 25

The links between the Hasbi family and the leaders
of Jemaah Islamiyah go back to the 1970s. Abu
Hasbi Geudong and his wife hosted the East
Javanese Darul Islam leader Haji Ismail Pranoto
(Hispran) at their home in 1973 or 1974 when the
latter went to Aceh to obtain Daud Beureueh' s
blessing for a revival of Darul Islam. Daud Beureueh,
as imam, reportedly personally endorsed Hispran' s
induction of Abu Bakar Ba'asyir and Abdullah

Sungkar into Darul Islam in 1976, although he never
met them directly.

26

Tgk is an abbreviation for the Acehnese honorific
Teungku, usually denoting a religious leader. For more on
Darul Islam, see ICG Briefing, Al-Qaeda in Southeast Asia,
op. cit. Although initially quite separate from Darul Islam,
Daud Beureueh's movement later affiliated with the Darul
Islam movement based in West Java and South Sulawesi.
25 ICG interviews, Jakarta, 25 and 28 November 2002.

That same year, Hasan di Tiro declared the
independence of Aceh and created GAM, a
movement that many Darul Islam veterans, and sons
of veterans, enthusiastically joined. Abu Hasbi
Geudong, his wife Chadijah, and his two sons,
Muchtar and Fauzi, were among them.

After his arrest, Fauzi Hasbi reportedly became an
informer for the army and in 1979 was given an
assignment by Soeharto's internal security agency,
Kopkamtib 21 The Indonesian army intensified
operations in Aceh, and in 1980, Muchtar Hasbi, by
then GAM's vice-president, was killed by
Kopassus troops in an operation that to this day the
GAM leadership believes was made possible by
Fauzi Hasbi 's treachery. (Other ICG sources
strenuously deny this.)

Hasan di Tiro fled to Singapore, and then to
Mozambique. Dr. Husaini Hasan, who had been
Hasan di Tiro's chief of staff, fled to Penang and then
to Kuala Lumpur. Both di Tiro and Husaini Hasan
were eventually granted political asylum in Sweden,
but tensions soon broke out between them. 28

Abu Hasbi Geudong was imprisoned from late 1979
to 1982. In 1983, he took part in a series of
discussions in central Java on how to counter
Soeharto's repression of Islam. Among those in
attendance were Fikiruddin (Abu Jjibril), now
detained in Malaysia, and one of the men later
convicted in the Borobodur bombings of 1985. 29 In

* ICG communication with associate of Daud Beureueh, 28
November 2002. Haji Ismail Pranoto was accused by the
Soeharto government of being the head of Komando Jihad.
27 "Saya Memang Dekat TNI", Tempo, 4 March 2001, p. 35.
Hasbi denies that he was an informer but says the military
requested his assistance to help maintain security in Aceh.
"' The tensions apparently related to opportunities for
training in Libya. According to Fauzi Hasbi's account,
Husaini made contact with Libya and learned that military
training was being offered there for would-be Muslim
separatists. There was a choice of six -month, eight-month, or
twelve-month training, and each trainee received a cash
payment of U.S. $5,000 on completion of the course. Husaini
and the people around him wanted to send more educated
people, Hasan di Tiro was worried that if educated people
were sent, they might think for themselves and challenge di
Tiro's rule. ICG interview, 25 November 2002.
29 See Laporan Khusus Nomor R/19/Lapsus/Pulak/V/1985
tentang Hasil Pengungkapan Kegiatan Eka Dalam Kasus
Peledakan Bus Pemudi Expres di Banyuwangi Tanggal, 16
Maret 1985.

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1984, after a few months in Sulawesi, he moved to
Singapore where he shared a house with Malik
Mahmud, currently prime minister of GAM.

30

From there he was invited to Sweden to serve as
advisor to the exiled leadership (some say to help
reconcile differences that had already emerged
between Hasan di Tiro and Husaini).

But ideological difference quickly emerged. Abu
Hasbi Geudong was thoroughly Darul Islam, and,
according to his son, Hasan di Tiro's aims of re-
establishing an Acehnese sultanate went counter to
the idea ofRepublik Islam Aceh (RIA), the Acehnese
Islamic Republic, that the Darul Islam people saw as
the Acehnese component of an Indonesian Islamic
State. 31

In later 1984, after a war of words with Hasan di
Tiro, according to Hasbi, Abu Hasbi Geudong and
his wife moved to Malaysia. Their move preceded
the flight there of Abu Bakar Ba'asyir and Abdullah
Sungkar, but the four became neighbors in Negeri
Sembilan State in 1985. Sometime in the mid-1990s,
the then-governor of Aceh invited Abu Hasbi to
return. He did so, and eventually died in Jakarta in
1993.

In 1999, Hasan di Tiro suffered a stroke in Sweden,
and Dr. Husaini Hasan tried to assert his leadership
of GAM. The rift between the two came into the
open, and Dr. Husaini established a breakaway
faction called Majelis Pemerintahan or MP-GAM.
Since then, the Indonesian government has tried to
work with MP-GAM in a variety of different ways to
undermine the "real" GAM loyal to Hasan di Tiro.
MP-GAM has also served as a banner under which a
number of Acehnese unhappy with Hasan di Tiro can
gather.

One of these is Teuku (Tk.) Idris Mahmud, a man
whose name comes up repeatedly as a member of JI
in Malaysia and was most recently mentioned by
Amrozi, the Bali bombings suspect, as someone who
regularly participated in meetings with Hambali and
JI's inner core. 32 Idris, who is in his late 50' s,

In Sulawesi, he stayed with Sanusi Daris just before he
was arrested; Sanusi had been Kahar Muzakkar's defense
minister in the South Sulawesi Darul Islam rebellion.

31 ICG interview, 25 November 2002.

32 Teuku is another Acehnese honorific, not to be confused
with Teungku, denoting a religious scholar. Tk. Idris is not
the same as another Indonesian named Idris from Medan,
who is being sought in connection with the Bali bombings. A

reportedly spent over a year in the southern
Philippines and now lives in Malaysia. The way
Indonesian politics works, Tk. Idris's disaffection
with the "real" GAM does not necessarily mean that
he is an army intelligence plant within JI, although
GAM has alleged just that. 3 3

Several sources told ICG separately, however, that
Tk. Idris is a protege of another GAM defector
named Arjuna. Arjuna is a Libyan-trained GAM
fighter from Aceh Pidie whose entire family was
reportedly wiped out by Indonesian security forces
during the army's counterinsurgency operations of
the mid-1990s. He reportedly fled to Malaysia in
1998, joined forces with the Husaini faction there
led by another former GAM member, Don Zulfahri,
and began working with Indonesian officials in
1999. 34 (Zulfahri was gunned down in broad
daylight in Kuala Lumpur in June 2000 in a murder
that MP-GAM attributed to di Tiro's people. 35 )

An ICG source in Jakarta said that the Acehnese
Golkar notable and former head of the National Rice
Logistics Agency, Bustanil Arifin, began supplying
funds to Arjuna and other former GAM members, to
set them up in retail trading businesses and attract
other GAM members away from rebellion.

But despite his ties to the Indonesian government,
Fauzi Hasbi has maintained close ties with Jemaah
Islamiyah and its international network. In late 1999,
when Ba'asyir as head of Jemaah Islamiyah called a
meeting at the International Islamic University
(Universiti Islam Antarabangsa) in Malaysia to set
up the International Mujahidin Association
(Rabitatul Mujahidin or RM), Fauzi Hasbi was
invited. 36 He had a separate meeting in his hotel with

police sketch of this Idris, showing a heavyset man with
droopy eyelids, has been widely circulated.

33 According to Sofyan Daud, a GAM spokesman, Idris was
a former GAM member who went over to the faction of
Arjuna, an MP-GAM member with close ties to the army.
See "GAM Bantah Terlibat Jaringan Mujahidin," Koran
Tempo, 21 October 2002.

34 "What is the Free Aceh Movement?", Inside Indonesia, 25
November 1999. Fauzi Hasbi named Arjuna as one of his
followers in a 1999 interview. See "Kami Akan Berperang
Melawan Hasan Tiro", Tajuk, Vol. 2, N°21, p.34.

35 Free Acheh Movement in Europe, "Condolences on the
Assassination of Teuku Don Zulfahri", signed by Dr.
Husaini Hasan, 1 June 2000.

36 Present in addition to Abu Bakar Ba'asyir, according to
another person who was there, were the JI inner core of
Hambali, Abu Fatih, Ustadz Muklas, A. Umar, Aziz Kahar
Muzakkar, Ali AT. and Hasan Kamal; Agus Dwikarna and

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Abu Bakar Ba'asyir and the MILF representative,
Abu Huraerah. 37 His son also attended the two
subsequent meetings of RM in Malaysia.

On 15 December 1999, Hasbi met Omar al-Faruq in
Aceh, together with a man named Husein from Saudi
Arabia. He did not meet with Osama bin Laden' s
deputy, Egyptian doctor Ayman al-Zawaheri, when
the latter went to Aceh in June 2000, but spoke with
him on the telephone. In August 2000, Fauzi Hasbi' s
son represented the Front Mujahidin Aceh at the first
congress of Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia in
Yogyakarta, and Fauzi himself took part in a follow-
up meeting in Ciputat, South Jakarta, three months
later. Fauzi Hasbi' s telephone number was found on
the handphone of Akim, one of the would-be
bombers killed in the premature explosion of the
Christmas Eve bombs in Bandung, and on the
telephone of one of the people convicted in the
Christmas Eve bombings in Medan. 3 8

Fauzi Hasbi considers himself very close to Agus
Dwikarna, and was with him in Makassar shortly
before he left on his ill-fated trip to Mindano in
March 2002, after which Dwikarna was arrested by
Philippine police and charged with illegal possession
of explosives.

And yet, Hasbi maintained regular communication
with Major General Syafrie Sjamsuddin as recently
as 2000 and is known to be close to National
Intelligence Agency head Hendropriyono. 39 An
army intelligence officer interviewed by ICG had

Tamsil Linrung; Eri Djunaidy, Lamkaruna Putra (Fauzi
Hasbi' s son), and Faturrahman from Republik Islam Aceh;
Tk. Idris, and his younger brother, Tgk. Muhammed from
MP-GAM; a man known as Abu Huraerah from the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front; Ustadz Salim Ullah, another
Afghanistan veteran, from the Rohingya Solidarity
Organisation; Nik Adli and one other man from PAS,
Malaysia; Abu Hafiz Ismael and one other man from PULO,
Thailand; a Darul Islam representive from Indonesia;and
Nurul Islam from the Arakanese Rohingya Nationalist
Organisation (ARNO). The latter four, according to the ICG
source, were opposed to the use of violence. ICG interview,
Jakarta, 21 November 2002. Faiz bin Abu Bakar Bafana told
Singaporean authorities that the first meeting of RM took
place in his house in Selangor but that may have been just
before or after the university meeting for a more select
group. As far as we know, Fauzi Hasbi did not attend the
gathering at Bafana' s house.

37 ICG Interview, Jakarta, 9 December 2002.

38 "Cerita dari Mosaik" op. cit.

39 "Fauzi Hasbi Geudong: Saya Memang DekatTNL" Tempo,
4 March 2001.

Hasbi 's number programmed into his cell phone and
called him in ICG's presence on 22 November 2002.

B. The Me d a n Bombings

With the depth of bad blood between the "real"
GAM and JI's Acehnese connections, it is curious
that the three people convicted of the Christmas Eve
bombings in Medan all have ties to the "real" GAM.
Two, Ligadinsyah alias Lingga, and Fadli alias
Akim, were not involved in any meaningful way in
the bombings. The third, Edi Sugiyarto, readily
admitted doing work for GAM but also had a long
history of Kopassus ties, and when his wife was
asked at his trial to name some of his friends, all
those she named were army officers. The three are
currently serving sentences at Tanjung Gusta Prison
in Medan.

Edi Sugiarto, whom ICG was able to interview in
prison, is a mechanic of mixed Javanese-Acehnese
ethnicity, who once operated an auto and electronics
repair shop or bengkel in Uleeglee, Pidie. The shop
became well known as a gathering place for
Kopassus forces throughout the period of intensive
counter-insurgency operations from 1990-1998
when Aceh was effectively declared a combat zone
(daerah operasi militer or DOM). Indonesian army
personnel also took their walkie-talkies and radios
there for repair.

Edi, whether voluntarily or under threat, began to
use the cover of his repair work to inform GAM of
radio frequenciesso it could monitor military
conversations. He went out of his way to boast to
ICG of having been called in by the late commander
of GAM forces, Abdullah Syafi'ie, and asked to
repair the radio equipment at the main GAM base.
He was eventually so intimidated - according to one
source by GAM, according to Edi, by the military
who sent a letter in the name of GAM threatening to
kill him - that he fled to Medan in 1998 and set up a
new repair shop there.

Prosecutors accused Edi of making the fourteen
bombs used in the Christmas Eve bombings attempts
and receiving Rp.2 million (approximately
U.S.$200) for each bomb. 40 In August 2001, he was

The others named as co-conspirators were Zukarnaini,
Iswandi, Herianto, Tgk. Iskandar, Ayah Muda, Syaiful, and
Marzuki. See "Perakit Bom Dituntut Hukuman Mati",
Kompas, 17 April 2001 and "Perakit Bom Natal Divonis 11
Tahun", Kompas, 15 August 2001.

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sentenced to eleven years in prison, minus time
served. Edi told ICG that while he did indeed make
remote controls and timers for GAM bombs in the
past, he was a mechanic, not an explosives expert,
and could only make the mechanical parts of bombs.
Furthermore, he said, he was so badly tortured
during interrogation that he would have confessed to
anything, and in fact, no one had asked him to make
any part of the fourteen bombs, and he had not done
so. 41 According to his lawyer, he was tortured with
electric shocks to his genitals and beatings so severe
that he has lost the hearing in one ear.

But the testimony of Ligadinsyah alias Lingga, one
of the others convicted, was damaging. At the time
of his arrest, Lingga, now 40 years old, was the
deputy commander of the "real" GAM for Central
Aceh (Takengon) and well known to Indonesian
authorities. 42

Lingga testified that a GAM friend of his named
Polem - an unhelpful appellation because it simply
means elder brother in Acehnese - from the village
of Pasar Teupin Punti, Samtalirah Aron subdistrict, in
Lhokseumawe, North Aceh, had introduced him to
Edi in early December 2000. According to Lingga,
Polem, who also used the aliases Iswandi and
Herianto and whose real name never emerged, was
entrusted by GAM to purchase weapons and
explosives and was a go-between for GAM and other
parties around Central Aceh, North Aceh, and
Pidie. 43 If this is true, it is possible that Polem could
have been the contact with JI, and that no one else in
GAM save Lingga, knew about, let alone sanctioned,
the bombings.

Lingga said he had wanted Edi's help in making a
remote control device for a bomb that he wanted to
use in Central Aceh. He said that Polem told him
later in the month that he had ordered fourteen timers

41 ICG interview, Medan, 22 November 2002.

42 In 1986, he left Aceh for Malaysia and worked there for
about a year before leaving for Tripoli. He spent six months
in Libya, divided between studying at al-Fatah University in
Tripoli and some military training, and returned to Aceh in
July 1988. In August 1990, he was arrested in Takengon
during the first wave of the Indonesian army's
counterinsurgency operations. (See Human Rights Watch,
"Indonesia: Continuing Human Rights Violations in Aceh",
19 June 1991, p. 23.) He was only released after President
Soeharto's resignation, in an amnesty granted by Soeharto's
successor, B.J. Habibie, and he immediately returned to an
active role within GAM.

43 Kepolisian Daerah Sumatera Utara, Direktorat Reserse,
Berita Acara Pemeriksaan Ligadinsyah, 10 January 2001, p. 2.

and remotes from Edi and that Edi had finished
making them all between 18 and 22 December 2000.
Polem himself supplied the explosives and arranged
for them to be delivered in cookie tins. (In his signed
interrogation deposition, Edi says that Polem told
him that GAM wanted to blow up churches in Medan
and Pekanbaru to cause riots.) 44

Lingga said that he, Polem, and Edi had met in
Akim's house on 5 January 2001, and Edi explained
that there must have been a technical problem since
only one bomb exploded. (Edi in his "confession"
told the court that he had deliberately wired the
timers so the bombs would not go off.) 45 There is no
indication from the court documents that Lingga had
any involvement with ordering, making, or delivering
the Christmas Eve bombs. He was sentenced to four
and half years in prison.

Akim alias Fadli was the third man convicted. Now
43, he was a small-time ganja (marijuana) and arms
dealer, whose relation with Edi, Polim, and Lingga
was strictly business. Polem ordered weapons from
Akim for use by GAM in Aceh.

The transaction itself is a fascinating example of
underworld commerce. Polem ordered weapons.
Akim gave another man, named Isa, ten kilograms of
ganja to sell in Batam. Isa, who was a regular buyer
of Akim's ganja, traded it for a rifle but was afraid to
bring it to Medan, so he and Akim sent a retired
soldier to pick it up. Akim contacted Polem at a hotel
in Medan when the ex-soldier came back with the
gun, and everyone gathered at Isa's house to inspect
it. Akim got a Rp.300,000 (U.S.$30) commission
from Polem on the Rp. 6 million (U.S. $600) deal and
gave half to Isa.

Akim's only connection to the affair was that he
overheard a conversation between Polem and Edi
about bombs on 21 December 2000, just before
Christmas Eve, at a restaurant frequented by GAM
supporters. He was eventually convicted on charges
of selling ganja.

Polem is the key figure of the three, and it is not
clear what happened to him. Lingga acknowledged
not only that Polem was close to GAM, but that

Kepolisian Daerah Sumatera Utara, Direktorat Reserse,
Berita Acara Pemeriksaan Tambahan tersangka Edy Sugiharto
[sic] 13 January 2001.

45 Kepolisian Daerah Sumatera Utara, Direktorat Reserse,
Berita Acara Pemeriksaan Saksi Ir. Ligadinsyah alias Lingga
alias Azis, 10 January 2001, p. 2.

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Polem's followers (anak buah) had stolen explosives
from Exxon Mobil that Lingga was planning to use
to make the bomb for Central Aceh. 46 Edi Sugiarto
told ICG that Polem, who used the name "Herianto"
when he made telephone calls but whose KTP (local
identity card) was in the name of Iswandi, was a
businessman who owned a shrimp farm in Kuala
Serapu, Tanjung Pura, owned two trucks for
longhaul trucking, and went back and forth between
Pekanbaru, Batam, Aceh, and Medan.

