The Ila-speaking peoples of Northern Rhodesia

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES OF
NORTHERN RHODESIA

MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED

LONDON • BOMBAY • CALCUTTA • MADRAS
MELBOURNE

THE MACMILLAN COMPANY

NEW YORK • BOSTON • CHICAGO
DALLAS • SAN FRANCISCO

THP: MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD.

TORONTO

Photo E. W. Smith.

THE SUPERIOR ILA TYPE.
(See p. 59. )

Notice the three cuts on the temple (a tribal mark), the white impande,
the tall head-dress (only partly shown), and the birds' feathers.

THE

ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

OF

NORTHERN RHODESIA

BY

4>*

REV. EDWIN W: SMITH

HONORARY CHAPLAIN TO THE FORCES

FELLOW OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE

AUTHOR OF "A HANDBOOK OF THE ILA LANGUAGE," ETC.

CHIEF TRANSLATOR OF THE NEW TESTAMENT IN ILA

AND

CAPTAIN ANDREW MURRAY DALE

MAGISTRATE IN THE BRITISH SOUTH AFRICA COMPANY'S ADMINISTRATION

, 6i>r)Toiffiv avularuv TTO^WV trtp,
d(f>paffr&repoj TrAereu v^pv avtipdiroiaiv.

HOMER.

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. I

MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED
ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON

1 920

QIV

G57

598387

5.o . I3L - 54

COPYRIGHT

TO

OUR MOTHERS

PREFACE

As we hope that this work may be taken as a serious con-
tribution to African ethnography, it is perhaps best that we
should present our credentials and describe briefly our
methods of research and the principles that have guided us.

When we entered the Ila country — the one in 1902 and
the other at the end of 1904 — neither was a stranger to
African life. Mr. Smith had served his Church for four
years in South Africa and knew the Suto and (to some
extent) the Xosa languages. Mr. Dale, after serving in
the Matabele and Bechuanaland campaigns and the Boer
War, was for three years (1902-4) Assistant Native Com-
missioner of the Wankie district in Southern Rhodesia,
knew the Tebele language, and had also travelled among
the Tonga people on the north bank of the Zambesi.

Finding ourselves among a people that were almost
unknown to the outside world, we threw ourselves into a
study of their language and customs, our motive being,
not the production of a book of this kind, but simply that we
might prosecute our callings as missionary and magistrate
to the best advantage. For whether one is to teach or
govern, one's first duty is to understand the people. In
the course of years we found our stock of information
accumulating, and in 1909 we determined to collaborate in
a book that should record the results of our research. From
that time we continued our investigations deliberately with
that end in view. From first to last, this book is, then, the
result of some thirteen years' first-hand study.

The completion and publication of the book have been
delayed by the War. When news of its outbreak reached
us, Mr. Dale immediately left the farm which he had been

x THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

occupying since leaving the British South Africa Company's
service in 1910, and obtained a commission in the King's
Own Yorkshire Light Infantry. Mr. Smith returned to
England in the following spring and went at once to the
Front as chaplain. Captain Dale was severely wounded at
Loos in the September advance (1915), and after recovery
was invalided out of the army and returned to the British
South Africa Company's service. Our manuscript was
complete as to material but somewhat chaotic in form in
1915, and revision for publication had to wait until a fitting
time. Then further delay ensued as conditions were not
propitious for the publication of such a work.

We trust that the co-operation of missionary and magis-
trate may prove to be as successful as we have hoped. For
ourselves — without wishing to prejudge our own attempt—
we think the conjunction a happy one. It is commonly
said that clergymen see the best in human nature and
lawyers the worst ; if they put their heads together they
should be able to see life whole. Too often in Africa there
is a certain amount of restraint between the government
officials and the missionaries. Such should not be, and
we are happy in the knowledge that between us nothing of
the kind ever existed. Working along different lines and
using different methods, we recognised that our aim was one,
and were able cordially and loyally to support each other.
And then working in our different spheres, as might be
expected, we became familiar with different aspects of the
life of the Ba-ila. On his constant peregrinations through
the district and in his court, the magistrate was in touch
with many things that did not come much in the way of
the missionary, who, however, in his more stationary life
had his own advantages. After Mr. Dale left the govern-
ment service in 1910 and settled on a farm within sight of
the Kasenga Mission, we had very frequent opportunities
for consultation.

The field was carefully mapped out between us. The
sections for which Mr. Smith is primarily responsible are
those marked with an asterisk under the chapter heading ;
Captain Dale's are marked with two asterisks ; and the
chapters in which both have had a share are marked * **

PREFACE xi

or ** *, according as one or the other predominates. But
every chapter has been revised by us both in all the stages
of writing, and the information collected by the one care-
fully checked by the other, so that we may claim the colla-
boration to have been of the closest.

We have no need to point out to those who have preceded
us in this line the many difficulties we have had to face,
and only those know the difficulties who have essayed the
same task. The Ba-ila do not readily communicate to a
foreigner their ideas and customs ; direct interrogation
often fails — generally fails, indeed, except where complete
confidence has been won beforehand — for they either profess
to know nothing or deliberately give misleading answers.
It is only by tactfully leading conversation in the desired
direction and not pressing it too far that one succeeds in
getting information in this way. We have been assiduous
note-takers, not trusting to our memories, and our book
is partly the outcome of many hundreds of conversations
recorded at the time and carefully collated. Most of what
we have written about we have witnessed, and our impres-
sions were noted at once. In some instances where we
could not see the ceremonies we were able to induce trust-
worthy men to dictate us descriptions of them. Neither
missionary nor magistrate can afford, as passing travellers
sometimes have allowed themselves, to intrude upon the
sanctities of native life, and hence there are some things
about which we can report only at second hand, but in all
such cases we have been careful to get the most reliable
evidence.

We aimed at securing a large collection of native texts.
The Ba-ila had no written literature ; when we knew them
first their language had never been reduced to writing ; and
so we had to obtain these texts in one of two ways — either
by writing them ourselves from dictation or, in later years,
by employing the assistance of young men trained in the
mission schools. By far the greater part of our collection
was written down by ourselves.

Of our assistants, one, a true Mwila, lived with Mr.
Smith for ten years and became very expert in this depart-
ment. After having a long conversation with a friendly

xii THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

chief, in the course of which some custom had been discussed,
we would instruct this young man, Kayobe, to write down
the substance at once, and with training he became able to
do this with great accuracy ; then, if some points were found
obscure, Kayobe would have further interviews with the
chief — who might be more frank with him alone — and bring
us the record in writing. Sometimes he would write us
spontaneously a long account of something he had known
or had discovered for himself. Such accounts, and indeed
all we received from him, were carefully checked with others.
His help has been invaluable to us, and we are glad to put
it on record.

Our other native helper is a son of Sezongo II. of Nanzela,
a very intelligent young man, who, besides writing down
notes on customs, collected from old chiefs and wrote down
a history of his father's people.

We have aimed throughout at drawing information from
the old men. We became on friendly terms with many of
the elderly chiefs, and in particular with Mungalo of Kasenga,
who gave us a great deal of information, and whose death
was not only a loss to our book, but was felt with great
personal sorrow by us both. None of our native informants,
we may mention, spoke English.

These native texts we desired to publish in parallel
columns with an English translation, in imitation- of Dr.
Galloway's Religious System of the Amazulu, but this has
not been found possible. We have quoted the translation
largely, and often where no quotation marks are employed
our descriptions follow it closely.

Another source of information drawn upon by us is the
records of cases tried in the magistrates' courts. With the
permission of His Honour the Administrator (whose interest
in our work we gratefully acknowledge) and with the hearty
co-operation of the officials, we were able to examine and
analyse these records. We have quoted many of the cases,
changing the names of the parties concerned ; but apart
from these illustrations the records were of great assistance
in setting us on the track of customs and ideas we did not
know of before.

Our work, it will be seen, is not prepared for ordinary

PREFACE xiii

domestic consumption. We have endeavoured to describe
the life as it is in actuality, and any one attempting this
with frankness must be prepared to see his work confined
to a comparatively narrow circle of readers. While not
professing to be scientifically trained anthropologists, we
have written with such experts in mind, and if we have
succeeded in giving them any valuable material for their
studies we shall be glad.

At the same time we wish to say that we have studied
the Ba-ila, not as curious zoological specimens, but as fellow
men and women ; our interest in them is far from being
academic. We have devoted some of our best years to their
improvement. We believe them to be a people of great
capacity, who with sympathetic, patient, firm guidance
may advance very far. And in writing our book we have
had our successors in view, whether magistrates or mission-
aries. They will take up their labours at a more advanced
point than that at which we could commence ours ; we
trust their success will be proportionately greater than ours.
It is a doctrine commonly enough taught in these days, but
(if we may assume the preacher's gown for a moment) we
would like here to emphasise its truth on all who follow us.
We would say to them : learn to look at the world through
the eyes of your people, make their language and ways of
thinking as much as possible your own, saturate yourself
in their folklore. If your studies in preparation for your
present task have had to do with law and theology, let
your mind now be given to the people, and study them with
an ardour equal at least to that you gave to your professional
studies. And withal, do not forget that these Ba-ila are flesh
and blood and soul as you and we are. It is to help you
and so help the Ba-ila that we have chiefly written this book.

It is a pleasure to acknowledge the help we have received
from colleagues in the Mission and Service and from others,
either in the way of items of information, suggestions, or
photographs : Mrs. E. W. Smith and Mrs. Price ; the Revs.
Arthur Baldwin, W. Chapman, J. W. Price, J. A. Kerswell ;
Messrs. F. V. Worthington (late Secretary for Native
Affairs), Macaulay, Nicholls, Handley, Heath, Ryan, Earee,
Daffarn, Lynch. From the Directors of the British South

VOL. i b

xiv THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

Africa Company we have received encouragement and
assistance. Dr. Rivers of Cambridge and Sir H. H. Johnston
have kindly read over parts of our manuscript and favoured
us with suggestions. Professor Conway of Manchester Uni-
versity translated those few sections that we thought better
to put into Latin. To all these we offer our thanks.

The small community of British resident in the Kafue
districts of Northern Rhodesia has a fine record in the War-
proportionate to its numbers, a record second to none. The
Administration was embarrassed by the numbers of officials
who were eager to leave their posts to join the fighting forces ;
many returned to England for the purpose, or joined the
expedition under Major Boyd Cunningham that was sent to
the German East Africa frontier, an expedition that com-
prised almost every man among the settlers who had not
already enlisted in other units. Those who remained, while
their friends were moving amidst stirring events elsewhere,
did equally valuable service in quietly carrying on their
work of controlling the erstwhile turbulent tribes. It is
a fine testimony, alike to the loyalty of the natives and to
the character of the British South Africa Company's rule,
that the natives, who readily appreciated the justness of the
cause in which the Empire was fighting, not only remained
quiet, but served in large numbers as carriers. The natives
of Rhodesia and the whole of South Africa, represented by
our enemies as groaning beneath the heel of England, never
had a better opportunity of throwing off their allegiance than
during the preoccupation of Britain in the War ; at least
they might have caused very serious embarrassment ; and
they remained splendidly loyal. Let that be remembered.
Of those whose help we have recorded, Ryan went to
command a vessel in the northern seas and do very valu-
able work in submarine detection ; Daffarn was early killed
on the German frontier ; Macaulay, who had recently retired
from the Service after a long career, was killed on the
Western front ; Lynch fell, a Lieut. -Colonel and D.S.O., at
the head of his battalion ; Handley, after serving through
the Cameroons campaign, was twice wounded in France,
gained the Military Cross and bar, and finally was killed
while leading his company of Coldstream Guards into

PREFACE xv

action ; Heath and Earee both served in France, and the
former was wounded. Nor can we forget the two veterans,
whose names will always be associated with the early ex-
ploration of North-west Rhodesia — Colonel Gibbons and
Captain F. C. Selous, D.S.O., who were killed, the one in
Gallipoli and the other in East Africa. Little did we
think, when first drafting this Preface early in 1914, that
we should have to conclude it in this way.

EDWIN W. SMITH.
ANDREW DALE.

P.S. — This preface was already printed when news came
from Africa that, for me as for others, took the spring put
of the year. Andrew Dale died of blackwater fever at
Mumbwa, Northern Rhodesia, on May i, 1919. He did not
live to see a line of our book in type. It was as a crippled
and broken man, without a regret, that, after heroic suffer-
ing, he returned to Africa and re-entered the British South
Africa Company's service in the hope of setting free a
younger and more active man for military duty. It was
always his express desire that the personal note should be
kept out of our book, and so, though I could and would
like to write more of my friend, I refrain. I will only say
that of the men I have known none has come nearer my
ideal of what a man should be. Happy Britain to have
such sons as he to represent her among the backward
races !

E. W. S.

UNION CLUB, ROME,
June 28, 1919.

CONTENTS

PREFACE

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

INTRODUCTORY NOTE .

PAGE

ix

XXI
XXV

THE ENVIRONMENT

PART I
CHAPTER I

CHAPTER II
HISTORY .

1. PREHISTORIC ....

2. THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE BA-ILA

3. CONFLICTS WITH FOREIGN FOES

4. CONTACT OF THE BA-ILA WITH EUROPEANS

APPENDIX: NAMES OF CHIEFS

17
i?

22

25
46

57

CHAPTER III
PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS : DRESS AND DECORATION

1. PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS .

2. CLOTHING AND DECORATION .

xvii

59

59
96

xviii THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PART II
CHAPTER IV

PAGE

BUILDING OPERATIONS AND VILLAGE LIFE . . .109

1. DESCRIPTION OF A VILLAGE. . . . 109

2. LIFE IN A NATIVE VILLAGE. . . .123

CHAPTER V

DOMESTIC ANIMALS . . . . . .127

CHAPTER VI

AGRICULTURE, FOODS, NARCOTICS . . ,. 135

1. METHODS OF AGRICULTURE . . . 135

2. A CALENDAR. . • . . . .140

3. FOODS AND COOKING . . . .142

4. A LIST OF FOODS AND DRINKS . . .149

5. NARCOTICS . . . . . .152

CHAPTER VII

HUNTING AND FISHING . . . . -153

1. METHODS OF HUNTING . . 153

2. METHODS OF FISHING . . . 159

3. SOME HUNTING AND FISHING CUSTOMS : .167

CHAPTER VIII

WARFARE . . . . . . .170

CHAPTER IX

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS ,: . . .180

1. WORK IN IVORY . . . . .180

2. SKIN-DRESSING . . .183

3. STRINGS : - . . . .183

4. BASKETRY . . . . .187

CONTENTS xix

PAGE

5. WORKING IN CLAY . . . .191

6. WOODWORK .... !o6

7. IRONWORK : (a) SMELTING . . 202

8. ,, (b) BLACKSMITHING . . .211

CHAPTER X

LEECHCRAFT ..... 222

1. BA-ILA IDEAS OF ANATOMY AND PHYSIOLOGY . 222

2. MEDICINES . . . . . . 228

3. DISEASES AND REMEDIES . . '. .231

4. THE CAUSES OF DISEASE . . . . 244

5. SNAKE-BITES, ETC. ..... 245

6. THE USE OF APHRODISIACS, ETC. . . .249

7. AMULETS AND TALISMANS . . . . 250

8. THE PRACTITIONERS: (a) THE DIVINER . . 265
9- » „ (b) THE DOCTOR . . 272

PART III

CHAPTER XI
SOCIAL ORGANISATION ..... 283

1. THE FAMILY . . . . . 283

2. THE CLAN . . ... . . . 287

3. THE COMMUNITY . . . . 298

4. SECONDARY SOCIAL GROUPS .... 308
APPENDIX I. : LIST OF MIKOA .... 310

„ II. : LIST OF COMMUNITIES . . -313

CHAPTER XII

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP . 316

xx THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

CHAPTER XIII

I'AGE

REGULATION OF THE COMMUNAL LIFE . 343

1. THE SANCTIONS ..... 343

2. CHISAPI, BUDITAZHI, TONDA .... 346

3. JUDICIAL PROCESSES ..... 349

CHAPTER XIV

ETIQUETTE: THE LAWS OF POLITE BEHAVIOUR . .361

1. SALUTATIONS. ... . . . . 362

2. NAMES ...... 365

3. OFFENCES AGAINST THE PERSON : (a) BUDITAZHI

OFFENCES ..... 370

4. OFFENCES AGAINST THE PERSON: (b) MATUSHI . 374

5. THE REGARD FOR TRUTH . . . .378

CHAPTER XV

THE RIGHTS OF PROPERTY ..... 380

1. How PROPERTY is ACQUIRED . . .380

2. INHERITANCE ..... 390

3. OFFENCES AGAINST PROPERTY . . . 392

CHAPTER XVI

SLAVERY ....... 398

1. How PEOPLE BECOME SLAVES . . . 398

2. CHARACTER OF THE SLAVERY . . . 408

CHAPTER XVII

THE REGARD FOR LIFE . . . . .413

1. HOMICIDE .' . . . . .413

2. FETICIDE . . . . • . .418

3. INFANTICIDE . . . . . .419

4. SUICIDE . . . . . . 421

ILLUSTRATIONS

PAGE

The Superior I la Type .... Frontispiece

On the Bwila Plain . . . . . .4

The Kafue River at Mwengwa .... 5

The River Kafue, flowing through the Plain ... 6

Bridge over the Kafue River ..... 7

On the Kafue River ...... 8

" Where Afric's Sunny Fountains " . . . .10

On the Nansenga River . . . . .11

On the Kafue Plain . . . . . .13

A Scene at Kasenga . . . . .15

Grooves in Rock in Batoka Hills, twenty miles south of Kaunga 19
Mukubu, Dr. Livingstone's servant . . . .30

The Nambala Mountain . . . . -37

Leselo, one of our Informants. A Balumbu Type . . 45

Facsimile of a Small Section of Livingstone's Original Map of
the Zambesi River Territory made on his Great Journey
across Africa, 1853-54 . . . . .48

Mungaila II., Chief of the Bamala . . . .56

The Inferior I la Type . . . . ."60

A Young Mwila wearing the Impumbe. . . .62

An Old-Man-of-the-Woods from Mulendema's . . .64

Chikatakala, " The Polar Bear," a Chief at Kasenga . . 65

A Dwarf ....... 67

A Mixed Ila-Luba Type . . . . .68

Cast of Lower Teeth of a Native . . . .69

Bambala Girls ...... 70

Sewing the Isusu . . . . . .72

xxii THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

I'AGE

Sewing the Isusu . . . . . .73

Some Ba-ila Youngsters . . . . 74

Some Ba-ila Youngsters . . . . -75

Repairing the Impumbe .... 76

After repairing the Impumbe : shaving the Head . 77

The Chief Chibaluma. Mixed I la and Luba Type . . 78

The Chief Chibaluma. Mixed Ila and Luba Type . . 79
Mulungushi ....... 80

A Young Mwila . . . ' . '. . .81

Ba-ila Women and Children . . . . .84

Two Ba-ila Girls . . . . 85

Namushia, Son of Mungaila, Chief at Kasenga . . .88

Namushia, Son of Mungaila, Chief at Kasenga . . .89

Young Ba-ila fresh from the Hairdresser . . .90

The Chief Shimunungu and two of his Men . . .91

A Baluba Type . . . . • • 93

A Mwila ....... 95

A Nanzela Doctor ...... 97

On the March . ... .98

Swimming a River ...... 99

A Mwila Woman . . . . . .100

In Festive Attire . . . . . .102

Ba-ila Warriors . . . . . .103

A War Dance . . . . . .104

Bambwela Type . . . . . .105

A Village at Kasenga . . . . . . 1 1 o

The Chief Shaloba . . t . . i j i

Plan of Lubwe Village . . . . . 112

A Batwa Village . . . . . .115

Principal Hut of the Chief Sezongo at Nanzela . . 117

In a Basodi Village . . ... . . .118

Plan of a House . . . . - . . .119

Ornamentation . .. . . . .120

Plan of Fireplace . . . . . .120

The Fireback . . . . . . .120

Mulendema and his Family at Home . . . .122

The Chief Shaloba and his Band . . . .125

ILLUSTRATIONS xxiii

PAGB

Cattle drinking in the Kafue River . . . .128

The Ba-ila Churn . . . . . .131

Cattle on the Kafue Plain . . . 133

Filling the Grain Bin . . . . . . 1 36

Grain Bins (Matala) . . . . . .138

Balumbu Women stamping Corn . . . .147

Bows and Arrows . . . . . .154

Diagram of Game Trap . . . . .157

A Quick Catch . . . . . .160

Fish-hook ^ . . . . . .161

The Ivhumbo Fish-trap . . . . .162

The Mono Fish-trap . . . . . .163

Plan of the Mielo Weir . . . . .163

Preparing for the Fishing. Making the Isasa . . .164

The Mielo in Position (General View) . . . .165

The Mielo in Position (Nearer View) . . . .166

Plan of the Weir : Kukosola Chimpinda . . .167

Ba-ila Warriors . . . . . .171

A Mimic Fight . . . . . .172

A Mimic Fight: Hurling the Spears . . . 173

A Mimic Fight : The Charge . . . . .174

A Mimic Fight : Spearing the Earth at the End of a Charge . 175

A Mimic Fight : A Group of admiring Female Spectators . 176

Returning from the Fight . . . . .177

The Ivory-turner . . . . . . .. 181

Knots-used by the Ba-ila . . . . .184

Making a Net . . . . . .185

Basketry : Base of the Iniumba . . . .186

Basket-making . . . . . .187

Woman making an Intundu Basket : Laying out the Base . 188

Woman making an Intundu Basket . . . .189

Making a Chizongo Basket (First Stage) . . .190

Making a Chizongo Basket . . . . .191

Pot-making (First Stage) . . . . .192

Pot-making (Later Stage) . . . . .193

Preparing to bake the Pots . . . . .194

Ba-ila Pots . . . . . . '. 195

xxiv THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PAGE

Pipe-heads . . . . . . . 1 96

Ba-ila Pipes and Pipe-heads . . , . . .197

Wood-carver at Work: Making an Indandala Drum . .198

Specimens of Woodwork from Nanzela . . .199

Milk-pails and Bowls from Nanzela . . . .199

Ba-ila Stools . . . . . . . 200

Canoe-making: Shaping the Trunk . . . .201

Canoe-making : the Job complete .... 202

Old Inganzo (Smelting-kilns) ..... 204

Old Inganzo (Smelting-kilns) . . . . . 206

The Smithy . . . . . . .211

The Blacksmith at Work . . . . .213

Some Ba-ila Spears . . . . . .216

Ba-ila Axes . . . . . . .217

Battle-axe (Bukana) . . . . . .218

Blacksmith's Work . . . . . .220

Lukalo, a Leper Woman . . . . 233

Bracelets and Charms . . . . . .251

A Bambala Doctor . . . . . .273

A Doctor's Outfit . . . . ... 275

Part of Chibaluma's Family . . . . .285

A Group of Ba-Lenje from Shitanda .... 290

Father and Sons ...... 306

Government Officials holding a Court at Itumbi . . 353

A Mwila Woman carrying a Water-pot . . .383

An Old Slave Woman ...... 409

Map of a Part of N. Rhodesia .... To face p. xxv

.Shim.fumb.

(MAKONA) J NAMAUMBI ^+*

. .- — >• »Mul«bw«nt»^

ICHILA
•Shivwambwl

B A B I Z H I

APART
of

NORTHERN RHODESIA

To illustrate "THE ILA'SPEAKING PEOPLES of

Compiled from Official Sources.

Communities thus.KASENGA Government Stations, thus •

Villages thus, Mala Mission Stations, thus t

INTRODUCTORY NOTE

WHO are the " Ila-speaking peoples " ?

Generally speaking, they are the people usually known
as the Mashukulumbwe, or, as Livingstone spelt it, Bashu-
kulompo. This is not the name by which they call them-
selves, but was given them by their neighbours and con-
querors, the Barotsi. It has not been easy to find the
meaning of this word, but we are inclined to accept the
derivation suggested to us by the Rev. A. Jalla of Lealui,
viz. two Luyi (Rotsi) words : kushukula, " to brush the hair
back from the forehead," and lump-will, " a built-up mass
of hair" (Ba-shukula-lumpwili = Ba-shuku-lumpwi) . The
reference is to the characteristic coiffure of the people. The
Matabele call them Matjokotjoko, in allusion to their manner
of speaking. Both these names were given in derision, and
the people resent their use ; we have, therefore, not used
either of them.

The chief thing that unites them is the language they
speak, viz. Ila. We might, therefore, simply call them all
Ba-ila ; and indeed we do often include all the sections under
this comprehensive title. But, according to native usage,
this is not strictly correct. Some of the people consider
themselves exclusively entitled to the name ; and in the fol-
lowing classification we are looking through their eyes.
This in the interests of accuracy ; for practical purposes
they can all be regarded as one.

i. The Ba-ila. — According to themselves, the pucka
Ba-ila. Their country, called Bwila, as defined by themselves
and as delineated on the map, is a small one. Like most
African tribal names, it is difficult to determine its meaning.
The word Tla, standing alone, may mean several things : it is

xxvi THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

a verb, " to go to " or " go for," and Ba-ila might mean " the
people going off." Ila also means " a distended intestine,"
also " a grain of corn." But none of these is satisfactory.
Ila is also one form of the verb zhila, " be taboo, set apart,"
corresponding to sacer, hagios, haram. It is an old Bantu
root : Suto, ila ; Zulu, zila ; Ronga, yila ; Herero, zera ;
Nyanja, yera ; Upper Congo, kila ; cf. Ganda, omuzira, a
totem. It occurs also in some tribal names, e.g. Bashilange.
" they who taboo the leopard." This is, we think, the deriva-
tion of the name Ba-ila : " The people who are taboo, set
apart " ; they are the Hagioi ; in short, the people. This
certainly answers very well to the arrogant spirit of the
people.

When in the following pages we speak of " the Ba-ila
proper," it is these people we mean.

2. While they themselves restrict the name to the in-
habitants of the district denned, there are others outside
its limits who also claim to be Ba-ila. Such are the people
to the west whom the Ba-ila proper call Bambo, " the western
folk," and the Babizhi in the south. They speak Ila and
have the tribal marks.

3. The same may be said of the Balundwe, to the south-
east. Their dialect is rather different, and they are to some
extent intermixed with the Batonga, but they are near
enough to have the right to the sacred name.

4. On the north are the Bambala, i.e. " the northern
people." Except near the Bwila border, they are somewhat
intermixed with their neighbours, Baluba, Batema, and
Basala, and their appearance, customs, and language vary
accordingly ; but they speak Ila, and so come within the
scope of this book.

5. The Basala are somewhat different from the Ba-ila,
and probably are later immigrants into this district. There
is a Sala language, but it is now largely displaced by Ila.

6. Along the Kafue are the river people, the Batwa.
Their name is widely found in Africa : the Bushmen in the
south are called Abatwa by the Zulus and Baroa by the
Basuto ; there are Batwa on the lower Zambesi, others in
the Lukanga swamps of the Kafue, and others farther north
on the Congo. The name may mean " aborigines " and

INTRODUCTORY NOTE xxvii

have been applied by the Bantu invaders to the peoples
they found in possession. There are many differences
between Ba-ila and Batwa. They seem to have a language
of their own, but those living near the Bwila speak Ila.

7. There are people in the west on the Nanzela River
who call themselves Balumbu, a name which the Ba-ila
apply indiscriminately to all foreigners. They are very
mixed, but now the language of them all is Ila.

These, then, comprise the Ila-speaking peoples. Beside
them, both on the north and the south, the Ba-ila are con-
tiguous with tribes with whom, linguistically at least, they
are very closely related, and whose history and customs we
would gladly have included in our book had we had oppor-
tunity of studying them. On the north are the Batema and
Walenje (or Beni Mukuni), closely allied peoples, though
separated by many small differences, e.g. the Walenje knock
out three front teeth, while the Batema file the two front
incisors into an inverted V. On the south are the Batonga,
or Batoka, a name which covers remnants of many tribes.
If we may judge by language, they are nearly akin with
the Ba-ila, as also are the Basubia on the Zambesi around
Sesheke, though different in physical features and customs.
On the contrary, the other neighbours of the Ba-ila — Mankoya
on the west, Baluba on the north-west, and Basodi and
Bashamba on the north-east — are, as well in language as in
other things, very distinct people.

Our readers will kindly bear in mind that Ila is a root-
word, and is not, from the native point of view, complete
without a prefix. Mwila ( = mu-ila) means a single person
of the tribe ; Ba-ila, more than one person ; Bwila ( = bu-ila)
is the name of the country. The same three prefixes occur
with the same meaning in other tribal names, e.g. mu-lumbu,
ba-lumbu, bu-lumbu.

Ba-ila corresponds, then, in form to Englishmen. One
does not say " the Englishmen country," and on that
analogy it is incorrect, when writing English, to use Ba-ila
as an adjective : we should say " the Ila country," " the
Ila language," etc. But it is not easy to be always con-
sistent in this.

PART I

VOL. I.

CHAPTER I
* *

THE ENVIRONMENT

THE Ila-speaking people of Northern Rhodesia inhabit the
country lying to the north of the Batoka plateau, above
the middle Zambesi, the limits being roughly, both on the
north and south, conterminous with the watershed of the
river with which the lives of the majority are bound up.
Some two hundred miles due north of the Victoria Falls, this
river — the Kafue, called by the natives Kavuvu (" Hippo-
potamus River ") — leaves the hill country and flows through
wide and fertile plains, and these have been the home of
the Ba-ila for as long a period as our information extends.
On the north the blue hills of Mbala, as seen from Bwila,
afford a refreshing change to the eye wearied by the flatness
of the plains. These well- wooded hills and valleys are
inhabited by the Bambala and Basala, who have the advan-
tage of diversified and picturesque scenery, but, on the
other hand, as these same hills and valleys are infested by
the tsetse fly, have not the wealth in cattle that the plain-
loving Ba-ila enjoy. To the south the sandhills and forests
of the Bwila border rise gradually, to merge into the Batoka
plateau.

Altogether dissimilar from the country surrounding it, as
its inhabitants differ from the tribes surrounding them, the
Bwila possesses many features peculiarly its own. As the
traveller from either the north or the south emerges from
the mountainous country which fringes the Kafue plain, he
views, stretching far on all sides until lost in the mirage of
Africa, a wide expanse of level country, seemingly as flat
as a billiard table, and varying in appearance with the

3

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. I

season : in spring, green
and smooth as the sward
of an English lawn,
russet brown in early
winter, but black, bare
and forbidding a few
weeks later when the
grass fires, with an im-
petuosity derived from
miles of uninterrupted
devastation and fanned
by the strong easterly
wind which blows during
the dry season, have
swept over it. At this
time, described by a
pessimistic traveller as
"Nature in her most
repulsive mood," the
sportsman and the
naturalist reap rich re-
payment for their toil
in the flats. The game,
large and small, no
longer concealed by
grass eight and ten feet
high, frequents the plain
in great numbers, while
the welcome shade on
the river-bank enables
the lover of nature to
gaze in amazement and
delight upon a profusion
and variety of water-
fowl and other birds
such as can be seen in
few other parts of the
world.

Keen as is the enjoy-
ment derived from a view

CH. i THE ENVIRONMENT 5

of the plains glowing under the noonday sun, for dreamy
beauty and romantic charm it is necessary to leave the
evening camp-fires and study them when bathed by the rays
of the full moon. The eye, aided by the imagination, travels
away into the dim distance, while only some stately Borassus
palm standing sentinel-like in the night, or the huge limbs
of some gnarled and ancient fig tree, interrupt the sight.
Towards the latter end of the rainy season the whole aspect
is changed. The river is full, the wide plains are one sheet

Photo E. IV. Smith.

THE KAFUE RIVER AT MWENGWA.

of water, the baked paths with their gaping sun-cracks are
submerged ten feet deep, and only a solitary dug-out canoe
occasionally breaks the silence and the view.

Rising with little promise of its future power close to
the sources of the Zambesi and the Congo, the Kafue, first
flowing past the infant Hippo Mine, then taking the com-
prehensive bend south known as the Hook of the Kafue,
and dashing for a time through small hills and thickly
wooded banks over a sequence of rapids and cascades, turns
at last at its junction with the Musa River near the Whete-
zhitezhi Hill eastwards towards its ultimate union with the

THE TLA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

Zambesi, leaving hills
and trees behind for a
long three hundred miles,
and passing numerous
native villages, until at
last the sight of the
handsome Kafue railway
bridge, set amidst trees
with a background of
hills, gladdens the eyes
of the expectant tra-
veller. Below the bridge
it still has eighty miles
to go, and its course
now passes between pre-
cipitous and uninhabited
banks and over a series
of waterfalls and rapids.
The course of the river
through the plain is tor-
tuous in the extreme,
indeed one finds one's
canoe facing at times
every point of the com-
pass. By water the dis-
tance is three hundred
miles, but a straight line
of one hundred and fifty
miles covers the country
actually occupied by the
Ba-ila, their villages and
lands extending back
some twenty or thirty
miles to the south and
north of the river.

On the river -bank,
as stated, are numerous
native villages built of
the rudest materials, viz.
mealie stalks, reeds, and

CH. i THE ENVIRONMENT 7

grass. These are occupied by the Batwa, who may be
termed the Ishmaelites of the Ba-ila, the last and most
reluctant to accept European administration in this part
of the world. As absolutely at home among their native
swamps as the Bushmen are in the desert, they excite
reluctant admiration by their prowess as watermen and
fishermen, but repulsion by their uncouth and uncleanly
methods of life.

The largest Ba-ila villages, commanding readiest access
to the richest grazing that springs up after the waters recede,

Photo E. IV. Smith.

BRIDGE OVER THE KAFUE RIVER.

are situated along the edge of the sand forests and jungle
bush which border and jut out into the plains on either bank.
In these forests, which comprise a large number of useful
trees and many varieties of indigenous fruit and berries,
the Ba-ila make their lands after their usual improvident
fashion, destroying and burning, in making their clearings,
much timber for the sake of the potash fertiliser it contains,
and after two years moving on to repeat the process else-
where. The sandy soil, poor-looking to the eye, yields for
a year or two fair crops of maize, millet, and various vege-

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. I

tables as beans, ground-nuts, and pumpkins, and is especially
adapted for cotton, while the gardens cultivated in the rich
black alluvial loam of the river-bank repay their fortunate
possessors with enormous harvests — always provided they
have been sufficiently industrious to plant with the early
rains, otherwise the flooded river sweeps everything before
it. The Bambala have at their disposal a deep red soil
which, with proper cultivation, produces fine crops.

Amongst the endless swamps and morasses of the flats,
the home of numerous sitatunga antelope, one in particular

Photo Rev. It'. Chapman.

ON THE KAFUE RIVER.

is worthy of notice, forming as it does a perfect counterpart
to that Isle of Ely so famous in our own history. Close to
the large influential district of Mala, the headquarters of the
Ba-ila (if such a term may be used of a people who acknow-
ledge no head), is the island named Makobo. In the form
of a rough circle five miles in diameter, full of swamps,
lagoons, and reed-beds, and surrounded completely by a
river, except in the driest season, it forms a haven of refuge
within which the Mala people have often fled from their
Matabele and Barotsi foes, taking with them their household
goods and swimming their valued cattle across.

CH. i THE ENVIRONMENT 9

At the foot of the ridge of western hills already men-
tioned are some boiling mineral springs, named Ndongola,
well worth a visit from the traveller. Sulphur being a
principal constituent, their efficacy in rheumatic complaints
is highly esteemed by those acquainted with them.

One other landmark of interest may be mentioned, the
Balumbwa Mountain, used on numberless occasions, like
the Nambala mountains, as a place of refuge.

The above form almost the only spots of interest in the
district, whose charms centre more in the wild life, both
human and animal, contained within it. Almost every spot
has its tradition of fray and foray, known often only to a
few, and the majority of the more isolated trees mark places
of burial or sacrifice.

Some three thousand feet above sea-level the climate
for the greater part of the year is equable and mild. Frosts
are rarely experienced even on the river-bank, -and never
exceed two degrees. During the whole of the dry season,
from April to September, strong easterly winds blow in-
cessantly, and though unpleasant to a degree from the ash
and dust they carry, they nevertheless make the season
very invigorating. Actual climatic inconvenience is felt
only during the months of September and October immedi-
ately before the rains, when the heavens, heavy with masses
of lowering clouds betokening the coming rain, are indeed as
brass and the nights close and sultry. Even this period has
its compensations, for during Rhodesia's " wonder month,"
as it is beautifully called, the singular sight is witnessed of
trees loaded with sweet-smelling blossoms which have not
yet put forth their leaves, while the veld shoots out a wealth
of gaily coloured and richly scented flowers, making the air
heavy with their perfume.

The rains fall first in October and set in earnestly in
December, ending usually in March. The rainfall for the
year, from imperfect statistics, is on the average thirty
inches. A feature of the rains is the cold which so frequently
accompanies them.

The flats flood as a rule in late February or early March,
the cause being not the local rains, as might be supposed,
but the heavy rains higher up the Kafue ; at the time the

IO

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. I

river fills, the water draining down from the highlands north
and south along numerous watercourses, which lose their

Photo E. It'. Smith.

WHERE AFRIC'S SUNNY FOUNTAINS."

depth of bank when they reach the plain, flows out over
the flats because the already swollen river cannot carry it
away quickly enough. The flats dry during June, after

THE ENVIRONMENT

ii

which month, as already told, the grass fires sweep over
the country, doing annually untold damage to the virgin
forests, but clearing it of the grass and undergrowth which
have hitherto afforded secure retreats to the numerous
members of the African felidae which prey upon domestic
stock. Every year lives are lost in these fires, which travel
with incredible rapidity.

The vast swamps are the breeding-places of millions
upon millions of mosquitoes, among which abounds the

Photo E. II'. Sm ilh.

ON THE NANSENGA RIVEK.

ever-to-be-dreaded Anopheles, and malarial fever, as is to
be expected in the circumstances, is inseparable from the
low-lying Kafue valley.

In seeking in this chapter to give our readers a com-
prehensive view of the country it is impossible to pass
without mention the wealth of animal life. At certain
seasons the earth, the heavens, the waters all teem with
life. The largest animals, it is true, are but seldom seen :
two herds of elephant on their migrations visit the district
annually, following a route centuries old ; and the rhinoceros
is found in small numbers both on the north and south

12 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

bank. Hippopotami, which are unusually pugnacious in
the Kafue, are still numerous, but have decreased much in
late years owing to the campaign waged against them.
The smaller fauna are still found in numbers and varieties
which rival the famous Athi plains. In the forests bordering
the flats, sable, waterbuck, and kudu, the stateliest and
handsomest of antelope, are frequently found in company
with the graceful rooibok, bushbuck, and steinbok, while
the largest of the antelope family, the royal eland, is the
most plentiful of all, some herds being of so considerable
a size that two or three score little calves are sometimes seen
cantering by their mothers' sides at once. On the flats,
the wildebeeste, with its grotesque antics, the ungainly
hartebeeste, the roan antelope, called by the Dutch the
bastard eland, and the zebra are constantly seen grazing
to all appearance in one herd, until, on the alarm signal
being given, they quickly disentangle themselves and each
leader rapidly scours off, taking his herd to safety.

Other " flat " animals are the reedbuck, puku, and
lech we. The latter congregate in vast herds after the fires,
and may be seen daily, literally not in hundreds but in
thousands. The morasses and papyrus swamps are the
home of the sitatunga. From his nocturnal habits —
necessitated by the abnormal length of his hoof, which,
though wonderfully adapted, like the water-fowl's web-feet,
to a swampy existence, incapacitates him from running with
any speed — and his general wiliness, his handsome spiral
horns form a trophy often sought but seldom obtained by
the hunter.

With such an abundant food-supply, it will readily be
supposed the carnivora are not absent. Lion, leopard,
serval, cheetah, wild dog, hyaena, and jackal are constantly
hunting their prey. Lions hunt singly or in troops, some-
times numbering as many as a dozen. As a general rule,
those met unaccompanied are fiercer and more savage than
the members of a group. It may be well -to add, however,
that there is no animal so uncertain as a lion. Where one
might be expected to charge he will frequently slink away,
and vice versa. Arrange to wait for him at moonset, and he
will make his rounds before you have finished supper. The

14 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

dogmatic sportsman who assures you a lion always does such
and such a thing as a rule generalises from one or two
experiences. In the Bwila several score of native cattle
are annually killed by lions, some of whom pay the penalty
of their depredations when the aggrieved owners turn out
in force. In one year six lions were speared in fair hunting
on the open flat, with two, fortunately not fatal, casualties
among the hunters. These lions sometimes make a regular
round of fifty miles or more, and the remark is often heard,
" To-night they will kill at so-and-so's kraal." After a
repetition of such occurrences for centuries the natives have
not yet learnt the wisdom of building lion-proof kraals.