Sometime shortly before Indonesia's National Day
on 17 August 2000, but according to Edi, Polem
asked if Edi could keep some money for him. Edi
did not have a bank account, so he turned the money
over to Ramli, an Acehnese who runs a small
restaurant called Arwana, known in Medan as a
GAM gathering place. Polem gave him Rp.120
million (U.S.$ 12,000), then 40 million (U.S.$4,000),
then 600 million (U.S.$60,000), then another Rp.120
million (U.S. $120,000), all in quick succession.

He said Ramli used some of the first tranche to go
to Malaysia. 47 In his testimony at Edi's trial, Ramli
said he had known Edi for ten years in Uleeglee,
and it was Edi who introduced him to Polem in
about September/October 2000.

When he turned over the money to Edi, Polem said,
"We're going to make a big surprise" to aid the
independence struggle in Aceh, but he did not say
what it was. 48

As part of its investigation into the Christmas Eve
bombings, Tempo magazine reporters obtained police
records of telephone traffic involving some of the
key players in the three months before the
bombings. 49 Those records show Polem calling Edi
Sugiarto 21 times and Edi Sugiarto calling Fauzi
Hasbi seven times. Edi said he never talked to Hasbi
but Polem had borrowed his telephone. There is also
one call to Fauzi Hasbi from Ramli, but Ramli
testified that he had never had any contact with him.
He did, however, say that Polem borrowed his cell
phone once while eating at his restaurant in late

40 Ibid.

47 Ramli's father, who died in about 1995, was known as
Tgk. Ali and had been a Darul Islam fighter. He was from
Lhokputu, Pidie but there is no reason to think that he knew
what was being planned.

48 ICG interview, 22 November 2002.

49 "Cerita dari Mosaik", op. cit.

December. To the Tempo reporters, Fauzi Hasby
denied any contact with Polem or anyone else linked
to the bombings.

What we have, then, is either an excellent example of
a cell structure at work, where no one who made or
delivered the bombs had any idea of who gave the
orders for the job, or an operation that was infiltrated
from the beginning by military intelligence. Since
Yazid Sufaat has reportedly boasted about his role in
the Medan bombings, and the Ngruki graduate
Indrawarman is now being sought in connection with
them, it would be interesting to find out what, if any,
linkages exist between these two and Hasbi. (Hasbi
told ICG he had never heard of Indrawarman and
said that Abdullah Sungkar was planning to
introduce him to Yazid in 1999 but died before he
could do so.)

The police investigation was poor and never probed
the question of who gave the orders. Police were
apparently so interested in having a conviction that
they tortured Edi Sugiarto to get one, suggesting that
nothing he said in his deposition can be taken as
reliable. It may have been politically convenient for
both the army and police to have GAM as the local
perpetrator but it makes no sense given the selection
of targets or the nation-wide pattern of the bombings.

It is possible that JI, working through Tk. Idris,
made contact with someone close to the "real" GAM
for the operational elements: putting the bombs
together. It is also possible that Fauzi Hasbi, despite
his close ties with the JI leaders in Malaysia, was
never informed of the specifics of the plan.

But it is hard to avoid the suspicion that someone in
the armed forces must have known that at least the
Medan part was in the works and saw the possibility
that it could be blamed on GAM, despite the illogic
of GAM's taking part in an attack on churches.
(GAM is a nationalist movement, working for
Acehnese independence, not an Islamic movement,
and has never made an issue of other religions.)

ICG believes that if the operational structure of the
Medan bombings can be uncovered, the truth behind
the grenade attack on the Malaysian embassy on 27
August 2000 and the 13 September 2000 bombing of
the Jakarta Stock Exchange - both attributed to
GAM - may come to light.

Kepolisian Daerah Sumatera Utara, Direktorat Reserse,
Berita Acara Pemeriksaan Saksi Ramli Ali, 12 January 2001.

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C. The Pekanbaru, Ria u Connection

Five people were killed and nearly 30 injured, four
critically, on Christmas Eve 2000 in Pekanbaru when
a bomb exploded at a Batak church on Hangruah
Street in Pekanbaru, the capital of Riau Province.
Another bomb was delivered to a church on Jalan
Sidomulyo, but members of the congregation found
it and threw it into the street before it could
explode. 51

The next day, a flyer from a hitherto unknown
organisation Tentara Islam Batalyon Badar (the
Badar Battalion of the Islamic Army) took
responsibility for the bombing in the name of
someone called Abu Mutafajirat but this was not
convincing (among other things, the flyer said in
large letters, "We Take Responsibility For The
Bomb!" ("Bom Tanggung Jawab Kamil") It was
treated at the time as the effort by some third party to
divert attention to Islamic groups.

On 28 December 2000, another bomb went off, this
time at the Sukajadi HKBP church on Ahmad
Dahlan Street. There were no casualties. No one was
ever arrested for the bombings, and no further
information came out until a police report based on
Singaporean sources said that a JI member detained
in Singapore had coordinated them. 52

Then, on 2 December 2001, another attack in Riau
was thwarted when police arrested Basuki alias Iqbal
bin Ngatmo, a 32-year-old man from Jombang, East
Java, as he was carrying a bomb to a church in the
town of Pangkalan Kerinci, Pelalawan about 70
kilometers to the east of Pekanbaru. He was brought
to trial in early 2002, and in May, was sentenced to a
heavy prison term.

53

Basuki told the court that he had intended to go to
Riau to look for work, but stopped in Jakarta and met
one "Abdurrahman", who talked to him about the
atrocities going on in Poso and Maluku.
"Abdurrahman" gave him Rp.500,000 (U.S.$50) to
go to Pangkalan Kerinci and meet a man named
Ustadz Ahmad. Basuki took a circuitous route
through Lampung, changing buses all the time. He

was arrested before he could meet Ustadz Ahmed,
but Riau police uncovered an interesting detail:
"Abdurrahman" turned out to be an alias for Abdul
Aziz alias Imam Samudra, the Bali bomb suspect
who reportedly admitted his role in the Batam
Christmas Eve 2000 bombings. 54

Another odd link to the JI network has emerged in
Riau. Reports began to circulate in May 2002 that a
notorious local official, Huzrin Hood, head of Riau
Islands District, had met with Omar al-Faruq, the
alleged al-Qaeda operative who later (in June 2002)
was spirited out of Indonesia to Afghanistan where
he reportedly is in U.S. custody. Huzrin Hood is best
known as a suspect in a Rp.87.2 billion (U.S. $8.72
million) corruption case in which he was said to
have turned a blind eye to the illegal sale of sand to
Singapore for land reclamation projects, and for
trying to turn his district into a new province.

Al-Faruq reportedly came to Tanjung Pinang, Riau to
entrust his wife, Mira Agustina, daughter of the
deceased commander of Laksar Mujahidin in
Maluku, to Huzrin Hood while he went overseas.
Mira had been born in Dabu Singkep, near Tanjung
Pinang, but the reason al-Faruq came to Hood may
have had more to do with other connections. Faruq
reportedly went to a mosque, Mesjid Sungai Jang,
known for its extremist leanings (a prestigious
Indonesian news weekly described it as "fanatic"). 55
It was also the mosque most frequented by Huzrin
Hood, and inquiries by journalists showed that Hood
travelled frequently between Riau and Malaysia,
where he took part in radical Muslim meetings. 56
Huzrin denies ever meeting al-Faruq, and says no
one with that name ever visited the Sungai Jang
mosque. Riau police are investigating the allegations.

But Pekanbaru is worth more attention. As a major
commercial transit point for goods and people going
from Indonesia to Malaysia, an intensive
investigation into how the Christmas Eve bombings
were planned and carried out there could provide
important clues to JI operations.

51 "Bom Guncang Riau", Riau Pos, 29 December 2000.

52 Dian Intannia, "Ba'asyir Restui Bom Natal", op. cit.

53 The prosecutor requested ten years on 30 April 2002 but
ICG was not able to obtain information on the final verdict.
See "Pembawa Bom Dituntut 10 Tahun Penjara", Sijori Pos,
30 April 2002.

3 "Memburu Kudama, Aktor Berbilang Terorisme," Tempo,

18-24 November 2002, p.29.

53 "Jejak Al Farouq di Kepulauan Riau", Forum Keadilan,

N°32, 24 November 2002, p.89.
56 Ibid, p.90.

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THE LOMBOK-SUMBAWA
CONNECTION

The Ngruki network has a long established
connection with Lombok and Sumbawa through
Man Awwas Suryahardy and his brother, Fikiruddin
alias Abu Jibril. The link to Sumbawa is through
Abdul Qadir Baraja, a Sumbawa native, who was
convicted of supplying explosives for the 1985
bombing of the Central Javanese Buddhist
monument, Borobodur. It is also through some of
the victims of the Lampung incident of 1989.
Dozens of families whose relatives were killed,
injured, or imprisoned after that incident were
resettled near Poto Tano, Sumbawa, through a
controversial "reconciliation" program initiated by
Hendropriyono in 1999.

57

Churches in Mataram, the capital of Lombok, were
among the targets of the Christmas Eve 2000
bombings but no one was ever caught. The attacks
were a clear indication of JI presence but the
connection was unlikely to be through Abdul Qadir
Baraja.

More likely candidates are people with a stronger
association with JI in the region. They include Abdul
Jabar, a man currently on Indonesia's most wanted
list for alleged involvement in the bomb blast at the
residence of the Philippines ambassador in Jakarta on
1 August 2000 and for taking part in the Christmas
Eve bombings in Jakarta; a man named Arkam from
Sumbawa, who stayed with Amrozi in East Java; one
of the two Umars named by Amrozi as participants in
the Bali plot who was from Sumbawa; and
Mohammed Fawazi. 58 The identity card of Fawazi, a
graduate of a pesantren in Wanasaba, East Lombok,
was found at the Bali site.

First, however, why not Baraja? The answer is that
while Baraja attended the MMI Congress, he is not a

Hendropriyono initiated the reconciliation program when
he was Minister of Transmigration. Some families were
offered funds under the program, of whom about half
declined. These families, many of whom originally had gone
to Way Jepara from Pondok Ngruki, returned to Ngruki and
were resettled there. Another large group accepted the islah
offer and were transmigrated to Sumbawa. Some who
accepted later felt that they had been tricked.
58 Sources differ as to whether Umar alias Wayan is from
Sumbawa or Flores. Sumbawa is cited in "Memetik
Pelajaran di Malaysia," Gatra, 30 November 2002, p. 33.

JI member - another indication that while there is
some overlap between the two organisations, they
are not identical. Baraja was an early associate of
Sungkar and Ba'asyir and taught at Ngruki. He was
the author of a book on jihad, written in the mid-
1970s, and one charge against Ba'asyir in 1982 was
that he was undermining the Soeharto-era state
ideology, Pancasila, by distributing that volume.

Baraja was convicted and imprisoned twice for acts
of violence, the second time for thirteen years in
connection with the bombing of a newly restored
temple complex at Borobodur. Although born in
Sumbawa, Baraja spent most of his pre-prison adult
life in Lampung, and as head of NU for Lampung,
was deeply involved in the activities around the
Ngruki satellite pesantren in Way Jepara, led by an
admirer of Abdullah Sungkar, that became the target
of a bloody shootout with the Indonesian army
(after, it should be noted, the people at the pesantren
hacked a subdistrict military commander to death). 59

In 1997, after his release from prison, Baraja
established a new organisation devoted to promoting
restoration of the Islamic caliphate. Called Khilafatul
Muslimin, it was based in Teluk Betung, Lampung,
with a branch in Baraja's home town of Taliwong,
Sumbawa.

The basic tenets of Baraja's teaching are outlined in
a book published in 2001 called A Description of
Global Islamic Government. It calls for strict
implementation of Islamic law, including stoning for
adultery and, in some circumstances, amputation of
hands for theft, under a government led by
representatives of Allah called UlilAmri^

Two weeks after the Bali bombing, Baraja and a
relative, Shodiq Musawa, who was also convicted
in the Borobodur bombings, were preaching jihad
in Taliwong, near the American-owned Newmont
Mine.

The branch of Khilafatul Muslimin in Sumbawa is
run by Baraja's brother-in-law, and according to one
source, eleven of its members are employees of
Newmont. 61 Three local sources told ICG that the

ICG Briefing, Al- Q aeda in Southeast Asia, op. cit, pp. 15-
16.

60 al-Ustadz Abdul Qadir Baraja', Gambaran Global
Pemerintahan Islam, Rayyan al Baihaqi Press, Surabaya,
2001.

61 ICG interview, Taliwong, 2 November 2002.

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Page 14

organisation has conducted military training on a
small island between the Sumbawa port of Poto
Tano, near the shrimp farms funded by
Hendropriyono as part of the islah package, and the
East Lombok town of Mamben Lauq, home to
suspected JI member Mohammed Fawazi. (Mamben
Lauq is a traditional trading center with strong
economic ties to Poto Tano.) Thus, while Baraja is
not a member of JI, the Khilafatul organisation may
provide recruits, protection, or other forms of
assistance to would-be bombers.

One of Baraja's associates in Taliwong is also a
source of some concern, although his relationship
with JI is not clear. Known as Ustadz Jafar, he has
sent students to study in radical pesantrens in East
Lombok.

Sumbawa also provided a safe haven for Abdul
Jabar, who underwent training in Afghanistan and is
famous for his role in the Maluku conflict where he
is known as a tukang pembantai (massacrer) and is
reputed to have killed more than 100 Christians. 62
He is also reported to be an explosives expert.

Abdul Jabar was born in Jakarta, but his wife is
from the remote village of Sanio, subdistrict Woja,
in Dompu, central Sumbawa. The village is
surrounded by high, forested hills, and makes a
convenient hiding place; Abdul Jabar has
reportedly stashed weapons there. According to a
local source, Abdul Jabar' s father-in-law, a retired
soldier named Haji Mansur, is the former village
head of Sanio and locally prominent; his son,
Syahrir, is a policeman who tips off Abdul Jabar on
army or police movements in the area. Haji
Mansur, Syahrir, and Abdul Jabar himself all have
proteges (anak buah) in the area who can serve as
eyes and ears and offer virtually complete
protection.

Police came into the village on 13 October 2002, the
day after the Bah bombings, to arrest Abdul Jabar,
who was known to be staying there. One local
observer told ICG that the police botched it, by
announcing on arrival, "We are going to shoot Abdul
Jabar dead in his own home if he isn't turned over to
us now" - virtually an invitation to help him escape.
The police reportedly then began searching homes
without preliminary investigation, although ICG's
source is someone who has no reason to give the
police the benefit of the doubt. They made no effort

to establish a cordon around the village. Their search
was fruitless, and they eventually gave up, but
returned on 23 October, after Abdul Jabar' s name
had been well-publicised as a possible suspect in the
Bali bombings. Thanks to Abdul Jabar's in-laws,
however, the villagers knew the police were coming
before they showed up, and there were no results.

Ibid.

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Page 15

VI. THE WEST JAVA CHRISTMAS EVE
BOMBS

Three West Javanese cities - Bandung, Sukabumi,
and Ciamis - were hit by the Christmas Eve
bombings, which appear to have been directed by
Hambali and a Ngruki alumnus called Jabir whose
real name was Enjang Bastaman. Jabir, about 40
years old, was from Banjarsari, Ciamis, lived in
Malaysia, had trained in Afghanistan, and was so
close to Hambali that when Hambali learned he had
been killed, he broke down in tears.

63

The operations he directed in West Java are a telling
illustration of how a key figure covered his own
tracks and of how the lowest ranks of foot soldiers
were recruited.

Jabir' s contact in Bandung was a man named Iqbal,
born Didin Rosman in 1958, a product of Darul
Islam-affiliated pesantrens. Originally from Pasar
Ucing, Garut, West Java, Iqbal had studied at
Pesantren Rancadadap in Curug, Garut, then moved
to another pesantren, Awi Hideung. In the late
1970s, he became a trader of palm sugar and other
goods that he sold in the Kiaracondong market in
Bandung. Iqbal reportedly kept up his religious
studies with various kyai, including Kyai Saeful
Malik, also known as Ajengan Cilik, a former Darul
Islam leader. 1

6 4

He took in students himself, one of whom was Haji
Aceng Suheri, who reappears in the story as the
owner of the house where the Christmas Eve bomb
went off prematurely. Iqbal became the religious
teacher for Suheri 's family until he urged Haji Aceng
to take a second wife, at which point the first Mrs.
Suheri threw him out. 65 In 1995, Jabir, following his
return from Afghanistan and Malaysia, briefly
attended the religious study sessions (pengajian) led
by Iqbal at Haji Aceng' s house. He then apparently
returned to Malaysia.

Sometime in 1998, Jabir came to Iqbal's house in
Cicadas, Bandung, together with Hambali and a
Malaysian resident named Umar. (This may be one
of the Umars named by Amrozi as having been

03 ICG interview, Jakarta, 21 November 2002.
64 Ky. Saeful Malik belongs to the Abdul Fatah Wiranggapati
faction of Darul Islam. For an overview of the various factions
within DI, see Umar Abduh, Al-Zaytun Gate, op.cit.

6 5 «,

Cerita dari Mosaik", op. cit, p. 64.

involved in the Bali bombings.) Umar was looking
for a wife, and Jabir thought Iqbal might be able to
help. Iqbal brought Jabir, Hambali, and Umar to his
stepmother-in-law's house because she ran a
pengajian for women, and one of the participants
had an eligible daughter. Iqbal's mother-in-law
introduced the men to the parents and the daughter.
The men decided she was satisfactory, and the
wedding was held two days later.

In September 1999, Jabir suddenly showed up at a
kind of pesantren/clinic run by a religious teacher
named Usman Mahmud, also known as Ustadz
(teacher) Musa, in Cibatu, Cisaat, near Sukabumi.
The clinic catered to drug addicts, gamblers, petty
criminals, and others of similar ilk. Musa understood
that Jabir had been a gang leader at the Bandung bus
terminal and wanted to reform him. He offered work,
and Jabir undertook to do odd jobs around the clinic,
as well as to instruct some other patients in martial
arts and to teach at the pesantren. Musa and others at
the clinic described Jabir as a man obsessed with
Ambon, about the deaths of Muslims there, and
about the danger of "Christianisation" in Indonesia.
Jabir left the clinic, together with a friend from
Tasikmalaya named Dedi, who resurfaced as one of
the West Java bombers, in January or February
2000. 66

Jabir next appears in the area in mid-December 2000
- with Hambali and a man named Akim, all three
Afghanistan veterans, Indonesian nationals, and
Malaysia residents. 67 Akim and Jabir were said by
police to be explosives experts. 68

Forum Indonesia Damai "Investigasi Tersangka Peledakan
BOM di Sukabumi," 7-9 January 2001, unpublished notes.
67 Akim, about 30 years old, was from Cikalang, Tasikmalaya.
Between 1987 and 1991, he had lived in Afghanistan, and
went from Afghanistan to Malaysia, where he met Hambali.
Akim also had two tours of duty in Ambon as a member of the
Laskar Mujahidin forces between late 1999 and 2001. It is not
clear when he returned to West Java from Afghanistan but
when he did, probably sometime in the late 1990s, he joined a
militant group called Barigade Taliban or Taliban Brigade, led
by Kyai Zenzen Zaenal (Jainal) Muttaqin Atiq. Kyai Zenzen
appears on a list of officers of the Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia
(MMI) as a member of the Education and Culture Committee
of the religious council (Ahlul Halli Wal Aqdi). According to
Kyai Zenzen, the Taliban Brigade was an organisation
dedicated to the eradication of places of vice. Its methods
resembled those of the Islamic Defenders Front (Front
Pembela Islam or FPI) in Jakarta. Kyai Zenzen, who is the
head of Pesantren al-Irsyadiyah in Tasikmalaya, is close to
another senior MMI official, Kyai Asep Maoshul Affandi, the

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Page 16

On 14 December, Jabir went to Iqbal's office at a
non-governmental organisation working with the
urban poor but he was out. The next day, at 5:30
a.m., Jabir came to Iqbal's house with Akim. After
some preliminaries, Jabir asked if Iqbal had attended
the MMI Congress in Yogyakarta the previous
August, and Iqbal said no. 69 Jabir asked if he had
attended the follow-up to the MMI congress in al-
Mahdiyin mosque in Garut, and Iqbal again said no.
They had a long discussion about the massacre of
Muslims in Maluku. Jabir and Akim left after about
two hours.

They came back the next morning about the same
time and continued their discussion about Ambon,
asking Iqbal's opinion about various incidents there.
This time they requested Iqbal's help in finding a
place to meet and said they would need it for about a
month. They also asked his help in finding six people
with whom they could work. 70 Iqbal called Haji
Aceng, who made his two-storey house available,
and Jabir came to look at it on the morning of 18
December and pronounced it acceptable.

That evening, Jabir and Akim invited Iqbal back to
the Hotel Rinjani in Bandung where they were
staying. Jabir went to his room, Akim stayed in the
lounge for about ten minutes, and then they were
joined by Hambali. After prayers, they all broke the
fast together. Hambali eventually invited everyone
back to his hotel room. He talked about how

son of an old Darul Islam leader, Haji Khoir Affandi. Kyai
Asep Maoshul is the deputy to Man Awwas Suryahardy in the
executive council of the MMI. See Risalah Kongres Mujahidin
I dan Penegakan Syariat Islam (Yogyakarta, January 2001)
and ICG communication, October 2002.

68 "Cerita dari Mosaik", op. cit, p. 64.

69 "Berita Acara Pemeriksaan Saksi Didin alias Aceng Didin
alias Iqbaluzzaman" in Kepolisian Negara Republik
Indonesia, Daerah Jawa Barat, Wilayah Kota Besar Bandung,
No. Pol. B/02/I/2001 Serse, Berkas Perkara atas nama Rony
Milyar, 29 January 2001. This seems an odd way to start a
conversation after two years and suggests there may have been
more of a history between Jabir and Iqbal than Iqbal conceded
in his interrogation deposition.

70 Ibid. The official version of Iqbal's testimony has him
telling prosecutors that Jabir asked for help in finding a place
to make bombs. ICG obtained a copy of the testimony with
Iqbal's handwritten corrections, saying in fact that Jabir had
asked him for a place to conduct activities related to the
fasting month, Ramadan. Both versions agree that Jabir
asked him to find six people, which Iqbal agreed to do. The
official version says the six people were needed to make
bombs; Iqbal suggests in his corrections that Jabir wanted six
people for discussion of possible business opportunities.

Muslims were being massacred by Christians; how
Chechens were being oppressed but would never be
defeated; how a Malaysian woman had donated
MR50.000 (about U.S.$13,000) to them; and how
theirs was not a terrorist movement. Hambali
reportedly asked if everything was ready for the
Christmas Eve operation.

71

Iqbal then sought out some of his former students,
young men who had attended his Quranic study
sessions (pengajian). On 19 December, Iqbal and
Akim went to the house of Agus Kurniawan, one of
those students, and Iqbal introduced Akim as "Asep"
His real name was never used. Two other students,
Rony Milyar and Wawan, another Afghanistan
veteran, were also drawn in, and Iqbal and Akim
delivered the three to Haji Aceng's house, apparently
on the pretext that a pengajian was going to be held
there. At the time, Rony and Agus were both 21
years old, graduates of Islamic junior high schools,
and unemployed.

Jabir in the meantime, was in Tasikmalaya, West
Java on the morning of 19 December, meeting with
Dedi Mulyadi, one of the men later convicted in the
Ciamis bombing, and two others, Holis and Yoyo.
Jabir may have known Dedi and Holis from
Afghanistan, where they trained from 1990 to 1992,
from links to pesantrens in the Tasikmalaya area (a
Darul Islam stronghold), or from Malaysia. 72 Dedi,
indeed, is a typical foot soldier: Born in 1969, he
went to Malaysia as a migrant worker in 1991, went
almost immediately from there to Afghanistan,
returned to Malaysia in 1992, worked there until late
1994, and returned to Tasikmalaya where he worked
as a trader for the next few years. He moved to
Purwakarta and lived there until 1999, when he
apparently returned to the Tasikmalaya area.

7 3

Jabir told Dedi, Yoyo, and Holis of the plan to blow
up a number of different places around Bandung. He
said that the aim of the bombings was to destroy and

71 Ibid. Iqbal, in handwritten notes on his own witness
testimony, denies Hambali ever raised the issue.

72 He told police interrogators that he went to Afghanistan at
Nil (Negara Islam Indonesia) expense, meaning that funds
were probably channeled through Abdullah Sungkar in
Malaysia, although Dedi's contact was a man named Hamzah
in Jakarta. Forum Indonesia Damai, "Hasil Keterangan
Tersangka Dedi Mulyadi di BAP", unpublished notes, January
2001.

3 Forum Indonesia Damai, "Hasil Sementara Investigasi
Peledakan di Pangandaran," undated but probably early 2001.

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Page 17

kill infidels (kafir), Westerners (boule), and Jews. 74
Dedi later told police that Jabir seemed to have a
particular hatred of priests.

Jabir then returned to Haji Aceng Suheri's house
and was waiting there when Iqbal arrived with
Agus, Rony and Wawan. Iqbal introduced Jabir as
"Ujang" to the three students, then departed.

There apparently was little contact between the foot
soldiers involved in the Ciamis plot and Jabir' s other
associates involved in plans for Bandung and
Sukabumi. Jabir left it to Dedi and his two associates
to decide which church to bomb and encouraged
them to conduct a survey to find an appropriate
target. He supplied the money, the explosives, and
basic information on how to wire up the bomb. Dedi
received Rp. 100,000, but said he went along with the
plot not because of the money but because he had
been convinced by Jabir's arguments about jihad. 75

Jabir and Akim exerted more direct supervision over
the young men selected by Iqbal. As soon as Iqbal
delivered Rony, Agus and Wawan to Haji Aceng 's
house, Akim/Asep told them that they had an
important mission to bomb the plaza. It became clear
that "plaza" was a code word for church. When Agus
asked why, Akim replied, "Because our brothers in
Ambon and Halmahera are being massacred by
Christians." Akim offered them Rp.300,000 each to
take on the job. 76

After some further discussion, Akim then assigned
different targets to each of the students. Rony was to
blow up the church on Gatot Subroto Avenue in
Bandung; Agus was given a church on Ahmad Yani
Street; Wawan was given the Buah Batu Church;
and a fourth person, whom Rony and Agus did not
know, was given a church on a university campus.
They were told to do a preliminary survey of their
sites and report back. Each received Rp.50,000 for
completing the survey.

They finished the survey on the night of 21
December and returned to Haji Aceng' s house. They
went home later that night, and returned to join the
full team on 23 December. Rony and Agus saw the
bomb-making materials for the first time, as well as
the bags they would use to deliver the bombs. It was

not until noon the next day, Christmas Eve, however,
that Jabir/Ujang and Akim/Asep began putting them
together.

77

The Ciamis group, in the meantime, had chosen a
church in Pangandaran, near the state telephone
office, to bomb. When the team arrived there on 24
December, however, Holis went to the church and
learned that there would be no Christmas Eve
service. Dedi called for instructions, and Jabir told
him to find another target, saying it could be
Chinese, kafir (infidel), or an entertainment place,
like a discotheque. 7 8

The three looked for an appropriate alternative, found
a Chinese-owned hotel along the beach, and decided
to plant the bomb in a car parked at the hotel. All
three went back to their own hotel. Yoyo took the
bomb on his motorcycle, and 500 meters from where
they were all staying, it went off prematurely, killing
him. Dedi said later that Jabir had given strict
instructions to carry the bomb horizontally, and when
Yoyo took it on his motorcycle, he may have hit a rut
in the road. Holis fled and remains on a police
wanted list today. Dedi was caught and subsequently
tried.

The bombs destined for Bandung churches,
meanwhile, were to be detonated by cell phones.
Jabir forgot to change the card inside his own phone,
and it apparently went off when someone - likely
involved in the plans, perhaps from the Ciamis
group - called his number. Jabir's death was such a
disaster for the JI organisation that Hambali and
Zulkifli Marzuki, a Malaysian identified in one
report as the "secretary" of JI, met at the airport in
Kuala Lumpur to evaluate what had gone wrong and
ensure that it did not happen again. 79

(This was not the first JI meeting held at the Kuala
Lumpur airport; it may be that airports were
convenient because no one would pay attention to a
small group of men sitting and talking.)

A second meeting to evaluate the Bandung disaster
was reportedly held shortly thereafter at MNZ
Associates, a private business, in Kuala Lumpur.
Present, according to one source, were Hambali,

,4 Ibid.

5 Forum Indonesia Damai, "Hasil Keterangan Tersangka
Dedi Mulyadi di BAP", unpublished notes, January 2001.
76 "Berita Acara Pemeriksaan Saksi Agus Kurniawan", op. cit.

"Ibid.
7S Ibid.

9 "Hasil Interogasi Terhadap Tersangka M.Rozi alias Amrozi
alias Chairul Anom Sampai Dengan Jam 13:30 WIB Tanggal
6 Nopember 2002."

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Page 18

Muchlas (Amrozi's elder brother), Abu Bakar
Ba'asyir, Imam Samudra, and Teuku Idris. ICG has
no independent corroboration of that source.

The West Java bombings provide some notion of
how the JI structure operates. In this case, Hambali
was the overall planner. In his interrogation
deposition, Iqbal described the relationship between
Hambali and Jabir as one of master and disciple.
Jabir was always very respectful of Hambali and
took care to make sure he was seated first. Akim
appears to have had the same relationship to Jabir.
For the Batam bombings, Imam Samudra may have
been on a level with Jabir, a trusted subordinate,
coordinating the bombings on a regional basis. As
coordinators, they supplied the funds and materials
to field operatives. It was left to the field operatives
to choose the foot soldiers who actually took the
physical risk of planting or delivering the bombs.

VII. THE SULAWESI AND

KALIMANTAN CONNECTION

While neither Sulawesi nor Kalimantan was targeted
for the Christmas Eve bombs, the JI network has
extremely strong ties to both. The historical links to
South Sulawesi and the Darul Islam movement were
described in an earlier ICG report. 80 An important
link to JI in East Kalimantan is the Hidyarullah
pesantren outside Balikpapan, founded by a
supporter of Kahar Muzakkar, the leader of the Darul
Islam rebellion in South Sulawesi in the 1950s.

But as with JI links in Sumatra, geography is as
important as history. Sulawesi and Kalimantan
became key transit points for arms and men
between Malaysia and Maluku, or sometimes,
between Indonesia and the southern Philippines. An
understanding of the route used by Indonesian
migrant workers to Malaysia is important. Workers
going from eastern Indonesia to the eastern
Malaysian state of Sabah usually travel to Makassar
or Pare-pare in South Sulawesi, then by boat to
Nunukan at the northern tip of East Kalimantan,
and then to Tawao at the southern tip of Sabah.

Once the conflict in Maluku was underway, the
easiest route for Malaysian JI members, and perhaps
for other nationalities as well, was through Sabah to
Tawao, through Nunukan, and then across to
Menado in North Sulawesi and on to Ambon. For
arms shipments or other supplies from Mindanao,
North Sulawesi was the easiest entry point for
onward shipment to North or Central Maluku. East
Kalimantan also became an important transit point
between Malaysia and the Poso conflict in central
Sulawesi.

ICG understands that some JI members are living on
Pulau Sebatik, an island between Nunukan and
Tawao that is jointly owned by Malaysia and
Indonesia. 81 There was no opportunity to check the
information but geographically, it would make sense.

The Sulawesi connections were critical for JI. People
who could help JI's activities there came to
prominence: not just Agus Dwikarna from Makassar,
now detained in the Philippines, but also Abdullah
Sungkar's son-in-law, Ustadz Yassin Syawal.

See ICG Briefing, Al-Qaeda in Southeast Asia, op. cit.
ICG interview, Jakarta, 21 November 2002.

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Since the Bali bombings, much has emerged about
Syawal through information leaked by National
Intelligence Agency (Badan Intelijen Negara or BEST)
sources to the Jakarta newsweekly, Tempo, but it is
worth restating here because of what it shows about
one JI member's associations. 82 Like most other JI
members, Ustadz Syawal has a host of aliases: Salim
Yasin, Abdul Hadi Yasin, Abu Seta, Mahmud,
Muhamad Mubarak, and Muhammad Syawal.

A native of Makassar, he received military training
in Camp Chaldun, Afghanistan, together with Omar
al-Faruq and Hambali, probably in the late 1980s or
early 1990s. He went to Afghanistan not as part of
the group of volunteers sent by Abdullah Sungkar
and the Ngruki exiles in Malaysia but through his
ties to another Muslim organisation, Gerakan
Pemuda Islam or GPI, the Islamic Youth Movement.
The association with Hambali, however, appears to
have been cemented in Camp Chaldun. It is not clear
where Syawal met Sungkar' s daughter or whether he
spent time with her father in Malaysia.

When he returned to Indonesia, he worked with the
Kahar Muzakkar's son, Abdul Azis Kahar Muzakkar,
who ran the Makassar "branch" of the Hidyatullah
pesantren mentioned above. He became a driving
force behind the recruitment of Muslim volunteers
for the Poso conflict in Sulawesi, however, after it
erupted in full force in mid-2000. Together with al-
Faruq and Aris Munandar, a close associate of Abu
Bakar Ba'asyir's at Pondok, he was accused of
having carried out military training for recruits to
Poso and Ambon at the main Hidyatullah pesantren
in Balikpapan. Pesantren leaders have denied the
allegation. 83

He is accused of having been al-Faruq 's main
contact within Indonesia when the latter was in the
Philippines, and of having helped import weapons
from the southern Philippines through North
Sulawesi for use in Poso and Maluku.

Syawal thus has impeccable credentials as a JI
member: family ties through marriage to a
stepdaughter of Abdullah Sungkar (as good if not
better than a Darul Islam lineage); service in
Afghanistan; commitment to jihad; and well-
established contacts on the ground in Sulawesi with
Jl-linked groups.

"Menebak Bela Diri di Gunung Tembak", Tempo, 1
Desember 2002, pp. 36-37.

VIII. JIHAD IN POSO AND MALUKU

If they differed on other issues, JI and the MMI
moderates were in total agreement on means and
ends in Maluku and Poso. The Laskar Mujahidin, the
armed forces of the Ngruki network, totalled at its
height in late 1999 and early 2000 some 500 men -
much smaller but better-trained than the Laskar
Jihad troops, with whom they did not cooperate and
sometimes clashed. (A particularly virulent enmity
existed between Fikiruddin alias Abu Jibril of Laskar
Mujahdin and and Ja'far Umar Thalib of Laskar
Jihad, and the two nearly came to blows three times,
once in the Middle East, once in Afghanistan, and
once in Ambon, according to an ICG source.) 84 The
commander of Laskar Mujahidin forces through
October 2000 when he was killed in Saparua, was
Haris Fadillah alias Abu Dzar, a former Darul Islam
figure from Bogor, West Java, but perhaps better
known now as Omar al-Faruq' s father-in-law. 85

He was succeeded after a leadership void of a few
months by Aryanto Aris (also seen as Haris), a man
from Magelang, East Java. By November 2001,
Aryanto Aris was back in Java, taking part in the
bombing of a church in North Jakarta. 86 It is clear
that Ambon served as a military training ground for
JI recruits from across the region, much as
Afghanistan and the Southern Philippines had for
an earlier generation.

A. Laskar Mujahidin in Maluku

In an effort to understand how the Laskar Mujahidin
worked, ICG interviewed an Ambon veteran whose
brother and nephew had also been fighters there. He
said an initial contingent of 50 recruits arrived in
Ambon in February 1999, about a month after the
first wave of violence. Almost all were from
Makassar or were Ambonese who had studied there,
and many leaders were "alumni Mora", that is, had
previous experience in the southern Philippines.
They called themselves Laskar Jundullah, not Laskar

" Ibid,p.36.

84 ICG interview, Jakarta, 25 November 2002.

85 His death is shown in a VCD produced by Aris Munandar
of Pondok Ngruki for KOMPAK; it took place in a fight with
Christian forces in Siri-Sori, Saparua, on 26 October 2000.

86 .Polri Daerah Metro Jaya dan Sekitarnya, Resort
Metropolitan Jakarta Utara, Berita Acara Pemeriksaan
Tersangka Ujang Aris bin Amin, 10 November 2001.

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Mujahidin, although their arrival seems to have
preceded establishment of the Laskar Jundullah that
Agus Dwikarna headed.

87

In the beginning, the ICG source said, they had no
modern weapons, but focused on setting up posts of
five to ten people, mostly along the north coast,
beginning in Hitu and spreading to Mamala, Morela
and several other villages. Within a month, they had
received automatic weapons and were making daily
attacks on Christian villages in the area, usually
together with a local force called Laskar Hitu.