The animals mentioned comprise the more important
denizens of the forests and plains. Bush-pig and warthog
are common, although the former are not often seen. All
members of the cat tribe are numerous. Snakes abound in
great variety but fortunately cause few casualties ; the
mamba, the puff-adder, the African cobra, and a small
silver snake named chisambwe are the most deadly, though
nearly all are dangerous. Ant-bears, porcupine, ratel,
spring-hares all thrive in the sandy bush, which also contains
big iguanas or land lizards, and land tortoises.

To deal adequately with the bird life of the district would
require a large volume. The writers have good authority
for stating that many varieties are still unnamed.
Of game birds the largest is the greater bustard, closely
followed in point of size by the spurwing goose. Both the
greater and lesser bustard are common at certain seasons.
The dikkop is always to be found in the forests, with the
common guinea-fowl and five kinds of francolin and par-
tridge ; quail and button quail arrive in fair numbers, and
snipe of two varieties (painted and Jack snipe) are plentiful.
Storks of several varieties, cranes, hornbills, and flamingoes
are regular frequenters of the flats and ponds, and are daily
seen picking up small fish and snails. The beautiful crested
crane, after the breeding season, is seen in flocks of forty and
fifty. While land birds are plentiful, it is difficult to describe
the numbers in which the water-fowl exist. The writers
have more than once bagged three couple of duck with a
rifle bullet, so dense was the flock. Spurwing geese, " the

CH. I

THE ENVIRONMENT

wood goose," as an early writer described it, from its habit of
roosting in trees, Egyptian geese, knob-nosed duck, whistling
duck, white-marked duck, and a number of other kinds of
duck, widgeon, and teal often hide the sandbanks they
frequent. All along the reed-beds fringing the river the
attention is arrested by a succession of water-birds — egrets
with their handsome plumes, herons blue and white, pelicans,
clatterbills, hammerwings, darters, kingfishers of wonderful
plumage, ibises, plovers, sea-swallows, gulls — all are seen in

A SCENE AT KASENGA.

succession preying on the marvellous food-supply the river
holds for them ; while high over all the handsome fish-eagle
with its harsh scream sails around.

The natives who inhabit the country .the main features
of which have been thus cursorily described, number some
sixty thousand, the female sex predominating in the pro-
portion of three to two. When the advantages under which
the Ba-ila live — their numerous herds, the abundance of
fish, the frequent windfalls of meat, and their productive
soil — when these advantages, comprising all an African
desires, are remembered, it will be a matter for surprise that
their numbers are so small. The reader's surprise will be

16 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES w. i

less by the time he has read this book : he may then wonder
that there are any people left. One reason, perhaps the
chief, is the unproductiveness caused by the astonishing
promiscuity of their sexual relations and the extreme earli-
ness of age at which these relations commence. It is no
exaggeration to state that from the age of seven or eight
a girl, married or otherwise, counts her lovers, who are
constantly changing, not singly but by the score. The
writers at the time of the first census of the people were
amazed to find kraal after kraal inhabited solely by adults,
and to receive time and again the same reply, that there
were no children, that, much as they wished for them,
conception was a very difficult matter.

In this as in many other directions the Ba-ila show them-
selves distinct and apart from their neighbours. Certain
of their characteristics are directly traceable to the land
and the circumstances under which they live. Accustomed
to good food and to constant exercise in the swampy flats,
they possess fine physique and height, with an undue develop-
ment of the lower limbs, showing in this respect an interest-
ing resemblance to the Dinkas of the Nile, who live under
closely similar conditions. The most feasible explanation
of the long cone coiffure is undoubtedly that which attributes
its origin to the necessity of keeping each other in sight
when hunting or fighting in the thick cane brakes and reeds.
To their constant isolation — little travelling is possible
while the plains are flooded — may be traced the bluff in-
dependence and the self-satisfaction which are so marked
in their demeanour. Ndi Mwila ("I am a Mwila ") a young-
ster may be heard to exclaim, with as complete self-com-
placency as could distinguish any ancient Roman. And
they can infuse a tremendous amount of scorn into the
word Balumbu, which they employ to describe all outside
the pale — European or native, freeman or serf, all are
Balumbu, as the ancient Greeks contemptuously classed all
Gentiles as fidpfiapoi (" barbarians ").

CHAPTER II
*

HISTORY

i. PREHISTORIC

No traces have yet been found in this district of any ancient
inhabitants. The nature of the low country does not lend
itself to the preservation of such remains, and the hills,
where, if anywhere, they might be found, have not yet been
fully explored. Just beyond the confines of the district,
however, there are some indications of a prehistoric occupa-
tion. There is a remarkable cave at Broken Hill in which
have been found stone implements, chiefly flakes of white
opaque quartz, some showing distinctly chipping, cutting, or
scraping edges and notches ; also bones showing cuts or
notches, one being chipped into a rough hexagonal form ;
pieces of bone, ivory, or horn shaped as if used for digging
roots ; and large rounded pebbles of quartzite which must
have been brought from a distance and were probably
used for breaking up marrow-bones. These were found in
connection with numerous animal remains, some of them
apparently of extinct varieties.1 Flint implements have
also been discovered in the neighbourhood of the Victoria
Falls.

Ancient workings, evidently for copper, have been found
in the vicinity of the King Edward Mine, south-west of
Lusaka. From the traces left one gathers that these
ancient miners were there in great numbers, but there is
nothing to indicate their nationality.

1 Franklin White, Proceedings of the Rhodesia Scientific Association,
Sept. 1908.

VOL. I 17 C

i8 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

In the Batoka hills, twenty miles south of Kaunga and
three miles east of Shamabuyu, Mr. G. F. B. Handley found
and photographed a series of grooves in the solid granite
rock ; but there is no indication of what people worked them,
nor of their purpose, whether for grinding neoliths or for
pulverising gold-bearing quartz.

The Ila-speaking peoples and their neighbours on all
sides belong to the Bantu subdivision of the African negroes,
and their ancestors in remote times must have come down
from the southern Soudan. We are here almost on the
median line of the continent and at the junction of tribes
seemingly belonging, if we may judge from linguistic evi-
dence, to separate lines of immigration. The Ba-ila in the
main belong, we think, to the Eastern Bantu, and came into
their present domain on the crest of a wave of emigration
from the north-east, from the country around the southern
end of Lake Tanganyika, where, as we are told, the Bantu
found a new motherland, a second focus and radius of de-
velopment.1 But they have evidently been influenced by,
and to some extent intermixed with, peoples of another
section, which, after passing from the north-east through
the Congo territory towards the west coast, curled* back
again towards the centre of the continent in a south-easterly
direction. These statements are made on linguistic grounds.
The closest affinities to Ila are found in a line of dialects
stretching from the Subia on the Zambesi to the Bemba on
Lake Tanganyika, and including midway the Tonga, Lenje,
Bisa, and others. Many cult words, such as Leza (" the
Supreme Being"), chisungu ("the puberty rites"), are
common to these dialects and are not known in the west ;
while in Ila we have such words as tonda (" taboo "),
evidently brought from the west (cf. the Kele word orunda),
and ifuka (" nine "), the root of which (buka) is found only
among the West African Bantu.

When and under what conditions these people reached
their present home, and what tribes, if any, they dis-
possessed, are questions to which their traditions afford no
answer. If we had a complete list of all the clans of the

1 Sir H. Johnston, George Grenfell and the Congo (London, 1908), vol.
ii. p. 830.

Photos G. f. B. HandUy.

GROOVES IN ROCK IN BATOKA HILLS, 20 MILES SOUTH OF KAUNGA.

20 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

Rhodesian tribes (especially if we had also the traditions
associated with the clan names), we should probably be in
a better position than we are to trace the tribal movements.
For example, this tradition of the Banampongo, unfortu-
nately the only one of its kind we have heard, is told by
the Banampongo among the Ba-ila and also by a clan of
the same name among the Balarnba in the Ndola district,
which shows that one section of the Banampongo has at
no distant date moved south. The lake mentioned is the
Mwine-mbushi, near Kapopo, evidently an old crater, four
hundred yards in diameter. This is the legend : Once
upon a time the Banampongo (the Goats) had a dispute with
another clan, the Batembozhi (the Hornets), over a question
of chieftainship ; the Banampongo, having got the worst of
it and being ousted from their premier position, planned to
destroy themselves in the lake. They set to work to twist
a very long rope — men, women, and children. Then they
gathered on the lakeside and tied the rope in turn around
their necks, and all plunged into the unfathomable depths.
A man of another clan, the Banankalamo (the Lions), had
married a woman of the Banampongo, and after failing to
induce her to refrain from suicide, determined to die with
her. They happened to be the last to be tied to the rope ;
they were pulled in and on the point of drowning when the
man, repenting, cut the rope, and so freed himself and his
.wife. She struggled to escape from him, screaming, " Let
me go ! let me go ! " but he persevered and brought her
to land. This is why to this day the Banankalamo say
to the Banampongo, "It is we who saved you from
extinction."

When the Ba-ila are pressed to say where their ancestors
came from they can only reply bakaseluka (' ' they descended ") .
Some of them interpret the word in a crudely literal sense,
and would have us understand that their forefathers came
down out of the sky, accompanied by animals, buffaloes in
particular, which through training became cattle, and also by
elephants and birds. On the shore of a lagoon of the Kafue
River, at the Government station of Namwala, there is a
bank of rock upon which these literalists say the ancients
descended, and, in proof, they point to the innumerable

CH. ii HISTORY 21

pits in the weather-worn sandstone. What are these but
the footprints of the ancestors, impressed on the rock at
the moment of their first contact with earth ? The rock is
named Bwengwa-Leza. Others use the word seluka in a
more mystical sense as meaning the entry of a spirit into the
woman through whom it is to be reincarnate, and in their
mouths it means no more than to appear on earth, to be re-
born. Ancient chiefs are named as having " descended "
into certain districts ; by this the literalists mean that
after touching earth at Bwengwa-Leza they separated and
settled at those places ; the others mean simply that they
were born in those districts. In either case these ancestors
are regarded with great reverence ; they are the beni-mashi
(" founders of the communities "},mizhimo (" demi-gods "),1
to whom worship is principally rendered.

It might be conjectured that the literalist tradition just
mentioned preserves a reminiscence of the first arrival of
the Ba-ila from some quarter now forgotten. The beni-mashi
in that case would be the leaders of the original immigrants,
and if we could trace back to them the line of chiefs from
the present day we might be able to estimate approximately
the date of the first arrival. We have elicited many of these
lists, but cannot vouch for their accuracy. The people's
memory is fallible and the lists may be incorrect in several
directions : too short, owing to some chiefs having been
forgotten as of no account ; or too long, because some are
inserted without right ;• one name may indicate several
men, or, on the other hand, one individual may be named
by several names. For what they are worth we give the
names at the end of this chapter. In only two of the districts,
it will be seen, have we been able to get more than six
consecutive names ; in each case, like the eponymous
heroes of the Greek clans, the first named is a demi-god, and
if these were the first arrivals it would be impossible to
assign the Ba-ila a period exceeding two hundred years.
The other type of tradition to which we have referred,

1 These demi-gods do not correspond to Hesiod's fourth generation
of created men, avSp&v yp&u'v 6elov ytvos ; nor are they the offspring of
mixed human and divine parentage ; the sense in which we use the term
will be made clear in a later chapter.

22 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

however, tends to push the matter further back by de-
claring that before the demi-gods appeared other spirits had
descended for reincarnation. Shimunenga, e.g., of Mala, is
said to have had a father, named Munambala, and a mother,
Nachilomwe, who came from Kaundu. Of those preced-
ing generations no memory survives, arid instead of futilely
guessing, it is best to say that we have no idea when the
Ba-ila came into the country

2. THE INTERNAL HISTORY OF THE BA-ILA

What has been the history of these people since they
first came ? The conclusion we arrive at, after protracted
inquiries, is that it has been mostly a ghastly story of war
and rapine. As far back as we can trace they have been
torn with intestine strife, and, in addition, have been
swept and scoured and harried almost to death by incessant
raids from abroad. The numbers slain at any time in a
single fight may not have been great, but the aggregate
during a century or two must have been considerable, while
the numbers carried into captivity and the deaths from
starvation owing to the destruction of the crops must have
immensely swelled the total loss. Add to this such devasta-
tions as that caused by smallpox and the perpetual sacrifice
of life on suspicion of witchcraft, and the wonder is that
the people have not been exterminated.

The Ba-ila have never been a united people, and conse-
quently their story may be summed up in the words used
by Gibbon of the ancient Britons : they possessed " valour
without conduct and the love of freedom without the spirit
of union. They took up arms with sudden fierceness, they
laid them down or turned them against each other with wild
inconstancy, and while they fought singly they were suc-
cessively subdued." The examples we give below illustrate
the petty origin of these civil conflicts, their long duration,
and the light-hearted way in which one section would call
in the aid of a foreign foe against its rival. The raider
always found it easy to obtain, by promising a share of the
booty, the assistance of one community against another.
War has not been here, as in other parts of the world, a

CH u HISTORY 23

unifying force, banding all tribes under one head against a
common foe ; on the contrary it has perpetuated the
divisions by increasing the enmity between communities.
All the wars, therefore, have had apparently no effect in
raising the people above their former level.

The way in which many of these civil conflicts arose
is well shown in the following story from Lubanda Two
men, named Shitukula and Mope, had a dispute as to who
could run the faster, and to decide the question the elders
despatched the one to Bunga and the other to Matwefwe
to fetch certain hoes and spears Shitukula accomplished
his errand ; they expected Mope's return, but he came not.
On his arrival at Bunga that young blood had spanked into
the village at top-speed The people, incensed by this
breach of good manners set to beating him and burning
him alive. The news reached Lubanda, and in great wrath
the elders sent off an imprecatory message and followed it
up by marching with all their men with the idea of falling
upon the Bunga folk at dawn. But the wife of a Lubanda
man stole off in the night and warned her friends at Bunga
and all left the village. Finding it deserted, the Lubanda
people burnt it to the ground. Rallying their forces, the
Bungaites met and slew many of the enemy, whereupon
the Lubandaites retreated and called upon their allies for
help. In the end the Bunga people were victorious, but
could not return to their ruined homes until they had paid
over sufficient cattle to appease the spirits of the warriors
slain there. To this day the feud has not been completely
healed.

At Ngabo there was a famous " war " which arose out
of a dispute concerning fishing rights. Shankalu's people
began to fish in the Inyonzi pool, and the people of Musanana
of Namaumbwe, who claimed the pool, objected. Sha-
nkalu, determined to press his claim by force, sought aid
from Namakubi and Bambwe, while the Lubwe people
supported Musanana. A battle was fought at Namaumbwe,
and three of Musanana's and two of Shankalu's men were
killed. The natives say that although only five were killed
it was a big fight. Musanana was driven from the district
and lived elsewhere until Lewanika sent one of his indunas

24 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES FT. i

to take him back to Ngabo, and later he succeeded Kachinka
as chief at landa.

Another feud of long duration was that between the
people of Chiyadila and Nyambo, and as usual the neigh-
bours became involved on either side. It arose out of a dis-
pute as to the possession of some land. A man named
Siatembo had found, while hunting lechwe, what he thought
would be a fine site to occupy, so he and his people moved
on to it and built the Nyambo villages. The Chiyadila
people, living a few miles away, claimed this land, but
Siatembo refused either to move or to pay ; consequently
there was a quarrel, and whenever the rival villagers
met they fought. Siatembo was succeeded by Mwana-
monga, he by Mauzwe, and he by Mwezwa, and all the time
the fighting went on. Mwezwa called the Byangwe people
to aid him and the other party those of Nalubanda. A
battle was fought at Nyambo ; the village was burnt, but
Mwezwa gained the day and caused the heads of his slain
enemies to be cut off and stuck upon poles. Then Mwezwa
died, and the present chief took his place and name. He
had a rival in Shibulo, who, refusing to acknowledge his
authority, was driven out and went to Chiyadila. This
added further fuel to the fire and fights continually took
place, one side and the other being victorious in turn. Then
Mwezwa went to beg the aid of the Barotsi, and Lewanika
gave him some of his warriors, by whose assistance the
Chiyadila people were driven away. They remained dis-
persed among the neighbouring communities, until ulti-
mately Mwezwa agreed to accept the indemnity they offered
and allowed them to return home. Shibulo, however,
refused to pay, and was driven out by Mwezwa ; he lived
at Mala until the establishment of English rule put a stop
to these conflicts.

These are but illustrations of the unsettled state of the
country, which prevailed from ancient times until the last
few years. Old men tell us that war was the normal thing
and peace unknown. Places are pointed out that in other
days were occupied by large communities which have been
either exterminated or dispersed. One of these places
is some ten miles from Mala, formerly inhabited by the

CH. ii HISTORY 25

Bantuba. They are now extinct. It is no wonder that the
raiders when they came had no difficulty in carrying off
the cattle and enslaving multitudes, or that at last the Ba-ila
should have been compelled to acknowledge a foreign
sovereign.

3. CONFLICTS WITH FOREIGN FOES

It is impossible to write a sketch of Ba-ila history without
reference to the affairs of their neighbours. And indeed we
have to go much farther afield — so far as the Congo territory
and even Unyamwezi in the north and Zululand in the
distant south. Just as a stone dropped into a pond sets up
ripples which radiate in ever-widening circles until they
beat upon the encircling banks, so here the emergence of
great personalities such as Mushidi in the north and Chaka
in the south set forces in motion whose impact upon the
Ba-ila has been very disturbing. The following paragraphs,
if at times they seem to wander somewhat from the Ba-ila,
will illustrate the incessant violent jostling together of
tribes which has been going on in Africa from remote times.
Probably it is in this way, and not as a peaceful immigration,
we ace to conceive the gradual spread of the Bantu from
their home in the far north.

At the beginning of the nineteenth century the Upper
Zambesi valley was inhabited by various clans who bore the
name collectively of Balui. Some of the chiefs were of an
adventurous spirit, and two of them, with their people called
Bambwela, migrated to the north-east seeking fresh hunting-
grounds. One of them was 'Kabulwebulwe, who settled
near the Upper Kafue, in the region where his descendants
still live. The other was named Kale (Kahadi), and he
settled farther north on the Lunga, a tributary of the Kafue.
He had not been there long before the country was invaded
by a strong party of Baluba, from the Lunda country across
the Kabompo River, under their six chiefs Kamimbe, Kapidi,
Mponda, Nyoka, Kaindu, and Mushima. These had left
their homes on account of disturbances made by a Lunda
chief named Mukumbi. Kale received the visitors amicably
and gave Kapidi his daughter to wife. After a time the
friendly relations between the Bambwela and Baluba were

26 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES FT. i

broken by a quarrel between the two chiefs over a question
of wearing the impande shell, an emblem of chiefship
introduced by the Baluba. The two men came to blows,
and war followed. Kapidi was captured and all his hair
shaved off. His people had to ransom him. Maddened by
the insult, Kapidi resumed the war and killed Kale's younger
brother. Fighting went on for about three years, and then
the Baluba had to flee. They crossed the Kafue into Ila
country, which then extended farther and was more densely
populated than it is now. Kale pursued them It is said
that Kapidi made a dog, empoisoned it, and sent it to bite
Kale. Others say simply that Kale was bitten by a mad
dog. Anyhow he died just as he and his people were about
to cross the Kafue, and was taken home for bunal. The
Baluba chiefs now settled in the neighbourhood of the
Mutumbwe Hill until they got to fighting among themselves.
But first they had to make good their position among
the Ba-ila. A protracted conflict took place, in which
the poisoned arrows of the invaders gave them a great
advantage, and the Ba-ila were compelled to surrender a
considerable stretch of territory.1

The Bambwela settled on the Lunga were not left in
peace. There had arisen in the Katanga country an adven-
turer named Mushidi (Msidi), called also Mwenda, Mwenda-
bantu, Komesa. He was of the Wakalaganza, a principal
tribe among the Wanyamwezi, his father being a minor
chief under the notorious Mirambo. On one occasion
Mushidi visited Katanga instead of his father, who was
accustomed to go there trading for copper ; the Katanga
chief, Sanga, was at war with the Baluba, and Mushidi
helped him with his guns — a new thing there— and defeated
them. Mushidi returned home laden with ivory, but came
back to stay, and on Sanga's death took his place. He
carried war into all the countries around, added Lubaland
to his dominions, encouraged refugees from the Lunda
country, and until his death at the hands of Captain Bodson
in 1892 was a terror to all neighbouring peoples.2 He sent

1 There had evidently been incursions from the Lunda country previous
to this. Some say that Munyama (see Chap. XXII.) headed one of these.

* See F. S. Arnot, Garenganze (London, 1889) ; V. L. Cameron,
Across Africa, 1877 ; D. Crawford, Thinking Black (London, 1912).

CH. n HISTORY 27

his armies, known to Baluba and Ba-ila as Mapupushi, or
Bangalanganza, to invade the countries to the south. They
fell upon the Bambwela on the Lunga and scattered them.
A chief named Kabimba was slain, and his son, Muyani,
escaped to Sitanda, but, being followed, came on to Makunko
in Ila territory, and then later settled in the district of
Isalama, where he still lives. We have this information
from him. By this raid of Mushidi's people more Baluba
were pressed forward into the Ila country, and fighting
went on between the two peoples which only came to a
close on the arrival of Sebitwane.

North of the Ila country to-day are found the Bakaundi,
under their chief Kasempa, who also are an offshoot from the
great Baluba tribe of the Congo ; their home originally was
on the Lukanga, a tributary of the Lualaba, and from there
they came south to the Lukanga, a tributary of the Kafue.
After a time the chiefship was annexed by Kawambala ; he
is said to have been a great chief but jealous of the young
men of his family, especially of one Jipumpu (afterwards
entitled Kasempa), his cousin, who was a mighty hunter.
Kawambala treacherously attacked Jipumpu's village and
carried off his wives; in revenge, Jipumpu ambushed him
in the forest, and with his own hand sent an arrow through
him. A son of Kawambala escaped, though badly wounded,
and went to Kamimbe in Mushidi's country, returning after
a time with an army against Jipumpu. Jipumpu was suc-
cessful for a time but had then to withdraw into the Congo
country, where for a year he remained among relatives.
Then he returned, swept all before him, and ruled with the
title Kasempa. He settled on the Kamsongolwa Hill and
gathered around him great numbers of refugees. Mushidi's
armies attacked him there, but the position was too strong
and they failed. On one occasion at least Kasempa crossed
the Kafue on a raiding expedition, and twice sent his men
to fight and capture slaves among the Ba-ila. He died in
1907, and was succeeded by a nephew, Kasempa Kalusha.1

We turn now to the tribal movement from the south

1 Kasempa's history was communicated to us by Mr. Hazell, the
District Commissioner. The chronology being vague, it is impossible to
say what relation in time this account bears to the others given above.

28 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

which has so largely affected the Ba-ila. There is no need
to repeat in detail the oft-told story of Sebitwane and the
Makololo.1 Suffice it to say that the disturbances caused
in South Africa by the Zulu Napoleon, Chaka, resulted
both in Umziligazi founding the Matabele nation, and in
Sebitwane, a Bafokeng chief of Basuto stock, leaving his
home and pushing his way north in search of a peaceful
abode. Sebitwane was then a young man of twenty, but
so great already was his influence that, it is said, he had
30,000 followers. After being worsted by Umziligazi, the
chief of the Matabele, about 1823, he struck north-east ;
driven off from Kuruman by the Griquas, he fought his way
north through the Barolong and Bangwaketsi, through the
Batawana of Lake Ngami, and ultimately reached the
Linyanti, which, after two or three years, he followed
down till he arrived on the Zambesi opposite Kazungula.
It was a great march ; what a pity there was no native
Xenophon to tell the story ! North of the Zambesi there
was a quarrel between Sundamo, chief of the Basubia, and
Sekute, chief of the Balea. The former begged Sebi-
twane's help against Sekute, who had his village on the
island of Kalai, so he crossed the Zambesi. Then the
Makololo (as Sebitwane's people were called) heard of the
wealth of the Batonga in cattle, and planned either to
conquer them or to rob them after lulling their suspicions
by a show of friendship. When he saw the former plan
was unfeasible Sebitwane contracted a matrimonial alliance
with the Batonga chief Mosokotwane. After a time he
collected the Batonga leaders, as if to consult with them
about invading the Ba-ila, and while they sat in council
unarmed his warriors massacred them with their chief. The
herds of the unfortunate Batonga were captured — so many
that they could not be numbered. Then Sebitwane went
on to the Ba-ila, but on that occasion got no farther
than the Mozuma River. The Ba-ila, though defeated
by day, returned at night and recaptured their cattle.

1 See Dr. Livingstone, Missionary Travels and Researches in South
Africa, 1857, chap. iv. ; A. Jalla, Litaba tsa sechaba sa Marotse, passim
(a history of the Barotsi in the Kololo dialect) ; D. F. Ellenberger and
J. C. Macgregor, History of the Basuto, 1913.

CH. ii HISTORY 29

Sebitwane settled for a time at Kapoli near Kalomo
and imposed his rule upon the tribes around, but the Ba-ila
were not easily subdued. He went against them, first to
Kasenga, where, after a day's fighting and heavy losses,
they were defeated. Thence he went to Kabulamwanda
and Mbeza. Having defeated Munyati at the latter place,
he proceeded against the Bwengwa people, and thence to
the Kafue to deal with the Batwa. He captured some of
these unfortunates and compelled them to ferry his army
across the river. The Batwa attempted no resistance, but
all who could fled into their native swamps. Thence
Sebitwane proceeded to Nyambo, where the Ba-ila offered
great resistance, but after three days' fighting he defeated
them. The Makololo drove off all the cattle, and, it is said,
killed all the warriors they could get hold of, as well as
the old men and women. Thence he went on as far as
Shianamwenda (Longo), the Basala chief tainess, who sub-
mitted to him.

An old chief named Mukubu, living in Busala, is one of
our informants for much of this history. He is indeed one
of the most interesting men we have ever met. He was
taken as a lad by Sebitwane from Longo and brought up in
Barotsiland. He has described to us the coming of Living-
stone and Oswell (" Mandevu ") ; he was present when the
fatal accident befell Sebitwane ; he later became Living-
stone's servant, travelled with him to the west coast, and
was with him when he discovered the Victoria Falls. He
accompanied Sekeletu to Chimbulamukoa. Later he went
with Livingstone as far as Zumbo. He seems to have had a
share in all the subsequent fighting. He piloted the pioneers
of the Baila-Batonga mission from Barotsiland to Nkala.
He was then sent by Lewanika back to his native district
of Busala to act as his representative. We asked him once
to enumerate the men he had killed in battle, and with
vivid detail he counted up to thirty-six, nearly all slain
in single combat ; they included representatives of most of
the tribes against whom in his days the Makololo and
Barotsi have fought.

While Sebitwane was still at Kapoli he had once again
to meet a Matabele impi. He had sent an army under

THE TLA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. I

one of his captains, Shili, to cross the Zambesi and raid
Umziligazi's cattle. He succeeded to some extent, but the

MUKUBU, DR. LIVINGSTONE'S SERVANT.

infuriated Matabele followed hard upon his heels. Hearing
of their approach, Sebitwane withdrew to Sachitema and
there at the mountain named by the Makololo thaba ea

CH. ii HISTORY 31

basali ("the women's mountain") a battle was fought; it
raged all day and all night, and at dawn the survivors of the
defeated Matabele fled. The name of the place is derived
from the fact that even the women joined furiously in the
fight.

Now once again, while Sebitwane was among the Basala,
he heard that the Matabele were coming against him.
Urged by a native prophet, who declared it to be the spirits'
will that he should conquer the Barotsi, or Baloiana as
they called themselves, he determined to go west and estab-
lish himself in security. His path led through Chiyadila,
Makunko, Kabanga, Banamwazi — the people fleeing at his
approach — thence through Buchele and landa. He turned
aside to fight Kaingu, who fled. Thence he passed through
the Mankoya and Matotela countries, and at last reached
the Barotsi. At that time they were much divided amongst
themselves, but Mobukwano, the chief, made a spirited
appeal to them, and was able to get together a large army.
At Kataba Sebitwane fought a battle against them, the
result of which was the establishment of his ascendancy
over them. He now settled at Naliele. He had been
there but a month when he heard that the Matabele who
had dogged his steps were at hand. They were under the
leadership of Ngabe, who, some say, had been exiled by
Umziligazi, and was looking for a country in which to settle
with his people. At once Sebitwane made one of his masterly
strategic movements to the rear. He crossed the Zambesi
and went on to the Lueti River. He was there advised that
the country ahead contained but brackish water, and that it
was a twenty days' journey across those mdbala a letsuai
("salt-plains "). Thereupon he slew many cattle, out of whose
hides he made large water-bags, which when filled he loaded
upon other oxen, and marched, giving imperative orders
for the economical use of the water. After crossing the
dreary wastes, Sebitwane, in his incorrigible fashion, fell
upon and defeated Salupito, the Mambukushu chief. Mean-
while the Matabele were following swiftly after, and before
they realised the position, found themselves in the midst
of the desert with no water and no food. They had at last
to take to chewing their shields, sandals, and other bits of

32 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

dry skin. When they were almost at their last gasp, Sebi-
twane fell upon them. There were some women and children
among the survivors, and these were kept. Of the men,
only ten reached again the bank of the Lueti ; keeping
along the bank of the Zambesi, they crossed it at Sesheke
and went on to Sekute, the Balea chief, who pretended to
help, but marooned them on an island in the Zambesi.
They tried to swim to the southern bank, but only one
succeeded, and he, Ndoza by name, was the sole survivor,
it is said, out of that great impi who got back to Umziligazi.
What reception he met with we are not told.

This was not the last time the Makololo and Matabele
met in what was really a contest for the dominion over
these tribes. The Matabele came again and again, but were
always worsted. By the time the last expedition reached the
Zambesi Sebitwane was fully master of the whole territory,
and was able to patrol the river so effectively that they
could not cross, although they had with extraordinary
labour brought canoes with them. When they were on
the point of starving on the south bank, Sebitwane sent
messengers, driving some fat cattle, who asked why they
should persist in attacking their chief, who had never done
them harm, and who, they added, thinking they might
be rather hungry, had now sent them " a little bread."
Mukubu, who was there, tells us that Sebitwane sent in
fifty oxen, then fifty more, as the Matabele were still hungry,
until in all three hundred had been consumed. Sebitwane
had conquered : the Matabele never attacked him again.

For five years after the battle of Kataba, Sebitwane
was fully engaged in consolidating his rule over the Barotsi
and other tribes. By his kindly disposition and wise rule
he quickly conciliated the peoples whom the terror of his
arms had taught to fear him.

In previous years the Barotsi had sent marauding
expeditions against the wealthy cattle -owning Ba-ila.
Mulambwa, grandfather of the late Barotsi chief Lewanika,
had sent one at least. We are told of a people called the
Bashituchila from the far east, who, after raiding the Ba-ila
cattle, passed on and informed the Barotsi, inciting them
to do the same, but who these were we do not know. And

CH. ii HISTORY 33

now Sebitwane, with the threefold purpose of plundering
cattle and establishing and extending his dominion, led or
sent three armies at various times against the Ba-ila and
beyond.

The first of these, led by his nephew Mpepe, brought
back herds of cattle and numbers of slaves, after killing
Kaingu and Mushanana, two prominent chiefs. The cattle
came mostly from Bambwe and Lubwe. Old men still
recall the terror caused by the coming of Mpepe. The
Makololo called this ntoa ea makana (" the war of the axes ")
because of the battle-axes with which Sebitwane had armed
them.

The second raid was named by the Makololo Hoia-hoia,
or the Kasenga war, and was noteworthy for the amount
of cattle taken at Kasenga and Nyambo. Their leaders
were Munangombe, who raided the country south, and
Muzazani, who raided that north of the Kafue. An old
chief, Nakabanga, now living at Busangu, was, as a lad,
one of those carried away captive on this occasion. With
others he fled across the river to get away from Muna-
ngombe, only to fall into Muzazani's hands on the other side.
He was taken to Kazungula, and remained there until on
becoming a man he made good his escape. He tells us that
Muzazani met on the other side of the Kafue a man named
Saidi coming down from the north, who subsequently went
to Linyanti. This man, Saidi, is frequently mentioned
in the accounts we have received of the old days. The
Nanzela people say he visited them, evidently on his return
from Linyanti, and passed to the north-east, crossing the
river at Kaundu. He is said to have travelled with a large
gang of men tied to a chain ; some speak of his constant
bowing to earth in the attitude of prayer ; others say he
would only eat of an animal whose throat he had himself
cut. Evidently an Arab slave-trader. We are inclined to
identify him with Sa'id ibn Habib, the slave-trader men-
tioned so often in Livingstone's Last Journals, and with the
Ibn Habib who, as Livingstone tells us, visited Sekeletu in
I854,1 and advised and led him to attack the people at

1 Cameron, in Feb. 1874, mentions this man at Ujiji ; says he had met
Livingstone both in Sekeletu's country and Manyuema,

VOL. I D

34 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

Chimbulamukoa. If this be correct, it is the first notice
we have of the operations of the Arab slave-traders among
the Ba-ila.

The third raid ordered by Sebitwane and conducted by
Mpepe was notable by reason of the death of the chief
Sezongo.

We must here interrupt our narrative in order to bring
up the story of the Nanzela people to the time of Sezongo's
death.1 They, like the Baluba, are immigrants from a
distance who have won for themselves a residence in Ila
territory, but who, unlike the Baluba, have adopted the Ila
tongue. They come from Barotsi country in the neighbour-
hood of Lealui, and their chiefs claim kinship with the Mu-
lambwa mentioned above. Mulambwa's two daughters,
Mofwe and Kalube, married, it is said, two men named
Kalenge and Mwansha. One of Kalenge's servants went to
visit a party of the newly arrived Makololo, and found them
catching fish ; they gave him some, and he took a portion
to his master. Irritated by the fact that these strangers
were poaching on their preserves, Kalenge and Mwansha
led their people against them, but, being worsted, they left
their home and settled in the district of Mutondo, and
subsequently on the Lui. There the Makololo came on them
with peremptory orders to return to their homes in the
valley, but after much altercation they were allowed to go
their way. Kalenge then led his followers from place to
place till they reached Mwange on the Nanzela River. At
each place, it is said, they slew or drove away the previous
inhabitants. They removed to the Kalenge River, and
there a certain Shachibinzha rebelled against Kalenge and
Mwansha and compassed their death. It is from that
circumstance that the river derives its name. Shachibinzha
now became chief, and moved his people to Nkumbi in the
neighbourhood of Sachitema. There he became famous,
but not for long In five years' time Sezongo deserted him
and established himself as chief at Nakalomwe. He was a
great hunter and grew rich on the proceeds of the elephants

1 We have a short history of these people written for us by Thomas
Sezongo, son of Munaswaba, Sezongo II., from information collected by
him from the old men, especially Leselo.

CH. ii HISTORY 35

he killed, and all his wealth in cattle, slaves, ivory, and
impande shells he lavished upon those who would help him
to gratify his revenge or ambition upon Shachibinzha. He
executed his purpose and became chief in Shachibinzha's
place. He established his villages at Namadindi, between
Mwanakaba and Kasamo, and became great in the land.
The neighbouring Ba-ila took up arms against the intruder,
but were soon glad to leave him in possession of the district
he had seized.

It seems to have been at this time that the numbers
of his people were reinforced by union with some immigrants
from Munga in the Batonga country. He carried on war
against his neighbours and added the captives to the number
of his subjects. He also bought many people for ivory.
This explains why it is that the Nanzela people (Balumbu)
are such a mixture of Batonga, Ba-ila, Mankoya, Matotela,
Barotsi, and others.

The sudden appearance of about three hundred Mata-
bele, fugitives from Sebitwane, caused great perturbation at
Nchelenge, but, calling his people together, Sezongo calmly
proposed to destroy the unwelcome visitors by stratagem.
He prepared a great feast, to which the hungry and un-
suspecting Matabele were invited. They responded gladly,
and enjoyed a good meal and — beer. After a time Sezongo
sent to inspect them, but learnt that the deadly mantembe
drink had not yet taken effect. The next inspection
revealed the fact that the dreaded Matabele were lying
moribund. Then at Sezongo's orders to spare only the
children, the men seized their axes and the women their
hoes and speedily despatched the helpless fugitives. Only
the young boys and girls were kept ; their descendants are
still there. The heads were chopped round above the
ears and the crania placed in shizongo baskets and taken
to the chief to be used as goblets : hence his name Sezongo.
The native report of this dastardly massacre invariably
ends with a tribute to the chief's prowess : Chobeni kadi
mulombwana chinichini (" He was truly very much a
man ").

It was at Namadindi that the Makololo army found
Sezongo. A very old man told us that he remembers the

36 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

incident, and declares that Sebitwane came in person with
Mpepe. Sebitwane, he says, had called upon Sezongo to
pay tribute as the Ba-ila chiefs were doing, but Sezongo
defied him. The Ba-ila chiefs along the south bank of the
Kafue, from Lubwe to Kabulamwanda, for once agreed
to combine against Sebitwane in support of Sezongo, but
the league dissolved upon the approach of the Makololo, and
he was left to face the conqueror's wrath alone. His people
were in terror, but he calmly put aside their advice to seek
safety in flight, went on with his preparations, and sent out
scouts. " They are in clouds, not as men, but as locusts ;
let us flee," reported the craven scouts. But Sezongo
stood his ground. His younger brother, Shambala, basely
deserted with many people, and Sezongo, with a greatly
diminished force, found himself surrounded by the Mako-
lolo. The little band fought bravely, but it was a hopeless
struggle ; after a time their store of spears and arrows was
exhausted, and they had only their axes. The Makololo
pressed their advantage, but Sezongo refused to yield.
Seizing an icheba (a kind of cutlass), he charged them again
and again, and clove many heads, and all the time his drums
were sounding defiance against the invaders. On he fought,
while one by one his followers fell — all save his shamanga
(personal attendant) and the drummers. " Don't kill him,
take him alive," shouted the Makololo, but, with blood
pouring from many wounds, he refused to yield or be cap-
tured, and wielded his icheba with such skill and power
that the unequal contest was long in drawing to a close.
Finally, he was beaten to his knees, and fell pierced with
many spears. His shamanga shared his fate, and the
drummers were taken alive.

When the Makololo had departed, the fugitives came
creeping back to their homes, and sent word to Shambala
that his brother was dead. On inheriting the chiefship,
Shambala went to live at Kakuse ; after his death his
nephew Munaswaba became chief. His first act was to kill
all Shambala's councillors ; then he removed to Kasangu
and later to Manimbwa, where the tribe still lives. He
traded much with the Mambari slavers, not selling people,
but buying them for ivory. Like the heroic Sezongo I.,

38 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

he was a great hunter, and in this way used his skill to build
up his power. He became a chief of much weight, but was
averse from fighting when he could get his way otherwise.
The Basanga people, and later they of Lubwe, put in claims
to the land that he occupied, and his councillors strongly
advised to resist the claims by arms. But he agreed to
pay ; the Basanga received two slaves and a hundred hoes,
and the Lubwe people a similar amount, and thus he secured
indisputable possession of the locality, where his people have
lived ever since. Sezongo II., as we knew Munaswaba,
died in 1904, and since then his people, who had been getting
out of hand during his later years, have become m'uch
divided among themselves, largely owing to the weakness
of his successors. Sezongo III. died mysteriously, most
people said by poison. Sezongo IV. died in prison, where he
was serving a sentence for inciting to murder.

Going back to Sebitwane, we may notice here that in
1851 he met Livingstone and Oswell at Linyanti, the first
Europeans to visit this part of Africa. He was then, Living-
stone tells us, a man under fifty. Into his short life he had
crowded an amazing course of adventure and conquest,
but now his end was near, and he died in July that year.
•It is perhaps worth recording that there is a difference
between Livingstone's and the native accounts of his death.
Livingstone says : " He fell ill of pneumonia set up by the
irritation of some old spear wounds in his chest." 1 The
native story is this : Livingstone had a horse named Sekarebe
(? Scarab) which Sebitwane was eager to ride, but Living-
stone refused, saying it was too wild. Sebitwane persisted,
and at last the Doctor yielded. The horse set off at a canter,
and Sebitwane rode it to the intense admiration of his
assembled subjects. Coming back, the chief whipped it
to a gallop, the multitude burst into a cheer, and the horse,
making a sudden swerve, threw him. As they picked him
up, Sebitwane said, " My children, it has broken me."
Next day Livingstone had the people assembled, and asked
them whether they blamed him for their chief's accident ;
and they exonerated him, saying that Sebitwane had only

1 Missionary Travels, p. 77 ; W. E. Oswell, The Life of W. C. Oswell
(London, 1900), vol. i. p. 246.

CH. a HISTORY 39

himself to blame for insisting on riding a horse he had been
warned against. Six days later Sebitwane died.1

It was at this time that, as far as we can ascertain, the
existence of the Ba-ila first became known to the outside
world. They were first mentioned in the following para-
graph written by Dr. Livingstone, and published in England
in July 1852. The Mambari, he says, came to Sebitwane
in 1850, " carrying great quantities of cloth and a few old
Portuguese guns marked Legitimo de Braga, and though
cattle and ivory were offered in exchange, everything was
refused, except boys about fourteen years of age. The
Makololo viewed the traffic with dislike, but having great
numbers of the black race living in subjection to them, they
were too easily persuaded to give these for the guns. Eight
of these old useless guns were given to Sebitwane for as
many boys. They then invited the Makololo to go on a foray
against the Bashikulompo, stipulating beforehand that, in
consideration of the use to be made of their guns in the
attack on the tribe, they should receive all the captives,
while the Makololo should receive all the cattle. . . . The
Mambari went off with about 200 slaves, bound in chains,
and both parties were so well pleased with the new customers
that they promised to return in 1851." 2 Livingstone tells
us that on this foray the Makololo met some Arabs from
Zanzibar who presented them with three English muskets
and in return received about thirty of their captives.
Evidently this was the raid referred to on p. 33.