By July 1999, the ranks of the mujahidin forces had
reached 500 in central Maluku (that is, Ambon,
Ceram, Saparua and Haruku) but they never
exceeded that total. 88 Recruits served between six
months to a year. The mujahidin headquarters was in
Air Kuning, a hilly and forested area where the
alumni Moro could instruct recruits in guerrilla
tactics. One main difference with Laskar Jihad,
indeed, was Laskar Mujahidin s preference for
guerrilla warfare, with formations of about a dozen
men carrying out hit-and-run attacks. The aim was
frequently to destroy churches or target priests,
Christian business people, or other Christian leaders,
more than to secure ground as Laskar Jihad was
trying to do. The source remembered a hit list of 50
people, 47 of whom were priests. 89

After July 1999, Laskar Mujahidin had access to
serious arms, such as mortars, grenades, AK-47s,
Stiger 5s, and anti-personnel mines. Almost none
were obtained in Maluku but rather were packed in
paralon (a kind of plastic casing) and frequently
brought in by ship from Surabaya. As the vessel
approached Ambon harbor, the paralons would be

87 ICG interview, Jakarta, 30 November 2002.

88 The source said that the initial posts were in Lei Hitu: Hitu,
Mamala, Morela, Seith, Wakal, Liang, Wai„ Tengah-Tengah,
Tial, Tulehu, Wakasihu, Larike, Wayame, and Negeri Lima.
In Lei Timur, they set up posts in Air Kuning, Galunggung,
Kebun Cengkeh, Waihoka, Batu Merah, Kantui, Kapaha,
Jalan Baru, Waihong, Soa Bali, Talake, Pohon Mangga and
Air Salobar. On Buru, the LM post was in Namlea. On
Seram, post were set up in Masohi, Kairatu, Sepa, Wahai,
Sawai, Pamahai, Luhu, and Geser Gorong. On Saparua, there
were posts in Kulur, Iha, and Siri-Sori Islam, where Abu Dzar
died. Finally, on Haruku Island, there were posts in Kailolo,
Kabau, Rohomoni and Ori. Each post had about five men,
maximum ten.

89 ICG interview, Jakarta, 30 November 2002.

dropped overboard, then picked up by waiting fishing
boats. 90

The Ambon veteran said that a reason Laskar
Mujahidin posts were set up on Buru and Seram
(rice-growing areas) was to have a cover for import
of fertiliser used in bomb making. 9 '

Laskar Mujahidin, like Laskar Jihad, had links to
the army in Maluku but they were mostly through
soldiers from the Kulur ethnic group in Saparua.
Members of this ethnic group, the source said, were
particularly prominent in battalions 731, 732 and
733 of the Indonesian army. Many soldiers were
willing to rent out their guns for a daily fee of Rp.2.5
million (about U.S.$250).

Laskar Mujahidin also had a strong presence in
North Maluku but the ICG source did not know
how many people were involved.

B. Laskar Jundullah in Po so

In the other major conflict area, Poso, the mujahidin
forces were known as Laskar Jundullah, but it
becomes confusing because many Islamic groups
operating out of Central Java, Maluku, and Sulawesi
called themselves by the same name, which means
"army of Allah." Groups that identified themselves
as Laskar Jundullah, for example, appeared in Poso
in July and August 2000, after the massacre of some
200 Muslims at the Wali Songo Pesantren in Poso
on 3 June 2000.'

9 2

The best-known of the Laskar Jundullahs was
created in September 2000 as the military wing of
KPPSI, the Preparatory Committee for Upholding
Islamic Law, under the command of Agus Dwikarna,
now detained in the Philippines as a JI member. It
was originally conceived of as a religious police that

Another incident of weapons found in paralons is linked
directly to Bali. On 1 1 November 2002, paralons were found
in the Dadapan forest near Lamongan, East Java. They are
believed to have been acquired by Ali Imron, Amrozi's
brother, for use in Ambon by Laskar Mujahidin Ali Imron is
a 1997 Pondok Ngruki graduate and suspected JI member.
'Tim Investigasi Temukan M-16, FN, dan Amunisi",
Kompas, 12 November 2002.
91 ICG interview, Jakarta, 30 November 2002.
2 See Lorraine Aragon, "Communal Violence in Poso,
Central Sulawesi: Where People Eat Fish and Fish Eat
People," Indonesia, N°72, October 2001 (Cornell Southeast
Asia Project), pp. 45-80.

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would enforce Islamic law among KPPSI members.
In setting up Laskar Jundullah, Dwikarna worked
closely with Syawal, the JI member with close ties to
the southern Philippines, and with Tamsil Linrung,
the man later arrested with Dwikarna in the
Philippines in March 2002. 93

Laskar Jundullah, while officially based in
Makassar, set up its military headquarters in Pendolo,
Pamona Selatan, Poso. Its commander there was
reportedly Amno Dai, a native of the area who had
been a follower of Kahar Muzakkar. He began to
recruit former members of Kahar Muzakkar' s Darul
Islam rebellion, and those men joined with Laskar
Mujahidin forces recruited by Pondok Ngruki. 94

The Laskar Jundullah forces reportedly drew on
three networks for their recruits. The first was Darul
Islam, and in particular, the followers of Sanusi
Daris, Kahar Muzakkar's Defense Minister, who
died in Sabah in 1988. 95 The recruits associated with
Darul Islam would reportedly often go to the
Hidayatullah pesantren in Balikpapan before
proceeding on to Poso, and many teachers and
students from that pesantren reportedly joined
Laskar Jundullah themselves.

The second network was that of the hardline faction
of the Indonesian Muslim Students organization
(Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam or HMI), known as
HMI-MPO. Tamsil Linrung and Agus Dwikarna
both had HMI-MPO backgrounds, and many other
HMI-MPO members from South Sulawesi joined the
jihad in Poso. 97

Tamsil Linrung was freed shortly thereafter. He was
treasurer of the National Mandate Party (PAN) at the time of
his arrest. Linrung also took part in the founding meeting of
Abu Bakar Ba'asyir's International Mujahidin Association in
late 1999.

94 It is difficult to assess the strength of these forces with any
accuracy. One source told ICG that the combined total of
men who had served in Poso as either Laskar Jundullah or
Laskar Mujahidin was about 5,000, but many of those served
only three months at a time. The same source said the forces
included about thirty Moros.

95 For details on the links between Sanusi Daris and Abdullah
Sungkar, see ICG Briefing, Al Qaeda in Southeast Asia, op.
cit.

96 ICG Interview, 4 December 2002.

97 HMI-MPO broke from HMI over the issue of President
Soeharto's "Pancasila only" policy, declared in 1985, when all
organizations, including Islamic ones, had to adopt Pancasila
as their ideological basis. The main body of HMI went along

The third network consisted of local Muslims from
the Poso area. Among others, these included men
from the Komite Perjuangan Muslim Poso
(Committee for the Islamic Struggle in Poso) under
the command of Adnan Arsal, based in Poso city.
Arsal is one of the signers of the December 2001
peace pact for Poso, known as the Malino Accord.

The Laskar Mujahidin and Laskar Jundullah forces
had both guerrilla training and the capacity for rapid
reaction. In Poso, they may have outnumbered
Laskar Jihad forces, with which their relations were
poor. Laskar Jihad only arrived in Poso in August
2001, long after mujahidin forces were well-
established.

ICG has received conflicting reports as to the
continued presence of Laskar Mujahidin in Maluku
and Poso. Laskar Jihad sources in Yogyakarta claim
that even before the dissolution of their organisation
in early October 2002, Laskar Mujahidin had
already left, chased out by Laskar Jihad, which was
numerically much stronger. 98 MMI sources in Solo,
however, report that the mujahidin are still in place,
if not particularly active.

C. Recruitment

According to one young man close to those who took
part in the training camp in Pandeglang, run by Bali
bombing suspect Imam Samudra, in Banten in 2001,
recruitment for Poso and Ambon took place as
follows. A member of Samudra's group would strike
up a conversation with students from a local state-run
Islamic high school (madrasah ally ah negeri). These
high schools can be located within a pesantren or
religious boarding school, or they can be separate
structures. The students would be invited to come to
a meeting where the discussion leader showed video
CDs about the war in Ambon and Poso, made by
KOMPAK, the mujahidin-affiliated organisation.
The videos inevitably produced outrage from the
viewers at the brutality and inhumanity of the
Christian side. 99

with the policy, HMI-MPO rejected it and split with HMI in
1986.

98 ICG interview, Jakarta, 26 November 2002.

99 ICG interview, Depok, 27 November 2002. Aris
Mundandar, a Ngruki teacher and top aide to Abu Bakar
Ba'asyir, produced many of the tapes in his capacity as head
of KOMPAK. Some of the tapes would conclude with an
address where money could be sent to support the struggle.

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The viewers were then invited back for religious
study sessions, where a small number of people sat
around in a circle (halaqah) and studied the main
precepts of Sungkar's teaching - faith, hijrah, and
jihad - with a strong Wahabi orientation. 100 Students
who went through the training learned formulaic
definitions, such as that what Muslims had to fear
most was a government enslaved to infidels. The
situation in the world today, it was repeatedly
stressed, was like the darkness and ignorance
(jahiliyah) prevailing in Mecca before Islam was
generally accepted and when Muslims were being
persecuted. The group leaders stressed the need to rid
the faith of syirik or idolatrous practices. But the
most important emphasis was on jihad.

After about four months in the study group, the
students would be told that jihad was not just a
concept but something that had to be put into
practice, and they were invited to join the struggle.
One of those who accepted said he was surprised
when the instructor then introduced a friend from
Malaysia and produced firearms for the training. At
this stage, the proportion of religious training fell to
about 30 per cent, while 70 per cent was devoted to
military training. 101 The trainees had to start from
scratch, learning how to hold a rifle, aim and fire.
They were also instructed in self-defence and how
to use knives and machetes.

The instructors rented a house far from the main road
for the training. In this case, it was in Cimalati, Pasir
Eurih, Saketi, a heavily wooded area in Pandeglang,
Banten but there was another in Malimping, Banten,
and at least one in West Java, in Ciseeng, Bogor. The
road leading to the house in Saketi was rarely used
by cars or motorcycles-for-hire, and the houses in the
area were relatively far apart. The front of the house
was turned into a kind of a repair shop, both for
camouflage purposes, so no one passing would
suspect that there was military training going on in
the back, amidst a hectare of palm trees and banana
plantation.

The workshop also served as a place where the
trainees learned to make bombs. When they were
considered ready, they were sent to Poso or Ambon
as members of Laskar Mujahidin or related groups.
There was never any overlap with Laskar Jihad.

In this case, hijrah meant moving from a non-Islamic
community to a community where the ideal Islamic life
could be lived.
101 ICG interview, Depok, 27 November 2002.

Halaqah study groups, without the military training,
were started in at least five other areas around
Banten alone: Menes, Ciruas, Kasemen, Benggala
and Kramatwatu. Almost all drew on young men
from Islamic high schools. Such schools within
pesantrens run by Muslim leaders (kyai) with a
history of Darul Islam involvement were a
particularly rich recruiting ground.

D. Imam Sam udra's Halaqah

Abdul Aziz alias Imam Samudra took part in such a
halaqah. Aziz, who was arrested on 21 November as
a key suspect in the Bali bombings, was an honors
graduate of the state Islamic high school (Madrasah
Aliyah Negeri or MAN I) in Serang, Banten. While
still a student, he became very close to one of his
teachers, Kyai Saleh As 'ad, who had been a Darul
Islam leader in Banten in the 1970s.

102

Abdul Aziz reportedly was radicalised under Saleh
As 'ad's tutelage, and became convinced of the
justness of the struggle for an Islamic state. In 1988,
two years before he graduated from high school, he
was chosen as the head of a Banten-wide madrasah
association called HOSMA (Himpunan Osis
Madrasah Aliah). He used this association to
promote Darul Islam ideas among students, through
halaqah study groups. He reportedly was particularly
effective in recruiting new cadres through a
pengajian he started at the Darul Ilmi MAN, close to
his own school in Serang.

Almost all the young men that Abdul Aziz
apparently recruited as foot soldiers for Bali more
than a decade later were products of the MAN
schools. A quick look at their biographies shows
the ties among them.

Abdul Rauf alias Sam bin Jahruddin was born in
Cipodoh, Tangerang, West Java, in 1981. Abdul

* As a DI leader from Banten, Kyai Saleh As'ad was in the
same regional command as Panji Gumelang, alias Abu Toto,
leader of a controversial Muslim boarding school, in
Indramayu, West Java called Az-Zaitun or Al-Zaytun. This
extremely well-endowed school has state-of-the art facilities
and a huge campus. Panji Gumilang has been described as
something akin to a cult leader, encouraging students to
show loyalty to himself and not to their parents, insisting that
only imams from the school can lead prayers, encouraging
the collection of money including by duping unsuspecting
victims. Panji Gumilang was a leader of the West Java
branch of Darul Islam known as KWIX.

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Aziz met Rauf in 2001 in Bandung through a mutual
friend. Rauf at the time was taking courses in
journalism but he had attended Pondok Ngruki from
1992 to 1997. He then continued his education from
1997 to 2000 at the Madrasah Aliyah Darul Ilmi,
Abdul Aziz's old recruiting ground. When he met
Abdul Aziz, he was reportedly much taken with the
latter' s arguments about the need for jihad in
Maluku where so many Muslims had been killed. As
a result, after he finished his journalism course, Rauf
returned to Banten, to the subdistrict (kecamatan)
Malimping to devote himself to jihad. There he
persuaded Yudi, an old friend from Ngruki, to
follow Abdul Aziz's teachings.

Yudi alias Andri was born in the village of
Sukamanah, Malimping, in 1980. After going to a
state elementary school, Yudi went to Pondok
Ngruki from 1992-1995. Like Abdul Rauf, he went
on to Madrasah Darul Ilmi and became the head of
the student association there (Ikatan Santri Daar El-
Ilmi or ISDI). He also became fluent in Arabic. After
graduating, he returned to his village to help his
parents sell sandals in the local market. He also
started a majelis taklim for local youth, a regularly-
scheduled discussion of religious issues open to the
general public.

After Abdul Rauf introduced Yudi to Abdul Aziz,
the three started a new halaqah that effectively
became a new JI cell. 103 Yudi brought in several of
his majelis taklim students. They included Agus
Hidayat, Iqbal, and Amin. At some stage, but the
dates are not clear, Yudi, Abdul Rauf, and Amin all
reportedly went to Mindanao with Abdul Aziz's
assistance.

Agus Hidayat, another product of the state Islamic
school system in Banten - he graduated from MAN
in Malimping in 2000 - was arrested on 25
November 2002 in connection with the robbery of a
goldsmith's shop in Serang, Banten. The proceeds of
that robbery, in which Abdul Rauf and Yudi were
also involved, were allegedly used to finance the Bali
operation. Because the victims of the robbery were
non-Muslims (Chinese), the robbery was justified as
fa 'i, legitimate war booty in the context of jihad.

Iqbal, alias Armasan alias Lacong, the alleged suicide
bomber in Bali, was born in Sukamana, Malimping,
the same village as Yudi, in 1980. He finished the

second year of junior high school, then was forced to
drop out because his family could not pay the school
fees. He became a farmer, but because he was Yudi's
neighbor, he was drawn into the halaqah of Yudi and
Abdul Rauf.

The cell of Agus Hidayat, Yudi, Abdul Rauf, and
Iqbal, went into action on 22 August 2002 when the
robbery of the goldsmith's shop took place. Rauf set
off a diversionary firecracker about 100 meters away
from the shop. Yudi entered the store with a gun and
held up the owner. Iqbal, together with Yudi and one
other man, took the gold. Agus Hidayat and Amin
stood guard outside and had motorcycles waiting to
make the getaway.

Abdul Aziz (Imam Samudra) was the brains of the
operation, but did not take part directly. He did,
however, supply the weapons. Several firearms,
perhaps including those used in the robbery, were
found in Agus's possession when he was arrested,
including an FN pistol, a Colt-38, and ammunition
produced by the Indonesian army munitions
factory, PT Pindad. Just as the West Java Christmas
Eve foot soldiers only met Jabir shortly before the
target date, Agus only met Abdul Aziz in Solo,
Central Java, one week before the robbery.
Apparently because they were both from Banten,
however, they quickly became close.

A little over a month before the Bali bombings,
Abdul Rauf brought three more men into the
operation, although they do not appear to have been
trusted members of the halaqah. Maybe not
coincidentally, none of them shared the same school
ties as Yudi, Rauf, and Abdul Aziz.

Aprianto, Pujata, and Ikhwan Fauzi were all from
the Kesemen, Serang area of Banten, and their
families, like Abdul Aziz's, had been close to the
Persatuan Islam (PERSIS), a long-established
Muslim organisation with a Wahabi orientation. All
were arrested after the Bali bombings and charged
with hiding some of the bomb-making materials for
Abdul Rauf. None of the three reportedly ever met
Abdul Aziz, but at a designated time, they handed
over the materials to a fourth man, Faturrahman,
who was a graduate of Abdul Aziz's alma mater at
the MAN Islamic high school in Serang. 104

" If a majelis taklim was by definition open, a halaqah was
closed and restricted to members of the circle.

"Poros Banten-Solo di Belakang Imam", Tempo,
December 2002.

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Many of the original halaqah members took part in
the Bali operation. Agus Hidayat, together with
Abdul Aziz, reportedly did a survey of the targets in
Bali. Yudi prepared the bomb together with Abdul
Rauf. Iqbal was the person charged with delivering it.
The members of the religious study circle in Banten
had become terrorists.

E. Maluku's Importance to the JI
Network

Just as experience in Afghanistan served to bind an
older generation of the JI network together, time in
Maluku served the same purpose for a younger
generation. Information from some of those
convicted in earlier JI bombings provides insight into
how this worked.

Taufik Abdul Halim alias Dani, 26, is a Malaysian
convicted for his role in the August 2001 Atrium
Mall bombing in Jakarta, another JI operation. 105
Taufik was born in Muar Johor, Malaysia. According
to his court testimony, he studied in religious schools
around Pakistan - in Karachi, Lahore, Peshawar and
Islamabad - from 1993 to 1996, the same years that
Fatur Rahman al-Ghozi was in Lahore. It is not
known if they met. Taufik was imprisoned briefly
under the Internal Security Act after he returned to
Malaysia. The Malaysian government later said that
Taufik, whom they accused of being a member of
Kumpulan Mujahidin Malaysia, an organisation
alleged to be an affiliate of JI, was in Afghanistan in
1994-1995. 106 Taufik' s brother, Zulkifli bin Abdul
Hir, is in detention as a JI member in Malaysia and is
accused of killing a Christian member of parliament,
Dr. Joe Fernandez.

In June 2000, according to his interrogation
testimony, Taufik met nine other Malaysian recruits
at the Kuala Lumpur airport. These included three
men from Trengganu, two from Selangor, two from
Kuala Lumpur, one from Pahang, and one from
northern Malaysia. Taufik, with an architecture
degree, was the only one with an advanced
education. The group crossed to Sabah (Malaysian
Borneo), travelled overland to Tawao, a seedy port
on the southern tip of the state, crossed by boat to

Nunukan, East Kalimantan (Indonesian Borneo) -
without passports - then continued to Menado,
North Sulawesi by boat. They then flew to Ternate
in northern Maluku.

After some three months in Ternate, which to their
disappointment was quiet, they went on to Ambon.
In court, Taufik would say only that he and his
colleagues helped defend villages there; it would be
interesting to know whether his contingent was
involved in the battle in Siri-Sori when Abu Dzar
was killed. In April 2001, six of the original group
returned to Malaysia and the others took a boat to
Surabaya, then travelled to Jakarta by bus.

A young man who was to take part in the Atrium
bombing with Taufik met him at the bus station, then
took him to stay with another Maluku veteran, Eddy
or Dedi Setiono alias Abbas alias Usman. Abbas was
from Bogor originally, had lived for many years in
Malaysia, and made his living selling mineral water
in Jakarta. Dedi had been with Hambali in
Afghanistan in 1987 and met him again in South
Jakarta in October 2000 to plan the Christmas Eve
bombings. After his "success" as field commander
for Jakarta of the latter operation, Abbas worked with
Imam Samudra to coordinate the Atrium Mall
bombing in early August 2001. Taufik was an
expendable foot soldier.

The rationale for the Atrium bombing was retaliation
for the attacks on Muslims in Ambon, since a
congregation that was reputed to be funding the
Christian side met for services on the second floor of
the mall. The bomb went off prematurely, and Taufik
lost part of his leg.

After both he and Taufik were caught, Abbas told his
interrogators of the training camp in Pandeglang,
Banten, described above, where recruits for Ambon
were being trained. Police raided the camp in
September 2001 and captured thirteen people, mostly
young men from the Banten area. They also
recovered six revolvers, seven FN pistols, and 400
rounds of ammunition. One camp leader who
escaped was a 38-year-old man named Ibrahim from
Trengganu, Malaysia, who had served two years in
Afghanistan.

Like most people involved in the network, Taufik had
many aliases: Dodi Mulia, Doni, Yudi Mulia Purnomo, and
Herman, in addition to Dani.

106 Taufik Andre, "Puzzle Bomb", Pantau, Vol 3, N°25 May
2002.

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IX. CONCLUSION

The investigation into the Bali bombings is
beginning to uncover some of the ways in which
Jemaah Islamiyah leaders were able to use a range of
networks and associations in Indonesia to wage jihad
in accordance with Abdullah Sungkar's teachings.
The investigation is far from over but one can see a
mix of family ties, old school ties (to Pondok Ngruki
or its Malaysian counterpart, Pesantren Luqmanul
Hakiem), and Darul Islam linkages at play. The reach
of JI through these networks may be more extensive
than previously thought, even though the number of
senior JI leaders appears to be very small.

When the results of the Bali bombings are
considered, together with an examination of previous
JI operations such as the Christmas Eve bombings,
several policy imperatives arise.

□ Investigations into all previous JI operations
need to be reopened, with the highly effective
combination of international investigators
working alongside their Indonesian
counterparts, under Indonesian direction.

If the Christmas Eve bombing investigations are any
indication, investigations at the time were poor.
Police often used torture to extract confessions that
were highly unreliable as a result but were then used
to convict other suspects. Little, if any, coordination
took place among the investigations into the
bombings of different cities across the countries, so
that common threads could be exposed and
examined. Important leads were not pursued.

There is some indication that the investigations are
being reopened, but if this amounts to re-
interviewing convicted prisoners, as seems to be the
case in Medan, the results will be inconclusive, since
none of those convicted was a major player, and two
were probably not involved at all.

□ Intelligence resources need to be strengthened
but the resources need to go to the police, not
to the National Intelligence Agency (BEST) and
not to army intelligence.

There is no question that BEST has done some
important legwork on the investigations that
significantly helped break open the Bali case, and it
is using the Bali bombings to try to significantly
increase its resources. According to one press report,
a draft presidential instruction is being prepared to

create new intelligence structures, one at the national
level and one at the provincial and district level.

The first would coordinate intelligence agencies
belonging to the Attorney General's Office, police,
customs, immigration, relevant units from each
branch of the armed forces, and BEST. The second
would do the same but at a sub-national level. All
would be coordinated by the head of BEST, A.M.
Hendropriyono.

107

Coordination is important, and there is no question
that it is not now taking place. But creating a new
structure would put the cart before the horse. Major
issues need to be resolved first, such as the exact
division of responsibility between the police and the
army on internal security matters. No amount of
coordination on paper is going to force an army
officer to turn over information to the police, or vice
versa, when each force sees the other as determined
to undermine its authority. One provincial army
intelligence officer told ICG, "We're sitting on all
this information, and no one's asking for it". He
suggested that unless and until the post-Soeharto
tendency to leave investigations to the police was
reversed, the information would stay unused.

08

At the same time, the professional pride of the police
is at an all-time high with the Bali successes. This
may be the first time that police are taking pride
across the country as a force getting results through
dogged pursuit of leads, rather than money or
coercion. If ever there were a moment for
strengthening civilian law enforcement agencies, it
is now, but it has to be done with strong civilian
oversight mechanisms.

One intelligence officer in eastern Indonesia told ICG
he had no money to pay informants, and even though
he strongly suspected a military training camp was in
operation not far from his office, he had no funds to
pay anyone to try and find out what was going on.
Lack of resources for intelligence gathering is a
serious issue, particularly in remote areas, but
without adequate controls, extra resources are going
to be consumed by corruption.

□ The government needs to get far more serious
than it has about controlling leakage of

"BIN Akan Buka Cabang Hingga ke Daerah," Koran
Tempo, 27 November 2002.
108 ICG interview, 22 November 2002.

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weapons, ammunition, and explosives from
Indonesian military depots.

Much of the weaponry and explosives used by JI was
purchased abroad but not all of it, and trial
documents, not only from the Christmas Eve
bombings but also from other bombings such as that
of the Jakarta Stock Exchange, show how the arms
trade is flourishing in Bandung and Batam. The
Indonesian government might want to consider
setting up a commission with advice or input from
some of the international investigators working on
the Bali case about how this trade can best be curbed.

□ A major unanswered question remains what
happens after Maluku and Poso?

It would be a valuable contribution to the conflict
resolution efforts in both areas to understand exactly
what role groups like the Laskar Mujahidin have
played and what havoc they can continue to wreak.

Jakarta/Brussels, 11 December 2002

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APPENDIX A
PARTIAL LIST OF BOMBINGS IN INDONESIA ATTRIBUTED TO JEMAAH ISLAMIYAH

(This list does not include bombings that took
place in Maluku or Poso)

I. Istiqlal Mosque, Jakarta 19 April 1999

II. Residence of the Philippines Ambassador,
Jakarta, 1 August 2000

(Two died, Fathur Rahman al-Gozi, Abdul Jabar
among those believed responsible.)

(Malaysian Embassy, Jakarta, 27 August 2000
(not attributed to JI but should be re-examined)

(Jakarta Stock Exchange, 13 September 2000
(not attributed to JI but should be re-examined)

III. Christmas Eve bombings, 24 December

2000 109

1. Jakarta

(a)

(b)

Jakarta Cathedral, Lapangan Banteng.
Bomb went off between 8:55 and 9:10
pm. It was placed about two metres to
the right of the entrance of the church,
apparently under a car. Caused blue-
white smoke and left little trace. A team
from the police forensics lab found
another eight kg bomb that had not
exploded on the ground near the front
gate of the church. It was equipped with
a small alarm clock as a timer.

Kanisius Church, JI. Menteng Raya, two
explosions between 8:45 and 8:50 pm
that wounded five. First caused thick
black smoke, second exploded with a
red flame. The explosions took place
after the first mass had finished.

(c) Santo Yosef Church, JI. Matraman Raya
No. 129. Bomb went off at 8:55 pm. It
gave off white smoke that then turned

109 Much of the information in this appendix comes from
notes taken by a group called Forum Indonesia Damai,
which conducted extensive interviews with eyewitnesses in
the days and weeks that followed the bombings.

into very thick black smoke. The
explosive contained bits of metal that
wounded many of the victims. Four
were killed, eighteen wounded, and
there was substantial material damage:
fourteen cars, one foodstall, one cart
selling tahu, and one bus stop shelter.
The bomb went off under a tree near the
back gate about 20 metres from the
Marsudirini convent. The type of bomb
was never identified.

(d) Oikumene Protestant Christian Church,
JI. Komodor, Halim Perdanakusuma.
Bomb went off at 9:10 pm while a
service was underway, wounding a four-
year-old girl. Not clear where the bomb
was placed but the smoke from the
explosion came into the church from
under the main door and from a window
that had been broken from pellet shot
(not clear when). The bomb left a small
crater, about five cm deep and some 45
cm across. One car was destroyed, three
others damaged.

(e) Koinonia Church, Jatinegara. Bomb
went off between 7:15 and 7:45 pm.
Two men from Polres, one named Sgt.
Cipto, were guarding church. Area was
fairly deserted save for a few vendors, a
parked car and two cigarette sellers in
front of the church. The bomb was
placed in a Microlet with license plate
B2955W, that had been emptied of
passengers. The driver died, and a
woman named Sumiati Tampubolon
was wounded. The type of bomb was
never identified, but it left thick grey
smoke and a crater about 70 cm across.

(f) Anglican Church, JI. Arif Rahman
Hakim, Menteng

2. Bekasi

Protestant church, JI. Gunung Gede Raya. Bomb
went off around 9:05 p.m. Two other bombs were
disabled by the Gegana team of the Bekas policei.

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All three were buried in the ground in a yard that
functioned as a parking lot. The bomb containing
pellets was placed in a box and wrapped with a black
plastic bag, then placed in a hole about 30 cm deep
and 50 cm across. The hole was then covered with
stones and trash. A pager was used as a timer. The
pellets wounded three bystanders.

3. Bandung

Bomb went off at a ruko (dwelling over a shop) on
Jl. Terusan Jakarta, Cicadas, Antapani about 3:00
p.m. killing three of the would-be bombers.

4. Sukabumi

(a) Sidang Krisrus Church, Jl. Alun-Alun
Utara. Bomb went off about 9:10 pm.

(b) Huria Kristen Batak Protestan Church
on Jl. Otista

5. Ciamis

Jl Pantai Pengandaran in front of Hotel Surya
Kencana, Dusun Banuasin RT 09/04 Kec.
Pangandaran, Kab. Ciamis. Exploded prematurely
about 6:20 p.m.

6. Pekanbaru

(a) HKBP Church on Jl. Hang Tuah

(b) Church on Jl. Sidomulyo

(c) Third church, on Jl. Ahmand Dahlan,
Gg Horas, Kel. Kedungsari, Sukajadi,
targeted not on Christmas Eve but on
28 December 2002.

7. Batam

(a) Protestant Church, Simalungun
(GKPS) Sei Panas

(b) Bethel Indonesia Church (GBI)
Bethany, My Mart Carnival Mall

(c) Pentecostal Church of Indonesia, on Jl.
Pelita

(d) Santo Beato Church, Damian,
Bengkong

8. Medan

(a) Protestant Church of Indonesia, Jl.
Sriwijaya

(b) GKPS Stadion Teladan

(c) Kemenangan Iman Indonesia Church
(GKII) Hasanudin

(d) GKII Sisingmanagaraja

(e) HKBPChurch Sudirman

(f) Santo Paulus Church, Jl HM Joni

(g) Cathedral Church, Jl. Pemuda

(h) Krisrus Raja Church, Jl. MT Haryono

(i) Home of Pastor James Hood, Jl.
Merapi

(j) Home of Pastor Oloan Pasaribu, Jl.
Sriwijaya

(k) Catholic vicarage, Jl. Hayam Wuruk

9. Pematang siantar

(a) Home of pastor Elisman Sibayak, Jl.
Kasuari

(b) Gereja HKBP Damai, Jl. Asahan

(c) Home of a pastor in the Kalam Kudus
Church, Jl. Supomo

(d) Unidentified building on Jl. Merdeka

10. Mojokerto

(a) Santo Yoseph Church, Jl. Pemuda. The
bombs went off at 8:30.

(b) Kristen Allah Baik Church, Jl.
Cokroaminoto. The explosion took
place around 8:30 pm

(c) Kristen Ebinezer Church, Jl. Kartini,
Ggl

(d) Bethany Church, Jl Pemuda

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11. Mataram

(a) Protestant Church of Western
Indonesia (GPIB) Imanuel, Jl Bung
Karno. Bomb went off about 10:05. It
had been placed in front of the pastor' s
house, at the back of the church on the
eastern side near an empty lot. A
second bomb was defused by police.
The first gave off a smell of
gunpowder and black smoke for about
30 minutes. It left a hole about fifteen
cm across.

(b) Pentecostal Church Pusat Surabaya

(GPPS) Betlehem, Jl. Pemuda No one
was around when the bombs went off.
The first bomb went off near the front
corner of the church; the second was
near an empty lot in the eastern part of
the church complex.

(c) Christian cemetery, Kapiten, Ampenan.
Bomb went off about 10:05 p.m.

IV. Bombing of Gereja HKBP and Gereja Santa
Ana, Jakarta, 22 July 2001

V. Atrium Mall bombing, Jakarta, 1 August 2001.

(Second Atrium Mall bombing 23 September
2001, not attributed to Jl, should be re-examined)

(Hand grenade thrown into Australian
International School in Pejaten, South Jakarta, 6
November 2001, not attributed to Jl at the time,
should be re-examined)

VII. Gereja Petra, North Jakarta, 9 November
2001

VIII. Grenade Explosion near U.S. Embassy
Warehouse, Jakarta, 23 September 2002

IX. Sari Club and Paddy's Cafe, Bali, 12
October 2002

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APPENDIX B

INDEX OF NAMES AND ORGANISATIONS

Abbas. One of the aliases of the Atrium Mall
bomber, Dedi or Eddy Setiono. See Dedi.

Abdul Azis Kahar Muzakkar. (Qahhar
Mudzakkar). Son of former Darul Islam commander
Kahar Muzakkar; head of KPSI, Komite Pengerakan
Syariat Islam (Committee to Uphold Islamic Law) in
Makassar, South Sulawesi. Head of Hidayatullah
pesantren in Makassar, a branch of the main
Hidayatullah pesantren in Balikpapan, East
Kalimantan.

Abdul Aziz alias Imam Samudra. Key suspect in
the Bali bombings, arrested 21 November 2002.
Born in Serang, Banten, graduated with highest
honors in 1990 from the Madrasah Aliyah Negeri
(MAN) I in Serang. In 1988, he became head of a
Banten-wide association of madrasahs called
HOSMA (Himpunan Osis Madrasah Aliyah). He
was also known within the madrasah association as a
religious activist and reportedly became radicalized
by one of the teachers at his high school, former
Darul Islam leader Kyai Saleh As'ad. Abdul Aziz
left for Malaysia in 1990. His parents, Ahmad
Sihabudin and Embay Badriyah, were strong
supporters of the Muslim organization, PERSIS.

Abdul Jabar. Suspect in August 2000 attack on
Philippines Ambassador's residence in Jakarta and
Christmas Eve 2000 bombings in Jakarta. Married
to a woman from Dompu, Sumbawa, protected by
her family, and believed as of late 2002 to still be
hiding in the area.

Abdul Qadir Baraja. Born 10 August 1944 in
Taliwong, Sumbawa, former head of Darul Islam-
Lampung in 1970s, former lecturer at Pondok
Ngruki. Arrested twice, once in January 1979 in
connection with Teror Warman, served three years,
then arrested and sentenced to thirteen years in
connection with bombings in East Java and
Borobodur in early 1985. Founded Khilafatul
Muslimin, an organization dedicated to the
restoration of the Islamic caliphate in 1997. Took
part in founding of Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia in
August 2000 but is not an active member of MMI.

Abdul Rauf alias Sam bin Jahruddin. Bali
bombings suspect, member of JI cell with Imam
Samudra. Born in Cipodoh, Tangerang, West Java,
in 1981, he met Abdul Aziz alias Imam Samudra in
2001 in Bandung through a mutual friend. Rauf at
the time was taking courses in journalism, but he
had attended Pondok Ngruki from 1992 to 1997.
Reportedly helped make the Bali bombs.

Abdullah Sungkar. Co-founder of Pondok Ngruki
{Pesantren al-Mukmin) outside Solo, Central Java
and Pesantren Luqmanul Hakiem in Johor,
Malaysia. Born in 1937 to a well-known family of
batik traders of Yemeni descent in Solo. Detained
briefly in 1977 for urging abstention in national
elections, then arrested with Abu Bakar Ba'asyir in
1978 on subversion charges for alleged involvement
in Komando Jihad/Daml Islam. Fled to Malaysia in
1985, founded Jemaah Islamiyah about 1995, died
in Indonesia in November 1999.

Abdullah Syafi'ie. Commander of armed forces of
the Free Aceh Movement (Gerakan Aceh Merdeka
or GAM), killed by Indonesian army in early 2002.

Abdurrahman. Alias used by Abdul Aziz alias
Imam Samudra in Batam bombings of December
2001.

Abu Bakar Ba'syir. Co-founder with Abdullah
Sungkar of Pondok Ngruki, active in al-Irsyad
organization, born in 1938 in Jombang, East Java,
fled in Malaysia in 1985, returned to Indonesia after
Soeharto resigned. Helped found International
Mujahidin Association (Robitatul Mujahidin or RM)
in Malaysia in late 1999, and Majelis Mujahidin
Indonesia (MMI) in August 2000. Allegedly
inherited leadership of Jemaah Islamiyah from
Abdullah Sungkar when latter died in 1999 but
considered insufficiently radical by JI membership.
As of mid-October 2002, under arrest in Jakarta on
suspicion of involvement in terrorist activities.

Abu Dzar. Nom de guerre for Haris Fadillah,
commander of Laskar Mujahidin forces in Maluku
until he was killed on 26 October 2000 in Siri-Sori
Islam, Saparua. Father-in-law of Omar al-Faruq,

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father of Mira Agustina. He was of mixed
Makassarese-Malay blood, born in Labo Singkep,
Riau.

Abu Fatih. Nom de guerre for Abdullah Anshori
alias Ibnu Thoyib, alleged to be one of the top JI
leaders. Fled to Malalysia in June 1986, joined
Abdullah Sungkar and Abu Bakar Ba'asyir,
reportedly helped recruit volunteers for Afghanistan.
From Pacitan, East Java, he is brother of Abdul
Rochim, a teacher at Ngruki.

Abu Hasbi Geudong. See Hasbi Geudong.

Abu Jibril. See Fikiruddin.

Abu Jihad. See Fauzi Hasbi.

Agus Dwikarna. Born in Makassar on 11 August
1964, head of Laskar Jundullah, detained in the
Philippines in March 2002 and convicted on charges
of illegal possession of explosives, suspected of
involvement in bombings in Manila and Jakarta on
the basis of information extracted from Fathur
Rahman al-Gozi, an Indonesian also detained in the
Philippines. Dwikarna was active in the political
party, PAN, was a former member of HMI-MPO, the
hardline wing of the Indonesian Muslim Students
Association. Served as general secretary for the
Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI) after its
founding in August 2000. Also headed the Makassar
branch of KOMPAK, an alleged charitable
organisation that made videos documenting atrocities
against Muslims in Poso and Ambon that were used
for JI recruitment purposes. KOMPAK-Makassar
was also alleged to have channeled arms to Poso.