These Mambari, from Bihe in Portuguese West Africa,
paid visits subsequently to, and probably before this ; indeed
it is only within quite recent years that, under the stress of
British rule, they abandoned their piratory excursions. It
would be a mistake to suppose that they simply raided slaves
or bought them for export or for use on the Portuguese
plantations. They seem to have had two objects — slaves
and ivory ; where they could they bought both with the

1 This story was first brought to our notice by Mr. F. V. Worthington,
and we have since been told it, quite spontaneously, by various old men in
different parts of the country.

2 This paragraph was kindly communicated to us by Rev. A. Baldwin,
who took it from an old Life of Livingstone. It was originally published in
the Missionary Magazine.

40 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

goods they carried with them, but when it was to their
advantage they did not mind bartering the one for the
other. They bought much ivory from the Ba-ila for slaves.
This fact is to be remembered when thinking of the mixed
condition of the Ba-ila and the ravages of the slave-trade.

The Mambari had a friend in Mpepe among the Makololo,
and he assisted them in their raids among the Ba-ila and
Batonga. Dr. Livingstone has described the machinations
of this man against Sekeletu, Sebitwane's successor, and his
violent death in 1853.

Sekeletu renewed the 'forays upon the Ba-ila, and in
1854-55 extended his travels as far as Chimbulamukoa,
in the neighbourhood of the great Lukanga swamp. There
had been quarrels among the Baluba chiefs, with the
result that fighting took place between the adherents of
Mabanga and Kaindu. Kaindu's brother was slain ; and,
on the other side, Mabanga was killed and finally his people
were driven from their homes. The heir, Shipopa by
name, fled for refuge to the chief Chinga Kaingu at
Itumbi. There was another fugitive there, an Ila chief
named Shimudizhi from Nanungwe, a gentle rascal
whose pleasant foible it was to raid his neighbours and
put out the eyes of as many as he could capture, until
one day they rounded on him and drove him out. These
two sent to invite Sekeletu to come to their help ; Ibn
Habib put in a word for a foray upon Chimbulamukoa,
and Sekeletu, nothing loth, set out with a great army for
the Kafue. Once at the river, he divided his forces; one
party went up the river in canoes and other parties swept
across country. From several old men we have heard of
the horror of that time, when, as they said, the nights
were lit up by the innumerable camp-fires of the raiders.
Villages were burnt, cattle swept away, women and children
captured, old people ruthlessly massacred, and great numbers
of men killed and taken prisoners. They left behind them a
devastated, famine-stricken land. So dire was the famine
that, as one old man told us, if a person were lucky enough
to find a grain of corn he would jealously hide it in his
impumbe till sowing time.

On another occasion Sekeletu sent his generals, Leshodi

CH. it HISTORY 41

and Katukula, to loot cattle from Monze, Banakaila, and
other places. The Makololo called this raid Bungwidimba
(" a flock of pigeons "), because the looted cattle were very
many but very small.

Sekeletu died in 1863 (strangled, says Mukubu) and
was succeeded by Mamili, who was driven away by Mbololo,
the last of the Makololo dynasty. His reign of cruelty
aroused the Barotsi, who had suffered the Makololo yoke
all this time, and, led by Sepopa and his captain Njekwa,
they expelled Mbololo and exterminated the Makololo,
saving the women. The revolution resulted in Sepopa
becoming chief in August 1864. In 1866 he sent an ex-
pedition against the Batonga, and in 1871 against the Ba-ila.

According to another account he sent no expedition
against the Ba-ila, as by now they were paying tribute
regularly. His induna in charge of the collection of the
tribute, a man named Musisimi, had trouble with the
Bwengwa people, and was killed by them while trying to
enforce the payment. Sepopa would have led a punitive
expedition against them, but was killed by the Barotsi
before he could put his plans into execution. Musisimi 's
death was avenged by an army led by Lutango.1 Sepopa
was succeeded by Mwanawina, the son of Sebeso, his younger
brother. In 1878 he ordered a raid upon the Ba-ila. Moku-
besa, who was to collect the army, seized the opportunity
of overthrowing Mwanawina in favour of Lobosi (Lewanika) .
Lobosi, who was born in 1842, was made chief, and, with
one lengthy interval spent in exile, ruled until his death
in February 1916. His policy, probably inherited from
Makololo predecessors, was to extend his empire in all
directions and to impose upon all subject-races Barotsi
customs and the Kololo dialect, which, although the Mako-
lolo had been wiped out, was still the official language. He
took young men from the provinces, reared them at his
court, and sent them home as his representatives, thoroughly
Rotsiized.

1 This information comes from the Barotsi, but the Ba-ila say that
Sepopa arrived in person. There seems to be some misapprehension here,
for the Ba-ila will have it that Sepopa and Lutango were one and the same,
whereas from Barotsi sources we learn that Lutango was Sepopa 's ngambela
(chief councillor), and was the leader of the rebellion against him in 1876.

42 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

In 1882 he led an army against the Ba-ila. On arrival
at Manimbwa he reassured Sezongo's people, who were
terror-stricken at the sight of this great army. ' You are
my children, do not fear," he said. " I am going to the Ba-ila
and Batonga. If any of you wish to fight, come with us."
A number volunteered, and Lewanika pressed on to the
Ba-ila, raiding the cattle from Bambwe, Kasenga, Kabula-
mwanda, and Bwengwa. On arriving among the Batonga
he divided his army, sending one party back under Katema
to complete the raiding of the Ba-ila, while he swept through
the Batonga country, and so home. Huge herds of cattle
were driven off and a great many Ba-ila were left killed, while
the Barotsi loss was but small. It was the custom of the
Barotsi to decapitate every enemy slain and give his cal-
varium as a drinking-cup to a warrior who had distinguished
himself in the fight. Armed with guns, kerries, and shields,
the Barotsi had no great difficulty in overcoming the Ba-ila,
who had only their thro wing-spears. On the return of the
expedition to Barotsiland the spoil was divided : slaves,
cattle, and other things. Many of the warriors, it is said,
had secretly conveyed to their homes a large portion of
their booty, so that, after receiving their share as well from
the common stock, they became rich at the expense of the
Ba-ila.

In 1888 came the final Barotsi razzia, Lewanika's second,
upon the Ba-ila. The Rev. F. Coillard has left on record
an account of the starting of this expedition. He writes :
" The Barotsi, unlike the Makololo, are not a pastoral
people. . . . Here all are immolated, without distinction
and without special reason, bulls and heifers, oxen and
calves. When the herd has vanished, each man looks at
his neighbour and raises the cry, ' To the Mashukulumbwe ! '
. . . During the recent troubles the bovine race has been
almost literally exterminated in the country. To this
unbridled prodigality a famine succeeded ; it was only to
be expected. Then as always the cry arose : ' To the Mashu-
kulumbwe ! ' " l Mr. Coillard expresses his astonishment
at the number of guns possessed by the Barotsi ; they

1 F. Coillard, On the Threshold of Central Africa (London, 1897), pp. 298
et seq.

CH. ii HISTORY 43

were of varied calibre, mostly flintlocks. At the head of
the army marched a young girl, chosen by means of the
divining-bones, and regarded as the interpreter of the gods,
without whom nothing was to be done. Mr. Coillard
reckoned that when all the contingents were collected
Lewanika would have from ten to twelve thousand men at
least. That heroic missionary showed himself a true friend
of humanity by striving to the utmost to dissuade Lewanika
from his purpose ; it was in vain, but it was owing to his
growing influence that this was the last raid that Lewanika
organised.

The great army — great, at least, for Central Africa —
swept like a hurricane or a cloud of locusts through the
Ila country. In the absence of any cohesion among the
various communities resistance was vain. Some desultory
fighting took place, and some stragglers from the main bands
were cut off, but otherwise the loss among the invaders was
very small. Many of the Ba-ila fled to their refuges in the
mountains, but Lewanika had divided his army into sections,
some of which crossed the Kafue, and escape was almost
impossible. Some of the chiefs surrendered without any
show of resistance. Shaloba of Lubwe, for example, asked
to be allowed to submit and pay tribute, and on receiving
permission took a stick and walking through his great herd
of cattle divided it into two, handing the larger portion
over to the Barotsi. In other cases, as with Shapela on the
north bank, the chiefs not only surrendered but gave much
help to the invaders. Some showed more spirit. A man
named Katimbila was compelled to, ferry a number of Barotsi
across the Kafue ; in mid-stream, by an adroit move, he
seized a spear, drove it into one of them, capsized the rest
into the river and escaped to land. The women suffered
with the rest, and many were carried away by their captors.
The wife of one chief, Mwashaboya, was so distressed by the
death of her husband that she threw herself into the river,
saying that she had no desire to live longer.

After leading his men in person — and the sight of him
on horseback was a new terror to the Ba-ila — Lewanika
returned with the greater part of the army to Barotsiland,
leaving another section to complete the devastation in the

44 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

Mbeza district and the hills to the east. At Mbeza this
army met with a reverse, for the inhabitants called upon
Mapanza and others to help them, and overpowered the
Barotsi. Until a few years ago a pile of skulls was ex-
hibited as a trophy of victory over the invaders, exhibited,
indeed, until an English hunting-party desecrated the sacred
enclosure, taking one of the skulls away with them, which
so disgusted the natives that they neglected the place
afterwards.

This expedition lasted five months, and the invaders
returned home in August 1888 with an immense booty in
women, children, and cattle. Mr. Coillard was assured that
more cattle died on the way than arrived, but even so it
would take a month, he said, to distribute the rest after
Lewanika had taken his share.

Thus far of the raids from north and west ; now we
turn east and south. The Angoni from far-off Nyasaland
once at least pushed their forays as far as the Basodi living
north of the lower Kafue, but they do not seem to have
reached the Ba-ila. Many years ago the Bambala were
twice raided by the Bachikundi from Portuguese country
south of the Zambesi. Their leader was Kanyemba. Mr.
Selous, who met this man in 1877, describes him as "a
full-blooded black man . . . who possesses both the will
and the power to do immense harm, a slave-trader and
a murderer." 1 He seems to have come originally from the
lower Zambesi in the Tete district ; he was then living
on an island in the Zambesi near the mouth of the Kafue.
He had a host of followers armed with flintlocks, and these
he sent or led raiding, always taking care to preface a raid
by sending a letter to the Governor of Tete complaining of
injury done to Portuguese trade and subjects, and asking
for a permis de guerre. We have no details of these razzias
on the Bambala.

Nor were these all. The Matabele on their expeditions
against Sebitwane had heard of the wealth of the Ba-ila in
cattle, and directed two of their raids upon them. In the
first they reached Bwengwa and went off with much boot}''.

1 F. C. Selous, A Hunter's Wanderings in Africa (London, 1907), pp.

HISTORY

45

In the second they raided all the country on the south of
the Kafue, from Kabulamwanda to Nkala. The memory

Photo E. If. Smith.

LESELO, ONE OF OUR INFORMANTS.
A Balumbu Type.

of this raid is stili very vivid in the minds of the Ba-ila, and
they cannot repress a groan when they recall the immense

46 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES FT. i

herds of cattle captured, the numbers of their people carried
off, and the famine that ensued upon the destruction of
their crops. There was little opposition to the fierce warriors
of Lobengula — Ngwalungwalu, as the Ba-ila call him. When
we remarked on this, one old man said : "If you were in
a hut and guns were pointed in at you on all sides would
you put up a fight ? " Many of the Matabele lost their
lives by drowning in the swamps. The B'a-ila drove their
cattle through the floods into the islands, and the Matabele,
eager in pursuit, though by nature timorous in water,
became submerged. Some of their guns were found after-
wards when the waters subsided. Many Ba-ila were carried
away, and though some escaped subsequently and re-
turned to their homes, the majority are still among the
Matabele.

In 1892-93 there was another raid of the Matabele, but
they did not reach the Ba-ila, as they were swept away by
smallpox while among the Batonga. As two of the best
impis were on this expedition, their loss was heavily felt
in the subsequent war against the British South Africa
Company.

A few years later the rinderpest, on its way through
Africa, swept across the Ila country, causing huge devasta-
tion among the cattle, and thus striking another blow at
the Ba-ila in this their tenderest point.

4. CONTACT OF THE BA-ILA WITH EUROPEANS

Who the first European was to enter the Ila country we
cannot determine. It may very well be that in early days
Portuguese travellers, passing from west to east, or from east
to west, traversed this territory; for it appears from what
Major Serpa Pinto says1 that the ordinary trade route from

1 Serpa Pinto, How I Crossed Africa (London, 1881), vol. ii. p. 115: "The
Biheno pombeiros are accustomed to pass to the north of the Lui, cross
the country of the Machachas and at length come upon an enormous river
which they call the Loengue. That river they use in their trade journeys,
and know it well from its very source. They go down it in their canoes
to its mouth, where it assumes the name of Cafucue. ... It is rare to find
a Biheno who travels at all who has not been at Cainco." In August 1878
Pinto was at Lealui intending to follow this route and explore the Kaf ue,

CH. ii HISTORY 47

Angola to Zumbo passed through Kaingu, and down the
Kafue, but so far as we know there is no record of such
travels.

It is certain that in more recent years travellers entered
the country and left no record, for the simple reason that
they never emerged alive. Mr. Coillard, writing in 1888,
says that within the last few years he had heard of Portu-
guese traders, of the son of a missionary he knew, and of his
partner, a young Englishman, who had been massacred by
the Ba-ila:

Dr. Livingstone is the first traveller in this country of
whom we have an authentic record, and he passed just
outside the confines of the Ila territory. The Balumbu of
Nanzela remember seeing him while they were living near
Kalomo. Various old men, like Mukubu and Nakabanga,
taken when young by the Makololo and since returned to
their homes, have spoken to us of meeting and travelling
with him ; the impression made upon their minds by him
was so strong that they declare he was more than man.
He was, as we have seen, the first to write of the Ba-ila ;
he met a party of them in the neighbourhood of Monze in
1855. In his original map of the Zambesi, made in 1853-
1854, ne nas incorporated information derived from natives,
and on it we can recognise, wrongly placed, the names of
Mokobela, Sealoba, and Mosianana : chiefs bearing those
titles are still living.

The first white man spoken of by the people as having
passed through their country came from the west and
travelled east. This seems to have been some fifty-five
years ago. He travelled quite alone, without food or arms
or attendants. He appeared suddenly at Lubwe, and an
old man there has given us a graphic description of the
event. He was middle - aged, thin, and pale ; all have
remarked upon his paleness, using the word bwalangana,
("transparent"). When his fingers hung down they say

but was prevented by Lewanika. Silva Porto (in 1853-54) followed the
route from the West Coast to Naliele (on the Zambesi), then to Kaingu
(Cahinga), and to Cahimbe (? Kazembe) and on to the East Coast. See
the map in The Lands of Cazembe, translated and annotated by Captain
R. F. Burton (London, 1873).

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. I

you could see the blood flowing into them. • He was evidently
in a state of exhaustion upon his arrival at Lubwe, for he
sank upon the ground, and feebly pointed to a pipe one of

< K -1

*§ .§

§3 *

« «

the men was smoking. In his pocket he had a small packet
of powdered tobacco (opium?), and filling the pipe with
difficulty he smoked a few minutes, coughing violently.

CH. ii HISTORY 49

Then he fell back insensible, and they threw water on him.
On recovering he struggled to his feet and pursued his
journey eastwards. He appeared later at Mala, to the
consternation of the people, who fled at the unwonted sight.
Nobody could understand him, nor be understood by him ;
he would eat none of the food offered to him, and after a
short rest he went on his way along the Kafue. The figure
of this lonely traveller in mid-Africa is one that appeals
to the imagination, and it would be interesting to know his
identity and subsequent history.

We have heard that the next to visit the Ba-ila were two
travellers named Chingaingai and Mitelo, who came from
the west and passed away east. They are said to have been
in search of ivory. Some say they were carried in machilas
and were Bazungu, i.e. Portuguese, but others affirm they
wore long flowing robes and sandals like Arabs. Some
thirty to forty years ago three travellers, named by the
natives Shimonze, Machenjezha, and Chikwasa, came from
the east and went west. They carried long guns and brought
goods with which to buy ivory. These appear to have
been Portuguese.

The Balumbu of Nanzela also tell of three " Matem-
bezhi " who came many years ago from the south beyond
Mangwato. They were sportsmen, as is evident from the fact
that they took only the trophies of the animals they killed.
They may have been either Griqua or Boer hunters.

The earliest traveller actually among the Ba-ila who has
left a record was Dr. Emil Holub (1847-1902), a native of
Bohemia, who in 1872 went to the Kimberley mines, where
he practised as a surgeon. With a companion named Oswald
Sollner and Mrs. Holub he arrived at the Zambesi in June
1886 with the intention of exploring the country to the
north, and crossing the continent to Egypt ; they were
thus the first to set out on the " Cape - to - Cairo "
route.1 From Kazungula he passed over the plateau
towards the Ila country, via Mapanza, everywhere hearing

1 Dr. Emil Holub, Von der Capstadt ins Land der Maschukulumbe,
Reisen im sudlichen Afrika in den Jahren 1883-1887, 2 vols. (Wien,
Alfred Holder, 1890). (No English translation.) We have also a local
newspaper report of a lecture given by Dr. Holub at Kimberley after his
return.

VOL. I E

50 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

the worst tidings of the wild people to the north, and
being strongly advised not to visit them. On enter-
ing the Bwila he noted that, although four years before
Lewanika had taken more than 40,000 head of cattle, it was
a loss hardly to be noticed among the great herds that
remained. They passed through Mbeza, Kabulamwanda,
Kasenga to Busangu. The rascally behaviour of the natives
of these last two places, he says, so terrified his servants that
one dark night many of them deserted. The Ba-ila came
to attack them, but they were on the watch, and the attempt
failed. They then endeavoured, unsuccessfully, to maroon
them on an island in the Kafue. On the north bank of the
river they found " every day an endless torture." Once,
they believed, an attempt was made to poison them. On
the way from Nyambo to Lulonga many of their possessions
were pillaged. They were told of Portuguese living beyond
the hills that Holub named the Franz- Josefs Berge, and
determined to make their way thither. At Lulonga they
left Sollner with the donkeys and most of the remaining
goods, while they, Dr. and Mrs. Holub, went forward to
explore. Holub's account, in the twenty-fourth chapter
of his book, of their adventures on that second day of
August makes excellent reading. The night was so black
as they stole out of camp at I A.M. fhat, after feeling about
with their hands for the path, they had soon to retrace their
steps towards the village and wait for dawn, at which, says
he pathetically, " I should like to have been able to cry,
if only it were possible." At daybreak they followed a path
into the swamps, through water breast-deep at times, with
thick mud underfoot, so viscid that they lost their boots.
On they blundered, slipping, falling, for six hours, Holub
at times carrying his wife (who behaved most pluckily
throughout), and at last emerged and reached a village.
The chief gave them guides, and they went on some distance
towards the pass ; but Holub was seized by a presentiment
that all was not well, and by dire threats compelled the
guides to divulge the chief's instructions. As for the
Portuguese — there were none. He awoke to what he be-
lieved to be the plans of the Ba-ila : to separate him from
Sollner, then to kill them all. He gave the order to return,

CH. ii HISTORY 51

and they waded through the swamp again, this time in two
hours. On approaching Lulonga they discovered one of
their men hiding in the reeds, and from him heard of the
catastrophe that had befallen " the Austro-Hungarian-
African expedition." The camp had been attacked, Sollner
mortally wounded by spears, and the goods plundered.
Holub ascribes it all to Sollner's philanthropy : " The mis-
placed confidence he showed them always and everywhere
cost him his life." What was immediately valuable to
the Ba-ila had been carried off ; books and scientific instru-
ments and other things were lying littered about, and
among them Holub descried what he accounted most precious
of all — diaries. As he warily collected these, the Ba-ila crept
up behind, and it seemed that he would be cut off, but Mrs.
Holub saved the situation. Beyond saying that she seized
a gun and enabled him to escape, Holub is rather vague,
and it is at this point, we think, some details supplied by
the ratives will fit in most naturally. They say that Mrs.
Holub fired and killed one man, fired a second time, and
killed both a man and a woman, and that this scared the
Ba-ila. Dr. Holub, they add, did nothing, but with his
arms full of his precious records he was, as he says himself,
helpless. The Ba-ila drew off, and the way was open for
their escape. Leaving Sollner's body unvisited and un-
buried — if indeed he were already dead, which they do not
seem to have ascertained — they set off towards the south.
Once the Ba-ila tried to block the path, but a volley into
their midst scattered them. After another painful march
through swamps they reached the open plain, newly burnt
and covered with short thick stubble, across which they
made their way. Their bare feet were severely punished,
" every step was accompanied by sighs and groans." With
the intense heat, thirst, and. hunger they suffered such
agonies that after a three hours' march they were giddy
and bordering on insensibility. Parties of Ba-ila hovered
near, but they were not again molested — by this time they
were beyond caring whether they were killed or not — and
after nightfall reached the Kafue at the point where they
had crossed. They were glad to make a scanty supper off
a fragment of half-rotten pumpkin they found in a field.

52 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

They discovered a small canoe on an islet in the stream,
but when, for the promise of a gun, one of the men swam
over and fetched it they found it useless, for it would hold
only one person. A further promise of a double-barrelled
gun induced the man to seek another canoe on the opposite
bank, and so in twos they reached the islet. Then a fearful
storm — very unusual for August — broke out and the high
waves seemed to make it impossible to go farther, until at
last, spurred by the necessity of getting past the Busangu
villages before dawn, Holub ventured to cross. At midnight
he stood on the south bank, and at last, twenty-four hours
after stealing out of their camp at Lulonga, they were all
in comparative safety. Ultimately, on August 22, they
reached the Zambesi in an " utterly prostrate and destitute
condition."

We get the impression that in all this affair Dr. Holub
displayed a lack of courage and tact in dealing with the
Ba-ila. We think he was over-suspicious at times, often led
astray by his Batonga or Barotsi interpreters, and that if
at the first he had been more tactful with the people, had
understood them better, and had shown a bolder front, he
would have had a milder adventure. Some of the pictures
in his book excite us to laughter.

The Ba-ila are very reticent about it, and mostly deny all
recollection of Holub. In July 1913 we visited Lulonga
and quietly questioned the chief Mwanashimabula ; he is
old enough to remember Holub 's visit, but is a newcomer,
and eager to deny all responsibility. We learn from him
that during Lewanika's raid in 1888 the Barotsi found
the chief Zumbwa Shimata (Holub calls him Uschumata-
Zumbo) and all his people on an island in the swamps,
and surrounded and annihilated them every one. For some
time Lulonga was a desolation ; then Musulwe, the over-
lord, took this Mwanashimabula from Chomba, installed
him as chief, and gave permission to such of his people who
wished to remove there, *so that the village might be re-
established. But it has never flourished, and remains the
most miserable place in the country.

The story of this misadventure greatly increased the
dread inspired by other accounts of the Ba-ila, and the next

CH. ii HISTORY 53

traveller was very strongly urged to give them a wide berth.
This was Mr. F. C. Selous, the famous hunter. Already in
1877 he had crossed the Zambesi at Wankie, and made his
way north to what he called Manicaland, reaching Sitanda
in January 1878, the first Englishman to visit that district.
He was out to. shoot elephant, but in that respect it was an
unsatisfactory trip. It was a very wet season ; he nearly
died of fever and starvation, and Sitanda only wished that
he might die and leave him in possession of his guns.1 And
now in 1888 Mr. Selous again crossed the Zambesi on a hunt-
ing trip. He was minded not to enter Ha country, but after
leaving the Batonga at Monze's, through some miscalcula-
tion, he found himself in the midst of the Ba-ila at Minenga's.
To all appearances the people were friendly, and they con-
strained Selous to pitch camp in front of the principal
village, but notwithstanding their friendly demeanour
they had already determined to massacre the whole party.
No suspicion of their intention seems to have been enter-
tained until in the evening Selous heard that all the women
had been sent from the village. An attack was made shortly
afterwards ; three guns went off in Selous' face, and a shower
of spears poured into the camp. How any of them managed
to escape is a marvel. But the long grass around the village
favoured them, and into this the survivors made their way.
Selous became separated from the others, and after many hair-
breadth escapes, during which he lost his rifle, he ultimately
reached the Batonga villages and was safe, though almost
naked and robbed of nearly all he possessed. An explanation
which somewhat palliates the offence as far as the Ba-ila
are concerned, is that they were instigated to it by some rebel
Barotsi, who thought that Selous was in possession of a
large store of gunpowder, which they wanted for use against
their own chief.2

1 F. C. Selous, A Hunter's Wanderings in Africa (London, 1907), pp.
301 et seq.

2 F. C. Selous, Travel and Adventure in South-East Africa (London,
J893), PP- 216 et seq. Of the Ba-ila, Selous said : " They are a fine sturdy-
looking race of men ; very many of them have rather aquiline features
and are at the same time lighter in colour than their fellows, and it appears
to me that amongst them there is a strong admixture of some other
blood than the negro — perhaps Arab or some other North African race,"
p. 220.

54 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

The next comers, and the first settlers among the Ba-ila,
were the pioneers of the Baila-Batonga Mission of the Primi-
tive Methodist Church, the Rev. H. and Mrs. Buckenham
and the Rev. A. Baldwin, who reached Nkala in 1893, and
the Rev. F. and Mrs. Pickering and Rev. W. Chapman,
who followed in 1895. 1

Colonel St. Hill Gibbons, in the course of his explorations
during 1895-96, passed along the outskirts of the Ila country,
visiting Nanzela, Nkala, and Musanana. He formed a very
low opinion of the Ba-ila, whom he described as " quite the
most hopeless savages it is possible to conceive." ' They
live," he added, " in the finest country in Africa." 2

The time was now come when the Ba-ila were to enter
upon quite a new period of their history In 1895 the
British South Africa Company by treaty with Lewanika
extended its operations north of the Zambesi. In 1897
some of the Batonga chiefs sent a deputation to Bulawayo
to complain of the white traders who were crossing the
Zambesi, and for the purpose of regulating trade and keeping
order a station of the B.S.A. police was established near
Monze in charge of Captain Drury.

In 1900 Mr. Cecil Rhodes sent Messrs. Gielgud and
Anderson to establish a post in the Kafue district, and
after marching without any molestation through the Ila
country they built a station at Muyanga on the Upper
Kafue.

In 1901 came the first, and so far the only, conflict
between the Company's officials and the Ba-ila. The trouble
arose out of one of those internecine quarrels among the
Ba-ila. For some years there had been constant friction
between Mungalo, a chief at Mala, and Mungaila of Ka-
ntengwa. On the death of Shambamba at Mala, Mungalo
was invited to succeed him, but refused on the ground
that his guardian spirit had warned him that if he acceded

1 The records of the Mission are found in the following books : Mrs.
E. W. Smith, Sunshine and Shade in Central Africa, 1907 ; Rev. W. Chap-
man, A Pathfinder in Central Africa, 191 1 ; Rev. A. Baldwin, A Missionary
Outpost in Central Africa, 1914 ; Rev. H. J. Taylor, Cape Town to Kafue,
1915 ; Mrs. J. A. Kerswell, Romance and Reality of Missionary Life in
N. Rhodesia, 1913 (all published at Holborn Hall, E.G.).

2 A. St. H. Gibbons, Exploration and Hunting in Central Africa
(London, 1898), pp. 144-5.

CH. ii HISTORY 55

he would die of smallpox as Shambamba had died. The
position was then offered to and accepted by Mungaila.
Later on, Mungalo repented or, as he said, his spirit had now-
given him instructions to assume the chiefship, and a quarrel
was the result, for Mungaila naturally refused to abdicate.
Some time afterwards one of Mungaila's men, Mwanankumba,
took possession of some of Mungalo's land and began to
build on it. As he refused to move, Mungalo attacked him
and killed some of his people. Mungaila intervened to
support his vassal, and as some of the other chiefs stood by
Mungalo the fight became general. After a while Mungaila
died — bewitched, it is said — and his younger " brother " took
his name and position, while his nephew Shibenzu succeeded
him at Kantengwa. Fighting still went on, and Mungaila
sent to ask for the help of the European police. It is com-
monly said that Mungalo sent two blood-stained spears to
the police camp as a challenge, but it seems that the spears
really came from Mungaila, who misrepresented the matter
to secure the help of the police. Colonel Harding, with
other white officers and a host of native allies, marched to
Mala ; Mungalo fled, was captured, and sent into exile for
some years. Eventually he was allowed to return to Mala.
We knew him well. He was a particular friend of one of us,
and was one of our chief informants on the history and
customs of the Ba-ila. He died, about seventy years of age,
in 1911. We do not agree with Colonel Harding's estimate
of him : "A lying, servile hypocrite." l

After this incident a police camp was established at
Nkala. Then in 1903 civil administration was introduced
into the southern Kafue district, and in 1905 Mr. Dale took
charge of the greater part of the Ba-ila.

As a result of these movements the anarchic state of the
country, as portrayed in the earlier part of this chapter,,
came to an end ; intercommunal warfare, raids from the
outside, and slave-trading have all become things of the
past, and earnest efforts are being made to introduce law
and order into the country.

The impression given by this chapter that the relations

1 Colonel C. Harding, In Remotest Barotseland (London, 1905), p. 348.
He gives his version of these feuds, pp. 343 et seq.

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. I

between the Ba-ila and their neighbours have been uniformly
hostile for as long a period as can be traced may be modified

MUNGAILA II., CHIEF OF THE BAMALA.

Photo K. It-'. Smith.

later, but it will remain as a true impression in general.
The Ba-ila have been little influenced in manner of life by

CH. n HISTORY 57

their contact with other tribes. They have asked only to
be left. alone. It is only now that they are beginning to be
influenced by foreign civilisation. We can claim that our
account of their life has the advantage of being the descrip-
tion of a people in their wild, raw state.

APPENDIX TO CHAPTER II

NAMES OF THE CHIEFS REFERRED TO ON P. 21.

Kasenga. — Shimunenga ruled over Mala, Busangu, Kane,
Chikome, Chitumbi, and Kalando. After his death these places
to a large extent became separate chiefdoms.

(i)Mala. — Split up among three chiefs, Namawale, Uvhwamba,
and Shinyonge. Namawale's successors : Shamalomo I. and
Shamalomo II. ; Shinyonge 's : Shibwato (or Fumbu), Chibawe,
and Nalubwe ; Uvhwamba's : Shanchidi, Shambamba, Mungaila
I., Mungaila II.

(2) Busangu.- — Momba, Namompwe, Mwampwe, Chanaika, and
Shimunjele (the two last still living).

(3) Chikome. — Chambwe, Mpumpa, Mungalo I. and Mungalo II.

(4) Chitumbi. — Shikodio, Maika, Shimanza, Kasonde, and now
Mukamonga.

Kabulamwanda. — Zambwe, Shakavu, Chikoti, and Chinda.

Kantengwa. — Kantambwe, Shichikoloma, Shitukumba, Na-
mamba, Chomwa.

Bambwe. — Sheebelelwa, Shikamulonga, Mukobela L, Shama-
kwebo, Shimaluwane, Mukobela II.

Lubwe. — Mwanachiwala, Kalumba, Shepande (Shaloba I.),
Munaluchena (Shaloba II.), Shaloba III., Shaloba IV.

Ngabo. — Kachembele, Shimafumba I., Nchindo, Buche,
Shimafumba II., Shimafumba III.

Ichila. — Shambowe, Kanyindi, Shabulungu, Nakadiaba,
Shivhwambwe, Shimakudika.

Chisosoleke. — Kanza, Mulalu I., Kadimina, Mulalu II.,
Namawi.

North of the Kafue. — Malumbe (see Chap. XXII.) appears to
have ruled over several localities, which after his death passed
to different chiefs, e.g. :

(1) Nyambo. — Shimpande, Mwanamonga, Mauzwe, Mwana-
nkumba, Mwezwa.

(2) Chifwembe. — Kashize, Lombe, Mwembwa, Chilumbwa,
Nakoma, Namabezhi.

58 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES • PT. i

Mafwele. — Bizi, Shamumpo, Muluko, Shikamwe (two years),
Mwino, Mponde I., Mivhuba (three years), Manzula, Mponde II.

Kuntuba. — Kantambwe, Shichikoloma, Shitukumba, Na-
mamba, Chomwa (people scattered).

Mutenda. — Chongo, Munyama, Mwezhi, Mutinta, Shende,
Chikwangula, Mulungushi.

CHAPTER III
*

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS : DRESS AND DECORATION

i. PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS

AMIDST the very considerable variation in physique among
these people two distinct types can be traced. One is tall,
strongly and splendidly formed ; not inclined to corpulence,
but tending rather to leanness ; with long legs, narrow hips,
and broad, straight shoulders ; head finely shaped, well set
on a longish neck, with clearly marked, but not obtrusive
superciliary arches, nose long and rather arched, nostrils
•thin ; mouth small, the lips not excessively everted, but
tending to be thin like a European's ; hands and feet small,
fingers tapering ; in general appearance handsome. The
other type is very distinct, in many respects the very oppo-
site to the former : short, with large, heavy body, tending
to corpulence ; bull - necked ; the features coarse, forehead
low ; nose squat, with broad depressed bridge and wide
wings ; blubber-lipped, mouth large ; hands and feet gross.
This type is as repulsive as the other is handsome. In-
dividuals corresponding to these two types are found, and
there are numerous gradations between the two. It cannot
be said that one type is aristocratic and the other plebeian,
for chiefs and slaves are found of both types.

The colour of the skin varies considerably. That of
the new-born baby is a dirty yellow ; in some, like that of a
child of a very dark European woman ; as early as the second
day one can notice it getting darker. Young people and
adults vary from chocolate brown to almost black. The
skin of the palms, soles, and armpits is always lighter than

59

6o

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

that of the rest of the body. We have repeatedly noticed
that people lose much colour when sick. We have never

THE INFERIOR ILA TYHE.

found any albinos among them, such as we have seen among
the Basuto and other South African tribes.

As for the eyes, the iris is dark brown or black, the
pupil is black, and the sclerotic is yellowish arid cloudy—

CH. in PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 61

very rarely is it white and clear as in Europeans ; it is
probably pigmented as a protection from the glare of the
sun.

Individuals are found with " strong " chins, but mostly
they are " weak," rounded rather than square, and retreat-
ing. There is no firm line of j aw. The forehead is prominent
in those who wear the coiffure en cornet ; the weight draws
the scalp back, so that the skin is tight. over the frontal
region. This gives them a certain open-eyed, staring
appearance. The ear is ordinarily small and set far back.
The hands and feet are often remarkably small ; we ourselves
could rarely put on bracelets worn by chiefs and easily drawn
off and on by them. We have seen many of the women
with really handsome figures, beautifully moulded arms,
and long tapering hands.

The muscular development, both in men and women,
is magnificent. Very seldom does one find fat, unwieldy
persons. We have often found ourselves admiring their
graceful carriage ; they walk as if the whole earth belonged
to them. The women's habit of carrying heavy burdens
on the head — we have seen them bearing without effort
pots of water or bundles of wood which we could hardly
lift from the ground — is largely accountable for this in their
case. When a woman takes her child out of the skin on
her back, where it has been bunched up for some time, she
usually straightens out and slightly stretches its limbs,
and this also has probably a beneficial effect upon their
carriage and lissomeness.

Ba-ila age quickly. This is especially true of the women.
A young, plump woman, with rounded breasts, goes to be
married, and a year or so later seems to be ten years older
and is almost unrecognisable. After childbirth the breasts
fall, and in still early life become unsightly, like long bags of
leather. The slave women, unkempt, wrinkled, prematurely
aged, clad only in bits of rough hide, are piteous creatures :
some of them, to look at, might be a hundred years old, in
reality they are probably not half that age. The boys
develop amazingly after puberty, appearing to shoot up
and burgeon out with a rush. It is not easy to tell the
ages with any certainty ; only one thing is sure, they are

62

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

younger than they look. The only means of ascertaining
a person's age approximately is to relate his birth, or some

A YOUNG MWILA WEARING THE IMPUMBE.

important event in his life, such as his initiation, to one of
the few fixed dates mentioned in the previous chapter. We
fixed our friend Mungalo's age at about seventy, because

CH. in PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 63

in 1854, when Sekeletu made his great raid, he had just
grown his impumbe and was not yet married, i.e. he was
fifteen or sixteen. The oldest man whose age we have
ascertained in this rough manner was eighty-five, or there-
abouts. The practice of naming children after some promi-
nent visitor often helps to fix a date. Thus many children
born about 1850 were named Mpepe after that Makololo
warrior.

The hair of new-born children is like tow, not curled
as on adults, and the colour is distinctly lighter. It very
soon changes, to become closely curled and jet-black. On
many people the tufts grow very closely together, and
when cut short the hair looks like astrakhan ; in others
the tufts are spaced, but never to the extent found in the
Bushmen.

The Ba-ila proper, as a rule, wear no hair on their faces.
One exception is during a period of mourning, when, from
the time of the death till the madidila, the final funeral
feast, perhaps a year later, the men neither shave nor wash,
and the women neither wash nor cut their hair nor shave their
head. Older men, who are said to be no longer shinkwela
—which means that they are past the age for attracting
women — are more indifferent to their .personal appearance,
and allow the hair to grow ; such men usually have a beard,
mostly only a straggling tuft on the chin. On the younger
men the growth is not vigorous, and an occasional shave,
say twice a month, is sufficient. The shaving is done with
a razor (lumo), native-made ; no emollient is used but cold
water. The operation is performed usually by a wife or
friend ; not often, through lack of mirrors, by the man
himself. The razor is passed right over the head, excepting
only where the cone grows : this is called kusakula. Those
who do not shave the whole head pass the razor around the
margin of the hair on the scalp : this is kupambula. Very
occasionally pne meets with a fairly full beard even
among the Ba-ila ; if so, it is because the man is in a
state of taboo. One man known to us had the reputation
of being the strongest wrestler in the country : he boasted
that nobody could possibly throw him ; he declined the
challenge of one of us on the ground that it was not fitting

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT I

that he should overthrow a white chief. This man's strength
was the outcome, it is said, of powerful " medicine," which

. If. Sm,tfi.

AN OLO-MAN-OK-THE-VVOODS FROM MULKNDEMA'S.

would lose its power were he to shave ; shaving was there-
fore taboo to him. Beards are more common among the
Bambala and the Balumbu, but it is not often that one

CH, III

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS

finds so much hair as on the old-man-of-the-woods we
photographed at Mulendema's.

Photo E. M-. Smith.

CHIKATAKALA, "THE POLAR BEAR," A CHIEF AT KASENGA.

The younger adults, male and female, periodically
remove all hair (mazha) from the armpits and pubes by
depilation (kudimensa). Warm ashes are first rubbed on
the part, and then the hairs are plucked out with the finger

VOL. i F

66 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

and thumb. Men and women may do this for themselves ;
it is a wife's duty to do it for her husband. The other body-
hair (mulalabungu) is not removed : it is taboo to do so.
Very rarely does one find a young adult with much body-
hair, but it increases with age, and some old men are very
woolly. Old Chikatakala at Mala had so much white hair
on him that we nicknamed him the Polar Bear. A hairy
man is called a mutundu, a strong, hale person, the hair
being regarded as a sign of robustness. All hair removed
is carefully buried, as a rule, to avoid its getting into the
hands of warlocks : this does not, as we shall see, forbid
its use by the hairdresser. Partial baldness is common,
but we have never seen a person entirely bald.