Agus Hidayat. One of the Bali suspects who
worked with Imam Samudra. Like Yudi, a product
of the state Islamic school system in Banten.
Arrested on 25 November 2002 in connection with
the robbery of a goldsmith's shop in Serang, Banten.

Agus Kurniawan. Born 9 August 1978 arrested in
connection with the Christmas Eve 2000 bombings
in Bandung. Sentenced to nine years in prison in
2001.

Ahmad, Ustadz. Associate of Imam Samudra's
whom a bomber recruited by Samudra was supposed
to meet to arrange the bombing of a church outside
Pekanbaru, Riau in December 2001.

Akim alias Fadli. Originally from Aceh, Akim was
a small-time marijuana and arms dealer in Medan.

Arrested in connection with the Medan Christmas
Eve bombing, he was eventually convicted of
marijuana possession. Currently detained of Tanjung
Gusta Prison, Medan.

Akim Hakimuddin alias Suheb alias Asep. Akim,
about 30, was one of the Bandung Christmas Eve
bombers who died when the bomb went off
prematurely. From Cikalang, Tasikmalaya, he had
lived in Afghanistan between 1987 and 1991, and
went from there to Malaysia, where he met Hambali.
Akim also had two tours of duty in Ambon as a
member of the Laskar Mujahidin forces between late
1999 and 2001. He probably returned to West Java
sometime in the late 1990s, and joined a militant
group called Barigade Taliban or Taliban Brigade,
led by Kyai Zenzen Zaenal (Jainal) Muttaqin Atiq.
Kyai Zenzen appears on a list of officers of the
Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI) as a member of
the Education and Culture Committee of the religious
council (Ahlul Halli Wal Aqdi).

Ali Gufron alias Muklas/Muchlas alias Huda bin
Abdul Haq. From Lamongan, East Java, elder
brother of Amrozi, graduate of Pondok Ngruki in
1982, veteran of Afghanistan, resident of Malaysia
where he taught at the Luqman al-Hakiem pesantren
in Johor. Reportedly took over responsibility for JI
operations in Singapore and Malaysia from Hambali
when the international search for Hambali grew too
intense.

Ali Imron. 35, younger brother of Amrozi, graduate
of the Islamic high school (madrasah aliyah) in
Karangasem, Lamongan, East Java, in 1986, joined
his brothers in Malaysia in 1990, lived eight years
there (with apparently a one-year break in 1995
studying in Pakistan), studied at the Luqmanul
Hakiem pesantren in Johor. After his return to
Indonesia, became a teacher at Pondok al-Islam in
Lamongan. Reportedly drove minivan used in Bali
attack from Lamongan to Bali.

Amrozi. 39. Arrested on 5 November 2002 for
involvement in Bali plot. Born in 1963 in Tenggulun,
Lamongan, dropped out of Islamic high school, left
to work in Malaysia in 1985 for six months, returned
to East Java, went back to Malaysia in 1992 and
studied with Muchlas at Luqman al-Hakiem
pesantren in Johor. Came back to Indonesia in 1997.
In 2000 Abdul Aziz alias Imam Samudra contacted
Amrozi, asked him to help obtain bomb-making
materials for use in Ambon. Opened an auto repair

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shop in 2001, expert at repairing cars, cell phones,
and other equipment.

Aris Mundandar. Right-hand man of Abu Bakar
Ba'asyir at Pondok Ngruki. Born in Sambi, Boyolali,
Java, graduated from Pondok Ngruki in 1989 (same
year as Fathur Rahman al-Gozi). Fluent in Arabic
and English. Active member of Majelis Mujahidin
Indonesia and director of Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah
for Central Java. One of the founders of KOMPAK,
and producer of its video CDs about the conflict in
Poso and Maluku that were used as JI recruiting
tools. Said to be a leading figure in the Jakarta
branch of an Abu Dhabi-based charity called Darul
Birri. Also active in Mer-C (Medical Emergency
Rescue Center) a Muslim humanitarian organization
that sent assistance to Afghanistan after the
American bombing campaign began in late 200 1 .

Arjuna. A Libyan-trained GAM defector from
Aceh Pidie whose entire family Arkam was
reportedly wiped out by Indonesian security forces
during the Indonesian army's counter-insurgency
operations of the mid-1990s. He reportedly fled to
Malaysia in 1998 and joined forces there with the
the breakaway faction of GAM known as MP-
GAM, and began working with Indonesian officials
in 1999.

Arkam. A native of Sumbawa who reportedly
stayed with Amrozi in Lamongan, East Java.

Basuki alias Iqbal bin Ngatmo. Arrested in
connection with an attempt to bomb a church outside
Pekanbaru, Riau, in December 2001, on the
instructions of Abdul Aziz alias Imam Samudra. He
had been intending to go to Ambon for jihad when
Samudra reportedly persuaded him that jihad was
also possible elsewhere.

Batalyon Badar. Islamic group that took
responsibility for the church bombings in Pekanbaru
on Christmas Eve 2000. The claim was widely
dismissed at the time but it may be re-examined in
the wake of the Bali attack.

Camp Chaldun. Training camp in Afghanistan
where many JI leaders reportedly trained.

Daud Beureueh. Leader of the Acehnese Darul
Islam rebellion from 1953 to 1962, initially a
completely separate movement from that in West
Java which bore the same name. The movements
joined forces, at least on paper, in the early 1960s,
shortly before they were defeated by the Indonesian

army, and Beureueh became imam of the movement.
He was born in 1899 and died in 1987.

Dedi Mulyadi. One of the West Java bombers for
the Christmas Eve 2000 operation, he was born in
1969 and went to Malaysia as a migrant worker in
1991. He was in Afghanistan from 1991-92, then
returned to Malaysia where he worked until late
1994. He returned to Tasikmalaya and worked as a
trader, then moved to Purwakarta and lived there
until 1999 when he moved back to Tasikmalaya.

Dedi Setiono alias Abbas alias Usman. One of the

convicted Atrium Mall bombers, Dedi was a Maluku
veteran. He was from Bogor originally, had lived for
many years in Malaysia, and made his living selling
mineral water in Jakarta. Dedi had been with
Hambali in Afghanistan in 1987 and met him again
in South Jakarta in October 2000 to plan the
Christmas Eve bombings. After his "success" as
field commander for Jakarta of the latter operation,
Abbas worked with Imam Samudra to coordinate the
Atrium Mall bombing in early August 2001 .

DDII, Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia.

Islamic Propagation Counci, sometimes seen as
Islamic Proselytisation Council. Founded in 1967 by
Mohammed Natsir. Close relations with the Rabitat
al-Alam al-Islami, World Muslim League, based in
Saudi Arabia.

Didin Rosman. See Iqbal.

Edi Sugiarto. One of the men convicted of the
Christmas Eve 2000 bombings in Medan. Born on
22 August 1955 in Medan, he was of mixed
Javanese-Acehnese ethnicity. During the army's
counter-insurgency operations in Aceh throughout
the 1990s, he operated an auto and electronics repair
shop or bengkel in Uleeglee, Pidie, Aceh. The shop
became well known as a gathering place for
Kopassus forces. Sometime in the late 1990s, Edi
began providing information to GAM and fixing
their electronic equipment. He was accused of
making the remote control mechanisms and timers
for fourteen bombs, only one of which exploded. He
was sentenced in 2001 to eleven years in prison.

Encep Nurjaman. See Hambali.

Enjang Bastaman alias Jabir. See Jabir.

Fadli alias Akim. See Akim.

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Faiz bin Abubakar Bafana. Malaysian JI member
currently detained in Singapore. Reportedly spent
his childhood in Tanah Abang, Jakarta. His
interrogation depositions have placed Abu Bakar
Ba'asyir at some of the planning meetings for JI
operations. Bafana reportedly worked closely with
Hambali and helped him purchase explosives for
the December 2000 bombings.

al-Faruq, Omar alias Moh. Assegaf. Alleged
Kuwaiti (although the Kuwaiti government has
denied that he is a citizen) linked to al-Qaeda,
whose confession of activities in Indonesia
provided the cover story for Time Magazine, 23
September 2002. See Abu Dzar

Fathur Rahman al-Ghozi. Born in Madium, East
Java, he was arrested in Manila in January 2002
and convicted on charges of illegal possession of
explosives. He graduated from Pondok Ngruki in
1989, studied in Pakistan, spent some time in
Malaysia and has a Malaysian wife. His father,
Zenuri, served time in prison for alleged links to
Komando Jihad.

Fauzi Hasbi alias Abu Jihad. Son of Hasbi
Geudong, father of Lamkaruna Putra. Self-styled
leader of Republik Islam Aceh (RIA) and Front
Mujahidin Born in 1948 in Samudera Geudong
subdistrict, North Aceh. He spent much of his
childhood (age 7 to 14) in the hills with the Darul
Islam guerrilla forces. He joined GAM in 1976 with
his father and brother, was arrested in 1977, was
released under the guidance of Kopassus officer
Syafrie Sjamsuddin to whom he became close. He
started working against GAM. Through his father, he
knew Abdullah Sungkar and became close to many
of the JI members in Malaysia.

Fernandez, Joe. Malaysian state assemblyman
from Lunas killed on 14 November 2000 in Bukit
Mertajam, Malaysia, apparently by the Jl-linked
KKM.

Fikiruddin Muqti alias Abu Jibril alias Mohamed
Ibal bin Abdurrahman. Born in Tirpas-Selong
village, East Lombok. Became well-known preacher
(muballigh) at the Sudirman mosque in Yogyakarta
in the early 1980s. Fled to Malaysia in 1985, later
joined by wife. Arrested by Malaysian authorities in
June 2001 and charged with trying to establish a
Southeast Asia-wide Islamic state. Made frequent
trips to Indonesia, appears on a video CD recruiting
volunteers to fight in the Maluku conflict. Became a

member of the executive committee of Majelis
Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI) in August 2000.

Fuad Amsyari. Secretary to Abu Bakar Ba'asyir in
the religious council of the Majelis Mujahidin
Indonesia (MMI).

GAM, Gerakan Aceh Merdeka. The Free Aceh
Movement, started by Hasan di Tiro in 1976. While
GAM is the acronym commonly used to describe
both the political and military organization, GAM
members themselves use GAM for the political
movement and AG AM for the armed forces. Hasan
di Tiro uses ASNLF, the Acheh Sumatra National
Liberation Front as the term for the political
movement. "Aceh" is considered pro-government
orthography; "Acheh" is the spelling preferred by
the pro-independence movement.

Haji Aceng Suheri. Scrap iron dealer, late 50's,
provided house in Bandung where Christmas Eve
2000 bombs were constructed.

Haji Ismail Pranoto, see Hispran.

Haji Mansur. Father-in-law of wanted JI member
Abdul Jabar, retired army officer, former village
head of Sanio, subdistrict Woja, in Dompu, central
Sumbawa.

Hambali alias Riduan Isamuddin. Born Encep
Nurjaman in Kampung Pabuaran, subdistrict Karang
Tengah, Cianjur, West Java on 4 April 1964. Second
of 1 1 children of Ending Isomudin (deceased) and
his wife, Eni Maryani. Attended madrasah called
Manarul Huda, graduated from Al-Ianah Islamic
High School, Cianjur, in 1984. Around late 1985, he
left for Malaysia, saying he wanted to find work as a
trader. Became a protege of Abdullah Sungkar, spent
several years in Afghanistan. Reportedly directed
Christmas Eve 2000 bombings, was head of JI for
Singapore and Malaysia, allegedly replaced in late
2002 by Ali Gufron alias Muchlas.

Haris Fadillah. See Abu Dzar.

Hasan di Tiro. Head of GAM and the Acheh
Sumatra National Liberation Front. Based in Sweden.

Hasbi Geudong. Close associate of Acehnese Darul
Islam leader Daud Beureueh, joined GAM in 1976
with two sons, Muchtar Hasbi and Fauzi Hasbi.
Arrested in mid-1980s, moved to Singapore upon his
release, then, allegedly after threats from Hasan di
Tiro's men, to Malaysia where he became a neighbor

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Page 34

of Abdullah Sungkar. Close to other DI leaders in
West Java, he was considered by some to be the
third imam of DI after Kartosuwirjo and Daud
Beureueh. Died in Jakarta in March 1993.

Hendropriyono (Lt. Gen.). Head of National
Intelligence Agency (Badan Intelijen Negara or
BIN). In 1989, as head of Korem 043 in Kampung,
the Black Garuda Command, he led an assault on a
religious school in Way Jepara, Talangsari, Lampung
that was linked to Pondok Ngruki through Abdullah
Sungkar. In 1999 as Minister of Transmigration, he
offered many of the Lampung families affected by
the assault a form of material reconciliation known as
islah, and as a result, some were resettled on shrimp
farms in Sumbawa.

Hispran (Haji Ismail Pranoto). Originally from
Brebes, former senior commander of the Darul Islam
in East Java, used by Ali Moertopo to reactive Darul
Islam as Komando Jihad in the mid-1970s.
Reportedly inducted Abu Bakar Ba'asyir and
Abdullah Sungkar into DI in 1976. Hispran was
arrested in January 1977, tried in 1978, and
sentenced to life in prison on subversion charges. He
died in Cipinang Prison, Jakarta.

Holis alias Udin. One of the plotters in the West
Java Christmas Eve 2000 bombings, still at large as
of December 2002. From Desa Leuwianyar Tawang
subdistrict, Tasikmalaya.

Husaini Hasan. Leader of breakaway faction of
GAM known as MP-GAM, currently resident in
Sweden. Bitterly opposed to Hasan di Tiro.

Huzrin Hood. Bupati of Kepulauan Riau (Riau
Archipelago), alleged to have met with Omar al-
Faruq and his wife in May 2002, reportedly
associated with a hardline mosque in Tanjung
Pinang, Riau.

Idris Mahmud, known as Teuku (Tk.) Idris. An
Acehnese linked to MP-GAM who reportedly is
part of the inner circle of JI in Malaysia. Reported
to be a protege of Arjuna (see Arjuna).

Imam Samudra. See Abdul Aziz.

Iqbal alias Didin. Arrested in connection with West
Java Christmas Eve bombings of December 2000.
Born Didin Rosman in 1958, a product of Darul
Islam-affiliated pesantrens. Originally from Pasar
Ucing, Garut, West Java, Iqbal had studied at
Pesantren Rancadadap in Curug, Garut, then moved

to another pesantren, Awi Hideung. In the late
1970s, he became a trader of palm sugar and other
goods that he sold in the Kiaracondong market in
Bandung. Iqbal reportedly kept up his religious
studies with various kyai, including Kyai Saeful
Malik, also known as Acengan Cilik, a former Darul
Islam leader. Iqbal was a key local contact for Jabir
and Hambali as the Christmas Eve 2000 bombings
were being planned. Sentenced in 2001 to a twenty-
year prison term.

Iqbal alias Armasan alias Lacong. The alleged
suicide bomber in Bali was born in Sukamana,
Malimping, Banten in 1980. Member of the cell
that included Imam Samudra and Yudi.

Irfan Awwas Suryahardy. Born in Tirpas-Selong
village, East Lombok, 4 April 1960. Attended
Gontor pesantren. Edited ar-Risalah newsletter in
early 1980s, founded activist organisation called
Badan Komunikasi Pemuda Mesjid (BKPM).
Arrested on subversion charges, sentenced on 8
February 1984 to 13 years in prison, served nine.
Head of executive committee of Majelis Mujahidin
Indonesia (MMI). Brother of Fikiruddin.

Iswandi alias Herianto, name used by man sought in
Medan bombings of Christmas Eve 2000. See Polem.

Jabir. Alias of Enjang Bastaman, JI figure and friend
of Hambali killed in Bandung in Christmas Eve 2000
bombing operation. About 40 years old, he was from
Banjarsari, Ciamis, graduated from Pondok Ngruki
around 1990 and continued education at Perguruan
Tinggi Dakwah Islam (PTDI) in Tanjung Priok.
Lived in Malaysia and had trained in Afghanistan,
also visited Thailand. In 1996 he returned to Ciamis
to get married, took his wife back to Malaysia that
same year. He returned to Indonesia when his first
child was about to be born in 1998 and stayed in the
Bandung area thereafter. In 2000 he reportedly
moved to Tasikmalaya but maintained regular
contact with JI people in Malaysia.

Jemaah Islamiyah. Organisation set up by Abdullah
Sungkar in Malaysia in 1994 or 1995, not to be
confused with the generic term, jemaah islamiyah
which just means "Islamic community." It was
formally entered on the United Nations list of
terrorist organisations on 23 October 2002.

Kahar Muzakkar. Leader of the Darul Islam
rebellion in South Sulawesi from 1950 to 1965. Born
La Domeng in Luwu, South Sulawesi in 1921, he
rebelled after the Indonesian army refused to

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Page 35

incorporate his forces as a separate brigade. He died
in 1965 after being shot in a raid carried out by
Mohamad Jusuf, later Indonesian Defense Minister.
One of his sons, Aziz Kahar Muzakkar, head of
KPSI and Pesantren Hidayatullah in Malaysia is
reportedly close to some JI members.

Kartosuwirjo, Sekarmadji Maridjan. Leader of
the West Java Darul Islam rebellion 1948-62. Born
in Cepu, West Java, in 1905, died upon capture in
1962. Inspirational figure for many in Indonesia who
advocate an Islamic state, including JI members.

Khilafatul Muslimin. Organization set up by Abdul
Qadir Baraja in Teluk Betung, Lampung, and
Taliwong, Sumbawa.

KMM, Kumpulan Mujahidin Malaysia (Malalysian
authorities often use "Kumpulan Militant Malaysia").
Group linked to JI whose members were associated
not only with a series of bank robberies and
explosions but also with a series of meetings in
Malaysia in which one of the 1 1 September hijackers
took part.

Komando Jihad. Name given by Soeharto
government to a revived Darul Islam movement of
the mid-1970s that was manipulated by Ali
Moertopo, a senior Indonesian army officer in charge
of covert operations, to discredit the Muslim
opposition to Soeharto prior to the 1977 elections.

KPPSI, Komite Persiapan Pengerakan Syariat
Islam. The Preparatory Committee for Upholding
Islamic Law was set up in Makassar, South Sulawesi
in May 2000. Founders reportedly saw it as a way of
continuing the Darul Islam struggle through
constitutional means. The head was Abdul Aziz
Qahhar Muzakkar; Agus Dwikarna was a prominent
member. The organisation later dropped the
"Preparatory" and became simply KPSI.