The nails are never cut, but are allowed to grow till they
break off. The possession of long nails has become a sign
of wealth and position, for if a person has to work it inevitably
happens that he breaks his nails ; when you see a man with
nails nearly an inch long you may readily conclude that he
does no manual work, that is to say, he is a chief. Another
motive assigned for the custom is expressed thus, balazanda
kuambanya mala (" they want to use their nails to argue
with"). It is common among the women, and not unknown
among the men, to scratch and pinch each other in course
of a dispute.

Contrary to the usual belief with regard to the teeth of
savage people, we must confess disappointment with the
teeth of the Ba-ila. This opinion is supported by the in-
vestigations made by Dr. Hewetson among the Ba-ila and
other natives who were labouring at the Wankie coal-mine
in igog-io.1 At that time the average death-rate amongst
this class of men on the mine was 42 per 1000, excluding
accidents, one-eighth due. to scurvy and more than one-
half to pneumonia. His theory that both diseases are due
to septic teeth has not been established, but he is right in
saying that the natives suffer largely from gingivitis. This
disease is due to a bacterial invasion of the alveolar tooth
sockets and of the gums. The predisposing cause is that

1 W. Morton Hewetson, M.B., etc., " The Causation and Prevention of
Scurvy, with Special Reference to Pneumonia," Proceedings of the Rhodesia
Scientific Association, vol. xi. part i., 1911 (Bulawayo).

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS

67

the staple food being in the form of porridge, there is
insufficient exercise for the teeth and gums ; this results in a
soft condition of the gums, which become non-adherent to

A DU'AKK.

the teeth and non-resistant to micro-organisms. The soft
food gets caught in the crevices and inequalities of the
teeth and forms a suitable culture medium. As for the
teeth, Dr. Hewetson says, " I have seen more sickening
and repulsive sights in old men during the course of my

68

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

examinations than ever I saw amongst the English working
classes." This condition of things would seem to be closely

Photo II. W. Smith.

A MIXED ILA-LUBA TYPE.

related to the custom of knocking out the upper teeth. Of
the cases of gingivitis on one date, 53 per cent lacked the

CH. in PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 69

six front upper teeth ; and others lacked a lesser number, or
had the teeth filed ; not a single case at that time showed un-
mutilated teeth. Amongst the Ba-ila and Batonga labourers,
who all knock out the teeth, 13.3 per cent suffered from
gingivitis ; among the rest only 5.40 per cent, and the con-
dition was always worse and harder to cure among the former.
He found it not only in the adults, but in young boys who had
the teeth out. He points out, what we have often noticed,
that the loss of the upper incisors can have an extraordinary
effect on those remaining ; the lower incisors grow, often a

From Proccedit _

CAST OF LOWER TEETH OF A NATIVE.

Showing compensatory curve of incisors, following avulsion in early life of
upper incisors and canines.

quarter of an inch above the crowns of the adjacent teeth,
upsetting the line and causing want of apposition.

The hair of a child is cut soon after birth, and is there-
after allowed to grow until about the weaning time, when
it is cut around the head, leaving a long tuft on the crown.
This cutting is called kutengula chisumpa, and the wearing
of the tuft is kupunga chisumpa. These tufts (shisumpa)
make the children look, as to their heads, like Japanese
dolls. Both boys and girls have their hair dressed in this
fashion.

When the girl's hair has grown long enough, they do it
up in the style called buyombo. Strands of the hair are

70 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES FT. i

twisted (kupesa) with powdered ash (inshizhi), then clay
from a certain kind of ant-heap (kaumbuswa) , or ochre
(chishila) mixed with fat is rubbed into the locks. Mixed
fat and ochre are used from time to time to anoint the hair.
The girl's coiffure looks nasty to our eyes, but they find
it pleasing.

When the girl is in the seclusion of the initiation hut,
her hair is done up in one of the styles named shimbulu-

I'hoto Rfi: y. fJers-

BAMBALA GIRLS.
(To show hairdressing).

mbumba and shimpuki. There is not much difference between
them ; in each case the hair is done up in small knots or
rolls with the aid of butele, a paste made from ground-nuts.
By the time this gets intolerably untidy she is ready to be
shaved, a sign that she has reached adulthood. She may
be already married when this is done. The Bambala do
the girls' hair up in beads, as shown in the photograph.

Boys also have their hair dressed in the buyombo style.
Their hair is allowed to grow, and that on the crown is
gathered into a cone, plastered with wax and clay. The

CH. in PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 71

hair around the base of the cone is shaved off. This cone
is named impumbe, and it marks the boy's emergence
from childhood. He is now a mukubushi (" a young
man "). The impumbe undergoes a further development
into the isusu, the tall coiffure peculiar to the Ba-ila, whose
construction must be described in detail.

It is February ; the field-work is done for the present,
and from now till harvest there is a slack period. This is
the time when the young men flock to the hairdresser to
have their impumbe transformed into isusu. In every com-
mune there is at least one professional hairdresser. We find
him seated outside under the eaves of his hut. Several
young men are here : some with their heads wrapped in
cloths — these are the patients ; others have come to make
arrangements for their turns. It is a lengthy process, and
a painful ; when the isusu has been built up six inches or so
the patient retires for a time to recover. Probably a month
will elapse before one is complete. We find the hairdresser
busy carrying different men through the various stages.
He does not work for nothing : two hoes or their equiva-
lent is the fee paid to him, and the patient has to
supply the necessary twine and extra hair. Each man
has with him a small bundle, on opening which you find
a mass of hair collected or purchased by him. One
tells you that he purchased with a spear some of the
locks of an old man (they are flecked with grey) and his
daughter.

One man now takes his place on the ground beside the
operator, and, removing his head-cloth, discovers a rough,
tousy shock of hair — the impumbe decoiffe. The operator
gathers this up in his hand, sorting out the hair beyond the
circle of the crown, and ties it up loosely with twine, then
with a spear cuts the superfluous hair close to the head.
He now prepares to sew (kutunga). He has a bright needle,
eight inches long, and a piece of twine made of mukusa (a
species of Sanseviera) , with which, after softening by drawing
it backwards and forwards across one of the legs of his stool,
he threads the needle. He inserts this into the hair, taking
up half an inch, and ties the end of his twine tightly around
it, then puts his needle, pointing backwards, an inch in front,

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. I

and draws it up and forward. The stitch is the same as that
used in smocking, and when the isusu is finished it presents
the appearance of finely-wrought smock- work, the stitches
showing no vestige of the white twine. He goes round
twice. The needle does not penetrate through the mass of
hair, but only through the outer layer, making a crust, as
it were, enveloping the hair inside. Having by these two
first rows prepared a firm foundation, he now pulls down
the temporary twine-tied heap, and carefully spreads the

Photo E. IT. Sn

SEWING THE Isusu.

hair all round. Some, as not required, he cuts off ; at the
back, where there is an insufficiency, he adds a bit from the
bundle lying beside him. Then he ties the mass up again
tightly, smoothing it, poking it, punching it till he has
got it symmetrical. He now resumes the sewing. He re-
members that the isusu is not to grow out at right angles to
the crown, but must rise above the head in a gentle curve,
beginning with a bulge backwards and then curving forward.
These next rows of stitching are important ; they must be
tight and firm and well-shaped, otherwise the isusu will be
lop-sided and wobbly. Working now from the back, as

CH. Ill

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS

73

he makes the loop of the stitch he introduces into it a lock
of hair from the heap beside him, draws the string tight
across it, doubles it over, and smooths it down upon the
hair above. He goes on adding in this way until near the
front ; there he jumps over an inch and a half without
stitching : he will fill up the space presently. While he con-
tinues his work now, you see the patient wince as every stitch

SEWING THE Isusu.

is pulled tight ; he is beginning to suffer. After four or
five more rows, the operator attends to the space left in
front ; pressing the whole mass forward, he makes his
stitches, drawing the cord very tight : this gives it a firm,
forward-tending hold. He goes on riow round and round.
When he has done about six inches up, the patient begins
to say that he has had enough of it for to-day. " Chanka
kubia, chanka kupia " ("It begins to be bad, it begins to
burn"), says he. The neat phrase tickles the fancy of the

74

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. I

onlookers, and they repeat it approvingly, " Chanka kubia,
chanka kupia." We are anxioiis to see the whole thing done

as we wait, but that, we are told, is out of the question ;
it would cause him such agony that the top of his head would
come off. So, wrapping the cloth around the unfinished

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS

75

structure, he gives way to the next patient. You notice
that the skin around the crown is drawn up and livid, and

congratulate yourself that you are not a Mwila and a slave
to barbarous fashion.

Examine the hair lying by the side of the operator. It

76

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

is very fine and curly ; if you pull out a hair and stretch it
to take out the curl, you find it measures eleven inches ; it
curls up into less than half that length.

The isusu from base to tip is about three feet ten inches
high. About half-way up the operator introduces a strip
of finely pared sable antelope horn, less than the calibre
of a lead pencil at its lower end and tapering away to a
very fine point. He continues his sewing around this until
about nine inches from the top, when he simply winds hair

Photo n. W. Smith.

REPAIRING THE IMPUMBE.

around the stem and ties it. When this is complete, he
lights a wisp of grass and burns off all the fluff remaining
on the isusu, mercilessly, roughly, drawing the flame over
the strained skin at the base. The patient writhes under
this treatment, and groans, " Ndu lono lumamba" (" This is
where the war comes in "). The operator simply laughs
and goes on.

These characteristic coiffures are not worn for any length
of time, maybe only two or three mpnths. They get too
uncomfortable and have to be removed. The reason is
found in the name given to them in derision by the Balu-

CH. Ill

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS

77

mbu, who do not wear them : inganda sha njina, they call
them (" lice houses "). The man goes back to the impumbe,
and next season has another isusu made.

Old men, as they become partially bald, lose the foundation
upon which the impumbe is built, and it falls down behind in
a ridiculous little bob, held on only by a few strands of hair.

When men have worn the impumbe for some time, and
because of mourning have not been able to attend to their
toilet, it gets loose owing to the growing hair, and they visit

Photo E. Jr. Smith.

AFTER REPAIRING THE IMPUMBE : SHAVING THE HEAD.

the hairdresser to have it tightened. He puts in two or
three rows of stitches around the base to make it firm, and
then shaves the head.

Outside the Bwila proper different styles of hairdressing
prevail. One Bambala style is shown in the photograph
of Kakua. This is called mampolombwe by the Ba-ila.
The hair is allowed to grow long, falling almost to the
shoulders, and is twisted into rolls. Others, as seen in the
picture of Chibaluma, have their hair in a big mop, shaven
in front to give the appearance of a lofty forehead ; the
hair is often threaded with beads. A modification of

Photo E. W. Smith.

THE CHIEF CHIBALUMA.
Mixed Ila and Luba Type.

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS

79

this is seen in the coiffure of Mulungushi, another Bambala
chief, whose mop of hair, plastered with fat and ochre,

Photo E. If. Smith.

THE CHIEF CHIBALUMA.
Mixed Ila and Luba Type.

is solid in appearance and gives some resemblance to the
statues of ancient Libyans found in Egypt. Other men
have their hair cut short, and this is the usual practice
around Nanzela. Where no impumbe is worn, young men

8o THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

often clip their hair into fantastic patterns, squares, triangles,

Photo Rev. IV. Chapman

MULUNGUSHI.

To show one style of Bamhala hairdressing.

diamonds, etc., or train a long tuft over the forehead and
shave the rest bare — any way, indeed, that takes their fancy.

CH. Ill

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS

81

It is a matter of fashion ; one man sets a new style and the
others soon follow.

Photo E. If. Smith.

A YOUNG MWILA.
(The same one as on p. 62. )

With regard to attitudes, a favourite way of sleeping is
to lie full length on the stomach, with the head turned and
VOL. i G

82 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

resting on a bundle or a wooden pillow, or else flat on the
ground. This is termed kuona buvhundeme ; to lie flat on
the back is kusalama. Wooden pillows are used by those
wearing the isusu, and the isusu is tied up with a string to
the rafters, so that when the man turns his head he is not
inconvenienced by it. Pillows are reckoned taboo to young
unmarried men, but the rule is relaxed nowadays. It is
the invariable custom for all to sleep stark naked.

Ba-ila use stools (shuna) for sitting on, otherwise they
sit on the ground or a log of wood. The stools are mostly
low, from three to seven inches in height ; but some people
now are the proud possessors of stools as high as ours.
There are many characteristic attitudes in sitting, and
some of them would be impossible to Europeans, save
with great discomfort. Our illustrations will show many
of these attitudes better than any verbal description can
do ; among them we may note the following : (i) On the
buttocks, upon the ground, knees wide apart, legs tucked
one under the other. (2) On the buttocks, upon the
ground, knees up, legs flexed, shins more or less vertical ;
arms resting on the knees, or enclosing the legs with hands
clasped below the knees ; or one hand supporting the chin,
the other resting on the knees ; or arms folded across the
chest and resting on the knees, body drawn forward. (3)
Buttocks just off the ground, the upper under surface of
the thighs resting on the lower third of the leg above the
ankles. (4) On a stool, knees up, arms crossed, one hand
on the knee and the other on the opposite arm. (5) On the
buttocks upon the ground, legs stretched out in front, or
one leg flexed with knee up. (6) Upon the ground, weight
of the body on one buttock, legs drawn in on opposite side.
(7) On the buttocks, feet crossed, body leaning forward with
forearms on the thighs and hands folded. (8) Legs flexed
and drawn under, body resting on the heels.

There is no sitting position reckoned taboo, but it would
be blameworthy for a girl or woman to assume a position
in company by which she might expose herself ; she would
be called a namafunze (" worthless creature "). Women
are always very particular when sitting down to wrap their
skin-petticoats well around their legs. Such rules do not

CH. in PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 83

apply to men, who normally went naked, and who even now,
when usually to some extent clothed, are quite careless as
to exposing themselves. At Nanzela and among the Ba-
mbala the men, who have always been used to dressing,
exercise almost as much care as the women do.

While standing, men can hold themselves very erect if
they wish, but at ease they assume very lackadaisical atti-
tudes, lolling against something as if utterly weary. The feet
are in most men turned slightly inwards, but there is not often
seen a marked introversion of the big toes. Men standing
talking to one have a curious habit of scratching their sides
like a monkey. A very characteristic Ba-ila attitude is to
stand on one leg, drawing the other up and resting the foot
on the other thigh. The reason for this only became appar-
ent to us one day when, after marching painfully for a long
distance in deep water through a grassy swamp, we found
ourselves adopting the same attitude unconsciously as the
best, and indeed the only, way of resting. With the Ba-ila,
accustomed to the swamps, it has become habitual.

In micturition both sexes assume a crouching attitude,
but men often stand, and women too, with legs apart.
In defaecation they all crouch.

We shall have occasion later to describe the gesticular
language, but may insert here a few notes on the expression
of the emotions. They are free in gesticulation and often
express a sentence in a sweep of the hand. As pointing
with the hand is considered rude in a village, they indicate
direction by shooting out the lips, sometimes in a very
amusing manner. To express surprise, hold the face with
both hands, the fingers extended on the cheeks, with the
thumbs under the angles of the jaw ; shake the head slowly
from side to side and say, " Mawe! Mau'e ! " To express
surprise, rebuke, or a half-amused shock to the feelings,
loosely clench the left hand, hold the chin with the fore-
finger over the mouth and the thumb under the chin ;
shake the head slowly from side to side. To express disgust,
avert the face and hold the hands up, palms outwards, as
if pushing a thing away, and say, " Pe ! Pe ! Pe ! " putting
as much horror as possible into those monosyllables. To
express delight, boys jump round on one leg, wave the

84

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. I

other in the air, clap the hands and cry, " Ha! Ha ! " To
express shyness, young girls especially cover the left cheek

and eye with the left hand ; boys stand with eyes and head
averted. When in pain one clasps the left hand over the

CH. in

right, and then the right over the left, and cries while
wringing the hands in this way, " Ndafwa ! Ndafwa! " ("I

Two BA-ILA GIRLS.

Photo E. W. Smith.

am dying! I am dying!"). Another attitude in pain is
to sit on the ground, with the head between the knees,
and rock backwards and forwards. A woman crying for

86 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT,I

her child walks upright, arms hanging at her sides, hands
clenched, and wails, " Mawe mwanangu I Mawe mwanangu ! "
(" Alas, my child ! Alas, my child ! "). A slave does obeis-
ance and shows gratitude by first clapping hands and then
lying flat on the ground and rolling his head in the dust.
To express innocence, one throws out both hands and arms
repeatedly, as if repudiating a charge. A mother expresses
love for her child often by pressing its head to her side.
They do not kiss as we kiss, but a mother will run her lips
over her child's face, which no doubt means the same.
A man whose anger is aroused in discussion throws his
elbows well back, clenches his fists, and stretches his neck
as far as possible in the direction of his opponent, and while
1 istening to him grunts ' ' Eh / " at every other word . An angry
woman clutches, if possible, the hair of her opponent, and
slaps and scratches in swift succession, her eyes blazing, and
screeches in proper termagant style. To express " there is
none " in answer to a question, a person raises the left hand,
with the palm upwards, to the level of the breast and slowly
waves it from side to side, or raises both hands, throwing
them outwards to right and left.

•The nose is blown by closing one nostril with a finger
and blowing down the other, then repeating the action for
the other nostril. The mucus is ejected on the ground and
is covered with sand by a movement of the foot. Then the
nose is wiped with the hand and the hands rubbed together
to cleanse them. Pocket-handkerchiefs, of course, are not
used. The Balumbu have, as a substitute, a small spatula-
shaped instrument hung round the neck on a chain and
used to scrape out the nostrils.

As for physical power, both men and women are strong.
The women, accustomed from early youth to carrying heavy
burdens and to manual labour, are powerful ; in a tug-of-
war we have seen a team of eighteen women easily and
repeatedly vanquish a picked team of twelve hefty young
men. Neither party would consent thereafter to another
match with the numbers equalised, the women content to
rest on their laurels, and the men afraid for their amour-
propre lest they should be beaten (as they might have been) ;
as things were they could always say the odds against them

CH. in PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 87

had been too heavy. Where the men lack is not in muscular
power so much as in spirit. Once they have made up their
minds, they can display astonishing activity and endurance,
but the spirit is weak. We have endeavoured to get them
interested in athletic sports — at first with not much success,
for competing in running and jumping was too much like
hard work, but later with some display of sportsmanlike
qualities. On these occasions they have competed for
prizes, but we have never found that, as a result, they
instituted competitions in their villages. The prize was the
thing, not the having gained it. We have not, as we should,
kept records of these competitions. In the last one we held,
four young men out of twenty succeeded in jumping a
height of four feet eight inches ; they could have jumped
another four inches, but their hearts failed them when we
raised the line. It must be noted that they were not trained
for jumping. On the same day in the spear-throwing
test three young men out of thirty threw spears sixty-
three yards. The farthest we have seen a spear thrown is
seventy-five yards. Young boys of fourteen throw up to
fifty yards.

We have known men travel on foot fifty and sixty miles
in a day. The Ba-ila do not like carrying loads, but on many
occasions we have gone on tour for three or four weeks,
travelling from fifteen to twenty-five miles a day, accom-
panied by carriers with loads weighing from forty to fifty
pounds. The regulation load is fifty pounds ; we have
known men, however, to carry seventy-five pounds nearly
a hundred miles in five days. This carrying is very hard
work ; it has been reckoned that it approximates nearly
to that of a stevedore, which is perhaps the heaviest labour
known. Loads are carried either on the head (when there
is no impumbe or isusu) or on the shoulder ; either bare or
bound in the fork of a branched pole ; preferably they
divide the load and balance the two parts on either end of
a straight stick (kukudika), or two men carry a double load
on a pole, one in front, the other behind (kutembeka). When
carrying a load on the shoulder they like to have a stick
over the other shoulder to support it (kudingatizha] . In
addition to the regulation load, carriers always have things

88

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. I

Photo E. IV. Smith.

NAMUSHIA, SON OF MUNGAILA, CHIEF
AT KASENGA.

of their own, blankets,
food, fish, tobacco, pots,
perhaps another ten or
fifteen pounds. They
come in from a long march
in good spirits, shouting
and singing ; one or two
will, if necessary, go back
some distance to help a
comrade in with his load,
and after a meal they will
perhaps spend two or three
hours dancing.

Great eaters as they
are, they can endure
hunger well ; they can go
two days on the march
without food, merely
tightening their belts.
This, however, is only
when they can get water ;
thirst exhausts them much
more quickly than hunger.

They stand heat well,
and that without hats or
other headgear. Still, if
possible, they avoid exer-
tion in the heat of the
day ; during the hot
season before the rains it
is a common practice to
rise at 2 or 3 A.M., when
taking a journey, so as to
go as far as possible in
the cool of the morning.
Cases of heat-stroke are
met with, especially among
the babies carried in the
heat on their mothers'
backs, with just their

CH. Ill

PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS

89

heads, or the tops of them,
exposed above the carry-
ing-skin.

Cold shrivels them up ;
they are the most miser-
able of beings on a bleak
winter's day. And yet
we have often noticed
this : on a bitterly cold
night, with the thermo-
meter at or near freezing-
point, a man would strip
off what scanty clothing
he had on, roll it up as a
pillow, cover himself with
a thin cotton blanket, and
go soundly asleep, while
we lay sleepless and
shivering in a tent under
two or three blankets.
Again, you will see men
emerge before sunrise
from their warm huts and
sit exposed in the chilly
air around the ash -heap to
have an early morning
smoke. So that perhaps
after all they do not feel
the cold as much as
Europeans do.

Their eyesight is good,
though not, in our opinion,
superior to that of average
white men. They are, of
course, accustomed to the
wide open plains and great
distances, and the way in
which they can detect an
object a long way off
seems very wonderful to a

Photo E. W. Smith.

NAMUSHIA, SON OF MUNGAILA, CHIEF
AT K.ASENGA.

go

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. 1

new-comer. But after we had grown accustomed to the
veld we often found that we could spot a buck as well as
most, and better than many ; and to our joy a dispute

Photo C. Earee.

YOUNG BA-ILA FRESH FROM THE HAIRDRESSER.

as to whether a far -distant object were bush or buck
has often been decided in our favour. Where we have
had sometimes to acknowledge ourselves beaten is in
the quick sight needed in tracing the faintly visible
spoor of a wounded buck by means of a drop of blood here

CH. in PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 91

and a crushed leaf there ; at this some of the men, particu-
larly Nanzela men, excel, though they are not the equals
of the Bushmen. This applies only to more or less trained

men ; the majority, until practised, are no better than
Europeans. Their sense of hearing is acute. One is amazed
sometimes to notice how readily they catch a message
shouted from a distance. This also is probably a matter
of use. The sense of smell is much less acute. Indeed we

92 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

have wondered sometimes, when fighting our way through
heterogeneous stenches, whether they had this sense at all.
It is impossible to dogmatise on these points in the absence
of precise psychometric data : we can only give our im-
pressions. And with regard to the sense of touch, we should
say that it is less developed than in refined • Europeans,
probably because the epidermis in a nude state is thicker.
We have often been amazed by the way they handle live
coals, picking them up with their fingers and putting
them into their pipes with apparently no inconvenience
to themselves.

As is natural, the Ba-ila of the plains are not good hill-
climbers, for their feet soon give out on stony ground. The
Bambala, with harder feet, are better in this respect, but, on
the other hand, are soon overcome when they descend to
the plains and sandhills.

Ba-ila who live near the rivers make excellent swimmers.
They are taught when young in the shallow pools that
accumulate in the rainy season. The Batwa of the Kafue
are so much at home in the water that they are almost
amphibious.

The Ba-ila cannot be called a cleanly race, either in their
persons or their homes. Men on the march lose no oppor-
tunity of jumping into streams and pools, but at home,
especially when living some distance from rivers, they rarely
bathe. Any one, male or female, who washes once a month
does well. A substitute for water is butter or castor oil
(prepared from the seeds of the plant, which grows plentifully
in some districts) rubbed into the skin for the double purpose
of cleansing and softening it. We have known people
excuse themselves for not washing on the ground that they
had no butter, and the excuse is a valid one, because after
washing the skin cracks on exposure to the sun unless an emol-
lient is used. A good many of them employ fibrous sticks,
of which there are three varieties in use, for brushing the
teeth ; on experimenting with these we found them excellent
for the purpose, the only drawback being the way the fibres
stick in the mouth. From what we have already said about
the teeth it may be readily concluded that this is not
carried out as fully as is desirable ; nor is it a universal

CH. in PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 93

practice, most people being content with rinsing out the

A BALUBA TYPE.

Photo E. IV. Smith.

mouth before eating. Their scanty clothing is never cleansed,
save when they have to wade through water or are caught

94 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

in the rain. The stench from a crowd of closely seated
perspiring Ba-ila on a hot day is rather sickening to a
European, but the body odour (bwema), as distinct from the
effluvium from breath and unwashen clothing, is not pro-
minent. They do not, they say, smell the bwema of each
other, and smile at the idea of being able to distinguish
friends in the dark by their odour alone. It is certainly
more pleasant to sit in company with naked, or semi-naked
Ba-ila than with clothed natives, but none of the Ba-ila has
caused us such distress as certain South African natives,
who leave behind a tainted atmosphere when they go from
a room.

Perfumes are not used by the Ba-ila, but at Nanzela a
pleasantly scented powder, called lukumba, is made of mixed
roots and leaves and used to make the body fragrant.

Village conditions are very disgusting. Heaps of filth
lie everywhere, and, with decaying meat and fish and cattle
manure, make a visit to a village anything but a pleasure
to one sense at least. There are no places set apart
for the purposes of nature, except it be the shade of a
particularly fine tree just outside the village. To commit
a nuisance in the immediate vicinity of a house is forbidden,
but done. To commit it within a hut, especially on a bed,
is taboo ; we have known a claim to be made against a little
boy who, taken ill in the night, had been unable to get
farther than the hut door. Children are taught to go outside
the stockade, but, like their elders, do not go far.

These people leave their bodies very much as nature
made them. They, unlike their neighbours the Mankoya,
do not practise circumcision, but there is an analogous rite
to be mentioned later. The girls also have private opera-
tions, to be described in another chapter.

The tribal marks of the Ba-ila are two : first, three slits
(mapobe) cut on the temples ; and, second, the knocking out
(kubanga) of the four upper incisor teeth, sometimes the
two canines as well. The latter has no connection with the
puberty rites ; it may be done before, while the boy or girl
is only eight or ten years of age, or after, when they are
sixteen. There is nobody especially set apart for the
operation ; any person can do it, though, as a rule, a man

CH. in PHYSICAL CHARACTERISTICS 95

will not do those closely related to him. When once a man
in a village starts knocking out teeth he very soon has a
number of youngsters awaiting their turn. No preparation

Photo E. If. Smith.
A MWILA.

To show teeth knocked out.

is made. The boy sits down between the operator's knees,
which grip his head like a vice. The man takes an inkansho,
a short iron chisel used by the blacksmith, inserts its edge
between two of the teeth, and hammers sideways, first on
one side and then on the other side of the tooth, until it

96 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. i

comes away, root and all ; once the first is out the others
follow easily. For a youngster to clutch the hands of the
operator is kuditaya, i.e. he renders himself liable to be
enslaved ; for him to scream or show cowardice is to expose
himself to the derision of the onlookers. Ba-ila are very
sensible to ridicule, and, as a rule, no bodily compulsion is
necessary to induce the youngsters to submit to the operation.
A boy or girl with all the teeth in is the butt of the village ;
" Beware zebra, he bites," they call after him, and sooner
than face the scoffing the youngster submits. The people
cannot explain the origin of the custom ; all we have heard
is what Holub reported thirty years ago, that they take out
their teeth so as not to resemble zebras but cattle.

The three cicatrices on each temple are made as a dis-
tinguishing mark. If a child is sick they may cut these
incisions with a razor and put on the cupping horn, re-
opening them on subsequent occasions till well-marked scars
are left. If a young man has grown up without having
them made he will have them done as inkwela (" decora-
tions ") . The men also have some cuts on the forehead called
intanuzho.

The women practise cicatrisation more than the men.
The misolo are a line of vertical scars on the loins beneath
the skin petticoat. The incisions are first made while the
girl is young, and repeatedly opened, and medicine rubbed
in, until the scars become very large. They are hardly to
be regarded as ornaments, seeing they are hidden ; their
purpose is to act as a stimulus in ihejeu de V amour. Women
have also other cuts inside the thighs.

Large prominent keloids on the body, as seen in some
of the Bambala, are regarded as ugly by the Ba-ila.

The Balumbu, unlike the Ba-ila proper, perforate their
ears and insert a ring (kaseka) made of wire, or a bit of
grass (kasanga) , or a stud made of two buttons (imbuta) .

2. CLOTHING AND DECORATION

The Ba-ila, like the Fuegians, " are content to be naked,
but anxious to be fine," or at least it is true of the men,
who until quite recently wore no vestige of clothing. This

CH. in

CLOTHING AND DECORATION

97

custom was supported and encouraged by the women, who
much preferred to have the men naked. Nowadays cotton

Photo E. W. Smith.

A NANZELA DOCTOR.

prints are worn around the waist ; many wear trade-shirts ;
but the only European covering really popular is the blanket.
The Bambala and Balumbu men, who never went naked,
wear softly dressed pelts of small animals such as the tiger-

VOL. I H

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. I

cat; jackal, etc. The skins of the lubo, lion, and leopard
may be worn only by chiefs. From the Barotsi has come
the mubinda, a loincloth, tucked under the belt behind, and
one end drawn between the legs and through the belt in
front, so that the ends hang down over the knees, behind and
before.

The women, on the other hand, have always been
scrupulous in covering the lower part of the body. It is a

ON THE MARCH.

serious offence for a woman, either on purpose or by accident,
to allow her skin petticoat to slip off. Their garment is a
single one — the nicely dressed skin of the Lechwe doe,
usually fastened around the waist, and sometimes under the
armpits, by means of the miombo, the protruding leg-skins
of the animal. The breasts are usually and without self-
consciousness left bare. Outside the Bwila proper women
wear calico around the waist, and a long stretch of brightly
coloured print is tied on one shoulder and hangs gracefully
around the figure, leaving the arms free. Where Barotsi

CLOTHING AND DECORATION

99

influence has made itself felt, a woman may wear a pleated
petticoat of stout print, sewn by her husband, and, beneath,
a thick girdle of beads.

Children run about naked ; the girls begin early to wear
small skins or bits of cloth.

Much more has to be said about the ornaments worn.
A distinction is drawn by themselves between kusama, to
clothe, and kusakila, to adorn oneself. Objects purely

Photo G. H. Nicholls.

SWIMMING A RIVER.

ornamental are called inkwela. Besides these many things
are worn, not for decoration, though they may be decorative,
but as misamo (" medicines"). Others again are shabwami
("regalia"), showing authority; others are shalumamba
("war -toggery "); and others have significance as the
reward and sign of bravery.

Let us see a woman dressed for some festive occasion.
Her head is freshly shaven and anointed with butter. If it
can be secured, she has a new skin petticoat. Around her
waist she wears the mukaku. This is made by plaiting

IOO

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

palm-leaf strips into a band, two and a half inches wide, and
long enough to encircle the body. Along the two edges and

Photo n. W. Smith

A MWILA WOMAN.
Wearing the mukaku and carrying the ceremonial hoe.

in the centre are three rows of large beads, the outside rows
white, the middle row blue. Dangling down in front are
strings terminating each in a small bell, made by doubling

CH. in CLOTHING AND DECORATION 101

over a piece of thin iron, perforated with numerous small
holes. These give a jangling sound as the woman moves.
If iron bells are not to be had, small shells (bwididi) take
their place. Among the Bambala this ceremonial belt
takes another form and is called chiawala. Upon a cord
around the waist are suspended numerous strings, each
threaded with seven or eight inch-long sections of a thick
reed-like grass ; these give a rustling sound as the woman
walks and dances. On her arms the woman wears bracelets.
If she is the wife of a chief, she will have inkaya (" ivory
bangles "), perhaps six on each arm ; otherwise a dozen or
so brass- wire bangles (intasa). Above the elbows she has
several other brass-wire armlets, or others made of copper- wire
twisted closely around a basis of fine grass. On most of her
fingers she wears rings (mambaminwe, inwenwe) of brass-wire
beaten out thin. She wears also leglets of thin wire, two
under each knee ; and anklets of thick brass-wire. Around
her neck is an inkonde of two or three rows of beads fitting
close ; or else (or as well) a necklace (inshambwa madinga)
hanging more loosely, with a tassel of beads suspended
below. Over one shoulder and under the opposite arm is
a strap of hide to which is attached a small horn containing
' ' medicine "to scare away witches . Hanging in front , between
her breasts, is the impande, the round base of a shell. She
has around her head a mushini, i.e. a fillet of beads, or a
strap of hide, or some other thing. Often the women
ornament their heads with brightly coloured flowers. Lastly,
in her hand she carries a light, beautifully made hoe, the
mutaka, not for use, but for ornament.

Two other girdles may be worn by women : the mwambo,
a leather strap put on after childbirth to preserve the figure ;
and a strap (mwangachamba) tied around the chest above
the breasts.

Children have bracelets prettily made of plaited grass
(kangungwa).

Many of the ornaments worn by men are the same as the
women's. A chief may have seven or eight inkaya on each
arm, of a heavier pattern than those worn by women.
They weigh from 2\ to 3 ounces each. Their use is not now
restricted to the chiefs, but all may wear them who can

102

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. I

afford to purchase them. Enterprising traders have intro-
duced a celluloid imitation which has sold in thousands.
It is an interesting example of the hold of fashion upon the
Ba-ila that the first trader who introduced these bangles
had the whole stock left on his hands ; they were rejected
by the people because of some minute variations in colour
and shape from the accepted pattern ; while another trader,
whose manufacturer was careful to imitate with scrupulous

IN FESTIVE ATTIRE.

fidelity the ivory bangle sent to him as a pattern, realised
a small fortune from the sale.

The men wear rings, leglets, and armlets, as do the women,
but not anklets. They also wear the impande, on the arm,
around the head, or suspended around the neck ; a chief
may be seen wearing seven or eight of them. These also
have been imitated in celluloid and porcelain by European
manufacturers. We remember the disgust of one of the
early purchasers when his imitation impande, for which he
had paid a high price, happened to fall into the fire and
disappeared in a gust of flame.

CH. in

CLOTHING AND DECORATION

103

The coiffure has much attention given to it by the young
bloods. The impumbe has in recent years been ornamented

Fhoto M. A. Dajffarn.

BA-ILA WARRIORS.

with brass chair-nails purchased from the traders. Time
was when one or two nails sufficed them, but now the fashion
is to crowd on as many as possible. In front of the impumbe
and isusu is fixed a small ball, made of feathers (shilongo)

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

with a spike. Feathers are also worn ; the long black
cock's feather (munimba) and the crest of the crane (kola

A WAR DANCE.

ka busanga) are merely decorations ; but the feather of
the Plantain - eater (Induba) is a sign that the happy
wearer has been successful in killing a man, a lion, a
leopard, or an eland. These feathers used to be awarded

CH. in

CLOTHING AND DECORATION

105

by the chiefs, and their possession was accounted great
glory. In a revolting murder of a foreign native that

Photo I-:. If. Smith.

BAMBWELA TYPE.

occurred some time ago, the offender alleged his motive
to be that he wanted to be entitled to wear the induba

106 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES *.*

feather. Blue-jay feathers (Chikambwe) are also a sign
of valour.

One instrument carried always in the impumbe and isusu
is the insonde, a long needle which has many and varied
uses, chief among which the scoffer would say is to tickle
up the denizens of the coiffure.

When arrayed in their war-toggery the men present a
very fine wild appearance. The chiefs put on their leopard
and lion skins, tied around the loins with most of the skin
hanging behind, or wrapped around their shoulders.
Warriors, as if disdaining soft raiment, wear around their
loins a piece of hard dry hide, and also belts called mabamba,
similar to the women's mukaku. Encircling the arms they
have indioka, i.e. zebra or wildebeest manes, and around the
neck a ruff of the mane of a lion or old baboon. In his hand
the warrior carries a bunch of spears, also a long stick sur-
mounted by a tuft of long feathers like a mop, called ingala
sha mabungabunga ; or a mwiko, made of an elephant's
tail, or, if the real article be not procurable, an imitation
made of palm-leaf. These were waved to disconcert the aim
of an opponent, and the man who after each spear was
avoided coolly swept the ground with the mwiko was much
admired. Each man probably has an axe as well, a kembe
or chibanga, or a proper battle-axe called bukana. When
arraying themselves as for war, the Ba-ila paint themselves
with a white substance and throw over themselves ash
from the big heaps in the cattle kraal.

Another ornamentation, also useful in making a noise,
worn by men who dance the machacha dance, is a number
of dry globular seed-pods (masangusangu] tied around the
legs above the ankles.

Among the rare and treasured possessions of some of the
chiefs are large white beads of glass, called mai (" eggs ").
They are said to have been introduced a great many years
ago by the Mambari, and were the first European articles seen
by the Ba-ila. They were traded for ivory. We are told that
in ancient days the Ba-ila had no cattle, and they first bought
them with these beads from the people of Chimbulamukoa
and Mongwe, on the upper reaches of the Kafue, where
to-day no cattle are found because of the tsetse fly.

PART II

107

CHAPTER IV
*

BUILDING OPERATIONS AND VILLAGE LIFE

i. DESCRIPTION OF A VILLAGE

WHILE Ba-ila villages may vary considerably in size — some
containing three or four huts and half a score inhabitants,
and others upwards of two hundred huts and a thousand
people — in plan and methods of construction they are
generally uniform. In form they are circular or somewhat
horseshoe-shaped, the huts being built round the circum-
ference, while the space in the centre is used as a cattle-pen.
Another uniform feature is that the house of the chief or
headman is built on the east side of the village, his door
facing the setting sun and immediately opposite the main
entrance. From this circumstance, and not by its size, it is
always easy to recognise the chief's dwelling ; one can also
fairly gather, from the relation of the position of the main
entrance to that of the setting sun, an idea of the time of
the year when the village was planned. There is no esoteric
reason for placing the chief's hut (by which we mean the
hut of his principal wife) immediately facing west ; it is
simply a matter of the head of the village having the most
convenient site. As the prevailing winds come from the
east he is sure of shelter as he sits by his door, equally from
the bitter blasts of winter and the scorching sirocco of the
period just preceding the rains.

For description here we may select as fairly typical the
village of the chief Shaloba at Lubwe.

It stands at the summit of a gentle slope overlooking the
great Kafue plain. On three sides there is no outlook, as

109

CH.IV BUILDING OPERATIONS & VILLAGE LIFE in

the forest hems it in closely, but on the north-west there is
.a view not often surpassed in the country. Through a break

Photo E. IV. Smith.

THE CHIEF SHALOBA.

in the bush you look out over the plain to the line of blue
hills on the horizon beyond the river ; and your gaze wanders

112

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. II

over the vast expanse and is arrested only by the line of trees
skirting the river bank. In the early morning the horizon
is lost in a dense white mist rising from the stream and
swamps ; presently as the sun gains in power the mist
begins to vanish and the tree-tops appear, phantom-like,
hanging in the air. Soon it is all dispersed, and at midday
you see the great plain palpitating in the heat. It is in the

' ° °f ° °. °^>°°'°'0-c---

":d\ I6./

PLAN OF LUBWE VILLAGE.

A = Central space.
B = Main entrance.
C, C = Entrance to cattle-pens.
D = The mizhimo huts.

K =The chiefs enclosure.

F = The chief's principal wife's hut.

G = The chiefs private hut.

H = Trees.

late afternoon that the charm of the scene is greatest and
the tints on plain and hills are most enchanting. The
beauties of the landscape are lost upon the Ba-ila, who when
they pronounce this inshi imbotu ("a fine country"), are
thinking most of all of the magnificent pasturage for the
cattle, of which the people of Lubwe have one of the finest
herds in the land.

CH. iv BUILDING OPERATIONS & VILLAGE LIFE 113

In this village there are about 250 huts, built mostly on
the edge of a circle four hundred yards in diameter. Inside
this circle there is a subsidiary one occupied by- the chief,
his family, and cattle. It is a village in itself, and the form
of it in the plan is the form of the greater number of Ba-ila
villages which do not attain to the dimensions of Shaloba's
capital. The open space in the centre of the village is also
broken by a second subsidiary village, in which reside
important members of the chief's family, and also by three
or four miniature huts surrounded by a fence : these are
the manda a mizhimo (" the manes' huts "), where offerings
are made to the ancestral spirits. Thus early do we see
traces of the all-pervading religious consciousness of the
Ba-ila. Again, as we pass through the main entrance, we
observe two small enclosures, one on each side of the gateway,
where an offering is made to the spirits and a prayer offered
for the protection of the cattle as they wander grazing.
And before the first stick of the village was planted, or ever
a hut marked out, a solemn offering of a beast was made
to these same spirits, the guardians of the village.

Around the circle the huts are placed close together,
the spaces between them being filled with poles. At intervals
there is placed a forked stick which provides a strait and
subsidiary means of ingress and egress, called kasena, " little
space." The space between the forks being only a foot
wide, these entrances are evidently not intended for stout
people ; but being not easily distinguished they were very
useful in the days of sudden and nocturnal attacks on the
village. The great entrance is four or six yards wide, and
ordinarily is not closed. The entrances to smaller villages,
and to the subsidiary units of larger villages, are closed by
means of long poles placed vertically, resting upon and
locked by others placed horizontally.

A large village such as this is composed of a number of
smaller units, each built on the same plan as the chief's
enclosure, their size depending upon the number of the
owner's family and adherents and cattle ; if the last are
absent there is no cattle kraal. These separate enclosures
are named mikobo. Within them, as within the chief's
enclave, the huts do not open into the cattle-pen, but there
VOL. i I

ii4 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

is a low fence separating them. People may sit in the cattle-
pen, the chief may have his breakfast there, and with his
councillors decide the village disputes, but it is within this
fence in front of the huts that the village life flows. Narrow
openings allow of direct communication between the mikobo.
The huts vary in size and character as do the villages,
there being a world of difference between the small hovel
of a careless nobody and the spacious dwelling of a chief.
The principal hut here, that belonging to Shaloba's great
wife, is forty feet in diameter ; others measure twenty,
fifteen, twelve feet, some less. They vary somewhat in
material ; the villages in the midst of the plain, e.g. at
Nyambo, are built almost entirely of reeds and grass,
because wood is so very scarce ; in or near the forest poles
are used, and, of course, the huts are so much the more
substantial. The principle of construction is the same in
all cases. Here we see, as elsewhere, the strict division of
labour between men and women, each sex taking its cus-
tomary share in the building operations. The men cut the
poles and reeds, the women cut the grass and dig out clay
for plastering. The first process is to mark out the hut
(kufundulula) ; this is done by the men. Tying one end of
a string, the length of the radius of the hut, to a stick planted
at the centre, the man fastens the other end to another
stick, and with it describes a circle. Then with a hoe a
narrow trench (mwimbi) is dug along this line. The upright
poles (mazhilo) are then planted in this trench. They vary
in length according to the energy and position of the builder :
in some cases they measure six feet, in others ten or twelve.
If poles are plentiful they are set close together, forming
when bound and plastered a very solid wall ; but generally
the man is content to place a pole every foot or so, and to
fill up the spaces with reeds or grain-stalks. An opening
is left for the doorway ; there is no window. The uprights
are now bound together with withes (imbalo) tied at intervals
of a foot or two with string made of bark (lozhi). Along the
top of the wall a layer of several withes is strongly tied to
act as a wallplate (lubalo Iwa chilongolongo) , Over the door,
at a height of about four feet, is bound a transom (chikota-
mino), and the space between it and the wallplate is filled

n6 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

in with sticks (bulebo). A stout log is placed as a threshold
(chikunguzho) . That completes the framework. The struc-
ture so far completed, called Iwampa, is often left for months,
with a temporary covering of grass if it is inhabited, until
the near approach of the wet season stirs them to putting
on the roof.

In the construction of the roof there is a difference in
method between the true Ba-ila and the Balumbu. The
former plant a long straight pole (musemu) in the centre
of the hut to support the roof. The upper end of this is
cut into a long tenon which pierces a disc of wood, eighteen
inches or two feet in diameter, through the centre. The
principal rafters (matungisho) are now prepared by being
adzed at the thick end and a hole being drilled there ; they
are then placed in position, with the thick end resting on
the disc and the other on the wallplate. The two ends are,
now bound to the disc and wallplate respectively, in the
former case the string passing through the hole already
made. When these are all in position they are bound
together with withes and bark-string, and other poles are
pushed in to fill up the spaces round the circle. The over-
hanging ends of the rafters are then cut even (kukonkolola) .
The distance which these are allowed to overhang varies
considerably. The eaves are often short ; generally they
are some two feet in length, and forked poles are planted
beneath them for support, thus forming a narrow verandah.
In a hut de luxe a secondary set of rafters is built in, one end
resting on the wallplate and the other on a verandah plate
supported on forked sticks, thus forming a roomy portico
about nine feet wide surrounding the hut.

At Nanzela the musemu and its disc are not used except
when imitating the Ba-ila in building large huts. Three or
four principals (matungisho) are tied together on the ground
at the thick pointed ends, and then hoisted on to the wall-
plate. After being stretched apart and bound to the wall,
a basket-work of withes is woven around the poles at the
apex, and into the interstices are pushed masondo, secondary
rafters, the weaving being continued until the poles are
firmly bound together at the summit. Withes are then
tied on at intervals along the rafters, and smaller subsidiary

CH.IV BUILDING OPERATIONS & VILLAGE LIFE 117

poles (mapomo) are pushed in until the spaces are filled
up. This forms a very neat, and, if the poles be strong
and well fitted, a firm roof which may last ten years or
more. In building a small house, and the grain bins, the
roof is made complete on the ground and then hoisted into
position.

The wall and roof being finished, the men may rest until
the women have accumulated a pile of clay in the interior
of the hut. This is often a laborious business, for it may

PRINCIPAL HUT OF THE CHIEF SEZONGO AT NANZELA.

mean carrying the clay in baskets from an ant-heap a mile
or more from the village. Often a suitable termite hillock
is found close outside the village, and in course of time a
great pit is excavated there by successive diggings. The
clay is mixed with chopped grass and water, and then the
men give the first coat of plaster to the wall. This operation
is named kumata, and involves filling up the interstices
with sticks, so that the clay may adhere and completely
cover the interior. Previous to completing this, palm fronds
are taken and cut short, leaving split sections which when

n8

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. II

inserted at intervals between the poles provide receptacles
for holding pots and other things.

The plastering finished, the men may rest again while
the women put on the second and finishing coat — this is
named kushingulula — and, according to their skill, form the
mouldings which are such a feature of nicely built Ba-ila
huts. The men can then complete the exterior by thatching.
This is done in an unskilful manner, the grass being simply
thrown on and tied, with the root-ends upwards ; they

Photo Rni. If. Chapman.

IN A BASODI VILLAGE.
To show style of houses.

begin at the apex and work downwards ; the layers of grass
overlap, but there is no attempt at brushing.

The extremity of the musemu projects above the apex,
and sometimes is crowned with an earthen pot. One pot
indicates that the owner of the hut has killed a man, a lion,
or a leopard, two pots that he has killed two, and so on.
In some villages you may see as many as fifteen pots crowning
the huts of a man and his wives. Other men who cannot
aspire to the dignity of pots put in their place the heads of
game they have killed. This custom does not prevail at

CH. iv BUILDING OPERATIONS & VILLAGE LIFE

119

Nanzela (save occasionally in imitation of the Ba-ila), where
a neat pinnacle of grass (sonkoto) crowns the apex. On
some Ba-ila huts one sees a number of sticks projecting from
the thatch at different angles. These are a memorial of the
spears which the owner fended off in battle, and one can
tell approximately from the angle which part of the body
escaped impalement. Here is a man at Mala with no less
than eleven such sticks ; he says that he fended off that
number of spears in the fight between Mungalo and Mungaila.

Inner
Outer Room ( F ) R°<>m

A, \ = Chil>engelele.
B = Screen.

PLAN OF A HOUSE.

C = Seat.

D = Fireplace.

E = The ipupi.

F = Grain receptacles.

The exterior of the hut is left unplastered, except around
the doorway, and there the plaster forms the base for
various ornamental mouldings.

Just within the doorway a framework of wood is built
up around the opening and plastered over, so that the wall
appears to be a foot or more thick. This canopy around
the doorway is named chibengelele , and upon it the women
have scope for their ingenuity and artistic skill. One of
the commonest decorations is three lumps of clay repre-
senting the two mammae with an impande shell between.
On some huts outside is a representation of a rayed sun.

I2O

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

Others have representations of the Itoshi monster, with its
flat head and the fins with which it grasps its victims. The
knots upon it are tupande tupande, small
impande shells, a purely conventional decora-
tion of the beast.

Entering a finished hut, you find yourself
in dense darkness, for no light can enter
except through the narrow doorway. When
your eyes become accustomed to the gloom

ORNAMENTATION.

ORNAMENTATION.

you may see on the left a screen, made like everything

else of poles plastered over with clay, and immediately

behind is a small platform used as a seat by day and bed

by night. Around the face of it is a snake and impande

moulding. Next to this is the fireplace, moulded of

clay in the shape shown

in the sketch plan, and

standing about a foot from

the ground ; the spaces

(A, A) are for the fire, and

the pots stand upon the

edges. Behind the fireplace PLAN OF FlREPLACE. THE FlREBACK.

is a semicircular fireback of

clay, upon which once again the ubiquitous snake appears.

Over the fireplace is erected a platform called lupango, on

which firewood is stored.

Continuing our progress around the hut, we come next to
another ipupi ("low platform"), upon which stand the large
beer pots. Each of these has its stand, moulded so that
the bottom of the round pot can rest in it. Around the wall
are various contrivances for hanging up the owner's posses-
sions. From the roof is suspended the inkata, a basket-
work container in which is put the churn calabash (insua),
or a pot of milk ; immediately above it, and on the string
by which it is suspended, is slung a half-sevction of a calabash,
a clever device to keep the rats from the milk. From the
roof are suspended many other things, among which are

CH. iv BUILDING OPERATIONS & VILLAGE LIFE 121

bundles of " medicines." Against the wall stands a rack
for the spears, with a narrow trough of wood at the foot to
receive the points of the blades. Dividing the hut in two
is a wall about six feet high, consisting of a number of long
clay grain receptacles, named shumbwa, standing upon a
platform, and with the interstices between them plastered
up. These are filled and sealed, and when required the
grain is taken out of a small hole punctured near the foot.
Over the head of the shumbwa a narrow flat cornice is
plastered, and this is decorated. The snake pattern pre-
dominates, and often one finds rude paintings of animals —
cattle, eland, lions, leopards, etc. — reminding one in their
outlines of Bushman paintings. In some cases there are
also attempts at representing in colours the patterns of
European fabrics. The colours used are ash, charcoal, and
differently tinted clays. The cornice is surmounted by a
serrated moulding. At the farther end of the partition
there is a doorway leading into the inner chamber, called
chimpetu, the furniture of which is simply a bed, consisting
of a platform of sticks covered with skins. The floor of
the hut is slightly below ground level, and is made of ant-
heap clay beaten down hard.

A well-constructed, nicely decorated hut looks very well
when new, but the walls and roof inside soon become covered
with a thick deposit of soot, as there is no outlet for the
smoke of the fire other than the door ; the frail mouldings
chip off, the colours of the paintings fade, and before long
the hut presents a dilapidated appearance. The practice
of keeping the young calves in the hut does not improve it.
The termite plays havoc with all buildings constructed of
timber. The houses become infested with vermin. Every
village swarms with enormous rats, which are so voracious
that they nibble at the sleeping children's fingers and toes
and eat pieces out of the adults' coiffures and the horny soles
of their feet. Old houses also get infested with the inkofu
("tick"), a very unpleasant insect. Of recent years the
chigoe (the so-called " jigger ") has reached the Bwila. And
all things considered, it isjio wonder that after a few years'
residence in one spot the people are glad to build a new
village on another site.

122

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

A polygamist erects a hut for each of his wives, he being too
wise to risk having two women under one roof. The central
hut belongs to the nabukando ("chief wife"), and the others
are ranged on either side. Near the central hut the chief has
his own private hut where he sleeps. To this he invites his
wives for three or four nights according to his fancy, taking
care, however, not unduly to favour one at the expense of
the others, or there will be disturbances in his household.
The children sleep in the various huts on the bed or on the

Photo E. IV. Smith.

MULENDEMA AND HIS FAMILY AT HOME.

To show Baluba style of house.

floor, the boys in the outer and the girls in the inner chamber.
The young unmarried men have their hut, and the young
women theirs.

The huts we have described are general among all these
peoples, but the enclosed village being mainly for the purpose
of harbouring cattle, in the tsetse-fly areas the villages are
not so uniform. A more primitive form of hut is seen on
the outskirts of the district, and sometimes as a temporary
dwelling in the Bwila itself. These makanka, as the Ba-ila
call them, consist simply of a number of poles stacked into

CH. iv BUILDING OPERATIONS & VILLAGE LIFE 123

a conical form, tied at the apex, and covered over with
grass, roof and walls being in one. Among the Bambala
who have come into contact with the Baluba, another form
is found, a cross between the makanka and the Ba-ila hut.
The back part is built like the former, but in front a wall is
erected of poles and clay, and the roof poles are sloped from
those behind on to the top of this wall.

2. LIFE IN A NATIVE VILLAGE

To gain an insight into native life one needs to spend
some time in a village. If you pitch your tent within the
enclosure of a friendly chief, you may use your eyes and ears
to great advantage and without hindrance. Ba-ila are
mostly very hospitable, and we have often been thus enter-
tained. Shaloba, the chief of the village we have described,
was frequently our host. He was a slightly built old man,
with thin aristocratic face and a fine dignified manner.
His chief wife, Ntambo, was a tall handsome woman,
arrayed during our visits in a splendid leopard skin, and
she always exerted herself to make us and our followers
at home. There was never any question in our mind as to
the mutual affection between these two ; they were evidently
fond of each other. If a particularly witty remark were
made, he would call her and repeat it for her benefit. If
anything were given him he would summon her to admire
it, and if a present were made to her he would show almost
childish delight in the compliment to her. When other men
were present it was against etiquette for her to eat with him,
but in the evening, after all visitors had gone, she would
produce some tasty dish, and they would sit and eat it
together in Darby and Joan style.

What you will see in a village depends largely upon the
season of the year. In the times of field-work very few
people are in the village, for they are busy in the lands some
distance away. In winter you will not expect to be called
early, though- Dr. Holub's remark that these people do not
rise till ten o'clock is not correct. In the hunting season
you may be awakened long before it is light by the drums
calling up the hunters. Ordinarily, about 7 A.M. you are

124 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

aroused by the voice of an elder calling the boys to let out
the calves to the cows, and soon afterwards you will find
the boys and girls sitting with the men around the fires of
cattle dung in the kraal. Here is the chief getting his
breakfast. A woman brings him a dish of thick porridge
(inshima), together with a relish in the shape of some meat
and gravy. This is placed between his feet as he sits, and
calling the boys and men to share his repast, he and they
break off pieces of the porridge and eat, after dipping them
in the gravy. The cattle go out about nine, each herd
accompanied by the herdsmen. The people now disperse
for the work of the day. At this cold season of the year
there is not much to be done, but the women have to trudge
off several miles to the fields to bring in some of the grain
stored there. Those at home are busy preparing the food
for the day. The men go out to cut poles ; they go off
with their dogs hunting, or they simply wander about the
village or loll under the verandahs smoking and chatting
with their friends. For the boys and girls life is not hard.
There are many errands to run, water and firewood to be
fetched, and they have to take turns in herding the calves
and goats. But there is plenty of time for games. The
babies, like little black naked balls, roll about with the
puppies in the dust, or their sisters carry them about.

Take a walk around the village and see what is going
on. Here is a woman busy cupping a friend who is suffering
with headache. Here is the blacksmith shaping an axe-
head amid a crowd of onlookers. Here is the ivory-turner
busy with his lathe. This man is occupied in carving a
spear-shaft, and this in repairing a drum-head. Here are
women making pots and weaving baskets. There is always
something of interest to see in a village.

You will find the chief sitting near the door of his hut
surrounded by men. For him at least the day is a busy
one. Newcomers are continually arriving. Each one takes
his place and waits for a lull in the conversation, when the
chief greets him and asks his news. If he has any business
he tells it, and it is fully and exhaustively discussed by all.
One man has bought a cow, and its qualities and price and
the details of the bargaining serve to while away an hour.

CH. iv BUILDING OPERATIONS & VILLAGE LIFE 125

Another reports the loss of some cattle, and after all the
possibilities of their whereabouts have been argued the
chief sends men out to seek for them. Into the midst of
the assembly there comes a man who is greeted with roars
of laughter ; he has just come from the hairdresser, but his
coiffure, instead of standing erect, is lying over to one side.
As he takes his seat a friend begins to straighten it for him,
shoving it this way and that, while all business is stopped
and the court laughs at his grimaces and shouts encouraging

THE CHIEF SHALOBA AND HIS BAND.

Photo K. IV. Smith.

remarks to the manipulator. More serious matters engage
their attention. There has been a fight between two men
about a woman ; they are both present, and shout out their
accusations and defence, while the chief calmly listens, and
at the end invites opinions from the elders and gives his
judgement. Another man brings a claim for adultery ;
another for some land. So it goes on. At intervals one of
the chief's wives brings some refreshment, each of them
seeming to vie with the others to produce the tastiest possible
dishes. All are invited to share in these. Then other cases
come. Some young men are just home from the mines and

126 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

bring a quarrel they had while working in the pit, and an
elder charges one of them with swearing at his wife. The
young men get excited and talk one against the other,
until the chief sends them off, telling them to be good boys
and not bother him with such trivial things. So on and
on, while the sun declines in the west and the visitors
gradually disperse. The chief wins our admiration, for
though manifestly tired, he shows no sign of impatience,
but listens to all. We sympathised with Shaloba one day
when, after listening to cases from early morning, a man
came up with a long story just as he was about to have
his evening meal. He turned to us and said: " Bwami
mbuzhike" (" Chief dom is serfdom, to be a chief is to be
a slave").

Before this the cattle are home and the boys have
brought in the calves. The young calves are hoisted out of
the huts and taken to their mothers. When the milking
is done, it is time for the evening meal. The fires blaze up,
and the men gather here and the women there. After
supper the chief takes his diversion in a way that will
very likely send you to bed with a severe headache. The
drummers come up, three or four of them, and the player of
the budimba, and as they strike up the wives come to the
front of the hut to dance. They keep this up to a late hour,
dancing and singing with keen enjoyment. Outside in the
square the boys have kindled a fire of grass and impressed
a drummer to play for them. They shout, they skip about
and frolic as only boys can, jumping through and over the
fire, and beating up clouds of dust. Presently young men
and women join them, and, standing on opposite sides of
the fire, begin dancing in a way that reminds us of some of
the country dances seen^at home. Then comes silence.
The village is asleep.

CHAPTER V

* *

DOMESTIC ANIMALS

ABOVE all their possessions, above kith and kin, wife or
child, the Ba-ila, with few and occasional exceptions, love
and value their cattle. An old and tried hunter of the
authors', named Kambango, often relates the following story.
When he was a small boy the Barotsi invaded the country.
As their approach drew nearer and nearer the neighbours
began to flee, either driving their cattle into the fatal fly
district or abandoning them. His old father, urged to
follow their example, stoutly refused, saying that he could
not desert his cattle. Finally, the Barotsi arrived at the
village, a last appeal proved fruitless, a gallant but hopeless
resistance was made, and after killing two of his assailants
the old man lost his cattle and his life.

While of course it is manifest that the utility of the
cattle is the mainspring of their affection for them, it is not
to be disputed that they inspire them with some idea of
beauty ; indeed it might be said that the first gleams of
appreciation of beauty that penetrate their natures are
gained from their cattle. For a long time our efforts to
induce the old men to utilise their numerous oxen as beasts
of burden, to draw waggons or ploughs, excited genuine
indignation. They neither ride them nor work them.
" How could I be so cruel as to m?ke them work ? " said
old Shaloba to us. The suggestion that some overburdened
old slave woman might gain relief was received as beside
the point altogether.

Their ideas of beauty often appear strange enough to
a European. It is stated that the origin of the practice of

127

128 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

knocking out their front teeth was in order to resemble
their cattle. Horns that hang down and swing, or that are
otherwise distorted, excite high admiration, and an ox or
cow is bought for its beautiful voice. Nor is their admiration
merely verbal. The writers have often known a large but
ugly ox exchanged for one shapelier, though smaller. To
render an admired beast still handsomer, it is decked with
ruffs, necklaces, or bells. A high compliment to a friend
or wife or lover is to name an animal after them, and it is

Photo E. IV. Smith.

CATTLE DRINKING IN THE KAKUE RIVER.

considered an act of discourtesy to part with this particular
beast, which it is customary to ornament in the manner
described.

All cattle are named, and their peculiarities and points
form the subject of endless discussion. In addition to being
named, each animal bears the special brand (chando) of the
owner, in the shape of ear-marks. Sometimes these ear-
markings are of the crudest, a half or quarter ear simply
being cut off ; with others much care is taken, and tiny slits
are made to form combinations or patterns. The marking
of the beast of another, or the adoption of another's mark,
is, of course, a heinous offence.

CH. v DOMESTIC ANIMALS 129

The cattle sleep in the big pens described in the previous
chapter, though at the smaller villages the pen is often
represented by reeds and poles with gaps between them.
Outside may often be seen the pole with a small horn on top
containing buvhumo, " medicine " to protect the cattle from
lions. Inside the kraal one's attention is arrested by the
large grey mounds of ash, the mikwashi. Constantly re-
plenished with dry ordure, the fires seldom go out. Here
in the pungent smoke the cattle crowd to shelter themselves
from the bites of the mosquitoes ; and here around the warm
heaps the morning pipe is enjoyed by the elders of the
village, cases are settled, and the evergreen topic of the
cattle is discussed.

The cattle are usually milked before going to pasture ;
occasionally they are sent out to feed on the dewy grass
and return .to be milked. Morning and evening during the
whole operation the big drum is beaten ; at Shaloba's
village four drums of different owners are often sounding
at once. The cows perfectly understand the significance
of the drum-beats. After the milking the cattle remain in
the flats the whole day, accompanied by the herds, who
carry their spears, pipes, vessels full of porridge, and possibly
a native piano or two to while away the time. At about
three or four in the afternoon the cattle, full to repletion,
return and stand about in the vicinity of the village ; at
dusk they file slowly in through clouds of penetrating dust,
and the evening milking commences.

We have seen that the Ba-ila are always ready to make
a brave stand in defence of their cattle. Occasions fre-
quently arise, particularly before the burning of the grass,
when their readiness is sharply tested. Well over a hundred
head are annually taken by lions, and the ensuing meeting
between the owners and the marauders is invariably accom-
panied by casualties on both sides.

As far as we have been able to gather, the cattle of the
Ba-ila are of the ordinary native African kind, improved by
the introduction of big stock from the Barotsi and Lake
Ngami countries, and suffering deterioration constantly
from interbreeding. The ill effects of this latter practice
are very marked. In a small herd half-a-dozen young

VOL. I K

130 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. H

two - year - olds may be constantly seen performing their
functions unrestrained. Yet the Ba-ila understand and
practise castration of the young males. No connection
with the Zebu or humped cattle of India is apparent.

The cattle owned by the Ba-ila amount to about seventy
thousand, and are yearly increasing. Large though the
number is, it is as nothing compared to the number before
the rinderpest, when, we are told, the raiding of forty
thousand -made no apparent impression on the herds re-
maining. The largest owners possess as many as six
hundred. Few cattle are sold, as the Ba-ila have an exagger-
ated idea of the value of their oxen, and have always been
encouraged by their European advisers to retain their cows.
A very large number of oxen is killed at the funeral feasts ;
probably as many as two thousand annually. In every
herd will be found some oxen, few or many according to the
status of the owners, conspicuous fqr their size. These are
the masunto (" funeral oxen "). They await their master's
death, and are intended to provide the feast for his relations
and mourners. Their hides form the grave bed. Great
efforts are made, and high prices paid, to obtain them, and
once secured they are not parted with. As many as a
hundred head are killed at the funeral of a big chief ; this
was the number at Shaloba II. 's funeral. Cows are seldom
killed ; their value in the domestic economy is too great.

One of the familiar sights of village life is a native seated
on the ground lazily rocking to-and-fro a large calabash.
This is the churn (insua), of which every hut has at least
one. Where the chief wife has allotted to her use as many
as thirty cows, and her sisters fewer in proportion, of course
many more churns are required. Sour milk (mabishi), curds
(bwanda), and whey (menzhambwe) are daily articles of diet,
and to the use thus made of milk the Ba-ila largely owe their
fine physique. Butter is constantly churned, and is used
for anointing their bodies even more than for cooking or
eating.

The cows form a large proportion of the chiko given for
each bride, and are also continually changing ownership to
pay fines and damages. Of the skins of oxen, belts, bags,
beds, and skin petticoats are made.

CH. V

DOMESTIC ANIMALS

Annually two events of importance occur in the life of
the herd which are marked by a good deal of ceremony.
When the supply of drinking-water at the village grows
scanty and the pasture poor, a departure is made for the

Photo E, W. Smith.

THE BA-ILA CHURN.

river -bank : this is called kuwila. The herdsmen dress
bravely, if fantastically, for the occasion, the young bloods
with their spears charge to and fro, the women shriek, and
with the drums beating vigorously, the cattle leave the pen
and make down to the river, there to remain until the ponds

132 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. H

are filled again and the young grass has sprouted. On the
occasion of making a new post (lutanga) at the river, a
young ox is sacrificed in the gateway and an offering of meal
made to the spirits, north, south, east, and west. If the
site is the time-honoured one, merely a distribution of
tobacco is made to the herds.

On the return to the village a few months later a similar
ceremony is practised. This is called kubola. Milk and
butter are stored up for the occasion, the women grind
large quantities of meal, and after the young men, bedaubed
with white clay and decked in their war ornaments, have
brought the cattle safely home, a big feast is made.

The cattle are singularly free from disease. Fluke
annually kills a certain number, and in some years appears
in a virulent form. Redwater occasionally breaks out.
Anthrax has appeared in late years. The cows at intervals
suffer from contagious abortion. These, with calf-scour or
diarrhoea, are practically the causes of the death of all
cattle which are not seized by lions and crocodiles, or are
not killed at funerals. Old age, of course, claims many
victims. The Ba-ila are good cattle-masters, and exercise
more intelligent care of their cattle than most natives, and
to this fact and the suitability of the Kafue valley for cattle
must be ascribed the herds' immunity from disease. Of
herbal or other remedies they are almost entirely ignorant.
A poisonous water grass known as kankolwa grows in some
pools, and is to be carefully avoided. Tulp is unknown.

Having always been struck by the affection shown by
the Ba-ila for their cattle, we once asked a prominent man
whether they did not mourn for them as they mourn for
their deceased friends and relations. His answer, recorded
by us verbatim at the time, is interesting. Said he : " When
an ox dies by natural causes or is killed by a wild beast, we
simply skin it ; the owner, however much he loves the
beast, does not summon people to assist him in weeping
for it. No. As soon as it dies, the owner simply distributes
the joints, keeping his own portion, and they eat. In the
eating of the beast is where the weeping comes in. If one
eats and asks, ' What meat is this we are eating ? ' or if it
be a visitor who asks, some one will reply, ' The beast is

CH. V

DOMESTIC ANIMALS

133

an ox,' and just there upon the asking they will lament,
saying, ' So-and-so's beast is destroyed, it is dead.' And
the owner of the ox in the same way laments while eating
the meat of it; says he, 'My ox is destroyed, it is dead.'
That is all ; he who is bereft of a beast does not mourn by
shrieking aloud, ' Mawe, Mawe.' No : only just by saying,
' It is destroyed, it is dead.' Still at the same time he eats
the meat. That is the mourning for cattle, a mourning
which ends in the cooking-pot. It is like to a person who

CATTLE ON THE KAFUE PLAIN.

gets his honey spilt on the ground. When it is spilt, the
owner cries, ' My honey is spoilt.' At the same time he
gathers up what he can and eats it. Or if one has his fat
spilt, he cries, ' My fat is spoilt.' Some of what is spilt he
will anoint himself with. One who is hungry takes out his
seed-corn and eats, and while eating says, ' My seed-corn
which I eat is destroyed.' So of the matter you ask about,
it is said, This is the mourning for the oxen ; that which
you eat is not destroyed, that which you do not eat is what
is destroyed."

It is difficult to imagine the Ba-ila without their cattle,
and it is sincerely to be hoped that they may long remain

134 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

in possession of them. They are a hostage for their good
behaviour. Should calamity or plague befall them, the seeds
of unrest and dissatisfaction now latent and subdued would
find a fruitful soil.

Other domestic animals kept by the Ba-ila are dogs,
goats, sheep, fowls, and pigeons.

The dogs are very numerous, every village swarming
with them. They are miserable creatures, gaunt, half-
starved, noisy, cowardly, with pointed ears and bushy tails ;
they howl, but do not bark. They have to fend for them-
selves, and are regarded with little or no affection. An
exception must be made in the case of the hunting dogs,
which are well taken care of. The Ba-ila admire a fine
dog, and often would be willing to give a European an ox
for a good one. We knew one chief who was quite a dog-
fancier, and ascribed his affluence to his dogs.

Goats and sheep are more numerous among the Bambala
than in the Bwila, as the country is more suited to them.
Both are of an inferior breed.

The fowls are remarkable for their tiny size ; the hens
are very prolific, and very good mothers. They roost
where they can, the only provision for their comfort being
little conical laying-places. The eggs are no larger than
pheasant eggs.

Pigeons are largely kept by the Bambala, and not so
much by the Ba-ila. Cotes are built for them on tall plat-
forms in the villages, and they are well cared for. Why
they are kept is rather a mystery to us, for they serve no
utilitarian purpose as far as we can see. The only reason
ever given is that the people like to see them.

CHAPTER VI
* * *

AGRICULTURE ; FOODS ; NARCOTICS

i. METHODS OF AGRICULTURE

THE dweller in a civilised country has great difficulty in
realising the close relation of the savage to the soil. The
produce of the world pours into the Homeland from all
quarters. The deficiency from one quarter is supplied by
the surplus from another, and therefore famine, the actual
absence of foodstuffs, is unknown.- Amongst a savage
people if, whether from a drought or a deluge, the crops
fail, no degree of purchasing power can supply the deficiency ;
hunger is speedily and actually felt.

When brought face to face with these facts it becomes
easy to understand the eagerness with which a native will
seek for the aid of one who has obtained reputation as a
rain-maker, and the readiness with which he submits to be
gulled by the pretender. Few travellers in Central Africa
have not been appealed to for rain, and although occasion-
ally a spirit of mischief has been allowed play, the majority
emphatically disavow any connection with the occult arts.

The acquaintance of the Ba-ila with the principles of
agriculture is very slight ; of fallowing, rotation of crops,
manuring, seed selection, they know nothing. They have,
however, learnt by experience the best way of cultivating
the simple crops they grow and industriously labour in the
light of that experience.

Many endeavours have been made to induce them to
improve their methods, so far without result. There is
nevertheless a growing tendency to observe and enquire,

135

136 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

and as soon as one consents to make a start he will be
followed by a host of imitators.

Their present methods are extremely wasteful, both of
labour and land. A man desirous of hoeing a garden selects
a piece of land, preferably in the bush, that commends itself
to him and his wife, arguing very sensibly that if it will
grow timber it will surely grow grain. Should the land fall
within the boundaries of another kraal or district he simply
asks permission to cultivate, and it is readily and freely
given, no such custom as paying rent being known to the

Photo E. W. Smith.

FILLING THE GRAIN BIN.

Ba-ila. It must be understood, of course, that he acquires
no proprietary rights in this way. Matters being arranged,
he, before winter is too far advanced, in order that the hot
months before the rains may render the wood combustible,
armed with a small hatchet, lops off all the branches of each
tree in the field and then piles them carefully around the
base. After allowing them to dry for two or three months
he sets fire to the heaps, and the ground is free for the wife
to commence her labours. The charred stumps of the trees
are left standing. While the native is aware of the fertilising
power of the ash, it must be admitted that he utilises fire
as the readiest method of getting rid of the timber.

CH. vi AGRICULTURE; FOODS; NARCOTICS 137

When the sweet scent of the - violet blossoms of the
mufufuma tree fills the air and the Pleiades are visible in the
East after sunset, the wife recognises that the time has
come for her to commence her labours. Assisted by the
members of her household she starts to hoe the ground,
stacking the grass and rubbish in large heaps until dry
enough to burn, her husband meanwhile hoeing his own
little patch. As soon as the ground is hoed it is sown. The
seed may lie in the ground two or three weeks waiting for
rain, and as a result sprouts readily after a good shower.
Should the shower be a scanty one the seed rots and the
field has to be resown.

When the first young shoots appear, the tiresome work
of watching commences. Pheasant (properly, francolin) are
extraordinarily plentiful, and an extraordinary nuisance ;
so clever are some of them that they will follow the marks
of the hoe and scratch up the fresh grain before it .has
sprouted. Unless for the space of ten days — by which time
the mealies are firmly established — the field is constantly
watched, it has to be sown again and again. When the
mealies are safely over this first stage but little more is
done to them ; two hoeings when the weeds are six to eight
inches high suffice to keep them clean, after which the
owner has to be constantly on the watch against the depre-
dations of monkeys and baboons by day and bush-pigs by
night.

A curious incident came to our notice in the beginning of
1905. Grain was scarce, and the people were expectantly
awaiting the new harvest. In the Bambwe district a man
was lying in wait one night for bush-pig ; hearing the mealies
rustling and cracking he cautiously crept up to the place,
and seeing a dark object hurled his spear at it. The figure
fell, and rushing up in triumph he found to his horror that
the object was a slave woman who had been creeping
through the garden gathering green mealies to appease her
hunger.

While the main cereal crop of maize or sorghum is
ripening, the family dig fresh plots for beans or potatoes,
or for sowing the following year.

The first year's crops are invariably small, being what

138 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

they style bukunku, realising that the soil is not yet properly
weathered and sweetened. The second crop is usually a
good one ; the third gives warning that another stretch
of primeval bush must be attacked and burnt, while the
late garden relapses into jungle.

When the joyous time of harvest arrives all the people
flock to the gardens, and stripping the cobs from the stalk,
first husk them, and then tying two or three together by
the sheaths put them into baskets for conveyance to the
granaries, or, if the produce of a small plot and required

Photo E. W. Smith.

GRAIN BINS (MATALA).

for early consumption, to some tree near the village in the
branches of which they are hung. The ears of the millet
and sorghum are cut off, and the stalks, after being uprooted,
are laid on the ground. There are three kinds of grain bins
in use, one of which, the shumbwa, has been described
already in connection with the huts. The masumpila are
temporary cylindrical bins built of grain-stalks in the fields
for the purpose of receiving the grain until it can be conveyed
to the permanent granaries. These are called matala, and
in many cases, owing to the white ants, have to be built
afresh every year. The men, whose duty it is to cut the
poles, build a cylindrical framework of wattles and poles

CH.VI AGRICULTURE; FOODS; NARCOTICS 139

upon four cross-pieces supported on forked sticks of some
size. The women meanwhile cut the grass for thatching.
The framework completed, the roof is built on the ground
and lifted into position and thatched after the framework
has been plastered with clay and filled with grain. As a
finishing touch the women mould pairs of mammae, with
the impande between, upon the bin in various places, and
encircle the bin with a moulded figure of a serpent. The
appearance presented by a number of these grain-bins is,
as shown in the photograph, decidedly quaint. Some of
the maize is strung on ropes of bark or hide in huge bundles
named inkunku. Ground-nuts are stored on high platforms
in the village.

From whence the people derived the grains they sow
is a question the answer to which is lost in the mists of
ancient time. It is generally agreed among writers upon
Africa that the varieties of sorghum sown are indigenous,
but that maize and tobacco are importations probably
introduced by the Portuguese. It can only be remarked
that if this is correct the importations must have been made
many centuries ago, since those things are now universally
distributed through the continent. The natives have no
knowledge of or traditions on the subject, beyond saying
that Leza caused these gifts to descend ; and doubtless they
enjoy their porridge and their pipe none the less for lack
of knowing whence they come.

An interesting custom at the commencement of the rains
must be noted. The people on the day after the first rain
do no work ; this is kutonda Leza (" taboo the Rain-giver ") ;
the idea is that any field-work done that day is an offence
against him, which would prejudice the success of the sowing.

One of the beliefs of the Ba-ila is that certain persons
have chesha, a lucky-hand for sowing, and their services
are in general request. Should the pumpkins sown by such
a person fail to set after all, and rot when half-formed, one
of the specked fruits is placed where a path divides into
two, and the first comer who steps over the diseased fruit
will convey the disease away to his own garden.

The Ba-ila have no such feast of the first-fruits as the
Zulus and other southern tribes have. Each man before

140 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES w. H

eating of the new harvest— this is kusoma — makes an offering
to his ancestral spirit of fresh cobs, which he places above
the door and in the rafters, thereby expressing his gratitude
and his hope of similar blessings in the future. It is bad
form to celebrate the harvest in this way in the absence
of your wife ; and until you have celebrated it and tasted of
your own first-fruits you do not accept any present of new
grain from another.

The gardens of a family as a rule occupy about three
acres of land, and their harvest returns range from three to
five bags (i.e. 600-1000 Ibs.) an acre. Lobengula, chief of
the Matabele, always allowed a divorced woman three bags
of grain for her subsistence until the next harvest. It is
evident, therefore, that the Ba-ila are amply fed in a normal
season. Their favourite grain is undoubtedly maize (mealies)
of a very small mottled variety. A few on the red soil grow
sorghum, and a large number millet. In addition, they
grow sweet potatoes of three kinds, planting the runners in
large mounds, beans of two kinds, one a bush variety and
one bearing as the peanut underground, peanuts, marrows,
gourds for household use and for making churns, pumpkins,
and a tuber called miseza, which slightly resembles a
Jerusalem artichoke. Cassava, introduced from the west,
is largely cultivated by the Nanzela people, and is slowly,
very slowly, making its way among the Ba-ila. Its ad-
vantage as a foodstuff is great, for it is easily propagated,
branches of the plant being merely stuck into the ground,
it requires a minimum of attention, and it is not subject to
the ravages of the locust.

Some years ago an attempt was made to introduce cotton-
growing amongst the natives. It was already growing wild
in some parts. Considerable enthusiasm was aroused, and
a few bales grown entirely by natives fetched io^d. a Ib.
on the Liverpool market. For some reason, the experiment
when successfully inaugurated was allowed to fall through.

2. A CALENDAR

The year is reckoned by the Ba-ila to commence with
the rising of the Pleiades. Their division of it into months,

CH.VI AGRICULTURE; FOODS; NARCOTICS 141

or rather moons (miezhi) will be dealt with in another
connection ; here we give a brief conspectus of the work
done in the different seasons. This must be taken as
approximate only. The work is governed by the rains,
and as these vary in amount, and to some extent in time,
from year to year the work may be accelerated or retarded
accordingly.

SEPTEMBER. — The men roof and thatch huts. Cattle
taken to the outposts (kuwila}. People begin to go off to
the fields (kuonzoka). • The imbula fruit begins to ripen.
Cassava planted. Maize planted in the malembwe, i.e. in
the gardens on the river-bank. Lwando fishing (see p. 161),
also in pools left from last season. The Shimunenga festival
at Mala (see Chap. XXII.).

OCTOBER. — Clouds begin to gather ; field-work pushed
ahead. ' Men busy with the luvhuna, trees cut in fields.
Mawi fruit ripens. People plant the kaubwiubwi, i.e. maize,
sorghum, and millet in the dry soil before the rains come.
Also ground-beans and miseza. Fishing still in pools. A
few showers fall.

NOVEMBER. — Early rains. People busy planting all grain.
They begin to eat pumpkins from the malembwe. Forest
fruits ripe.

DECEMBER. — Rains on, with perhaps a break. Weeding
in fields. Planting the namutompo, i.e. grain intended to
be harvested after the rest. Sweet potatoes planted.
Harvesting the malembwe. The shikisu and mangvhuma
fruits ripen. Cattle return to the villages (kubola). The
ikuo fishing.

JANUARY. — In a heavy season the flats fill up. Fields
are being hoed. Men begin tofunga, i.e. visit the hairdresser
(see p. 71).

FEBRUARY. — Slack month. Heavy rains. The imbula
fruit ceases.

MARCH. — In an average j^ear the flats fill up the first
week. At the end of the month, the women begin to harvest
the maize, and the men to build the matala. But the
natives say, the work of the month is — eating. New fields
(bushinde) prepared for next year. At Nanzela the girls'
initiation begins.

142 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

APRIL. — Begin to harvest peanuts and build the plat-
forms for storing them. Millet harvest.

MAY. — Sorghum harvest. Festivals of Bulongo and
Nachilomwe at Mala (see Chap. XXII.).

JUNE. — May still be harvesting nuts. Cold this month ;
not much work done. (Men getting anxious about the hut
tax, which is payable July I.)

JULY. — If a new village is to be built, women begin to
cut grass. The men lobokezha mile, i.e. gradually collect
bundles of building-poles, and set about it in earnest when
the grass is collected. When the veld-fires begin the men
go hunting. The mielo fishing (see p. 163).