Kulur. Name of an ethnic group in Saparua,
Maluku, whose members served in the Indonesian
army and reported assisted Laskar Mujahidin forces.

Laksar Mujahidin. The umbrella group of armed
forces linked to JI fighting in Maluku and Poso.
Total number never exceeded 500 in Maluku. First
commander was Abu Dzar, Omar al-Faruq's father-
in-law who was killed in October 2000. Not to be
confused with Laskar Jihad, with which there was no
cooperation.

Laskar Jundullah. Name given to security wing of
KPPSI led by Agus Dwikarna that sent fighters to
Poso and Maluku. The term "Laskar Jundullah" or
Army of Allah was also used by a number of ad hoc
units that fought in Maluku and Poso prior to Laskar
Jundullah 's formal creation in September 2000.

Ligadinsyah alias Lingga. GAM commander for
Central Aceh (Takengon), Libyan-trained. Tried and
convicted in connection with the Medan Christmas
Eve bombings of December 2000 but involvement
appears to have consisted of overhearing a
conversation. Serving sentence in Tanjung Gusta
Prison, Medan.

MMI, Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia. Organisation
set up in August 2000 by Abu Bakar Ba'asyir and
Irfan Awwas Suryahardy to constitute a political
front for all groups in Indonesia working to establish
Islamic law. MMI includes many JI members, but
also many others with perfectly legitimate
occupations.

Malik Mahmud. Prime Minister of GAM.

Mira Agustina. Wife of Omar al-Faruq, daughter
of Haris Fadillah alias Abu Dzar.

Mohamed Syafe'i. Brother of Irfan Awwas
Suryahardy, reportedly head of pesantren al-Banna
in east Lombok. Pesantren said to have been
disbanded in late 2002.

Mohammed Fawazi. Man from east Lombok
being sought in connection with Bali bombings.

Muchlas. See Ali Gufron.

Muchtar Yahya Hasbi. Son of Hasbi Geudong,
deputy to Hasan di Tiro in GAM after its founding
in 1976 and head of the drafting committee of
Republik Islam Aceh (RIA). Shot and killed in
Indonesian army assault on GAM in 1980.

Mursalin Dahlan. Helped found MMI; active in
Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah Indonesia (Islamic
Propagation Council). Former activist student at
Bandung Institute of Technology; imprisoned for six
months prior to special session of the People's
Consultative Assembly (MPR) 1978; shared a cell
with Darul Islam notable Panji Gumilang alias Abu
To to; heads West Java branch of a Muslim political
party, Partai Umat Islam (PUI).

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Ngruki. Town outside Solo, Central Java, that gave
its name to the religious boarding school founded by
Abdullah Sungkar and Abu Bakar Ba'asyir. The
school, whose official name is Pesantren al-
Mukmin, is better known as Pondok Ngruki. Many
JI members have attended or taught there or have
links to one of the two founders.

Nil, Negara Islam Indonesia. Islamic State of
Indonesia, name given to the state that the Darul
Islam movement was trying to establish.

Pesantren Luqman al-Hakiem. A religious
boarding school in Johor, Malaysia, founded by
Abdullah Sungkar and which many JI members
appear to have attended.

Polem. A nickname meaning "elder brother" in
Acehnese, Polem had an identity card in the name of
Iswandi. Said to be from Pasar Teupin Punti,
Samtalirah Aron subdistrict, in Lhokseumawe, North
Aceh. Had trucking and shrimp farm business, did
business with GAM. Said to be a key figure in the
Medan Christmas Eve bombings of December 2000.

RM, Rabitatul Mujahidin. International Mujahidin
Association established by Abu Bakar Ba'asyir in
Kuala Lumpur in late 1999. Representatives of
Muslim separatist organisations from Indonesia, the
Philippines, Thailand, and Burma attended, together
with several key JI members. The association itself
is not particularly active.

Ramli. Acehnese foodstall owner in Medan who
appeared as witness in the Medan Christmas Eve
bombings trials.

Rauf. See Abdul Rauf.

Riduan Isamuddin. See Hambali.

Rony Milyar. Convicted in Bandung Christmas Eve
2000 bombings. See Agus Kurniawan.

Saleh As'ad. Kyai from Banten, former Darul Islam
figure, said to have helped radicalise Imam Samudra.

Shodiq Musawa. Convicted in 1985 Borobodur
bombing, relative of Abdul Qadir Baraja, long-time
resident of Malang, East Java. Member of MMI.

Syafrie Sjamsuddin. Major General, spokesman for
the Indonesian armed forces headquarters, arrested
Fauzi Hasbi alias Abu Jihad, has maintained close
contact with him ever since.

Syawal, Yassin. Also known as Salim Yasin, Abu
Seta, Mahmud, Muhamad Mubarok, and Muhammad
Syawal. Son-in-law of Abdullah Sungkar (married a
stepdaughter). Trained at Camp Chaldun in
Afghanistan with Hambali, leading JI figure in South
Sulawesi. Is alleged to have carried out military
training at the Hidyatullah pesantren in Balikpapan,
East Kalimantan, together with Aris Munandar and
Omar al-Faruq, for recruits going to fight in Poso and
Maluku. Reportedly has strong ties to the southern
Philippines as well.

Tamsil Linrung. Former treasurer of the National
Mandate Party (PAN), arrested with Agus Dwikarna
in the Philippines in March 2002, freed shortly
thereafter. Helped found Laskar Jundullah, also took
part in the founding meeting of Abu Bakar
Ba'asyir's International Mujahidin Association
{Rabitatul Mujahidin) in late 1999.

Taufik Abdul Halim alias Dani, Malaysian
convicted in the Jl-linked bomb explosion at the
Atrium Mall in Jakarta on 1 August 200 1 . Younger
brother of alleged KMM head, Zulkifli bin Abdul
Hir.

Umar. Associate of Hambali who had contact with
some of the key figures involved in the West Java
Christmas Eve bombings. Resident of Malaysia.
May be one of the Umars being sought in connection
with the Bali bombings.

Usman Mahmud alias Musa. Head of a pesantren/
clinic for addicts, gamblers and thugs in West Java.
Gave work to Jabir in 1999.

Wawan. Afghanistan veteran involved in making
the bomb that went off prematurely in Bandung, 24
December 2000.

Way Jepara. Name of Lampung village where 1989
Indonesian army assault on religious school took
place after subdistrict military commander was killed.

Yazid Sufaat. Senior JI member detained in
Malaysia, said to be responsible for the Christmas
Eve 2000 bombings in Medan.

Yoyo. One of the footsoldiers in the Ciamis
Christmas Eve 2000 bombings.

Yudi alias Andri. One of the Bali suspects, part of
Imam Samudra's cell in Banten. Born in the village
of Sukamanah, Malimping, Banten in 1980. After
going to a state elementary school, Yudi went to

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Pondok Ngruki from 1992-1995. Allegedly helped
Abdul Rauf prepare the Bali bombs.

Ayman al-Zawaheri. An Egyptian doctor accused
of complicity in the assassination of Anwar Sadat,
now believed to be Osama bin Laden's deputy in al-
Qaeda. He reportedly visited Aceh in 2000,
accompanied by Omar al-Faruq.

Zulfahri, Don. Born in Idi Rayeuk, East Aceh in
1960, left Aceh in 1980 and after some years in the
United States, went to Malaysia where he became a
successful businessman. He also became a leader of
MP-GAM, the group opposed to Hasan di Tiro, and
was shot dead in Malaysia on 1 June 2000,
reportedly by di Tiro's supporters.

Zulkifli bin Abdul Hir. Brother of Taufik, above,
alleged head of Kumpulun Mujahidin Malaysia
(KMM).

Zulkifli Marzuki. Malaysian alleged to be the
"secretary" of JI.

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Page 38

APPENDIX C

MAP OF INDONESIA

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ICG Asia Report N°43, 11 December 2002

Page 39

APPENDIX D

ABOUT THE INTERNATIONAL CRISIS GROUP

The International Crisis Group (ICG) is an
independent, non-profit, multinational organisation,
with over 80 staff members on five continents,
working through field-based analysis and high-level
advocacy to prevent and resolve deadly conflict.

ICG's approach is grounded in field research. Teams
of political analysts are located within or close by
countries at risk of outbreak, escalation or recurrence
of violent conflict. Based on information and
assessments from the field, ICG produces regular
analytical reports containing practical

recommendations targeted at key international
decision- takers.

ICG's reports and briefing papers are distributed
widely by email and printed copy to officials in
foreign ministries and international organisations
and made generally available at the same time via
the organisation's Internet site, www.crisisweb.org.
ICG works closely with governments and those
who influence them, including the media, to
highlight its crisis analyses and to generate support
for its policy prescriptions.

The ICG Board - which includes prominent figures
from the fields of politics, diplomacy, business and
the media - is directly involved in helping to bring
ICG reports and recommendations to the attention of
senior policy-makers around the world. ICG is
chaired by former Finnish President Martti
Ahtisaari; and its President and Chief Executive
since January 2000 has been former Australian
Foreign Minister Gareth Evans.

ICG's international headquarters are in Brussels,
with advocacy offices in Washington DC, New York
and Paris and a media liaison office in London. The
organisation currently operates eleven field offices

(in Amman, Belgrade, Bogota, Islamabad, Jakarta,
Nairobi, Osh, Pristina, Sarajevo, Sierra Leone and
Skopje) with analysts working in over 30 crisis-
affected countries and territories across four
continents.

In Africa, those countries include Burundi, Rwanda,
the Democratic Republic of Congo, Sierra Leone-
Liberia-Guinea, Somalia, Sudan and Zimbabwe; in
Asia, Indonesia, Myanmar, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan,
Uzbekistan, Pakistan, Afghanistan and Kashmir; in
Europe, Albania, Bosnia, Kosovo, Macedonia,
Montenegro and Serbia; in the Middle East, the
whole region from North Africa to Iran; and in Latin
America, Colombia.

ICG raises funds from governments, charitable
foundations, companies and individual donors. The
following governments currently provide funding:
Australia, Austria, Canada, Denmark, Finland,
France, Germany, Ireland, Luxembourg, The
Netherlands, Norway, Sweden, Switzerland, the
Republic of China (Taiwan), Turkey, the United
Kingdom and the United States.

Foundation and private sector donors include The
Atlantic Philanthropies, Carnegie Corporation of
New York, Ford Foundation, Bill & Melinda Gates
Foundation, William & Flora Hewlett Foundation,
The Henry Luce Foundation, Inc., John D. &
Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation, The John
Merck Fund, Charles Stewart Mott Foundation,
Open Society Institute, Ploughshares Fund, The
Ruben & Elisabeth Rausing Trust, the Sasakawa
Peace Foundation and the United States Institute of
Peace.

December 2002

Further information about ICG can be obtained from our website: www.crisisweb.org

Indonesia Backgrounder: How The Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist Network Operates
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Page 40

APPENDIX E

ICG REPORTS AND BRIEFING PAPERS*

AFRICA

ALGERIA"

The Algerian Crisis: Not Over Yet, Africa Report N°24, 20
October 2000 (also available in French)

The Civil Concord: A Peace Initiative Wasted, Africa Report
N°31, 9 July 2001 (also available in French)

Algeria's Economy: A Vicious Circle of Oil and Violence,

Africa Report N°36, 26 October 2001 (also available in French)

BURUNDI

The Mandela Effect: Evaluation and Perspectives of the
Peace Process in Burundi, Africa Report N°21, 18 April 2000
(also available in French)

Unblocking Burundi's Peace Process: Political Parties,
Political Prisoners, and Freedom of the Press, Africa Briefing,
22 June 2000

Burundi: The Issues at Stake. Political Parties, Freedom of
the Press and Political Prisoners, Africa Report N°23, 12 July
2000 (also available in French)

Burundi Peace Process: Tough Challenges Ahead, Africa
Briefing, 27 August 2000

Burundi: Neither War, nor Peace, Africa Report N°25, 1
December 2000 (also available in French)

Burundi: Breaking the Deadlock, The Urgent Need for a New
Negotiating Framework, Africa Report N°29, 14 May 2001
(also available in French)

Burundi: 100 Days to put the Peace Process back on Track,

Africa Report N°33, 14 August 2001 (also available in French)

Burundi: After Six Months of Transition: Continuing the War
or Winning the Peace, Africa Report N°46, 24 May 2002
(also available in French)

The Burundi Rebellion and the Ceasefire Negotiations, Africa
Briefing, 6 August 2002

DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO

Scramble for the Congo: Anatomy of an Ugly War, Africa
Report N°26, 20 December 2000 (also available in French)

From Kabila to Kabila: Prospects for Peace in the Congo,

Africa Report N°27, 16 March 2001

Disarmament in the Congo: Investing in Conflict Prevention,

Africa Briefing, 12 June 2001

The Inter-Congolese Dialogue: Political Negotiation or Game
of Bluff? Africa Report N°37, 16 November 2001 (also
available in French)

* Released since January 2000.

The Algeria project was transferred to the Middle
East Program in January 2002.

Disarmament in the Congo: Jump-Starting DDRRR to
Prevent Further War, Africa Report N°38, 14 December 2001

Storm Clouds Over Sun City: The Urgent Need To Recast
The Congolese Peace Process, Africa Report N°38, 14 May
2002 (also available in French)

RWANDA

Uganda and Rwanda: Friends or Enemies? Africa Report
N°15,4May2000

International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: Justice Delayed,

Africa Report N°30, 7 June 2001 (also available in French)

"Consensual Democracy" in Post Genocide Rwanda:
Evaluating the March 2001 District Elections, Africa Report
N°34, 9 October 2001

Rwanda/Uganda: a Dangerous War of Nerves, Africa
Briefing, 21 December 2001

The International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda: The
Countdown, Africa Report N°50, 1 August 2002 (also available
in French)

Rwanda At The End of the Transition: A Necessary Political
Liberalisation, Africa Report N°53, 13 November 2002 (also
available in French)

SOMALIA

Somalia: Countering Terrorism in a Failed State, Africa
Report N°45, 23 May 2002

Salvaging Somalia's Chance For Peace, Africa Briefing, 9
December 2002

SUDAN

God, Oil & Country: Changing the Logic of War in Sudan,

Africa Report N°39, 28 January 2002

Capturing the Moment: Sudan's Peace Process in the
Balance, Africa Report N°42, 3 April 2002

Dialogue or Destruction? Organising for Peace as the War in
Sudan Escalates, Africa Report N°48, 27 June 2002

Sudan 's Best Chance For Peace: How Not To Lose It, Africa
Report N°51, 17 September 2002

Ending Starvation as a Weapon of War in Sudan, Africa
Report N°54, 14 November 2002

WEST AFRICA

Sierra Leone: Time for a New Military and Political Strategy,

Africa Report N°28, 11 April 2001

Sierra Leone: Managing Uncertainty, Africa Report N°35, 24

October 2001

Sierra Leone: Ripe For Elections? Africa Briefing, 19
December 2001

Liberia: The Key to Ending Regional Instability, Africa Report
N°43, 24 April 2002

Indonesia Backgrounder: How The Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist Network Operates
ICG Asia Report N°43, 11 December 2002

Page 41

Sierra Leone After Elections: Politics as Usual? Africa Report
N°49, 12 July 2002

Liberia: Unravelling, Africa Briefing, 19 August 2002

ZIMBABWE

Zimbabwe: At the Crossroads, Africa Report N c 22, 10 July
2000

Zimbabwe: Three Months after the Elections, Africa Briefing,
25 September 2000

Zimbabwe in Crisis: Finding a way Forward, Africa Report
N°32, 13 July 2001

Zimbabwe: Time for International Action, Africa Briefing, 12
October 2001

Zimbabwe's Election: The Stakes for Southern Africa, Africa
Briefing, 1 1 January 2002

All Bark and No Bite: The International Response to
Zimbabwe's Crisis, Africa Report N°40, 25 January 2002

Zimbabwe at the Crossroads: Transition or Conflict? Africa
Report N°41, 22 March 2002

Zimbabwe: What Next? Africa Report N° 47, 14 June 2002

Zimbabwe: The Politics of National Liberation and
International Division, Africa Report N°52, 17 October 2002

ASIA

CAMBODIA

Cambodia: The Elusive Peace Dividend, Asia Report N°8,
1 1 August 2000

CENTRAL ASIA

Central Asia: Crisis Conditions in Three States, Asia Report
N°7, 7 August 2000 (also available in Russian)

Recent Violence in Central Asia: Causes and Consequences,

Central Asia Briefing, 18 October 2000

Islamist Mobilisation and Regional Security, Asia Report
N°14, 1 March 2001 (also available in Russian)

Incubators of Conflict: Central Asia's Localised Poverty
and Social Unrest, Asia Report N°16, 8 June 2001 (also
available in Russian)

Central Asia: Fault Lines in the New Security Map, Asia

Report N°20, 4 July 2001 (also available in Russian)

Uzbekistan at Ten - Repression and Instability, Asia Report
N°21, 21 August 2001 (also available in Russian)

Kyrgyzstan at Ten: Trouble in the "Island of Democracy",

Asia Report N°22, 28 August 2001 (also available in Russian)

Central Asian Perspectives on the 11 September and the
Afghan Crisis, Central Asia Briefing, 28 September 2001
(also available in French and Russian)

Central Asia: Drugs and Conflict, Asia Report N°25, 26
November 2001 (also available in Russian)

Afghanistan and Central Asia: Priorities for Reconstruction
and Development, Asia Report N°26, 27 November 2001
(also available in Russian)

Tajikistan: An Uncertain Peace, Asia Report N°30, 24
December 2001 (also available in Russian)

The IMU and the Hizb-ut-Tahrir: Implications of the
Afghanistan Campaign, Central Asia Briefing, 30 January 2002
(also available in Russian)

Central Asia: Border Disputes and Conflict Potential, Asia
Report N°33, 4 April 2002 (also available in Russian)

Central Asia: Water and Conflict, Asia Report N°34, 30 May
2002

Kyrgyzstan's Political Crisis: An Exit Strategy, Asia Report
N°37, 20 August 2002 (also available in Russian)

The OSCE in Central Asia: A New Strategy, Asia Report
N°38, 11 September 2002

Central Asia: The Politics of Police Reform, Asia Report
N°42, 10 December 2002

INDONESIA

Indonesia's Crisis: Chronic but not Acute, Asia Report N°6,
31 May 2000

Indonesia's Maluku Crisis: The Issues, Indonesia Briefing,
19 July 2000

Indonesia: Keeping the Military Under Control, Asia Report
N c 9, 5 September 2000 (also available in Indonesian)

Aceh: Escalating Tension, Indonesia Briefing, 7 December 2000

Indonesia: Overcoming Murder and Chaos in Maluku, Asia

Report N°10, 19 December 2000

Indonesia: Impunity Versus Accountability for Gross Human
Rights Violations, Asia Report N°12, 2 February 2001