AUGUST. — Beginning to get warm. Houses built. Cas-
sava planted. Pumpkins planted in malembwe. Lwando
fishing (see p. 161).

3. FOODS AND COOKING

The Ba-ila know how to make fire by friction, but it is
only necessary to resort to the practice when they are at a
distance from habitations, for in the villages fires are always
burning. There seem to be no occasions upon which all
fires are extinguished and new fire has to be got by friction.
After a funeral, when all the ashes from the mourners' fires
are collected and thrown away, the outside fires are put out,
but the hearth-fires remain in the huts. Fires are made in
the huts, each of which has its fireplace. For a hut to have
no fire in it is reckoned very bad, not only for the con-
venience of the living, but also for the comfort of the family
ghosts who live in the hut. The coldness and darkness of
a fireless house has a special name — kanekezhi.

There are few ceremonial observances and taboos in con-
nection with fire. It is taboo to take a firestick (chishishi)
from the hearth and carry it into another house ; should
this be done the lady of the house would shikula, i.e. get out
of favour with her husband and be divorced. No men-
struating woman may tend a fire or carry water or food.
When the owner of a house has musamo, " medicine " for
protection, it is taboo for any one to take fire or water out
of his house after sunset. If he wants to light his pipe, or

CH.VI AGRICULTURE; FOODS; NARCOTICS 143

drink water, he must enter the hut himself for the purpose.
It is also taboo under such circumstances to carry into the
hut an uncovered water-vessel or pot of meal ; but the
taboo can be removed by first sprinkling a little of the water
or meal outside the threshold.

When it becomes necessary to make fire by friction, two
sticks are taken to make the drill. The lower one is called
chikazhi (" the female ") and has a small hole drilled in it ;
it is taken from any suitable tree. The other is named the
lupika (" the twirler ") and is regarded as a male ; any
suitable stick can be used, the best is from the namunku-
lungu tree. Bits of dry grass or rag are used as tinder, and
placed near the chikazhi to receive the spark which is care-
fully nursed into a flame. The lupika is taken between
the palms and twirled ; it is a tiresome process, and gener-
ally two or three men have to take turns before a flame
is produced.

Ordinarily in a village fire is conveyed (kulapa] by
carrying live coals on a potsherd. When going on a short
journey into the veld it is the duty of one member of the
party to carry a supply of fire in this way.

The customary fuel is wood, of which in most parts of
the country there is a plentiful supply, but in some places it
has to be fetched from afar. In the Butwa, where no trees
are found, the people have to burn reeds and grass. Kraal
manure is not much used as fuel except in the mikwashi.

When the veld is on fire precautions are taken by clearing
away grass around the village ; this is done by carefully
burning the grass and keeping the fire well under control
by beating with sticks. Houses, and sometimes whole
villages, are frequently burnt through carelessness.

Cooking is done in the living-hut or outside. When the
fire is outside there is no fixed hearth, but stones (where
there are stones) or moulded lumps of hard clay or the
small conical heaps of the kambuswa ant are used to support
the cooking-pot.

Nature has very bountifully provided for the necessities
of the Ba-ila. Famines caused by drought do occur, but
the destitution is never absolute on account of the wild
animals and the wild fruits that can be used as food. Locusts,

144 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

it may be mentioned here, used in our early days of residence
to give much trouble, but in more recent years seem to have
disappeared entirely.

The staple foods of the Ba-ila are porridge (inshima) and
sour milk (mabishi). In the tsetse-fly districts the latter,
of course, is unobtainable, and the lack of it is seen in the
wretched condition of the children, and cannot fail to affect
the physique of the adults. While these are the staple
foods there is a very large variety of others, varying from
season to season. Towards the end of the old year, and
early in the new, say from December to February, when the
grain supplies have run out or become scanty, a large purple
berry known as shikisu is the sole article at many meals.
Yet in a good season there is an abundance of other food
at the beginning of the year. In the first week of January
1915 we were passing Kasamo, and saw in the evening (too
late to photograph) a long string of men, women, and
children returning to the village from fishing in the flats.
Many of them were bearing the fishing-traps, and others
baskets full of fish. The whole place was reeking with
drying fish. At the same time there was another procession
coming in from the riverside gardens (malembwe) laden with
big baskets of green corn and pumpkins. Fish may be
said to be a staple food at this time of the year. When the
crops are ripe the green corn gives way to meal, made by
stamping or grinding, and cooked in the form of porridge.
Later, when the water in the flats subsides and hunting
becomes easy, a flesh diet fills the greater part of the bill-
of-fare. Later still, when game ceases to be killed, the
fruit harvest proper commences. In addition to the four
species of grain many vegetables are grown, and these form
the solid diet at many meals. Milk in one form or another,
and beer in several forms, are the drink of the country.
When the rules for the upbringing of youths were stricter
than they are now, the herd-boys lived almost exclusively
on curds and whey, only getting porridge by stealth from
their mothers.

These people enjoy meat above all things. " Ndafwa
inkosha " ("I am suffering from meat-hunger ") is the
complaint one hears most frequently from their lips. All

CH. vi AGRICULTURE; FOODS; NARCOTICS 145

portions of an animal, save only the genitals of a female,
are eaten. The munyopani, the lower bowel and flesh
around it, is considered a delicacy. Blood is eaten in the
coagulated state ; it is cooked with salt ; only it may not
be eaten by any one who is liable to bleeding at the 'nose,
a prohibition extended also to the sweetbread. The varieties
of buck in the district number a score and are all eaten,
and there are numerous small animals and birds also used
for food. This statement has to be qualified, however, by
reference to the numerous totem and other taboos to be
described subsequently. And we shall presently draw
attention to the fact that the Ba-ila proper refrain from
eating certain animals that are eaten by Bambala or
Balumbu.

A meal consisting of ten pounds of meat is considered
a fair one, and probably more is consumed in an all-night
sitting. Fowls are eaten frequently, but eggs seldom ; if
the latter are eaten it is immaterial how nearly they ap-
proximate chickens, indeed the more nearly an egg is a
chicken the better — all the more meat. But the people
prefer to allow the eggs to hatch.

Set meals at regular times, as we know them, are not the
custom of the Ba-ila. Two or three meals of a kind are taken
daily — morning, noon, and evening, or morning and evening
only. The wife cooks a certain quantity, varying according
to the supplies and her energy at the moment, and awaits
the arrival of her husband from work or hunting. The
eating is soon over, in little more than five minutes on
ordinary occasions. The sexes eat separately, but the rule
is not absolute, except that women may not eat in company
with male visitors ; one often sees man, wife, and children
sitting and eating together. No preliminary rite is per-
formed ; except that a person visiting at a relative's will
first scatter a little food on the ground as an offering to the
family ghosts. With a pot or two in front of them, one of
thick porridge, and another of relish, each dips in his or her
fingers, takes up a mouthful of porridge, dips it into the
gravy or other relish, and eats in turn. When you wish
to honour a visitor you give him a choice dish (kumusa-
pwidila) : porridge cooked with sour milk and butter, and a

VOL. I L

146 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

pot of gravy and meat. Having eaten at home they move
round amongst their friends and relatives and partake as
a matter of course of any food they find being eaten. As
fresh supplies in time of plenty are constantly ready
somewhere, it is impossible to estimate the quantity eaten
by a person in a day. Three pounds of grain is considered
an ample ration for employees.

The Ba-ila have no ovens or frying-pans ; their only
cooking utensil is the earthenware pot, and consequently
their methods are confined to boiling or stewing, and roasting
on the embers. All their food is cooked in one or the other
of these methods.

When they are on a journey, or there is no time or
energy or facility for preparing flour, they often boil and
eat the grain whole. This is called musozha. It is not a
wholesome method, as, owing to insufficient mastication, the
hard covering of the grain is not broken up and is not
digested.

Meal is prepared by stamping (kutwa) or by grinding
(kuzhia) . In stamping, use is made of a large wooden mortar
and pestle (inkidi, munsha). When a woman sets herself,
as many of them do, to prepare a fine white flour, the pro-
cess is somewhat lengthy, and involves winnowing and re-
stamping, there being quite a vocabulary of words to describe
the various stages. The grinding is done between two
stones on a platform erected under the eaves of the hut.
The lower stone (ibwe) is surrounded by a basin-like con-
trivance of clay to catch the meal and grain slipping away
unground. Holding the upper stone, cylindrical in form
(impelwe), in both hands, the woman grinds the corn, which
she places in front of the stone, backwards and forwards,
till it falls out as meal into the basin. This is at once ready
for use, no winnowing being thought necessary ; it must
contain minute particles of stone dust which cannot be good
for the intestines.

Porridge is made by adding some flour gradually to
boiling water in a pot over the fire ; it is stirred up, and as
soon as the stirring-stick stands upright in the mass the
cooking is deemed sufficient, and the porridge is ready for
eating.

CH. vi AGRICULTURE ; FOODS ; NARCOTICS 147

Beans, small marrows, leaves, and other vegetables are
boiled.

Fish are spitchcocked by means of a stick passed through

Photo E. It'. Smith.

BALUMBU WOMEN STAMPING CORN.

from mouth to tail and broiled, the spit resting on two short
forked sticks before the fire. Small fish are boiled, large
fish, such as barbel, are cut up and boiled, or roasted in
the embers.

Meat is broiled on the embers. Hunters on cutting up

148 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

an animal eat titbits from the still quivering flesh after
roasting them in this way for a few minutes. Meat is also
stewed in pots.

Slices of pumpkin are broiled in the rind or boiled.
Peanuts are roasted in the hot ashes in the shells, or are
shelled and boiled, or are crushed and boiled with other
things.

There are two varieties of cassava, the farinaceous roots
of which are eaten ; one is sweet and can be cooked and
eaten straightway, but the bitter kind contains hydrocyanic
acid, and must be steeped in water to remove the poison.
The roots are not made into flour, but are either eaten raw
or are boiled or roasted in the ashes.

Some fruits are cut up, dried in the sun, and kept for
use later. A few foods, such as peanuts, miseza, sorghum,
and a kind of maize are cooked and then preserved in cala-
bashes and pots. To do this is kuampula, and the preserved
provision is called shidyo shampule ; it is highly esteemed
for its sweetness. A person who is in a hurry to unseal and
eat these delicacies has a special name given him ; he is
called a shizwazwale.

Salt as an article of diet is much prized by the Ba-ila,
and is perhaps the thing they lack most. Nowadays they
can buy fine salt in the European stores, but left to their
own devices the only way they can get it is by filtering
and evaporating the saline soil of certain localities. The
Basanga district is the chief salt producer. A long wooden
trough, like a canoe, is hollowed out of a tree-trunk. Baskets,
called inshika, are placed four or five in a row upon sticks
put across the trough. The baskets are filled with the earth,
and water poured on which drains through into the trough,
carrying the salt with it. The solution is evaporated in
potsherds over fires, and the salt gathered into baskets, a
foot long and 3 inches in diameter. Such baskets are a
form of currency. Five of them were the price of a male
calf, three of a sucking calf, and twenty of a heifer.

The Bambala make salt from the kampokompoko, a
plant growing on the river-banks It is gathered, dried,
and burnt ; water is run through the ashes, the solution is
evaporated, and the saline deposit collected.

CH. vi AGRICULTURE; FOODS; NARCOTICS 149

Beer is made from various materials. Imbote (" honey
beer ") is made of mankanza a mana, the honeycomb full of
young bees, mixed with honey and water. The mixture
is placed in a narrow-mouthed calabash (iloba), and set
near a fire or in the sunshine to ferment ; next day it is
ready for drinking, or if there is need it can be made in the
morning and drunk the same evening. It is said to be
very intoxicating.

Beer made from grain is of three kinds, differing in the
degree to which they are fermented ; one (ibwantu, chibwantu
namala) is mild, the others (bukoko, funku) are stronger.
To brew beer is kukumba. The following is the process for
brewing funku. To prepare the malt (bumena) grain is put
into a calabash with water, covered over and left three
days ; the water is then poured off, and leaves from the
munto tree are put with the grain for the purpose of making
the malt "fierce" (lemana). This is left for another two
days. Then other grain is soaked, and next day is dried,
made into fine flour, boiled with water, and set to cool.
The malt is crushed and added to this and well worked up
with the hands, and left all next day. On the following
day the mixture is cooked, and gets the name mozhozho.
Next day it stands, and on the following day other malt is
added ; it is now matimba. The same day other grain is
stamped and soaked in water ; next day it is crushed and
boiled ; this is the kakonde, which is added to the matimba.
Then other meal is cooked and mixed up well : this is muwa,
and is added to the matimba. Next day the product is
funku, and ready to be consumed. It is highly intoxicating.

4. A LIST OF FOODS AND DRINKS

The following is a fairly complete list of the things con-
sumed by the Ba-ila. Note : * means that the article is used
by some people only, and is taboo to others ; ** by Balumbu
only, not by Ba-ila proper ; *** by Bambala only, not by
Ba-ila proper ; **** by boys only, more or less stealthily.

Cultivated Grain. — Mapopwe (maize), macheme, kolwe,
matuba (sorghums), masi (millet), and lubele (a kind of eleusine).
Of these the Ba-ila proper prefer the maize, the Bambala the
sorghum, and the Balumbu the millet.

150 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. H

Uncultivated Grain. — Chitonga and muswenge : two wild
varieties growing in the swamps ; they are palatable and largely
eaten by the Batwa.

Pumpkins, Marrows, Gourds, various kinds. — Ipushi, mungu,
impungu, kampande, muntemba, namundalanga, matanga
(melon), makoa (cucumbers).

Other Cultivated Things. — Imbata, kandolo (sweet potatoes),
miseza (a small tuber), inyemu (peanuts), imbwila (ground pea),
intalabanda (beans), makamba (cassava).

Leaves of Wild Plants used as vegetables. — Ipububu, mupika,
mpampachiubo, impoko (also chewed raw), lutende, bunkululu,
ihubu, sonkwe, namukalakanyemu, ibondwe.

Various Wild Roots and Bulbs. — Intonge (roots of the chisa-
kabale palm, eaten raw, boiled or roasted) ; mantembe, manko-
longwa, busala (poisonous bulbs, cut up and steeped in water
three or four days, dried and ground) ; impuzha, inyani (roots,
chewed raw) ; inkobwa (root of a tree, chewed raw or roasted,
remains spat out) ; makweyo, imbe (water-lily roots, eaten raw
or cooked) ; imangu (a water plant, peeled, and the inside eaten
raw).

Wild Fruits. — Matobo, chibumbu (seeds picked out) ; inkuzu
(wild fig), imbula, isole, imbu, chibulanshi, shikisu, chisombwe,
chivubika ; munsansa (wild grape), mangomba ; mawi, metu
(hard-rind wild oranges) ; mankomona (palm fruit) ; bunguntanga
(a wild marrow, seeds taken out, stamped and added to relish,
meat, or vegetable) ; intumbulwa ; malolo (may not be roasted) ;
chilumbalumba (sucked and the seed spat out), inshushu,1
insekwa ; mabuzu 2 (baobab fruit), bufumbo, mabungo.

Various Dishes. — Chimbulu cha masi (millet cooked whole
with powdered peanuts) ; budyodyo (ground peas and beans
cooked together) ; chindambwa (porridge made of meal and
powdered peanuts) ; kayobe, katongola (peanuts broken up,
cooked with salt) ; museta (bits of mankomona fruit beaten up
with nut meal and salt, 'eaten raw) ; mangvhungvhuma (pea-
nuts boiled in their shells).

Animals eaten. — Chinengwe (ant-bear), munyati * (buffalo),
nkuntula (bush-pig), inzuzhi (cerval), chibila (coney), nakasha*
(duiker), musefu * (eland), muzovu * (elephant), sulwe* (hare),
konze*(hartebeest),chivhubwe (hippopotamus), mwaba* (jackal),
ngombani (klipspringer), namutentaula (kudu), nanja (lechwe),
shimidima* (lemur), shumbwa* (lion), shiluwe* (leopard), sokwe*
(monkey) , shilumba (muirkat) , nakaf wif wi * (oribi) , chibawe (otter) ,

1 Ripens in the rainy season. It is taboo to roast it in the rainy
season, lest the grain should dry up.

2 It is taboo to suck the seeds ; you should soak them in water, stir
and drink, otherwise a crocodile will bite you.

CH.VI AGRICULTURE; FOODS; NARCOTICS 151

nanzeli (pallah), chaminungwe (porcupine), shikisunu* (puku),
mucheka** (python), fungwe (rat el), naluvwi* (reedbuck), she-
mpela (rhinoceros), chilumbulumbu (roan antelope), katanta (sable
antelope), polongwe (elephant shrew), shichinzobe (situtunga),
kanyimba (skunk), namunkwize (spring-hare), shikonzo (squirrel),
timba (steinbok), fulwe (tortoise), mukulo* (waterbuck), shankodi
(wart-hog), munyumbwi (gnu), chibizi* (zebra), inshimba (genet),
chinao (wild-cat), shimatuya (a long-haired, genet-like animal),
mwalangane (white-tailed, badger?), malama* (cheetah), shilu-
fukwe ** (mole), imbeba *** (field-rat), chiwena ** (crocodile),
nabulwe (iguana), inkwikwi (locusts), inswa (termites in flying
stage);

Birds eaten. — Kanzambwa (bittern), shimampodio (black-
capped bulbul), tumbwe (bush-shrike), shichiboba (bustard),
shikakonze (buzzard eagle), nyungwe * (capped wheat-ear) ;
lukobo (cattle egret), inkwizhikwizhi (common bulbul), namuwane
(crested crane), lubutwi (dikkop), milondwe (diver), shichi-
nshainshai (Egyptian goose), ikobozhi (great white egret ),shikwaze
(fish eagle), moze (flamingo), kwale (francolin), lubangwa (grey
hornbill), inkanga (guinea-fowl), shinamambwe (heron), inanda-
nanda (jacana),icheche (Jardine's babbler), shapidio**** (kestrel),
bimbe**** (kite), shichinkotwe (knob-nosed goose), shikulekule
(lapwing), chidiongwe (long-tailed shrike), shikabila (marabout
stork), shiakotomanuma (paradise widow bird), kazhimusha
(painted snipe), shifundwe (pelican), inchoya (pochard), kanko-
wulu (red-crested korhaan), kanchele**** (redwing, if eaten by
adults they would chelumuka, i.e. become destitute), shijingongo
(sand grouse), chivhwevhwe (Senegal concal), nachisekwe (spur-
winged goose), nakakodio (stork), shimombampako (striped king-
fisher), shikandyondyo (Temminck's courser), shimowe (lesser
toucan), shibwididi (wild duck), inzhiba, inkwidimba, kalu-
ngunzhiba (pigeons), intite (a tiny bird), busokoshi (fink), indea
(a blackbird).

Fish eaten. — Imbavu (bream), mubondo (barbel), chisekele,
intungu, kalongwe, mulopwe, mulumbu, muzonzwe, shaluzuke,*
shimbembe,* shimulele, inkungwe, pata, inzanzhi, shichokochoko.

Drinks. — Menzhi (water), mukupa * (fresh milk), menze( whey),
menzhambwe (whey and water), muhama (mixture of honey and
water), imbote (honey beer), mema (palm wine), luswazhi (made
from unripe imbula fruit, beaten up in a mortar with water,
stood near fire or in sun ; after a day or two forms a pleasant
non-intoxicating drink), mangvhuma (outside of palm-fruit cut
off and boiled : when cool the liquid is drunk), mabuzu (seeds of
baobab soaked in water and the liquid drunk) , chibwantu namala,
ibwantu, bukoko, funku (beers) ; various other fruits are steeped
and the liquid drunk (mawi, chongola, shikisu, and bufumbo).

152 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

5. NARCOTICS

Tobacco is largely grown, especially among the Bambala,
and is of a good quality, but they are very ignorant of the
proper means of curing and preparing it. The seed is sown
towards the end of the rainy season immediately under the
shade of the hut roof, and the plants are transplanted when
big enough to a fertile patch, preferably an ant-heap. No
care is taken to pinch the suckers or to curtail the number
of leaves, and the plants are allowed to set seed. They
have two ways of preparing it. The kind called nalubotu
or mukweka, is made of short leaves, pounded in a mortar
and turned out in flat cakes ; this is very strong. Namakati,
from long-leaved plants, is cooked and made into large
sausage-shaped lumps, weighing ten pounds or more. They
use pipes, with earthenware bowls and long reed stems. In
smoking (kufweba) a piece of tobacco is broken off the lump,
placed in the bowl with a live coal on it ; after a few whiffs
the pipe is passed on to a companion. Both men and
women smoke.

Snuff (intombwe) is made of tobacco and mudidima wa
makweyo, the long flower-stalks of the water-lily. These
stalks are plaited, cut up, and dried in sherds over a fire,
and the residue ground up with tobacco. The glands of the
kanyimba (skunk) are often added as a flavour. Snuff is
carried in small globular seed-pods.

Hemp (lubange) is also extensively grown, and is smoked
in a kind of narghile : made with a large earthenware bowl,
and a calabash stem, filled with water, through which the
smoke is drawn. The hemp provokes coughing and makes
the smoker insensible, and, if persisted in, senseless. It is a
common thing when passing through a village to hear the
characteristic violent coughing and wild exclamations coming
from a hut in which one of these smokers is intoxicating
himself. As he coughs and smokes he talks to his pipe:
" Inzhimika. Mufubu ati ulakumbila kudya " (" Make me
unconscious ! The fool says he asks for food," — as if any
one needs food when he can get hemp !). So we heard a
man exclaim one day.

CHAPTER VII
* * *

HUNTING AND FISHING

i. METHODS OF HUNTING

LIVING amidst the wealth of game that has been described
in a previous chapter, it would be surprising if the Ba-ila
were not, as they are, keen lovers of hunting.

Though indulging in several methods of hunting, it is
undoubtedly the chase which most appeals to them, when
with their couple of spears and the assistance of three or
four mongrel lurchers they, by endurance and perseverance,
actually run down their quarry.

Hunting is followed more or less the whole year after
purely native methods.

A few there are, who, armed with the primitive but
efficient six-foot bow and poisoned arrows, or with ancient
muzzle-loader, stalk their game after European fashion.
The fiercest animal is soon laid low when pierced with the
slender arrow whose tip has been smeared with a mixture
of fat and the ground seeds of the bulembi creeper.

The only form of native hunting abhorrent to the sports-
man is that followed when the rains set in in earnest and
the ground becomes boggy and soft. The natives then
manoeuvre to drive their game towards these treacherous
patches, and as the unfortunate animals flounder and sink
they stab them one after the other. By these cruel and
unsportsmanlike means a whole herd of zebra or wildebeest
is frequently exterminated. A case is known to the writers
where the natives, tired of killing, contented themselves
at last with depriving a dozen or more living zebra of their
tails for fly-whisks, and left them fast imbedded in the mud.

153

154

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. II

It is only a year since seven hippopotami were actually
killed in this manner.

Photo E. It'. Smith.

Bows AND ARROWS.

It is at this time, just when the flats are beginning to
fill, that the big hunts occur, when the inhabitants of several

CH. vii HUNTING AND FISHING 155

districts combine, to the number of several hundred men, to
surround the herds of lechwe, which are slowly retreating
before the deepening water. The unfortunate game, actually
and not metaphorically between the devil and the deep sea,
are speared sometimes by hundreds. The most repre-
hensible feature of these " slaughter hunts " is that, as
the lechwe skin is the favourite petticoat of a Mwila woman
and as the rams are too large to be used for the purpose, it
is the does that the destruction is primarily aimed at.
There is little doubt that the Government will by degrees
regulate this destruction. Against the unfortunate lechwe
the campaign is directed the whole year round. As the
water deepens and the numerous watercourses become
impassable, the light hunting dug-out, drawing 3 inches
of water, comes into use ; propelled by long 10-foot poles,
it flies over the flooded flat and rarely returns as lightly
laden as it went. An expert hunter will frequently kill
half a dozen in a morning, if possible all does. As the year
rolls on and the water recedes, the combined bands from
the different kraals return and repeat their tactics. Having
a perfect knowledge of the lie of the land and the depth of
the water, it is not difficult to repeat their success. It
might be thought that now for a period the lechwe would
enjoy rest. On the contrary, the most harassing time is
yet to come. When the flats are dry and burnt, the young
bloods pour out on to the flats, accompanied by their dogs,
and day after day chase the lechwe, still pursuing the
harmless does, who being without horns cannot inflict the
injury on the dogs that the rams can. At the same time
the old hunters dig lines of cleverly concealed pitfalls in
the vicinity of the water. While the lechwe hunting badly
needs regulation, it is possible to blame the native too
severely, who but follows the course he has pursued for
centuries in endeavouring to obtain meat for his family and
a skin dress for his wife.

It is, however, a mistake to argue or suppose that these
methods have been followed to the same degree for cen-
turies. The writers have known men who, previous to the
European occupation, had never been twelve miles from
their village for fear of capture or death. It is the security

156 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. H

engendered by the European occupation that has let loose
these hundreds or thousands of hunters on the lechwe, and
their invariable success cannot fail very seriously to diminish
the numbers of this beautiful antelope.

It is due to the natives to admit that there are those
amongst them not less backward in following far more
dangerous methods of hunting. Among these the old
hippopotamus hunters, now fast vanishing, must be given
the palm. The hunter, generally a middle-aged man,
accompanied by a youth expert with the paddle, was accus-
tomed to keep watch on a herd of hippo, who enjoy above
all things a siesta on the water in the middle of the day.
When one was observed isolated and sound asleep, the two
shoved off in a tiny light dug-out canoe. The old man
standing in the bow, armed with his heavy hippo spear
with a shaft two inches thick and with a paddle between
his feet, waited motionless while his assistant in the stern,
with imperceptible strokes, without noise or ripple, brought
the canoe within striking distance. The old man then
launched his spear with all his force deep into the broad
back, and while the monster hurled himself out of the water
with a tremendous roar, seized his paddle and, both re-
versing, assisted his companion to paddle the canoe to
safety. If the first blow had been skilfully directed the
hippopotamus soon exhausted himself by his struggles, the
attack was repeated, and the end came quickly.

A more prosaic method of killing was by means of a trap,
not the ordinary harpoon trap released with a spring and
suspended to a tree under which a well-worn hippo-path
passes, but apparently a local invention. At some favourite
grazing place a number of stout poles four or five feet long
were arranged in two parallel lines ; at the end was a
keen small blade about three or four inches long projecting
upwards. Sooner or later, the hippopotamus grazing round
and accustomed to snap all growth or dead wood amongst
which he moved, brushed into the commonplace-looking
trap, the keen blade penetrated, and his struggles to shake
off the pole simply caused the heavily weighted blade to
penetrate deeper.

The Ba-ila make far less use of traps and nooses than

CH. vii HUNTING AND FISHING 157

most other native tribes, probably because in so rich a
game country more straightforward methods give better
results. The toze or noose-trap is employed by the herds
and small boys for catching doves, f rancolin, and guinea-fowl,
and at certain times of the year large numbers of spurwing
geese are taken by its aid. The madiba, in which a stone is
used for the ordinary fall-trap, is also much used by the
little boys. The trap shown in the sketch is set in a path
in the forest to catch small antelope. A young sapling
(mweto) is bent over, and to its end a strong cord attached,
the extremity of which is formed into a noose (mafwiza).
This is buried in a small hole (kadindi] in the ground, care-
fully covered over with bits of bark (mapapo) and then

Kaponiponi
Mafwiza

Impopo
DIAGRAM OF GAME TRAP.

earth. Attached to the cord, above the loop, is a shorter
string terminating in a small piece of wood tied crosswise
(kaponiponi) which is hitched into the angle formed by the
monono and impopo, two pieces of wood which constitute
the trigger. If an animal steps on the hole it depresses the
monono, releases the trigger, the sapling straightens itself,
and the noose catches round the foot of the animal, which
finds itself jerked into the air a prisoner. The inkolongo is a
cylinder of wood fastened to the cord to prevent the animal
from releasing itself by biting through the cord. We have
more than once, through stepping inadvertently on to a
trap, found ourselves in this ignominious position, with one
leg in the air fast, and quite helpless till released by our boys.
The practice of digging pitfalls has largely fallen into
disuse of late, viewed as it is with strong disfavour by

158 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

European sportsmen, who object to being suddenly pre-
cipitated into a deep hole, even if a stake or spear at the
bottom is lacking. In the old days, advantage was taken
of thick bush, the resort of eland, buffalo, and koodoo, and
pitfalls extending for a couple of miles were skilfully dug.
In the not infrequent event of a capture the meat was
divided between the owner of the pit and the finder.

The success with which the natives and their dogs pursue
the lech we has already been dilated upon. This success
is no less marked with other animals in the forest. In many
places the wart-hog is almost exterminated, while roan and
eland frequently fall victims, — these two species particu-
larly because, disdaining to run from the dogs, they stand
at bay, ignorant of the two-legged hunter with his darts
panting behind.

When, as often happens, the pig seeks refuge in a burrow,
the hunter rejoices : his quarry is secure. Otherwise the
pig stands a very sporting chance. His peculiar trot takes
him over the ground at a pace that taxes the powers of a
good pony if the going is at all rough. Having stopped the
earth with a few thorns or branches, a smoke-fire generally
brings the pig to the waiting spear, otherwise he has to be
dug out. Knocking out his small axe blade, the hunter
inserts it in the handle sideways, and thus obtains a hoe
wherewith to dig, and in a few minutes all is over.

A stranger visiting the Ila country will be struck by the
number of men bearing scars on their bodies ; on making
enquiries he will learn that many are the result of encounters
with a lion or leopard. These honourable scars are gained
either as the result of chance encounters, or as the outcome
of a determined effort to save the precious cattle. Two
such encounters were brought to our notice last year, when
a solitary herd came upon a lion and a leopard respectively.
In each case the beast was vanquished and slain. In each
case also was the herdsman mauled by the beast, with
fatal results. Some three years ago, the cattle of the chief
Mwezwa of Nyambo were grazing at night in the vicinity,
when a lion caught and killed a cow. Four young men in
the morning went out to bring in the meat. On arriving
at the carcase they found the lion still in possession. With-

CH. vn HUNTING AND FISHING 159

out hesitation they attacked him and kept up the fight
until three had been mauled and bitten ; the fourth then
went for assistance. These occurrences are repeated year
after year. The Ba-ila boast with reason that they are not
afraid of lions. The people of Makuzu are renowned for
their prowess in this direction. This present year at
Nalubanda a lion attacking their cattle was fought and
killed, first mauling two of his assailants ; a third man
received in his own chest a spear meant for the lion and
succumbed to his wound. These are deeds worthy of men,
and it is impossible to withhold our admiration and respect
from men performing them.

We have known men who have a special feud against
the fierce beasts. If a man's relation has been mauled, and
more especially if he has been killed by a lion or leopard,
he declares his unfailing enmity against the whole species,
and loses no opportunity of killing them.

Possibly the remark may not be taken amiss if we urge
those who feel they have hardly the right to risk their lives
in following dangerous game — those who have given hostages
to fortune — to leave them alone altogether. No sportsman
has the right to fire at dangerous game if he is not prepared
to follow it to the bitter end in thick covert. White men
are still scarce in some parts of the territory, and tales of
men, happily rare, throwing down their rifles after firing,
and running, or of a camera which had to be recovered the
next day, seriously diminish the prestige of the white race.
The writers well remember the interest with which enquiries
were made as to the nationality of a man who safely and
comfortably shot two buffalo from a tree. It is sufficient

to add that he was not a Briton.

•

2. METHODS OF FISHING

The Kafue, its lagoons and tributaries swarm with fish,
and the Ba-ila make extensive use as food and merchandise
of the fish which they catch in enormous numbers by means
of ingenious contrivances. At certain seasons one meets
long processions of men, women, and children coming up.
from the river all laden with fish. We counted once fifteen

i6o

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

baskets each containing over a hundred bream of about
three pounds weight — over two tons of fish as the result of
one day's fishing. Of bream there are twelve varieties, two
of barbel, and tiger-fish, ground-fish, and mud-fish complete
another round dozen.

The simplest way of fishing is to wade into a shallow
pool and grope with the hands for the fish hidden away in
the mud at the bottom.

The Ba-ila use hooks called mavwezhi — the generic name

Photo E. W. Smith.

A QUICK CATCH.

being tulobo — and as bait (bupo) bits of meat or fish. The
ivwezhi is a hook -of iron, 2f inches long and i| inches across,
tapering to a point without a barb. They do not angle as
we do. The hook is tied by a strong string to reeds on the
river-brink, and there being no float it sinks as far as the
line allows. The fisher returns at intervals to examine it.
Or the baited hook is tied by a string to a bundle of reeds
and thrown into the stream. The fisher watches its progress
down stream, and when he has reason to think a fish is
caught he goes in a canoe to pull in the hook.

Fish are speared with the barbed fish-spears (miumba)

CH. vii HUNTING AND FISHING 161

in different ways. Two men go along in a canoe, one
paddling, the other armed with a fish-spear elongated by
means of a reed attached to it. As the canoe
glides along he shoots the spear into the water at
random, sliding the long shaft through his hand
so as to keep control over it. Most times he gets
nothing, but it is astonishing to see the number
of fish they can impale in an hour in this fashion.

In the early part of the rainy season when the dry
watercourses begin to fill and join company again with the
river, the fish, so the natives say, come out of the rivers
into these tributaries to chela, i.e. to find food. Whether
that be actually so or not, certain it is that the fish are there
in great numbers, and the people take advantage of it.
Hundreds of men armed with miumba wade up and down
these streams, prodding as they go, and in a very short time
go off laden with fish, immense barbel for the most part.
Often this fishing takes place at night, by torchlight. This
method is named ikuo. In August or September the pro-
cess is repeated in the large pools left by the last season's
floods, and once again they gain a rich harvest.

They have also ways of constructing weirs for entrapping
fish. Small streams, which later on will dry up, are dammed
(kushinkidizha) so as to allow only some of the water to
escape ; as the stream dries the fish are unable to get away,
and are simply scooped up above the dam. Among the
rocks on the bank of the Kafue the spaces are blocked, and
as the river falls many fish are stranded in the same way.

The Balumbu have a method not employed by the
Ba-ila proper. In the spring (September or October) they
make a Iwando, a long open-work reed mat, attached
to which is a supplementary mat, called masambala, to
prevent the fish from jumping over. This is sunk upright
in the river and kept vertical by means of weights, called
manda, formed of large lumps of hard ant-heap covered with
grass. Men wade along in the river pushing this mat in
front of them, and gradually edge in towards the bank,
enclosing a number of fish, which are then scooped out.
Before they start pushing the Iwando, the fish-doctor, carrying
a potful of " medicine," steps into the water in front of

VOL. I M

1 62

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

the mat — mu chidimba they call it — fills his mouth with
"medicine " and spits it round about ; he then offers a prayer :
" Twakabomba ! Uchibosha Leza watuabila bachiwena inswi
shinjishinji ! " (" We are humble before Thee. Make good, O
Leza, and give to us crocodiles and many fish "). It happens

Photo P.. /r. Smith.

THE IVHUMBO FISH-TRAP.

sometimes, of course, that in pushing the Iwando they
enclose a crocodile ; this causes great excitement and pro-
vides great sport ; it is looked upon as a good omen for
the fishing, as they believe that where a crocodile is there
also are many fish.

Fish-traps are employed largely by the Ba-ila. The

CH. VII

HUNTING AND FISHING

163

ivhumbo (or izhizhi) is in the form of a conical basket,
made of light sticks and bark-string. In using these, people

K A F U E

Holes for
caught fish

THE MONO FISH-TRAP.

wade into pools and shallow water and place them over fish.
The fish are removed by hand out from the apex of the trap.

A more elaborate trap is the mono, shaped similarly to
the ivhumbo, but more elongated and with an inside trap-
door called buvhwazhi.
The fish entering the
wide open end find them-
selves unable to get out
again. The miono are
arranged in numbers at
the confluence of the
Kafue and one of the
lagoons. The plan and
photographs will show
the arrangement. This
form of weir is called
mielo. The fish which
get into the reed -mat
enclosure, the doors of
which are left open for
a time, are scooped out
with nets or speared ;
from the traps they are
taken out by hand. As
they are taken out they

are tied together by the gills into bundles and thrown into'
small pools dug out in the bank, and so kept fresh until
required by the curers at work near by. We have watched
many thousands of fish being taken out of such a place and
cut up and dried on the bank.

The net used by the Ba-ila is a prawn net called Iwanga —

PLAN OF THE MIELO WEIR.

164

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

the generic name is lutele — the framework consisting of a
long forked stick bent into a rough oval shape. Two of
these are seen lying on the miono in the photograph (p. 166).
On the Nanzela River another form of weir is con-
structed at the time of the rise and overflow of the river.
As it rises the water flows into the watercourses running
across the flats, which during the dry season are empty.
The people make long mats of reeds (masasa) and fix them
across a watercourse so that the fish attempting to regain

Photo E. IV. Smith.

PREPARING FOR THE FISHING.
Making the has*.

the river are caught. The mats are kept in position by
means of stakes driven into the ground. They are arranged
in a V-shape pointing towards the river ; at the apex an
open space is left between them, and another mat is placed
around the opening in the position shown in the plan. The
two enclosures thus formed are named manda (" houses"),
and in them the fish are held. The fishers enter the water
above the mat and prod about with their spears, impaling
what fish they can. They also spear the fish in the manda.
Some of them lean over and catch the imprisoned fish in
their hands, but this is at the risk of seizing a nasty little

i66

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

fish called shichokochoko (Synodontis macrostigma, Blge.),
which shoots out a sharp spike on its back and causes a
painful wound. In a few hours hundreds of fish of all kinds
are caught. This method is named kukosola chimpinda.

Farther down the river is a break in the bank, through
which when the water rises it pours in a swift flood. There
is no definite watercourse at this point, but the water
spreads out over the low-lying ground. Great quantities

Photo K. II ". Smith.

THE MIELO IN POSITION (NEARER VIEW).

of fish are carried in this flood ; the men simply walk about
in the shallow water and spear them.

Lastly, we may mention the fish-poisons scattered in
the pools in winter and spring ; these are made by pounding
up certain wild bulbs, tinde and kanyangalakata, and the
bark of the chiwezeze. We have never seen this operation,
but are told that it is very efficacious, the poison making
the fish senseless ; they say it especially affects the eyes
of the fish, causing them to burst. This method of fishing
is named kutwila.

Fish not required for immediate consumption are dried,

CH. VII

HUNTING AND FISHING

167

either in the sun or over fires. They are split lengthwise,
heads and tails are not removed, but the insides are taken

A.A. The Manda
C.C. Supporting posts

Dotted lines show the mats

PLAN OF THE WEIR : KUKOSOLA CHIMPINDJ.

out. The natives not only consume great quantities of this
dried fish themselves, but trade with it among the people
living away from the river.

3. SOME HUNTING AND FISHING CUSTOMS

We have never had the opportunity of watching the
cutting up of an elephant, but, sitting once in company
with some old Nanzela hunters, we asked and obtained the
following description of the process. The motive under-
lying the rites is to prevent the ghost of the deceased
elephant from taking vengeance upon the hunters, and
to induce it to assist them in bringing the same fate
upon other elephants. When the elephant is dead the
hunter runs off and is chased in mock resentment by
his companions. Then he comes back and climbs upon
the carcase, bearing " medicine " which, after chewing,
he ejects into the wound and anus ; in doing this he
crawls about over the body. He then stands up and
executes a dance upon the carcase, his companions
surrounding the elephant and clapping their hands in
greeting and congratulation. They then proceed to cut

168 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

up the carcase. A beginning is made by cutting out the
fat in the hollows of the temples : from its quantity and
quality they judge the condition of the animal. They then
open the abdomen and remove the intestines. The linings
of the cavity are carefully separated and spread out to dry ;
they are called ingubo (" blankets "), and are intended for
presentation to the bodi, the ladies of the community. They
then cut through the diaphragm : through the opening
the hunter puts his head, seizes the heart in his mouth, and
drags it out. He does not eat it, but the biting is to give
him strength in future hunting. Having removed the
contents of the thorax, they attack the head. There is
some special significance attached to the nerve of the tusk,
called kamwale (" the maiden "). It is carefully abstracted
and buried under the site of the camp-fire. It is not to be
looked upon by the tiros in hunting — they are called bana
(" children ") ; all the time it is being handled they must
turn away their heads, for were they to see it they would
meet with misfortune. Having now completed their work,
they return to the village, beating their axes together and
singing. The people on hearing the noise flock to meet them,
and a great feast, with plenty of beer, is made. But first
an offering is made to Leza (" the Supreme Being "), to the
mizhimo (" the ancestral spirits "), and to the ghost (muzhimo)
of the deceased elephant which has accompanied them to
the village. Addressing this last they say : " O spirit, have
you no brothers and fathers who will come to be killed ?
Go and fetch them." The ghost of the elephant then
returns and joins the herd as the guardian of the elephant
who has " eaten its name." Observe that they regard the
elephants as acting as men act : one dies and another
inherits his position, " eats his name," as they say.

Before a man can be admitted into the brotherhood of
elephant hunters he must undergo a process of being
doctored. Gashes are cut in his right arm and " medicine "
is rubbed in to give him pluck ; and other " medicines "
are administered to enable him to approach his quarry
without being seen.

As we shall see later, there are certain taboos put on the
hunters and fishermen ; here we may describe what takes

CH. vii HUNTING AND FISHING 169

place at the Iwando fishing. The men leave the villages and
encamp on the river-bank, and until the fishing is over
they are forbidden to have commerce with their wives or
other women. If in the midst of the fishing a man should
return home to take a bundle of fresh fish and should break
this rule, the effect would at once be seen, for the next time
the Iwando was pushed along there would be no fish taken.
When this happens they say, " Umwi waleta masoto ku
Iwando " (" Some one has brought a (sexual) transgression
to the Iwando"). The diviner is called in to detect the
wrongdoer and he is driven away. " Medicine " is then
brought to cleanse the Iwando, and if all is well the next
pushing gives a good catch.

CHAPTER VIII
* *

WARFARE

THE conditions of life amidst which the Ba-ila existed until
the close of last century — a life in which the elders were
perpetually either on the defensive or offensive — naturally
familiarised them at an early age with the idea of warfare.
These ideas, however, differ very widely from those of
our own race. When their attacks consisted largely of
ambuscades and surprises, and their defence in precipitate
flight, it would be unreasonable to expect or seek for the
true fighting spirit. The dogged, straightforward methods
of fighting which we prize so highly are not to be found
amongst the Ba-ila, who do not profess to understand them,
but on the contrary fully appreciate and follow the maxim
that he who fights and runs away may live to fight another
day. To die in the last ditch would appear to almost all of
them the height of folly. They themselves hold the view,
and act upon it, that courage is shown, or a man's heart is
strong, as they put it, under certain circumstances only.
The brave on land may be a coward on the water. The
man who will charge boldly close up to a lion may shrink
from the same action towards his fellow-man or an angry
buffalo. This view is easily comprehended. The European
seeks to habituate his mind to the idea of death in any form,
and to school himself to face it boldly. To the native the
thought of it is dreadful, and though, as we have shown,
they are not devoid of courage of a high order, certain
conditions to which they are accustomed are necessary to
enable them to show it, and the native face to face with
peril to which he is not accustomed loses heart immediately.

170

CH. VIII

WARFARE

171

The youngsters become quickly familiar with the sight
of mimic fights and the constant kwenzha-iug they see at

Photo E. Jlr. Smit/t.

BA-ILA WARRIORS.

every festival or funeral stimulates them to try and show
off their agility and speed in imitating the actions of their
elders. Kukwenzha is the term applied to imitative acts
of charging, casting the spear and dodging those of the

172

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

enemy which take place on every occasion of importance
when people are gathered before whom the young men may
show off.

The mimic fights we have often seen, and they form a
most realistic spectacle. As many as four hundred young
men face each other, armed with reeds or spear-shafts, and
arrayed as we have already described on p. 106. While the
drums boom the notes of the war-dance, the men work

Photo G. H. Nicholls.

A MIMIC FIGHT.

themselves up by shouts, shrieks, whistlings, and lululuings,
which last when used by women mean welcome but by men
defiance. On the signal, the two ranks charge, and the air
is dark with darts ; they retreat and gather fresh missiles —
those thrown by their opponents. Again they rush forward,
and as they retreat a form is seen lying on the ground
twisting in agony with a spear apparently through his body.
The one side rush forward to " mak siccar," his friends to
save and drag him away. The two sides seem about to

CH. VIII

WARFARE

173

close, but their spear is no thrusting weapon, and the supply
runs short ; the attack is relinquished, and the wounded
man seized and hastily dragged to the rear. Should the
efforts of his friends be vain, a man imitates the action of
hacking off his head with a blunt battle-axe to take as a
trophy, the while rolling his eyes, bloodshot from excitement,
from side to side, on the alert for an attempt at rescue.
The whole spectacle is most realistic ; the writhings of the
apparently injured man are so life-like that the European

Photo G. H. Nicholls.

A MIMIC FIGHT : HURLING THE SPEARS.

spectator is impelled to rush forward to his aid, quickly to
sink back into his seat amidst the laughter of the native
spectators around him. The actors have without doubt
often taken part in the real thing.

In addition to the practice afforded by these mimic
fights, the youths gained valuable experience in marching and
scouting by accompanying their elders on makodi (" raids ").
When anxious for a little diversion, two or three comrades
would start off through the bush, and some days' march
away would lie in wait on a path until some women and

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

children came along. These they would seize as slaves,
ensuring silence by blows and threats, and drive them
through the veld to their homes. The danger of successful
pursuit was very slight as the start gained before the captives
were missed was too considerable. Should an armed man,
or men, come along, to the shame of the Ba-ila it must be
said that he, or they, were usually stabbed in the back.

Photo G. H. \iclwlls.

A MIMIC FIGHT : THE CHARGE.

Many men are alive to-day who gained great renown through
these raids.

As the following story will show, the odds were not
always with the big battalions. A certain man left a kraal
accompanying his mistress. He was seen by some one, who
said, " Let us follow and kill him." As they drew near
him in the flat the woman said, " There are people coming."
The man entered a copse and cut a staff, another he obtained
from an ant-heap, because he had no spears, only an axe.

CH. vni WARFARE 175

In the meantime two of the pursuers seized the woman,
and the others addressed them, saying, " Why do you seize
the woman ? It is not she we came out to slay." The
man thereupon emerged full speed out of the copse and
charged them as they were grouped together. He threw
his staff, and they derided him, saying, " Truly he mocks
himself to-day." Again he struck, hitting a man, who fell
down. He seized his spears and chased the others, killing

Photo G. H. \icholls.

A MIMIC FIGHT : SPEARING THE EARTH AT THE END OF A CHARGE.

five of them and recovering his mistress, after which he
left them alone.

It remains to describe the methods pursued in warfare.
Strangely though it may appear after the instances of
treachery we have given, the Ba-ila displayed certain sport-
ing, if not chivalrous, instincts preparatory to their biggest
fights. Frequently a formal challenge was sent, and, if
accepted, an arrangement was made to fight on a given day
at a certain spot. Since the advent of the British adminis-
tration application has more than once been made to the
officials by antagonistic villages for " one day's, just one

176

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

day's " encounter on the flats. On other occasions the
challengers would pass in battle array outside and some
distance from the kraal of their opponents, in order, so it
was explained, not to disturb the domestic life of the village.
Before the actual fighting certain ceremonial observances
took place, the principal being a solemn sacrifice to the

Photo G. H. Nicholls.

A MIMIC FIGHT : A GROUP OF ADMIRING FEMALE SPECTATORS.

muzhimo of the district, with prayers for victory and a safe
return. All sexual intercourse was avoided, and the women
were instructed to remain chaste while their husbands were
away fighting, lest harm should befall them. They were
also forbidden to throw anything at one another for fear lest
their relations should be speared, or to imitate any kind of
blow. They were also forbidden to dance, the period until

WARFARE

177

the safe return of the warriors was assured being one rather
for mourning than for rejoicing. The fighting men looked
to their weapons, arrayed themselves as we have described
already, and smeared themselves with ash and white earth.
As each man advanced to the fight he chewed " medicine "
to render himself invisible.

When opposed to their fellow-Ba-ila the method was

Photo G. H. Mckolls.

RETURNING FROM THE FIGHT.

fairly straightforward. Charge and counter -charge as
described in the paragraph on mimic fights followed in quick
succession. No quarter was given, and each enemy, whether
already dead or not, was promptly beheaded, the skull being
taken home and exhibited as a trophy at the kraal. The
testicles were cut off, and afterwards added to a relish
(chidisho) and eaten. If eaten by a coward he would at
once vomit, but a brave warrior would have his heart
strengthened.

VOL. I

N

178 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

Intertribal fights lasted a long time, each party gathering
the spears thrown by their opponents. If it was desired
by one side quickly to bring the matter to an end by a sharp
decisive combat, the shafts of the spears were half sawn
through and thus broke on descending.

It is obvious that against the Matabele with their short
stabbing spears and the kerrie-armed Barotsi, who all carried
war shields, the Mwila was entirely helpless when his supply
of light casting-spears was exhausted. It is comical to
observe the chagrin and disgust with which a Mwila will
describe some old fight and tell how, all the spears having
been caught on the hide shields, thwack would descend a
kerrie on some defenceless head.

Many chiefs placed " medicine " all around their district
for the discomfiture of attacking parties, and other "medicine "
was placed on old trees so that the knees of the enemy might
weaken and the defenders overtake and slay them.

On returning from a successful fight great rejoicings took
place at the kraal. Each warrior bathed his face in a brew
of " medicine," and each father sacrificed individually to his
ancestral spirit. The first sacrifice was made to the demi-god
of the district ; the heads of the slain enemies were placed
before him with a prayer of thanksgiving : " Thou hast
stood by us. We are not dead but alive, and have slain
our enemies by thy help. See here are the heads of our
foes." The chief slaughtered oxen with which to feast his
warriors. We are acquainted with two young men who,
afraid to engage with the enemy, hid their spears in the
mud of a pond, and were held up to the derision of the kraal
by being refused any part in the feast.

Among the Balumbu similar customs were in vogue.
The testicles of a slain foe were cut off, and, we under-
stand, thrown away, the motive being that as the testicles
are bumi, i.e. the life, the cutting of them off meant killing
the man utterly. After a fight the warriors returned to
the chief's village carrying the heads of the slain enemies.
Next morning the drums beat bukadi, the warriors turned
out, and the chief distributed honours. As each man's
name was called he sprang out into the open and executed
a kind of Salome dance with the head or heads he had

CH. vin WARFARE 179

brought home. This is called kufumba. Then he knelt
down and placed his trophy before the chief. The chief
retained some of the heads and distributed others, together
with induba feathers, to the bravest warriors. He who
brought no trophy did not funiba, nor he who had only
killed a boy or woman. The heads retained by the chief
were stored in the manes' hut, and on great occasions were
brought out and the warriors fumba'd with them. Often
the heads were chopped round above the ears and the
calvaria used as goblets. This is kupampa. The warriors
had to be cleansed. The doctor went round to the
slayers and' put a little "medicine" on each man's tongue,
atamukodi uyayiwa (" that the person slain might not
trouble him"). Another cleansing process is called kupu-
pulula. The warrior was bathed in the fumes of certain
medicines burnt in a sherd : the ashes were afterwards
placed in a koodoo horn and planted at the threshold of his
hut to drive off the ghost of the person he had killed.

CHAPTER IX
*

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS

THE handicrafts of the Ba-ila are restricted, to some extent
by the paucity of the materials at their disposal, but more
by their lack of enterprise and skill. There are materials,
such as cotton, which they do not know how to use, but
which either grow wild or might easily be cultivated. The
industries may be grouped under the categories of the
materials employed : animal stuffs such as ivory and skins ;
vegetable such as wood, grass, and bark ; and mineral such
as clay and iron. Another classification is according to
whether the industry is professional, such as ivory-turning,
iron-smelting, and smithery ; or whether it is domestic, such
as pottery and basketry.

i. WORK IN IVORY

This is a trade severely restricted to a few individuals
by the cost and scarcity of the raw material, and by the
amount of skill required. We have seen fine pieces of work,
such as fly-whisk handles and knife-shafts, wrought by men
of neighbouring tribes, but the only articles made of ivory
by the Ba-ila are bangles (inkaya). These are turned
(kucheka) on a lathe from a section of elephant tusk. The
lathe is of rude construction, but the quality of the work
done is excellent. The tusks are bought from hunters and
are valued in cattle ; a tusk of about twenty pounds weight
being priced at about five cows, say £15. The form of the
lathe is shown in the sketch and photograph. The frame-
work consists of two pieces of hard wood 2 feet 6 inches long,

1 80

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS

181

3 inches thick, and 2 inches wide ; towards each end
these are perforated for the cross-pieces (B, B), which are
inserted and kept tight by means of wedges. Midway
along the length of the pieces A, A, there are two angle-irons
(D, D), the shorter side being inserted into the frame and
the longer jutting out into the centre of the framework.

THE IVORY-TURNER.

The ends of these, which oppose each other, are pointed.
These form the poppets of the lathe. They are inserted
into the block of wood (E) which carries the cylinder of
ivory (F) . Around this block on the turner's right hand is
passed the leather thong of the bow (G) by means of which
the block is rotated ; immediately in front is the tool-rest
(H), a bar of wood secured by pegs to the framework.

182

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. II

B

B

H

In beginning his work on a piece of solid ivory, the
turner bores a small hole at each end, into which the points

of the poppets (D, D)
are inserted. Before
doing so he must, by
knocking out the
wedges (C, C) and the
pegs in the tool-rest,
separate the sides of
the lathe ; having
adjusted the block of
ivory, he replaces the
wedges and makes all
fast. Then, squatting
on the ground, he
clutches the bow in
his right hand and
holds a tool with his
left ; to secure it in position he places his foot upon the
rest with the tool under his big toe. Then he works the
bow.

The first operation in turning a bangle is to cut out the
core of the block of ivory, leaving a hollow cylinder. This
is then secured on the block of wood (E), which, of course,
was not required while he was cutting the solid block. He
then cuts the ivory through of the width required, and at
the same time turns the mongo, the raised " backbone " on
the bangle. The tools used are a hammer and variously
shaped miengo ("carving tools "). The latter include cutters
and a kind of hooked tool — simply a piece of iron bent
round at the end — used as a gouge, all of them mounted
in wooden handles. The cutters are of different sizes with
variously bevelled edges.

As with other trades, ivory-turning is regarded by the
Ba-ila not so much as a matter of talent as of " medicine."
The man procures medicine to give him skill, and periodically
has to wash his face in a certain decoction to keep his eyes
sharp, so that he may not run his chisels awry. It was a
source of immense amusement to the turner and onlookers
when one of us tried his hand at the lathe. Seeing that

CH. ix VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS 183

we had no " medicine," how could we expect to manipulate
the lathe and tools ?

2. SKIN-DRESSING

The Ba-ila are ignorant of the art of tanning ; nor are
they as expert as the Barotsi and Bechuana in dressing and
sewing skins. In this work the cleverest hands are among
the Balumbu, who have been influenced from the west.
The skins of animals are the most natural things for use
as clothing, and the preparation of them consists simply
in making them as soft and flexible as possible. Heavy
hides, such as those of cattle, zebra, and the largest antelope,
are not so easy to work, and are therefore not so much used
as the skins of smaller antelope. The lech we skin, for its
size, softness, and beauty, is the one preferred for the
women's dress ; lion and leopard skins, and those of the
smaller carnivora, as well as those of other smaller animals,
are all employed for dress or ornament.

The process is a simple one. The fresh skin is pegged
down on the ground and all particles of flesh are removed.
It is afterwards scraped with a knife or spear-blade (kuzwa-
buluzha), rubbed with a stone or lump of ant-heap (kumwaila),
and finally worked between the hands (kusuka), with or
without fat, until it is as soft as kid. Holes made by the
spear in killing or skinning the animal are sewn up or
patched by means of thread made from fibrous plants or
fine sinews, those of the duiker, eland, roan, and hartebeest
in particular. Except at Nanzela, no attempt is made at
sewing skins into karosses.

3. STRINGS

Twine for all purposes is made from various fibres
without any mechanical aid, simply by rolling or twisting
between the hands or on the thigh. The action is called
kupesa. To make a three-ply cord is kulundulula. A
coarse thread for sewing is sometimes made in this way
from wild cotton, but the arts of spinning and weaving
are not known.

184

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. II

Two varieties of a fibrous plant named mukusa are much
used for making string. One variety, mukusa-mpumpa,
grows in the mopani forest in the form of spikes one or two

i. Knnunffa.

2. Reef-knot.

3. Slip-knot (Inkosowe).

4. Used in the lusamba, etc.

5. Netting-knot. 6. Noose (Bufwizu).

KNOTS USED BY THE BA-ILA.

feet high : the spike is torn into strips, which are used
without further manipulation to tie up bundles. From the
other variety, named mukusa-matwi , which has flat fleshy
leaves with hard edges, an excellent thin twine is made by
beating the leaves to remove the pulp and rolling the fibres,

CH. IX

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS

185

which are about twelve inches long, on the thigh, other
fibres being added to make the length. The two-ply twine
thus made is used in sewing, especially in sewing the head-
dress ; a three-ply twine is also made. The fibre from the
plant called lukukwa is also used in this way.

The inner bark of many trees is used for binding purposes,
especially in building, the best being from the mozha,
mushiwe, mubombo, mutondo, and munga trees. The bark is
ripped off in large sections, beaten with sticks to separate

MAKING A NET.

the outer from the inner layers, and the latter is then cut
into long strips, tied end to end, and used moist. The inner
fibrous bark of the baobab (mukuzu] is also made into
string and used for sewing skins.

Of all plants the palm provides the Ba-ila with their
most useful materials. There are three palms that grow
in their country : the stately borassus (kalala-ngvhuma) ,
the hyphoene (kalala ka mankomona), and the raphia
(mansene). Chisakabale is the name given to the borassus
and hyphoene when the leaves and nothing, or only a very
small part, of the trunk are above ground. Its large
fan-like leaves, formed of follicles radiating from a centre,

i86

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

provide useful fibre. The strong and flexible midrib (mongo)
of the follicle is much used in making baskets. The rest
of the folliole is split into strips and called lubale. They
also are used in basketry ; and by chewing them to make
them soft and then rolling them on the thigh a useful cord
is produced.

Photo K. W. Smith.

BASKETRY : BASE OF THE INTUMBA.

(Reduced about one-third.)

The knots used by the Ba-ila call for no description
beyond the illustrations given.

The strong nets for fishing are made of mukusa twine.
The knot employed is the same as in England. The
operator sits as shown in the picture, and works on a cord
stretched between his two big toes. He uses no gauge, but
regulates by eye the size of the mesh.

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS

187

4. BASKETRY

The Ba-ila have four kinds of basket-work, two of a
coiled pattern, and two twilled and twined. The first three
are made by women, the fourth by men.

Photo E. W. Smith.

BASKET-MAKING.

I. The intumba is made of lubale coiled on a foundation
of about ten strands of a fine tough grass called mankuntu.
The sewing is done with a needle about 3! inches long,
with a large oval eye. The woman starts by tying three or
four strands of lubale into a knot, and then, passing her

i88 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

needle through this base, begins to introduce the grass.
She continues over-sewing, passing her needle through the
lubale in the lower coil from the inside outwards. The
base is some 4 or 5 inches in diameter, and from it the
basket slopes upwards and outwards, growing gradually in
circumference. These baskets are of various sizes, but are
of a uniform shape ; no attempt is made at fancy-work,
such as lids and handles. This kind will hold water.

Photo E. W. Smith.

WOMAN MAKING AN INTUNDU BASKET : LAYING OUT THE BASE.

2. The chimb alamashasha is a coiled basket very similar
to the intumba, the only difference being that whereas in
the intumba the lubale is coiled evenly in every row, in this
pattern it is spaced alternately in each row, showing the
grass foundation beneath ; this is done by sewing first
through the lubale on the lower row and on the next through
the grass. This pattern is much inferior in strength to the
former.

3. The intundu is the basket par excellence of the Ba-ila,
and is made wholly of lubale. The warp and weft elements

CH.IX VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS 189

of the base, each consisting of four or five narrow strips of

Photo E. IV. Smith.

WOMAN MAKING AN INTUNDU BASKET.

the midrib of the palm-leaf, are laid out on the ground ;
they are twilled, the weft passing over and then under the

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

FT. II

warp. There being four to eight of warp and the same number
of weft elements they make a square base ; around which
by means of a buttonhole stitch the operator sews a border
to hold all in place. The long strands that jut beyond this
border are then bent upwards to form the warp of the sides.
The weft is made up of two thinner strips of lubale, one
being passed behind and the other in front of two (after six
or seven rows, one only) of the warp strands. The base is,

Photo E. H'. Smith.

MAKING A CHIZONGO BASKET (FIRST STAGE).

then, what is technically called twilled, and the sides twined
work. As the sides progress, other strands are worked into
the warp to fill up the angles. By the time it is finished,
the basket has become circular in shape. A rough triangle
and lozenge pattern is made on the sides by passing the weft
over two of the warp-strands instead of over one. The
basket is finished off by binding along the edge a withe
surmounted by two or three strands of the palm-leaf midrib.
These baskets, when well made, are strong and pretty.

4. The chizongo is a basket with open-work sides used
for carrying potatoes, fish, etc. Unlike the others, this
basket is made by men. In structure it is similar to that
of the intundu, but the warp is made of reeds. Strips of

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS

191

reed are twilled on the ground to make a base : to do this
reeds are slit down one side and flattened out. After
binding round the base, the operator splits each reed into
four pieces, bends them upright, and twines lubale in and
out, leaving spaces between the strips of reed.

Besides these baskets they make flattish round trays,
called lukwi, for winnowing. The funnel of the calabash

Photo E. If. Smith.

MAKING A CHIZONGO BASKET.

churn is also made of basket-work. In both cases the style
is that used in the intumba.

5. WORKING IN CLAY

In most villages of any size there are women who can
make pots, and some of them are adepts in the art. They
know nothing about pottery wheels, but are able by hand
to make very neat, symmetrical, and serviceable pots.
Pot-clay (muntanango) is found in most places. The woman
prepares the clay by kneading it well, and to increase its
strength she grinds up old potsherds and adds the powder
to the clay. She takes a stone, or a flat lump of ant-heap,

THE IL-A-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

as a base, and sits down with it between her knees. She
then breaks off a lump of clay and shapes it into a ring

Photo E. W. Smith.

POT-MAKING (FIRST STAGE).

about 2 inches thick and of a circumference according to
the size of the pot desired. This is placed on the base and
four or five other rings are built up one upon the other.

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS

193

The woman then takes a mealie cob or a piece of wood or
bone, and, holding it in one hand, draws and scrapes the

Photo K. IV. Smith.

POT-MAKING (LATER STAGE).

clay upwards, gradually thinning out the wall ; with the

left hand she supports and moulds into shape the other

side of the wall. In this way the body is made. When

VOL. T o

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

she comes to the neck, she adds more clay and shapes it.
The pot is now in the rough, except for the bottom ; she
then sprinkles it with water and smooths the surface.
This done, she wraps a piece of moist cloth round the base
and leaves it in the shade to dry. In two days or so it is
sufficiently dry to be handled, and then, taking away the
cloth, she inverts the pot and draws in the clay of the sides
so as to fill up the space left. This done, she moulds the
bottom, making a. slight indentation with her thumb in the

Photo E. If. Smith.

PREPARING TO BAKK THE POTS.

centre to assist the pot in standing upright. Lastly, she
spends time in indenting patterns around the neck by means
of her thumb-nail and a bit of bone or stick. The pot is
now set aside to dry.

When perfectly dry the pots are burnt. A hole is dug
and the pots carefully piled and covered with strips of dry
bark. One short burning is sufficient. As a finishing touch
some of the white ash is rubbed over the patterns around
the neck. We have never seen any one who knew how to
glaze her pots. In general pattern Ba-ila pots do not vary
much : the difference is in dimensions and in the size of the

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS

195

mouth. There are large beer-pots set up in the huts holding
several gallons — these are scarce, as making and burning
require no small amount of skill : one may see them repaired
by sewing — and all sizes down to the small dishes for eating
from, all on the same general style. In naming their pots
the Ba-ila describe functions ; the same pot may have
different names according to the use to which it is being
put at the time. The large, narrow-necked pot for carrying
water is called intesho (i) ; the same when larger and used

Photo K. II'. Smith.

BA-ILA POTS.

for holding beer is called italo (2) . A small wide-mouthed pot
used for cooking vegetables is called munkomba (3) ; a
larger one for porridge is ibia. The same pot if used for
beer is called chipempa (4). Other small pots to contain
cooked food are called chibia chitentu (5). A smaller pot,
like a dish, used to serve up meat and vegetables is called
lusulu. The generic name is chibia.

The earthenware pipe-bowls made by the Ba-ila potters
— men in this case, not women — are the prettiest articles
of their manufacture. They are decorated with moulded
heads of various animals, hippopotami, buffaloes, eland,

196 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

etc. ; the forelegs of the animals form a stand on which the
pipe rests on the ground. The bowl itself is scored with
lines, cross-hatched, as shown in the photos. The potter
spends much time and patience in making them. The
bowls are mounted on a special kind of reed, 3 feet or
so long, ornamented with wirework.

6. WOODWORK

The Ba-ila are not skilful in working wood. Here and
there one finds an adept, but most of the wooden utensils,
drums, canoes, stools, bowls used by them are made by

Photo E. W. Smith.
PIPE-HEAPS.

Barotsi and Mankoya workmen, parties of two or three of
whom occasionally go through the country from village to
village making and selling what is required.

Excellent timber grows in the country, especially in the
northern districts. Certain kinds are adapted for special
purposes. The mopani (mwani) is the best of all for building
purposes, especially when cut in the wet season and soaked
in water for some weeks, for it then becomes hard and
almost proof against the ravages of the termite and borer
insect. The great thorn tree (ihunga) has a soft wood, and
is much used for canoes. Miikushi, mulombe, and mulubu-
lulwa are all soft woods, much used for mortars, drums, and
stools, the mulombe in particular, a light, open-grained
timber with a dark heart, being excellent for the purpose.

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS

197

Two dark hardwoods, muse and mwangula, are used for
walking-sticks and spear -shafts. The handsome ibula
provides an admirable timber for many purposes. The

Photo E. H'. Smith.

BA-ILA PIPES AND PIPE-HEADS.

muntuntumba is much used for making drums. The
mutondo is used especially for axe-shafts. And there are
many others.

The native workmen have no sense of joinery : they
use neither nails nor pegs, nor mortise and tenon in their

198

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. II

work. The only way they have of joining one piece of wood
to another is by means of stitching. Thus, if a tree of
sufficient length for a canoe is not procurable they may
make it in two sections fitting end-wise. Holes are then
burnt through the wood by means of a hot iron, and tough
cord threaded through and drawn tight to complete the
joint. And if the gunwale is too low, a strip of wood may
be stitched along its edge to heighten it. Otherwise, all

Photo K. If.

WOOD-CARVER AT WORK : MAKING AN INDANDALA DRUM.

they make is cut out of solid blocks of timber. As may be
gathered from some of the objects illustrated, this entails
a vast amount of patient and laborious toil. The tools
used are axes, chisels, adzes, and spear-blades. With these
they hollow logs of wood into cylinders of various shapes
and dimensions and convert them into drums of different
kinds (see Chap. XXV.). They also hollow out mortars for
stamping grain, and milk-pails, carving the bases into
various forms. They also carve dishes and bowls (mitiba),
often with close-fitting lids. The stools (shuna) and wooden
pillows are of many forms, and a clever workman takes

CH.IX VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS 199

great pains in making them objects of beauty as well as of

Photo E. IY. Smith

SPECIMENS OF WOODWORK FROM NANZELA.

Photo E. IY. Smith.

MILK-PAILS AND BOWLS FROM NANZELA.

use. Perhaps the most artistic of these wooden utensils

200

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. II

are the spoons. Our old friend Mungalo was an adept at
the work, and with the simplest of tools — an adze, two or
three small chisels, and a spear-blade — would carve them
by the score out of unpromising-looking bits of wood. The
handle is surmounted by some figure — a human or animal
head.

The largest objects made of wood are the canoes (mato).
The size depends, of course, on the tree chosen, and that
depends largely upon the purpose of the prospective owner.

Photo E. It'. Smith.

BA-ILA STOOLS.

Whether for a long, narrow, hunting canoe or a broader
canoe for carrying purposes, a tree of corresponding size is
chosen after some search and anxious consultation. It
perhaps entails a long bargaining if the tree is owned by
another person, certainly a quarrel if it is taken without
the owner's permission. The tree is felled, cleaned of its
boughs, cut into the length required, and then the work-
men with their axes proceed to rough-hew it into shape.
When the outside is shaped to their satisfaction they hollow
out the interior. The sides are an inch or so thick at the
gunwale, thicker towards the bottom. The canoes are

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS

2OI

destitute of keels, rudders, thwarts, and rowlocks. They
draw but little water. Some are so narrow that it is
impossible to sit down in them. Others have a beam of
2 or 2 1 feet. The large canoes will carry ten people, the
smallest only two. Often when loaded there is a freeboard
of only a couple of inches, and it is no unusual thing for a
sudden lurch to fill the canoe with water and sink it under
the occupants. The canoes are propelled by means of
paddles (inkashi) about 7 or 8 feet long, shaped out of a solid

oto K. Ryan.

CANOE-MAKING : SHAPING THE TRUNK.

piece of wood, and terminating in a blade, heart-shaped,
9 inches by 5, or oblong. A nicely-made paddle is a precious
object : if the blade is 5 inches wide it means, of course,
that it has to be shaped out of a log that width, and perhaps
8 feet long.

The ornamentation of woodwork, earthenware, and iron
qbjects is not at all elaborate, few and simple designs being
used. Around long things such as spear-shafts, the tangs
of axes, and the handles of spoons, they incise series of
parallel rings, and perhaps round off the angles. On the
flat surfaces of stools, etc., they often execute a black

202

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

and white diamond pattern. The wood is first charred
to make it black and then white diamonds are cut out.
On pots and wooden utensils a series of triangles is drawn,
enclosed within a border of parallel lines : the triangles are
all scored across by oblique lines running alternately in
opposite directions. Or irregular spaces are marked out
with containing lines and the interior filled with cross-hatch-
ing. Terminals are ornamented with human or animal
heads or other objects, carved or moulded. Sometimes to

CANOE-MAKING : THE JOB COMPLETE.

amuse his friends or himself a man will carve a human figure
out of a piece of wood.

7. IRONWORK : (a) SMELTING

Iron-ore is not found within the limits of Bwila, strictly
speaking, and a large proportion of the iron used is imported
from Bunduwe (Butotela) country, the people of which are
famed for their ironwork. The Bambala, especially in the
hills around Shanaobi, smelt iron for local consumption
and trade with their neighbours, and we will describe the
process as carried on there.

CH. ix VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS 203

The principal figure in the industry is the munganga
wa butale (" the iron doctor "), who is also called chibinda, a
word which seems to mean " maker." His is a rare pro-
fession. Its secrets are jealously guarded and handed down
from father to son. It is largely a matter of knowing the
different kinds of misamo (" medicines ") ; how far the doctor
is credulous we cannot say, but the people believe it would
be impossible to extract the iron without the " medicines."
" Misamo yasanduzha lubwe bube butale," they say (" The
medicines transform the ore into iron ").

The industry is not carried on all the year round, but
only in the spring. In the winter the men of the villages
make preparations by cutting down the trees from which
the charcoal is to be made. The trees used are the mabanga
and mikoso, because of their good burning qualities.

When the time appointed arrives the doctor is sum-
moned, and comes with his medicines and paraphernalia.
On his arrival he takes charge of the proceedings. A
company of men is sent out to dig the ironstone on the
hill -sides. They quarry (kupwaya] the stone, digging it
out with strong, heavy axes turned in the handle (kusakila
twembe} to form picks. The stones are then broken up into
small pieces (kusansaula) . This done, they weave strong
receptacles (bisangadi, shisekelele] , and carry the stone off
to the village.

Beer is made in considerable quantities, and when it is
consumed they commence the smelting operations. Some
go to draw water ; others seek an ant-hill with good strong
clay for moulding. They build there a long temporary
shelter (chilao) in which to live while the work is going on.
The camp is generally arranged in a certain order thus :

(N.)

a f, a. Ant-hill.

b. Shelter.

i. Doctor's quarters.

' '_ _ 2. His " wife's " quarters.

\J \J \J \J ^ j^ men's quarters.

c c c c ~'

.„ c. Kilns.
(fc>.)

Some of the men dig out clay from the ant-hill and others

hollow out four shallow holes in a straight line, around

204

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

which the kilns (inganzo) are to be built. The clay is put
into these holes and puddled. While they are doing this
the doctor empties a pot of beer, mixed with " medicines,"
into the holes. The clay is then thrown into a heap, the
men shouting " Kabufwa butale " (" Let the iron die ") while
doing so. Then they commence moulding (kubumba) a
hollow cone about 5 feet high and 6 feet in circumference
at the largest part ; the clay wall is about 3 or 4

OLD INGANZO (SMELTING-KILNS).

inches thick. Four of these inganzo are, as a rule, built
in a line. The shape is shown in the photographs.

The men, in moulding, take a lump of clay, shape it in
their hands into a long roll and lay it on the others, thus
gradually building up the wall bit by bit. The lower part
of the kiln, where it bulges, is called the belly (ifu). It is
gradually narrowed to the top. Along the upper edge they
place old clay spouts horizontally, with one end jutting
over ; these are arranged all round as a base on which to
form the lip of the kiln, which is called the Iwala. The lip
is supported by a number of poles planted in the ground
around the kiln. In front, as an additional support, a pole

CH.IX VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS 205

is fixed on a projection in the wall (called lukombo, or navel).
When built, the wall is neatly smoothed over.

When the wall is about a foot high, they bring two
children, a girl and a boy, from the village and put them
into the kiln. The doctor gives each a bean (imbwila),
which they are to crack in their mouths and swallow. The
bean cracks with a noise (kulukuta), and when they hear
it all the men raise a loud shout, " Yalukutila momo ! " ("It
cracks in there ! "). The cracking of the bean has some
connection in their minds with the crackling and roaring
of the fire, and is supposed to conduce to the proper smelting
of the iron. After they have performed this ceremony, the
children return home, and it is said that, being thus early
brought into relationship on an important occasion, they
should thereafter marry.

While the kilns are being built, some of the men set to
work to prepare the indicia, the spouts of clay. They cut
poles about the thickness of one's arm and 5 feet long,
and round them evenly ; these are the mibumbyo on which
the spouts are to be moulded. And they gather a plant
called Shikantyo, which when put into a small pit and
beaten into a pulp with a pestle (mwansha) produces a slimy
viscous (lelumuka) substance which is used to lubricate
the mibumbyo. Women from the village prepare the clay,
making it very fine, and men carefully mould it round the
poles ; when finished, they are rubbed in chaff (bungu) to
make the clay dry and firm. Thanks to the Shikantyo
rubbed on the poles they are easily drawn out, and hollow
cylinders about 4 feet long are thus formed. These are the
inchela.

In arranging these in the kiln four openings are made
near the base, one on each side, north, south, east, and west.
Four of the inchela are arranged, two above and two below,
on the west side ; this, where the iron will be taken out,
has the name of muchabo ; on the east two are put called
muntanda ; and one each north and south called tupululu.
Clay is carefully replaced around the inchela to close the
holes. The inchela slope downwards into the kiln, but
those from opposite sides do not meet.

Other men go out to make the charcoal (kubunga

206 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

mashimbi). The wood cut in the winter is collected in
heaps. In the afternoon, when the sun is lessening, they
set fire to the heaps. They have already collected piles of
clay and a quantity of twigs and branches ; and now in the
middle of the night they go back to where the fires are
burning down. Each man takes a bundle of twigs to shelter
his face from the intense heat and rushes forward to throw
it on the fire. They can then cover the fire, thus damped
down somewhat by the branches of trees, with earth. This

Photo" Rev. S. D. Gray.

OLD INGANZO (SMELTING-KILNS).

is left about four days ; then they return and dig out the
charcoal. They weave long receptacles, called miembo
("trumpets "), in which to carry the charcoal to the kilns.
All is now ready for packing the kilns.

During the time the smelters (bashinganzo) are sojourning
in their shelter they are in a state of strict taboo (bqlatonda
chinichini). If one wishes to visit the village, he must on
no account have connection with his wife. He may not
enter his house — in particular he may not sit on his bed-
but squats down at the door, where, if his wife cooks him
food, he must eat it. And the women staying in the village

CH. ix VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS 207

may not wash, nor anoint themselves, nor put on any orna:
ments (shintu sha nkwela] that might attract the notice of
men. They are, as we were told, in the same state as
recently bereaved widows. Should a man transgress by
having intercourse with his wife or any other woman, they
say the smelting would be a failure. If the fire does not burn
properly, and the ore is found to be not rightly smelted,
they know that somebody has done wrong. It is easy, of
course, to put blame on somebody. The doctor professes,
by examining the stuff, to detect the defaulter who handled
the ore, and who then has a rough time of it at the hands
of his fellows. They call him a warlock (mulozhi) and
accuse him of bewitching the iron.

While the men are moulding the kilns they may not
drink any water, but only namenze.

If while sleeping in the shelter one of the men should
dream of a woman and have an emission (kudisubild), he
must on no account conceal the matter from his fellows.
The doctor then takes steps to purify (kusalazha) him. He
cuts two leafy branches and plants them at the crossing
of two roads so that they meet overhead making a bower.
The man is made to sit there, and the doctor, after going
through various incantations, sprinkles him with certain
" medicines." The man must then run along one road,
through the bower, and then along the other. In this way
he is cleansed of his impurity.

The doctor himself is taboo. He has nothing to do with
his wives or other women during the time of the operations.
As one man said to us, " All adultery, in fact everything
but bad language and stealing, is taboo to him and to us."
He selects one of the men whom he calls mwinangu (" my
wife"), but it means no more than that "she" has to
cook food for him. The doctor may not cut his hair nor
be shaved all the time.

No menstruating women may come near the camp,
nor any one wearing a dark cloth, for dark or black is
unlucky.

When our informant, quoted above, says that bad
language is not prohibited, he is thinking specially of the
songs that are sung during the operations. They are mostly

208 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

of a lewd nature. We give the substance of several we
have noted :

1. Kongwe na Malaba ushia,
Wandweza Kongwe.
Kongwe na Malaba ushia,
Wandweza Kongwe !
Ndakamuyana Kongwe
Kafudila mudilo.
Kongwe ulalweza.

Literally taken this is innocent enough :

" Kongwe and Malaba the black, Kongwe horrifies me ; Kongwe
and Malaba the black, Kongwe horrifies me ! I found Kongwe
blowing the fire. Kongwe horrifies me."

Kongwe stands for clitorisjeminae (mukongo) and Malaba
for the labiae (mashino).

2. Wainda kule, wainda kule,
Ni twakukundaula,
Wainda kule, wainda kule,
Ni twakukundaula,
Wainda kule.

" Pass away at a distance, pass away far, — you whom we had
repeated connection with ; pass far away, pass far away, — you
whom we had repeated connection with, pass far away."

This is the song they break into when they see a woman
passing by at some distance.

3. Leta munwenwe ku mulomo wa nchela,
Kudi insambo ;

Leta munwenwe ku mulomo wa nchela,
Kudi insambo.

" Bring the pole to the orifice of the inchela ; there is cleansing
medicine there ! "

4. Bachibinda, tulaya,
Tulayan'abo, tulakupanda ;
Mwanabo ashale,
Webona yasumbula kubila.

" O doctors, we are going, we are going off with them, we are
going to get medicines. Let their child stay and see whether the
kiln will tell him it is boiling."

5. Shampala yamwandauka,
Yaba ya chidimo, yamwinya.

" The man with the bare glans, it's all split, it has become of the
spring, it makes him defaecate."

CH.IX VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS 209

6. Shampala, kwinda kule,
Kano kadimo nka bayumbi,
Takuletelwa chinombo
Chakunombokela mudinso.

" O man with the bare glans, pass far away ; this little work
belongs to the smelters ; a glans which would strike you in the eye
must not be brought here."

7. Bwabila we !

Bwabila bunyanja nsambo,
Buno bwanga budiweme
Nkalubula mo nkashi ne mwana,
Bwabila bunyanja nsambo.

" Oh, it is boiling, it is boiling, the medicine ; when this physic is
ready I shall free a woman and a child ; it is boiling, the medicine."

8. Nu watuka bayumbi
Wakonkomeka mukongo,
Mashino chikemamba,
Ulakakudimya maila.

" You who curse the smelters ! Your clitoris is grown
tremendously, your labiae will be hoes with which you can cultivate
your grain."

9. Nkwidi midimo ku bayumbi,
Nkwidi midimo, nkwidi midimo.
Ku bapwaya lubwe, kwidi midimo.
Eya, mwayana mikondo ya lubwe,
Mwaanka kualala.

Bana chibinda na mukashimwine
Kwabolwa bakalowa mabwe.

" There is work to the smelters, there is work, there is work ; to
those who quarry the stone, there is work. Yes, you find the foot-
prints of the stones, you begin to rejoice. Children of the doctor
tell it out, they have returned home who bewitched the stones."