Indonesia: National Police Reform, Asia Report N°13, 20
February 2001 (also available in Indonesian)

Indonesia's Presidential Crisis, Indonesia Briefing, 21 February
2001

Bad Debt: The Politics of Financial Reform in Indonesia,

Asia Report N°15, 13 March 2001

Indonesia's Presidential Crisis: The Second Round, Indonesia
Briefing, 21 May 2001

Aceh: Why Military Force Won't Bring Lasting Peace, Asia
Report N° 17, 12 June 2001 (also available in Indonesian)

Aceh: Can Autonomy Stem the Conflict? Asia Report N°18,

27 June 2001

Communal Violence in Indonesia: Lessons from Kalimantan,

Asia Report N°19, 27 June 2001 (also available in Indonesian)

Indonesian-US. Military Ties, Indonesia Briefing, 18 July 2001

The Megawati Presidency, Indonesia Briefing, 10 September

2001

Indonesia: Ending Repression in Irian Jaya, Asia Report
N°23, 20 September 2001

Indonesia: Violence and Radical Muslims, Indonesia Briefing,

10 October 2001

Indonesia: Next Steps in Military Reform, Asia Report N°24,

1 1 October 2001

Indonesia: Natural Resources and Law Enforcement, Asia
Report N°29, 20 December 2001 (also available in Indonesian)

Indonesia: The Search for Peace in Maluku, Asia Report
N°31, 8 February 2002

Aceh: Slim Chance for Peace, Indonesia Briefing, 27 March 2002

Indonesia: The Implications of the Timor Trials, Indonesia
Briefing, 8 May 2002

Indonesia Backgrounder: How The Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist Network Operates
ICG Asia Report N°43, 11 December 2002

Page 42

Resuming U.S.-Indonesia Military Ties, Indonesia Briefing,

21 May 2002

Al-Qaeda in Southeast Asia: The case of the "Ngruki
Network" in Indonesia, Indonesia Briefing, 8 August 2002

Indonesia: Resources And Conflict In Papua, Asia Report
N°39, 13 September 2002

Tensions on Flores: Local Symptoms of National Problems,

Indonesia Briefing, 10 October 2002

Impact of the Bali Bombings, Indonesia Briefing, 24 October

2002

MYANMAR

BurmalMyanmar: How Strong is the Military Regime? Asia
Report N°l 1, 21 December 2000

Myanmar: The Role of Civil Society, Asia Report N°27, 6
December 2001

Myanmar: The Military Regime's View of the World, Asia

Report N°28, 7 December 2001

Myanmar: The Politics of Humanitarian Aid, Asia Report

N°32, 2 April 2002

Myanmar: The HIV/AIDS Crisis, Myanmar Briefing, 2 April
2002

Myanmar: The Future of the Armed Forces, Asia Briefing, 27
September 2002

AFGHANISTAN/SOUTH ASIA

Afghanistan and Central Asia: Priorities for Reconstruction
and Development, Asia Report N°26, 27 November 2001

Pakistan: The Dangers of Conventional Wisdom, Pakistan
Briefing, 12 March 2002

Securing Afghanistan: The Need for More International
Action, Afghanistan Briefing, 15 March 2002

The Loya Jirga: One Small Step Forward? Afghanistan &
Pakistan Briefing, 16 May 2002

Kashmir: Confrontation and Miscalculation, Asia Report
N°35, 11 July 2002

Pakistan: Madrasas, Extremism and the Military, Asia Report
N°36, 29 July 2002

The Afghan Transitional Administration: Prospects and
Perils, Afghanistan Briefing, 30 July 2002

Pakistan: Transition to Democracy? , Asia Report N°40, 3
October 2002

Kashmir: The View From Srinagar, Asia Report N°41, 21
November 2002

BALKANS

ALBANIA

Albania: State of the Nation, Balkans Report N°87, 1 March
2000

Albania's Local Elections, A test of Stability and Democracy,

Balkans Briefing, 25 August 2000

Albania: The State of the Nation 2001, Balkans Report N°l 1 1,

25 May 2001

Albania's Parliamentary Elections 2001, Balkans Briefing,
23 August 2001

BOSNIA

Denied Justice: Individuals Lost in a Legal Maze, Balkans
Report N°86, 23 February 2000

European Vs. Bosnian Human Rights Standards, Handbook
Overview, 14 April 2000

Reunifying Mostar: Opportunities for Progress, Balkans Report
N°90, 19 April 2000

Bosnia's Municipal Elections 2000: Winners and Losers,

Balkans Report N°91, 28 April 2000

Bosnia's Refugee Logjam Breaks: Is the International
Community Ready? Balkans Report N°95, 31 May 2000

War Criminals in Bosnia's Republika Srpska, Balkans Report
N°103, 2 November 2000

Bosnia's November Elections: Dayton Stumbles, Balkans

Report N°104, 18 December 2000

Turning Strife to Advantage: A Blueprint to Integrate the
Croats in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Balkans Report N°106,
15 March 2001

No Early Exit: NATO's Continuing Challenge in Bosnia,

Balkans Report N°l 10, 22 May 2001

Bosnia's Precarious Economy: Still Not Open For Business;

Balkans Report N°115, 7 August 2001 (also available in
Bosnian)

The Wages of Sin: Confronting Bosnia's Republika Srpska,

Balkans Report N°118, 8 October 2001 (also available in
Bosnian)

Bosnia: Reshaping the International Machinery, Balkans
Report N°121, 29 November 2001 (also available in Bosnian)

Courting Disaster: The Misrule of Law in Bosnia &
Herzegovina, Balkans Report N°127, 26 March 2002 (also
available in Bosnian)

Implementing Equality: The "Constituent Peoples" Decision
in Bosnia & Herzegovina, Balkans Report N°128, 16 April
2002 (also available in Bosnian)

Policing the Police in Bosnia: A Further Reform Agenda,

Balkans Report N°130, 10 May 2002 (also available in Bosnian)

Bosnia's Alliance for (Smallish) Change, Balkans Report

N°132, 2 August 2002 (also available in Bosnian)

CROATIA

Facing Up to War Crimes, Balkans Briefing, 16 October 2001

KOSOVO

Kosovo Albanians in Serbian Prisons: Kosovo's Unfinished
Business, Balkans Report N°85, 26 January 2000

What Happened to the KLA? Balkans Report N°88, 3 March
2000

Kosovo's Linchpin: Overcoming Division in Mitrovica,

Balkans Report N°96, 31 May 2000

Reality Demands: Documenting Violations of International
Humanitarian Law in Kosovo 1999, Balkans Report, 27 June

2000

Elections in Kosovo: Moving Toward Democracy? Balkans

Report N°97, 7 July 2000

Kosovo Report Card, Balkans Report N°100, 28 August 2000

Reaction in Kosovo to Kostunica's Victory, Balkans Briefing,
10 October 2000

Indonesia Backgrounder: How The Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist Network Operates
ICG Asia Report N°43, 11 December 2002

Page 43

Religion in Kosovo, Balkans Report N°105, 31 January 2001

Kosovo: Landmark Election, Balkans Report N°120, 21
November 2001 (also available in Albanian and Serbo-Croat)

Kosovo: A Strategy for Economic Development, Balkans Report
N°123, 19 December 2001 (also available in Serbo-Croat)

A Kosovo Roadmap: I. Addressing Final Status, Balkans

Report N°124, 28 February 2002 (also available in Albanian and
Serbo-Croat)

A Kosovo Roadmap: II. Internal Benchmarks , Balkans Report
N°125, 1 March 2002 (also available in Albanian and Serbo-
Croat)

UNMIK's Kosovo Albatross: Tackling Division in Mitrovica,

Balkans Report N°131, 3 June 2002 (also available in Albanian
and Serbo-Croat)

Finding the Balance: The Scales of Justice in Kosovo, Balkans
Report N°134, 12 September 2002 (also available in Albanian)

MACEDONIA

Macedonia's Ethnic Albanians: Bridging the Gulf, Balkans
Report N°98, 2 August 2000

Macedonia Government Expects Setback in Local Elections,

Balkans Briefing, 4 September 2000

The Macedonian Question: Reform or Rebellion, Balkans
Report N° 1 09 , 5 April 200 1

Macedonia: The Last Chance for Peace, Balkans Report
N°l 13, 20 June 2001

Macedonia: Still Sliding, Balkans Briefing, 27 July 2001

Macedonia: War on Hold, Balkans Briefing, 15 August 2001

Macedonia: Filling the Security Vacuum, Balkans Briefing,
8 September 2001

Macedonia's Name: Why the Dispute Matters and How to
Resolve It, Balkans Report N°122, 10 December 2001 (also
available in Serbo-Croat)

Macedonia's Public Secret: How Corruption Drags The
Country Down, Balkans Report N°133, 14 August 2002 (also
available in Macedonian)

Moving Macedonia Toward Self- Sufficiency: A New Security
Approach for NATO and the EU, Balkans Report N°135, 15

November 2002 (also available in Macedonian)

MONTENEGRO

Montenegro: In the Shadow of the Volcano, Balkans Report
N°89, 21 March 2000

Montenegro's Socialist People's Party: A Loyal Opposition?

Balkans Report N°92, 28 April 2000

Montenegro's Local Elections: Testing the National
Temperature, Background Briefing, 26 May 2000

Montenegro: Which way Next? Balkans Briefing, 30 November
2000

Montenegro: Settling for Independence? Balkans Report
N°107, 28 March 2001

Montenegro: Time to Decide, a Pre-Election Briefing,

Balkans Briefing, 18 April 2001

Montenegro: Resolving the Independence Deadlock, Balkans

Report N°l 14, 1 August 2001

Still Buying Time: Montenegro, Serbia and the European
Union, Balkans Report N°129, 7 May 2002 (also available in
Serbian)

SERBIA

Serbia's Embattled Opposition, Balkans Report N°94, 30 May
2000

Serbia's Grain Trade: Milosevic's Hidden Cash Crop, Balkans
Report N°93, 5 June 2000

Serbia: The Milosevic Regime on the Eve of the September
Elections, Balkans Report N°99, 17 August 2000

Current Legal Status of the Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY)
and of Serbia and Montenegro, Balkans Report N°101, 19
September 2000

Yugoslavia's Presidential Election: The Serbian People's
Moment of Truth, Balkans Report N° 102, 19 September 2000

Sanctions against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia,

Balkans Briefing, 10 October 2000

Serbia on the Eve of the December Elections, Balkans
Briefing, 20 December 2000

A Fair Exchange: Aid to Yugoslavia for Regional Stability,

Balkans Report N°l 12, 15 June 2001

Peace in Presevo: Quick Fix or Long-Term Solution? Balkans
Report N°l 16, 10 August 2001

Serbia's Transition: Reforms Under Siege, Balkans Report
N°117, 21 September 2001 (also available in Serbo-Croat)

Belgrade's Lagging Reform: Cause for International Concern,

Balkans Report N°126, 7 March 2002 (also available in
Serbo-Croat)

Serbia: Military Intervention Threatens Democratic Reform,

Balkans Briefing, 28 March 2002 (also available in Serbo-
Croat)

Fighting To Control Yugoslavia's Military, Balkans Briefing,
12 July 2002 (also available in Serbo-Croat)

Arming Saddam: The Yugoslav Connection, Balkans Report
N°136, 3 December 2002

REGIONAL REPORTS

After Milosevic: A Practical Agenda for Lasting Balkans
Peace, Balkans Report N°108, 26 April 2001

Milosevic in The Hague: What it Means for Yugoslavia and
the Region, Balkans Briefing, 6 July 2001

Bin Laden and the Balkans: The Politics of Anti-Terrorism,

Balkans Report N°l 19, 9 November 2001

LATIN AMERICA

Colombia 's Elusive Quest for Peace, Latin America Report
N°l, 26 March 2002 (also available in Spanish)

The 10 March 2002 Parliamentary Elections in Colombia,

Latin America Briefing, 17 April 2002 (also available in
Spanish)

The Stakes in the Presidential Election in Colombia, Latin
America Briefing, 22 May 2002 (also available in Spanish)

Colombia: The Prospects for Peace with the ELN, Latin
America Report N°2, 4 October 2002 (also available in Spanish)

Indonesia Backgrounder: How The Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist Network Operates

ICG Asia Report N°43, 11 December 2002 Page 44

MIDDLE EAST

A Time to Lead: The International Community and the
Israeli-Palestinian Conflict, Middle East Report N°l, 10 April
2002

Middle East Endgame I: Getting to a Comprehensive Arab-
Israeli Peace Settlement, Middle East Report N°2, 16 July
2002 (also available in Arabic)

Middle East Endgame II: How a Comprehensive Israeli-
Palestinian Settlement Would Look, Middle East Report N°3;
16 July 2002 (also available in Arabic)

Middle East Endgame III: Israel, Syria and Lebanon - How
Comprehensive Peace Settlements Would Look, Middle East
Report N°4, 16 July 2002 (also available in Arabic)

Iran: The Struggle for the Revolution s Soul, Middle East
Report N°5, 5 August 2002

Iraq Backgrounder: What Lies Beneath, Middle East Report
N°6, 1 October 2002

The Meanings of Palestinian Reform, Middle East Briefing,
12 November 2002

Old Games, New Rules: Conflict on the Israel-Lebanon
Border, Middle East Report N°7, 18 November 2002

Voices From The Iraqi Street, Middle East Briefing, 4
December 2002

ALGERIA

Diminishing Returns: Algeria's 2002 Legislative Elections,

Middle East Briefing, 24 June 2002

ISSUES REPORTS

HIV/AIDS

HIV/AIDS as a Security Issue, Issues Report N°l, 19 June
2001

Myanmar: The HIV/AIDS Crisis, Myanmar Briefing, 2 April
2002

EU

The European Humanitarian Aid Office (ECHO): Crisis
Response in the Grey Lane, Issues Briefing, 26 June 2001

EU Crisis Response Capability: Institutions and Processes for
Conflict Prevention and Management, Issues Report N°2, 26
June 2001

EU Crisis Response Capabilities: An Update, Issues Briefing,
29 April 2002

* The Algeria project was transferred from the Africa Program
in January 2002.

Indonesia Backgrounder: How The Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist Network Operates
ICG Asia Report N°43, 11 December 2002

Page 45

APPENDIX F

ICG BOARD MEMBERS

Martti Ahtisaari, Chairman

Former President of Finland

Maria Livanos Cattaui, Vice-Chairman

Secretary-General, International Chamber of Commerce

Stephen Solarz, Vice-Chairman

Former U.S. Congressman

Gareth Evans, President & CEO

Former Foreign Minister of Australia

S. Daniel Abraham

Chairman, Center for Middle East Peace and Economic
Cooperation, U.S.

Morton Abramowitz

Former U.S. Assistant Secretary of State and Ambassador to
Turkey

Kenneth Adelman

Former U.S. Ambassador and Director of the Arms Control and
Disarmament Agency

Richard Allen

Former U.S. National Security Adviser to the President

Saud Nasir Al-Sabah

Former Kuwaiti Ambassador to the UK and U.S.; former Minister
of Information and Oil

Louise Arbour

Supreme Court Justice, Canada; Former Chief Prosecutor,
International Criminal Tribunal for former Yugoslavia

Oscar Arias Sanchez

Former President of Costa Rica; Nobel Peace Prize, 1987

Ersin Arioglu

Chairman, Yapi Merkezi Group, Turkey

Emma Bonino

Member of European Parliament; former European Commissioner

Zbigniew Brzezinski

Former U.S. National Security Adviser to the President

Cheryl Carolus

Former South African High Commissioner to the UK; former
Secretary General of the ANC

Victor Chu

Chairman, First Eastern Investment Group, Hong Kong

Wesley Clark

Former NATO Supreme Allied Commander, Europe

Uffe Ellemann- Jensen

Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Denmark

Mark Eyskens

Former Prime Minister of Belgium

Marika Fahlen

Former Swedish Ambassador for Humanitarian Affairs; Director of
Social Mobilization and Strategic Information, UNAIDS

Yoichi Funabashi

Chief Diplomatic Correspondent & Columnist, The Asahi Shimbun,
Japan

Bronislaw Geremek

Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Poland

LK.Gujral

Former Prime Minister of India

HRH El Hassan bin Talal

Chairman, Arab Thought Forum; President, Club of Rome

Carla Hills

Former U.S. Secretary of Housing; former U.S. Trade
Representative

Asma Jahangir

UN Special Rapporteur on Extrajudicial, Summary or Arbitrary
Executions; Advocate Supreme Court, former Chair Human Rights
Commission of Pakistan

Ellen Johnson Sirleaf

Senior Adviser, Modern Africa Fund Managers; former Liberian
Minister of Finance and Director of UNDP Regional Bureau for
Africa

Mikhail Khodorkovsky

Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, YUKOS Oil Company,
Russia

Elliott F. Kulick

Chairman, Pegasus International, U.S.

Joanne Leedom-Ackerman

Novelist and journalist, U.S.

Todung Mulya Lubis

Human rights lawyer and author, Indonesia

Barbara McDougall

Former Secretary of State for External Affairs, Canada

Mo Mowlam

Former Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, UK

Ayo Obe

President, Civil Liberties Organisation, Nigeria

Christine Ockrent

Journalist and author, France

Friedbert Pfliiger

Chairman of the German Bundestag Committee on EU Affairs

Surin Pitsuwan

Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Thailand

Indonesia Backgrounder: How The Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorist Network Operates
ICG Asia Report N°43, 11 December 2002

Page 46

Itamar Rabinovich

President of Tel Aviv University; former Israeli Ambassador to the
U.S. and Chief Negotiator with Syria

Fidel V. Ramos

Former President of the Philippines

Mohamed Sahnoun

Special Adviser to the United Nations Secretary-General on Africa

Salim A. Salim

Former Prime Minister of Tanzania; former Secretary General of
the Organisation of African Unity

Douglas Schoen

Founding Partner of Penn, Schoen & Berland Associates, U.S.

William Shawcross

Journalist and author, UK

George Soros

Chairman, Open Society Institute

Eduardo Stein

Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Guatemala

Par Stenback

Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Finland

Thorvald Stoltenberg

Former Minister of Foreign Affairs, Norway

William O. Taylor

Chairman Emeritus, The Boston Globe, U.S.

Ed van Thijn

Former Netherlands Minister of Interior; former Mayor of
Amsterdam

Simone Veil

Former President of the European Parliament; former Minister for
Health, France

Shirley Williams

Former Secretary of State for Education and Science; Member
House of Lords, UK

Jaushieh Joseph Wu

Deputy Secretary General to the President, Taiwan

Grigory Yavlinsky

Chairman of Yabloko Party and its Duma faction, Russia

Uta Zapf

Chairperson of the German Bundestag Subcommittee on
Disarmament, Arms Control and Non-proliferation