On the morning of the day when the kilns are to be
packed the doctor goes along some distance into the veld,
chewing medicines ; he sits down there, facing the east and
glaring with wide, staring eyes (watutulula menso) . Presently
he returns, and the great business commences. The drugs
he has been chewing are to be spat out on to the stone in
the kiln. When the kiln is opened you can see the medicine
on the iron ! Without it, no iron ! The packing is done
almost entirely by the doctor, but all hand him charcoal

VOL T p

210 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

and stone as required. After putting some charcoal at the
bottom, a fire is lighted, and then they pile up the stone
and charcoal in alternate layers until the kiln is full.
"Medicines" are put in also. What these are we do not
know, except that two of them consist of a piece of
hippopotamus hide and some guinea-fowl feathers. The
reason for these is that the fire makes a loud harsh noise
like the cry of a hippo and guinea-fowl, and somehow,
therefore, those " medicines " promote the burning. Near
the top of the kiln the doctor puts more fire and char-
coal. At the top of all he puts some pieces of split wood
slantwise ; these are called intoba and have some mystic
signification.

After the doctor has put in the first lot, his " wife " puts
some in. The beginning of the packing is called kuyumbika.
The men, while the packing is going on, are called basakwa.
The fire is taboo, and must not be named mudilo (" fire "),
but is called mukadi (" the fierce one "). By praising it thus,
evidently they think it will burn the more fiercely. They
speak of it as " boiling " (kubila).

As the fire begins to crackle and roar there is great
excitement. "Waluluma! Wahiluma! Wachitatu!" ("It
roars, it crackles ! It roars, it crackles ! It makes tu tu
tu tu ! ").

If the firing has been properly done, by the late afternoon
the doctor, after repeatedly examining the interior through
the inchela, announces that all is finished. In taking out the
iron, they remove the inchela, making large holes on the
four sides of the kiln. A big hole is dug on the west
(muchabo) to receive the debris. Men then push poles into
the three other openings, rake out the debris (kufukuzha),
and work the iron out towards the opening on the west. It
is pushed out some way from the kiln and then hacked with
axes to remove the slag adhering to it. The lump of iron
is called mutanda. When the stuff is removed from it, it
is, while still hot, plunged into water.

The doctor, after the operations of the afternoon, goes
out at night into the veld. On his return he goes to his
house in the village, and taking a musebe (" a rattle ") he
begins to shake it and sing.

CH. IX

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS

211

The lump of iron is afterwards broken up, and a smith
with his bellows melts it and makes it into ingots, which are
turned into axes, etc., or sold.

8. IRONWORK : (6) BLACKSMITHING

A visit to the blacksmith. We find the blacksmith
(mufuzhi) in the smithy (chifudilo), a roughly built shelter,
without walls, but covered to protect the workers from the

Photo F.. W. Smith.

THE SMITHY.

sun, erected in an open space in the village. He is at work
when we arrive. The assistant is working the bellows
(mavhuba). These consist of two shallow wooden bowls,
each with an elongated tube — hollowed out of a solid block,
placed side by side, and kept together by a piece of hide
around the tubes. The bowls (mitiba) are covered loosely
with a soft piece of skin (impapa) , tied around the rims with
cord ; in the centres are fastened small sticks (tusamo) to
act as the handles of the bellows. The mindi, as the pro-
jecting tubes are named, are inserted into the enlarged
mouth of a baked earthenware tube (inchela), the base of
which is in the fire. By working the sticks up and down,

212

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

the operator sends a continual blast through into the fire.
This is the arrangement :

a.a. The mitiba.

b.b. The impapa.

c.c. The tusamo.

d. The inchela.

The fire of charcoal is made in a hollow scooped out of
the floor.

Other tools are lying about. There is the large hammer
(inyundo), shaped thus :

Bumpando

One end of the head is blunt and is used for striking
(butwisho), the other end is chisel-shaped (bumpando) and
used for cutting. There is a smaller hammer (chikoma)
with two blunt ends. There is a pair of tongs (lukwasho),
and a small chisel of iron (inkansho). The anvil (itako)
is a large stone embedded in the ground. To hold a pointed
piece of iron, he cuts a short stick, into the end of which
he burns a hole with the object to be held, and thus
makes a temporary handle called chimina.

We find the smithy occupied by half-a-dozen people.
Some of them are here for a gossip ; others have business —
little jobs of their own for which they require the assistande
of the smith.

We learn, on inquiring, that iron is rather scarce at
present. The supplies from Bunduwe and Bumbala are

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS

213

for a time exhausted, and use has to be made of old articles :
they are re-fashioned. At the moment the demand is for
spears, especially for fish-spears. A customer has brought
an old hoe to be made up into spear-heads. By the side
of the blacksmith as he squats (he does all his work squat-
ting) are four fish-spears he has completed, all but the barbs.
And he is engaged on a piece of iron 10 inches long, about
2 wide, and f inch thick (the remains of the hoe). Taking
this in his pincers he puts it into the forge. When red-hot,

Photo E. II'. Smith.

THE BLACKSMITH AT WORK.

he takes it out and hammers it with the nyundo on the stone ;
he has to do this a great number of times, and it gradually
takes shape. He is lengthening it, and presently is able to
cut it in two — one piece for a fish-spear and the other for
an ibezhi spear.

A man comes along with a hoe which does not work
quite to his liking. He holds it over the fire for a few
minutes to soften the gum holding the blade in the handle,
and removes the blade. He explains to the smith that it
does not spring rightly when he is using it ; he wants the
tang rounded more to the axis of the blade. The smith
by a few dexterous strokes soon does this, but on trying it

214 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. H

the fastidious owner is not satisfied, and the smith tries
again. This time the man is satisfied and proceeds to refit
his hoe in the shaft (kukwila). For this purpose he has
brought some roots of the mwanzu tree, from which, after
warming it on the coals of the forge, he scrapes the bark.
These scrapings he fills into the hole in the shaft, and then
heating the tang drives it firmly home. The stuff acts as
a glue or cement to fix the tang firmly. To do this is
kupomba.

Another customer is after iron bullets (chidyanga). We
note there are two kinds of these : the round ones, about
f inch diameter, called imbwila, are of the shape and size
of the bean of that name ; the others are mitopo, of about
the size of a Martini-Henry bullet, but flat at both ends.
These are cut from a solid piece of iron.

Here comes the old musician of the village — the chief's
budimba player. He is going fishing to-night and has a
fish-spear to put in order. He has the head and a new
shaft, what he wants is a new intale — the iron binding at
the end of the shaft. He brings a piece of rough iron with
him : the smith tells him to put it in the fire and beat it
roughly into shape. He sets to work rather awkwardly
and before long has beaten it into a band, narrowing at
both ends. The smith now takes it in hand ; embedding
the chisel-end of his large hammer in the ground and using
the blunt end as an anvil, and working with the chikoma,
he soon completes and hands it back to the owner, who now
takes the blade of his axe, and bends the band (after making
it red-hot in the fire) around the tang, hammering it so as
to make a neat cylinder. He then takes the new shaft,
heats the spear-head in the fire, and burns out the hole to
receive the tang. He pomba's this as described above, and
then fits the band around it to keep it tight.

All this time the smith has been working at his spear-
head. It is now beaten into the shape required, and he
proceeds to flatten the blade. He puts it on the butt of his
inyundo and beats it with the chikoma, leaving the midrib
(mongo) and a sharp edge (buchesi). The spear-head is not
put in water to temper it, lest it should break when used.
Nor is the hoe ; but an axe-head is. In the intervals while

CH. ix VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS 215

the spear-head is in the forge he is making the barbs (mala)
on the fish-spears : to do this he uses the inkansho chisel,
cutting the barbs in the cold, each with a stroke of the
chikoma. The head of the 'spear is rectangular in section,
and he makes the cuts along each edge, so that there are
four lines of barbs : they stop about i£ inches from the
point. They are cruel-looking things.

The operations just described do not exhaust the smith's
work. What else does he make ?

The spears of the Ba-ila are in some variety. Here are
the names and functions of twelve of them.

1. The Kapula — called also impula namadiinza (" the
silencer"). This is a hunting spear, and is used for finishing
off a wounded beast.

2. The Lukona. — This has three barbs on one side and one
on the other. It takes its name from the fact that it is inherited
(kukona) by a nephew from his uncle. This is a war spear.

3. The Mumba, the making of which is described above. It
is used for spearing fish and also in war. They say of it, in the
latter capacity, " Ng'ukwete cholwe ku lumamba " (" It is the one
which has good fortune in war"). It is the first to be thrown
by the warrior out of his bundle.

4. Chanza cha mpongo (" the head (with horns attached)
of a goat " — so called from some fancied resemblance). It has
two barbs and a long rectangular shank, each edge being cut
into short barbs. It is used in hunting and fighting.

5. Shichokochoko — so called because supposed to resemble
the fish of that name, which has an erectile spike on the back.
The barb is 2 inches long and is curved backwards. It has a
long blade, like the kapula, but a longer shank armed with
two barbs.

6. The Impengula. — This has a short, stout shaft, at the butt
of which is a chisel-edged digger projecting li inches from the
butt. The blade is long and broad. Too heavy to throw, and
only used at close quarters in fighting or hunting, this spear is a
useful weapon.

7. Chinkoshi — so called from some resemblance to a mealie
cob. The blade is broad, the shank armed with barbs like the
fish-spear.

8. Shikamimbia (" the swallow ") — used in war and hunting.
The shank is cut like a mumba.

9. Chimpata — so called from resemblance to the fish of that
name. It has a broad blade, with very little shank. It is used
in hunting, and thrown by a strong man inflicts a ghastly wound.

2l6

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. II

10. Kabezhi — a long-bladed, short-shanked spear, deriving
its name from its common function of cutting and carving
(kubeza) : it is used in hunting.

I

3456 7 8

SOME BA-ILA SPEARS.

10 n 1-2

Photo E. II'. Smith.

11. Inkombo ("the navel") — has one long barb. Used in
hunting.

12. Shitwichinkoshi. — It has a long shank, heavily barbed

CH. IX

VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS

217

like the chinkoshi, and a short blade like a shikamimbia (in the

photo one is broken off). If without the barbs, it is called shitwi.

The different parts of a spear are : lusako, the shaft :

mtishishi, the tang ; buchesi, the edge ; insonga, the point ;

rhoto 11. Ii: Smith.

BA-ILA AXES.

mongo, the midrib ; intale, the binding. The shaft may be
made of several woods, the best is said to be mulnba.

Besides the spears, the smiths make many other things,
chief of which are the following :

2i8 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

The axes are of three kinds, but are all constructed in
the same way. They consist of a haft of tough wood and
a blade. The blade varies in shape and terminates in a
spike, which fits into a hole in the haft-head.

The kembe is an axe designed for ordinary rough work.
The shaft is heavy and club-shaped, to give weight. The
blade is narrow. It is not glued into the hole, but can be
dislodged (kukula) easily by a knock ; then by turning
and replacing the blade the owner has an adze.

Photo ]•:. II'. Smith.

BATTLE-AXE (BUKANA}.

The chibanga is an axe designed for lighter work, or
merely to be carried as a European would carry a walking-
stick. Various forms are shown in the photo : one of
them is constructed, in two portions, wholly in metal,
and the upper end of the shaft is carved into the figure
of a human head. Many of these axes are beautifully
made, with graceful hafts and ornamental blades, sym-
metrical, and evenly balanced. In one we measured the
blade was 3 inches at the widest points, with a total length
of 8| inches, and the haft was 20 inches long. The blade
was set into the haft at an angle of about 20 degrees ; the

CH.IX VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS 219

haft, somewhat bow-shaped, rising i inch in i6|. The
centre of balance was about 4 inches from the head. The
whole weighed about a pound.

The bukana ("battle-axe") is made like the chibanga,
but with a differently shaped blade and a rather stouter
haft. The haft is often covered with wire- work.

The hoes of the Ba-ila consist of a broad blade of un-
tempered iron, slightly curved, terminating in a spike which
is set into a shaft. The blade has a total length of about
12 inches ; it is about 6 inches wide along the cutting edge,
and tapers to 4 inches at the top. The spike is 3 inches
at the base, and tapers to | inch. The razors (imo) made
by the smiths are thinly beaten out and spatula-shaped,
about 2 inches by i^ inches. Tongs (lukwasho) for picking
up live coals from the fire to light pipes with, consist of
two narrow pieces of iron, welded at one extremity, with
a close-fitting ring which slips up and down. They often
have a roughly made chain attached. Adzes (imbezo) for
wood-carving are made on the same principle as the axes
and hoes, with a shorter haft and a chisel-shaped blade.
Bells of various kinds (ingonji) are made by some, and
also fish-hooks (see p. 160).

We were frequently asked what clan we belonged to ;
and when we tried to explain that the English were no
longer divided into clans, but that the name Smith indicates
that one's forefathers were blacksmiths, they have replied,
" We know that clan ; it is the Benelubulo," and on the
strength of that we have been welcomed as brothers by
some of the famous smiths. We have taken every oppor-
tunity of watching some of these friends at work and of
inquiring as to their business, but are not sure that we
have learnt all the secrets of the art. One of them gave
us the following account of the way in which a smith learns
his trade. " This is how he begins," he said. " He finds
in his heart a great desire, and is always thinking about
blacksmithing. Then he begins a little experimenting, but
does not make a good job of it — no, the things he makes
are all ill-shaped. Nevertheless, he does not throw it up
in disgust, but goes on, and in the course of time masters
it. As for using medicines in the craft, all he does is to

220 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

protect himself. He procures ' medicine ' that is called

Photo K. IV. Smith.

BLACKSMITH'S WORK.

1. Razors (Into).

2. A pair of tongs (Lukwasho).

3. An adze (Imbezo).

4. A hoe blade

5. A hoe

\ (larnba).

chinjidizha, i.e. ' that which shuts me in,' so that a man

cii.ix VARIOUS HANDICRAFTS 221

may not with impunity make him out to be a warlock on
account of the things which he forges. It acts thus : If
any one says of the smith, ' That man aspires to be a
chief through his art/ i.e. he is using magic means in it
with the purpose of destroying the chief and taking his
place, then God sees that he is wishing to cause his fellow-
man's death, and he so acts that the traducer himself
dies ; his medicines return upon himself and he dies ;
that is how those warlocks die. Smithery is a thing in-
herited. If your father was a smith, then you will follow
in his steps. When you die, your son will take up the
trade. That is the ' medicine ' of the blacksmith."

CHAPTER X

LEECHCRAFT

THE word musamo, which we shall have to use constantly,
and which we roughly translate " medicine," connotes,
like the Latin medicamen, medicamentum, and the Greek
(frappa/cov, not only various medicinal remedies proper, but
also, and much more, many things whose power we should
call magical. The difficulty is to separate the two. From
the native point of view there is no difference : musamo
is musamo whatever use it may be put to ; and as we are
trying to look at things through their eyes, we will follow
their example here. This chapter may be regarded as an
introduction to Chapter XX.

i. BA-ILA IDEAS OF ANATOMY AND PHYSIOLOGY

As hunters, the Ba-ila are used to cutting up animals
as well as cattle ; on occasion, as we shall see, they also
cut, or used to cut up human bodies ; hence they are
familiar with the shapes of, and have names for, the various
organs.

The following are distinguished and named :

Head — mutwi ; skull, ingongolo ; brain, bongo ; nose,
inango ; nostrils, manango ; bridge of nose, mushishi, mo-
mbombo wenango ; cavities of nose, manshonya ; jawbone,
mwezhi ; chin, chilevu ; cheek, itama ; forehead, inkumu ;
external occipital protuberance, inkwezu ; back of head and neck,
mukoshi ; temples, mapobe ; hair on the head, masusu ; ear,
kutwi ; eye, dinso ; pupil of eye, imboni ; eyebrow, chikowe ;
eyelash, inkowe ; orifice of mouth, mulomo ; lips, milomo ;

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 223

cavity of mouth, kanwa ; uvula, katambulanshima ; neck,
inshingo ; tongue, mulaka ; tonsil, kapopo ; teeth, meno ;
canine teeth, mambwidi ; molar teeth, bachabanda ; traqhea,
ikulumino ; gullet, mumino ; Adam's apple, imbobelo.

Trunk. — Body, mubidi, luseba ; thoracic cavity, kango,
chamba ; ribs, invhwabuti ; spine, mongo ; spinal cord, ino-
kunoku ; clavicle, mubale ; hollow above clavicle, intesho ;
ilium, ikungu ; sacrum, muzhindo, chikanu ; coccyx, inunu ;
lumbar region, bukome ; waist, chibunu ; back, inuma ; umbili-
cus, lukombo ; umbilical cord, ludila ; abdomen, below navel,
ibumbu ; above navel, ifu ; hair on body, boza ; hair on
abdomen, mulalabungu ; breast, lukolo ; teat, kanunkelo ; axilla,
inkwa ; heart, mozo ; lung, ifufwe ; diaphragm, luambanyama ;
stomach, ifu ; liver, muni ; pancreas, mubenzhi ; spleen,
ibenzhi ; kidney, insa ; bladder, isubilo ; gall-bladder, isubilo
dia ndulwe ; bowel, bula ; anus, inyo ; buttocks, matako.

Genitalia. — Male, bulombwana ; female, bukaintu ; penis,
intoni ; prepuce, ipapa ; glans, impala ; fraenum preputii,
shitetengwe ; testicles, mabolo ; os pubis, chinena ; hair on
pubes, mazha ; labiae, mashino, malepe ; vaginal orifice,
intoto ; vagina, mupulu ; clitoris, mukongo ; uterus, izhadilo.

Upper Limb. — Shoulder-blade, ibesho ; between shoulder-
blades, luwezu, indelo ; muscles of arm, mubondo ; arm,
kubokp ; fleshy part of upper arm, insafu ; humerus, musangi ;
forearm, mukono ; hand, itashi ; finger, munwe ; fist, imfunshi ;
nail, Iwala ; palm of hand, lukombazhi ; elbow, lukokola ;
knuckle, inungo.

Lower Limb. — Leg, kulu, mwendo, itende ; hip, impasa ; hip-
joint, kasolo ; femur, mwindi ; marrow bones of leg and arm,
momo ; calf, intumbu ; shin, mumwansangu ; knee, ivhwi ; toe,
kalulome ; ankle bone, impongolo ; foot, chiumba ; tendo
Achillis, mushisa.

Fluids of the Body. — Blood, buloa ; perspiration, ibe ; saliva,
mate ; gall, indulwe ; urine, mushu ; semen, bwenze ; menstrual
flow, luswa.

They name also certain points which they regard as
vital spots, where a wound would be dangerous if not fatal.
Thus : chipande cha nshingo, the bony protuberance at
the back of the neck ; kasukilo, above the knee, where the
femoral artery is ; umpepe, above the ankle, where the
post-tibial artery is ; mubondo, on the arm, where the
brachial artery is ; and makalansa, in the region of the
kidneys. They do not distinguish arteries from veins, nor
either from nerves, but in thus giving these special names

224 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

to vital points they have, as will be recognised, localised
some of the most dangerous places for wounds and blows.

From the list given it will be seen that they give names
to all the prominent parts of the body, but of the functions
of the internal organs they are almost completely ignorant.
The parts they assign to the organs in the economy of the
body are psychical rather than physiological, i.e. they
regard them more as the seats of emotions than of vital
processes. This does not, however, apply to all.

Thus, the pupil of the eye (imboni) is associated with
sight. The reflection of external objects in the pupil con-
stitutes vision. Should there be no reflection, the imboni
is dead ; the man is blind. They recognise the difference
between long and short sight, and say of a man with the
former, " Alalampa menso akwe" ("His eyes are long").
There is thought to be something baneful in the direct
glance : one who stares at another is considered as plan-
ning, or actually to be causing, some evil ; he is called
muzumo-a-menso (" hard-eyed ").

The back of the head and neck is named makoshi.
They swear by it — " Aza makani shikaamba dinji, n.ku ku
makoshi kutadibonwa " (" By the back of my head, which I
cannot see, I will never speak of it again ").

A remarkable feature of the Ba-ila physiology is that so
many of the organic processes are ascribed to creatures
called bapuka, a word of wide meaning, applied to insects,
reptiles, and fabulous animals.

Thus, within the ears they suppose to dwell bapuka
called bashimpulukutwi, whose function is that of hearing.
They are born with a person and remain with him as long
as he retains the faculty of hearing ; but it is not deafness
that kills them — it is their death that causes deafness.
When a man says " Ndafwilwa bashimpulukutwi " ("I am
bereft of my bashimpulukutwi"), he means that he is deaf.
Earache is said to be caused by the restless movements of
these bapuka ; balapuka (" they stir about "). Temporary
deafness, as caused by the discharge of a gun close by,
means that they are stunned — " Ndafwa ingungu," says the
man. Ear-wax is supposed to be produced by them. And
when a man hears good news he says, "Makani mainu !

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 225

Bashimpulukutwi babotelwa " (" Fat tidings ! The bashi-
mpulukutwi are delighted ").

Another mupuka is the shiu, who lives within the
mastoid process, the bony protuberance behind the ear,
which is named inganda ya shiu (" shiu's house"). If a
man receives a heavy blow behind the ear, it kills shiu
and also the man himself. They say that from the mouth
there are ducts (inshinga) leading up to {he ear ; these are
called bashikamilongwe oba shiu, and when a man has eaten
something particularly tasty, and feels a sensation going
upwards from the mouth to the ear, he declares that these
bashikamilongwe are delighted. What they thus describe
is really, of course, the branch of the vagus called " the
alderman's nerve."

The tongue and lips are the organs of speech, and a
rapid impulsive speaker is named muba ku mulaka, or
muba ku mulomo (" light-tongued " or " light-lipped ").

They are familiar with the appearance of the brain,
for in war the calvarium of an enemy was hacked off (ku-
pampa), taken as a token to the chief, and used as a drinking-
cup ; and they have some slight idea of the brain as a seat
of mental life. Thus of a stupid person they say, " Bongo
bwakwe mbubiabe "'(" His brains are bad ") . " Warm-brained ' '
is the epithet applied to a fearless person : " Ulakasala a
mutwi, ulapia bongo " (" He is warm on the head, his brains
are hot"). But the brain is not regarded as the original
source of our thoughts ; they arise mu chamba (" in the
chest ").

They have noticed the pulsating (shabwa] ducts (inshinga}
going up the neck and appearing on the temples, and it is
these nshi shitola matelaishi " which convey the thoughts "
from the chest to the brain. The chest generally is the
seat of thought and feeling. A person with " a heavy
chest " (shichamba chilemu) is a forbearing person ; a truthful
person is named shichamba (" Mr. Chest ").

In a particular sense, the heart is regarded as the seat
of mentality. The passions centre there and all thought
radiates from it. To say " Ndatelaika mu chamba " ("I think
in my chest ") is only another way of saying " in my heart."
In a word, as the proverb has it, " Mozo ngu sungwe " (" The

VOL. I O

226 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

heart is the prompter"). Hence such expressions as the
following: " Uina mozo" ("He has no heart"), said of a
quick-tempered person; mukando-mozo (" a big heart") is
one who keeps up resentment against another with whom
he has quarrelled ; a shimozomufwafwi (" a short-hearted
person ") is one quick at picking a quarrel ; on the other
hand, shiswezha-mozo ("a clean-hearted person") is one
who is patient, forbearing. The heart is also the seat of
the affections and virtues. A muzumo-mozo (" a hard-
hearted person ") is, as amongst ourselves, one without
natural affection; but a mubongvhu-mozo ("a soft-hearted
person ") is kind and gentle. A muba-mozo (" a light-
heart ") is one with many faults, a thief, a liar, etc. ; while
a mulema-mozo (" a heavy-heart ") is a virtuous person. To
say of a person ' ' Mozo wakwe ngwa bwami " (" He has a kingly
heart " — literally, " His heart is of chieftainship ") means
that he is a trustworthy person. The heart is also the seat
of purpose. A shimozomwi is " a single-hearted person,"
intent upon one thing ; while to say of any one " Udi miozo
yobili " ("He has two hearts") means that he is unstable.
Thoughts and desires come from the heart . " Ndafwa chisushi
ku mozo " ("I am dead of a desire in the heart ") is to express
a strong longing for something. It is in his heart that a
man feels astonishment: " Ndavhwa mozo" ("My heart
comes out ") or " Chankusha mozo " ("It takes out my
heart ") is said when a man is startled, amazed.

The heart is felt beating in the chest and also at the
fontanelle in children — called lubwebwe, and also a mozo
("the place of the heart"). The heart shares with the
genital organs the seat of vitality. It is the heart which
breathes (uzoza ngu mozo) ; and any one hit on the head
a mozo will probably die. The genitals are called ku
bumi ("at the life") ; of a person injured in that region
they say, " Tchita na ulapona ukuti chilwazhi chidi ku bumi "
("There is no telling whether he will live, for the sickness
is at the life ").

The processes of reproduction are ascribed to certain
bapuka. It is a mupuka in the male that secretes the
semen, and impotence is caused by its ceasing to function.
It is thought that the eggs of the domestic fowl, fat, and

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 227

katongola (a dish made up of ground-nuts) will thus prevent
the mupuka from working, or at any rate by becoming
fixed in the loins will block the passages. Impotence is
regarded as a great misfortune. Boys are allowed to test
themselves upon women ; should it prove that a boy is
impotent, the woman will wax angry and make a claim
upon him for, as they say, "cursing her" (wamutuka] .
If a man becomes impotent after marriage, his wife can
claim divorce and the return of the goods given for her;
she reports to her relations that the man is mwana budio
(" nothing but a child ") so that she cannot conceive by him.

The impotent man or boy goes to the doctor, who treats
him. The medicine takes the form either (a) of an emetic
which is supposed to reopen the blocked passage, or (b) a
certain drug is twisted into a thread and passed into the
urethral orifice, left there for a time, and then drawn out,
bringing, it is said, the obstruction with it. The man is
then cured. By testing himself on a woman secretly he
proves his cure and then can find a wife.

In a woman there are said to be two of these bapuka,
the one male, the other female. The male is an inert
creature, but upon the female depend all the generative
functions. It is present in an immature girl, but only in
a rudimentary state ; it grows as she grows, and when the
first menstruation takes place it is said mupuka wamupa
maloa ("the mupuka has given her blood"). The name
given to this female mupuka is Chibumba (" the moulder,"
from kubumba, to mould) ; it is regarded as personal, as
is shown by the pronoun used with it, wa not cha. It is so
named because it forms the child in the womb. It lies
within the uterus, with its head in the orifice. When in
the coitus the semen reaches so far the Chibumba catches
it in its mouth ; it has no power of reaching beyond the
orifice. Having secured the semen, it closes the orifice,
licks the semen and rolls it over and over, and in that
way forms it into a foetus. At the time of delivery
the mupuka is reluctant to let go its creature, and the
pangs of childbirth are said to be caused by its struggles
in attempting to hold it back. Sometimes it curls itself
up around the orifice of the uterus, determined to prevent

228 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. H

the child's escape, and in that case parturition is protracted.
The woman's relations then consult a diviner, who diagnoses
that the mupuka is angry, and directs them to secure the
necessary medicine from a doctor whose name he gives
them. The medicine is administered, and forces the mupuka
to relax its hold. Chibumba not only tries to prevent
the child from being born, but does so with the fell purpose
of devouring it. It sometimes happens, of course, that
after protracted labour the child is born with a harelip,
or with ears or other parts incomplete, and these are
pointed to as evidence of the way in which the mupuka
partially devours children.

Barrenness is supposed to be due to the lethargy or
debility of Chibumba ; it is so lazy or so weak that it will
not or cannot close the orifice of the uterus and perform
the moulding process. The diviner, on being consulted,
assigns this as the cause of the woman's failure to conceive,
and medicine is administered to stir the mupuka up, to
strengthen and energise it.

On the other hand, if a woman has a succession of
protracted confinements, or if she be so unfortunate as to
have all her children die in early infancy, steps are taken
to kill Chibumba outright ; medicine is given to that end,
and as a result, of course, the woman does not again conceive.

2. MEDICINES

The Ba-ila have an extraordinary faith in musamo,
" medicine." They have medicines for everything. They
would say with Ovid, " Tantum medicamina possunt."
Not only have they remedies, as we have, for various
diseases, but also prophylactics. And, further, where we
rely upon practised skill in different arts, they pin their
faith to medicines ; thus, there are medicines to give skill
in shooting, in turnery, etc. There are also medicines to
ensure good luck. It is a common thing for a European,
with the reputation of being a good shot, to be asked for
musamo to ensure the man's gun always killing. People
ask for medicine to wash their eyes with, so that they may
be able to read. There are therefore, from our point of

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 229

view, two great divisions in their pharmacopoeia : (a) drugs
for curing diseases, (b) charms. But the people do not draw
any distinction ; and it is impossible in all cases for us to
say whether the action of any medicine is properly thera-
peutic or only magical.

It is difficult to suppress a smile on the enumeration of
these medicines, many are so palpably absurd ; but if a
native could express himself he would say that the basis
of his faith in medicine was much the same as our own,
viz. experience. Our therapeutical science is still largely
empirical ; we cannot always explain how precisely a drug
acts, all we know is that it does have a certain effect. A
Mwila would be equally at a loss to explain the action of
many of his medicines, but he believes he has the same
right to believe in them as we have to believe in ours. A
logical European would say, " That a few puffs of your
mufwebabachazi will kill a man I can believe ; that your
kabwengwe will relieve the inflammation caused by snake
poison in the eye I have the best of reasons for crediting ;
but since the world began it was never known that a man
grew rich simply by wearing a charm round his neck."
The two categories stand on quite a different footing — to
us, but not to a native. A man smoked mufwebabachazi and
died ; a man wore the charm and grew rich— what better
proof do you want of the efficacy of the two misamo ? The
distinction between post hoc and propter hoc is one that he
does not understand. If you ask him, further, whether
So-and-so who wears the charm is not still a very poor and
unfortunate creature, he will readily agree, and go on to
explain, probably, that somebody with stronger medicine
is secretly working against him, overcoming the virtue of
the charm he is wearing. All failures meet with a ready
explanation ; their faith in " medicine " is not thereby in
the least dispelled.

The misamo, as we shall see presently, are of various
kinds, mostly the leaves or bark or roots of certain trees
and shrubs. The knowledge of many of them is widely
spread among the people ; others are the jealously guarded
secrets of the doctors. Their names and properties are
handed down from parent to child, from doctor to doctor

230 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

Sometimes a man claims to have a medicine revealed to him
in a dream by some ghost ; should a cure follow its adminis-
tration, that would be quite sufficient to establish its reputa-
tion. People suffering from the same disease would get
to hear of it, and the man derive profit and fame from
its dispensation.

There are many different ways of administering the
medicines ; we are speaking now of what may be called
drugs as distinguished from charms.

A decoction may be made by beating up the leaves or
roots in a mortar and then soaking or boiling them in water.
The decoction is drunk, or mixed with food and eaten.

Another method is to put the medicine in a pot of
boiling water on the embers ; the patient is then made to
sit with the pot between his legs with his eyes fixed upon
the water. A skin or blanket is then thrown over him
and he is left to sweat. When intense perspiration (chubwi)
has been induced, he is uncovered, and cold water, in which
medicine has been put, is sprayed over him. This is the
Ba-ila equivalent to a vapour bath and is much used in
chest complaints.

A variation of this is smoking a patient by burning drugs
in a potsherd and making him sit, covered in a blanket,
in the fumes.

Cupping, with or without medicines, is largely practised.
It is called kusumika. The musuku ("cupping horn") is
the hollow horn of a small ox or antelope, about 5 inches
long ; at the point a small hole is drilled and covered over
with wax. When applying it to the painful part the hole
is uncovered, and the operator, after drawing out the 'air
with his mouth, replaces the wax over the hole with his
tongue, thus establishing a vacuum. Before applying the
horn, incisions are made in the skin of the patient with a
lumo (" razor "). This is done in the case of headache or other
painful affection. Sometimes, especially when the pain is
in the chest, a small quantity of medicine is rubbed into the
incisions before the horn is applied. The pain is supposed
to be drawn out with the blood. You may see a person
with three of these horns on at once.

Massage is also employed, with or without accompanying

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 231

drugs. The flesh of the patient is rubbed with the balls
of the thumbs and pinched between the forefinger and
thumb. In some cases the operator twists leaves around
his great toe, and with this massages the patient's chest.

Phlebotomy is sometimes practised, usually without,
sometimes with, medicines. The limb is tied above and
below so that it swells, and then by means of a razor a vein
is opened. This is regarded as a very efficacious operation.
The lushinga, or blood-vessel, is looked upon as the cause
or carrier of the pain. Toothache is lushinga, neuralgia
is lushinga, sciatica is lushinga, and in all such cases it is
supposed that if the blood is not drawn the chest will fill
with blood and death result.

The simplest remedy, without administration of a drug,
is that of tying a string tightly around the head or other
part affected.

In skin diseases certain leaves or other drugs are applied
by simply tying on, or decoctions are made and used as
embrocations.

When a person is ill it is often thought necessary to
segregate him from the baneful influences emanating from
pregnant women and those who have aborted ; conse-
quently a shed is built right away in the forest and there
the patient is doctored.

A musamo usually has a taboo associated with it, things
a patient must refrain from doing lest it lose its efficacy.
Soft meat is prohibited. Very frequently it is sexual
intercourse that is forbidden. We remember well the
indignation of a man against his son who had been doctored
again and again for elephantiasis, and grew no better, but
rather worse, because against medical orders he would
insist upon pursuing the women. He called him " the
village dog."

3. DISEASES AND REMEDIES

We must preface this section by saying that our object
being not a scientific classification and enumeration of the
diseases these people suffer from — a task for which, indeed,
we are not qualified — but rather to exhibit their own ideas
of the diseases, we have not attempted, save in a few

232 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

unmistakable instances, to identify the diseases, but have
simply enumerated and described them as they would do
themselves. We have, however, for convenience, roughly
grouped them under such heads as one finds in a medical
book.

A Mwila names and describes symptoms rather than
diseases. He generally begins by loosely speaking of the
part affected, saying, " Ndafwa mutwi " ("I am dead of the
head "), " Ndafwa itende " (" I am dead of the foot "), etc.

(a) Specific Infectious Diseases

Chisantula or Bayibayi : mumps. Ground-nuts are threaded
on a string with short pieces of grain-stalk and tied round the
neck.

Chibombwe or Ibombwe : measles. This often sweeps through
a district causing many deaths. The treatment is to smear the
patient over with impemba, a white substance found in the flats
which is said to be mazhi a nzoka (snake faeces).

Chimbemba : smallpox ; called also, Mukolotila, Nachinkwa,
and Mudimakubushu, the last meaning " the digger-on-the-
face." This is not endemic, but there have been severe epidemics
in the past, the last, in 1893, carrying off hundreds, perhaps
thousands, of people. Many recovered, and to-day in any
assembly of men pock-marked faces will be seen. Treatment :
take a thorn and open the pustules when they are ripe. Then
break up a root of the Mukumbia (used in making beer) and
foment the sores. Leaves of a certain bush are beaten to a
powder and sprinkled over the sores. A decoction from the
root of the Mubumbu tree is given to drink. If the eyes are
affected, mazhi a ntombela (" excrement of lizards ") is rubbed
around them.

Bunono : yaws. A disease characterised by circular rounded
excrescences, crowned with yellow matter, on the limbs, trunk,
and face. This is very prevalent in many districts. Babies
present a pitiable appearance with these loathsome sores around
the mouth and on the buttocks. The Ba-ila say the disease
came to them, within living memory, from the north-east. It
was probably introduced by the slave-traders. Treatment : not
known.

Chinsenda : leprosy ; called also Mudilo wa Leza (" the fire
of God"). The natives seem to have no idea of its being in-
fectious, at least they take no steps towards segregation, except
that when the disease appears the patient is ordered to leave
his wife and until cured to have no intercourse with her or other

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 233

women. This taboo is ascribed to Leza. Should the leper break

LUKALO, A LEPER WOMAN.

it, his fingers and toes will inevitably rot away. Eland and zebra
meat is taboo to him lest his flesh should peel off (motoka).
Curiously enough, in view of some modern theories, we have met

234 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

with some who say it comes of eating rotten fish ; if that were
so, it should be much more common than it is, for most Ba-ila
dearly love a piece of " high " fish. There are some drugs that
are claimed to be efficacious in curing the disease. Of these the
root of the Mufumbu tree is scraped and a decoction made from
it in which the body is washed. A decoction is also drunk that
is made from the root of the Mutundumaswe tree. The root of
a short shrub named Chipezhabazhike is pounded, wrapped in
cloth and smoked, and the bundle is then applied to the sores.
The root of the Mululwe tree is also used ; deep incisions are
made in the root, which is then soaked in water ; the decoction,
which is bitter, is drunk and used as a lotion.

Under this heading we ought also to class malarial fever.
Curiously enough, though they suffer largely from it, the
Ba-ila have no definite name for it. It is called mwanza,
(" severe headache "), or the patient will say he is " dead as
to the head " (ndafwa mutwi) ; or " dead as to the whole
body" (ndafwa mubidi onse}. One treatment is to chew
and swallow the juice of the leaves of the Mungomba tree.
Leaves of the Chilalwe tree are also chewed and the bitter
juice squirted into the nostrils and ears of the patient.
Cupping is also resorted to.

(b) General Diseases

Mushongo is a complaint of which many are said to die, the
symptom being that a man suddenly collapses and falls down
unconscious. It is supposed to be spread by people out of
hatred. A man secures medicine from a doctor which enables
him by treading on a person, or on his shadow, or by scraping
the basin out of which the person drinks, to give him this disease ;
i.e. it is caused by witchcraft. Treatment : the roots of the
Chibwebwe tree are scraped, the patient is cupped all over the
body, and the scrapings are rubbed into the cuts.

Kafungo ( = Kobe) is another disease whose origin is ascribed
to what we should call magical causes. It is associated with
abortion. A woman who has aborted is supposed to have it,
and is regarded therefore as a very dangerous person. The
foetus is buried, but is supposed to be able still to exert its baneful
influence. The disease may be contracted by walking near the
spot where the foetus is buried, by having connection with the
woman, or by smoking her pipe. Before the husband will
resume cohabitation with her, she must have connection with
another man, to whom she thereby transfers the disease. So

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 235

contagious is it, that a woman who has aborted may not, until
she is purified, enter another person's hut. We have seen people
said to be suffering with this disease. One man appeared to us
to be afflicted with disease of the pelvic bones. He supposed
that he had caught the disease by inadvertently walking over
the place where a foetus had been buried. A second case was
of a woman who was in great torment with a curious complaint
in the soles of the feet ; it appeared as if it might be neuralgia.
A third case was a man who seemed to have decay of the jaw
and cheek bones. Another case reported to us was diagnosed
by a European doctor as abscess of the liver. A strong emetic
is administered in such a case, and the patient is said to bring up
something like an egg ; very possibly such a remedy might
really be efficacious. The root of the Kamwaya is crushed in
a mortar, soaked in hot water, and applied to the external sores.

Diabana is a febrile condition in- children, said to come in the
wet seasons. Roots and leaves of the Shikotamukwa bush are
burnt in a potsherd and the child " smoked " in the fumes.

Maimbwe is a form of general debility supposed to be caused
by a ghost. The treatment consists in the friends singing (imba)
special songs (inyimbo sha maimbwe} to drive the ghost away.

Imbala is another ghost-caused complaint, the symptom being
extreme weakness and thinness. A person who, whatever he
eats, gets no fatter is supposed to have a malevolent ghost within
him which devours the food he takes. Such a man they put
into a hut, and girls who have not yet menstruated make a new
fire and " smoke " him to drive out the ghost.

Lukoko or Bukola is another disease characterised by extreme
emaciation in the patient. This is said to be caused, like kafungo,
by walking over a buried foetus (kasowe). There is a remedy,
known to very few, but we have not found it.

(c) Diseases of the Respiratory System

Kamuchamba is described as " a spear in the chest " on
account of the sharp shooting pains. It is said often to be
caused by lifting heavy weights, and the patient spits blood.
Treatment : the root of the Shikakoto bush is cut up and cooked
in porridge ; the patient is to eat the porridge, leaving the roots.

Manchilinchili occurs in children. To treat it, they cut off
the tag ends of the skin in which the child is carried (mondo wa
ngubo) and tie up in them insects called Inkofunkofu ; they are
then fastened around the child's neck.

Chimanu : pneumonia, is treated by a decoction made of the
roots of the Munto tree, drunk by the patient.

Isatabafwi, said to rise from jealousy, hence the name, " that

236 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

which jealous people suffer." It is a cold in the head. A
remedy for this and other forms of catarrh is a plant called
Kc polamushizhi, a vilely smelling thing. This when snuffed is,
as we can testify, efficacious in clearing the nose.
Kankwembwa is a chronic cough.

(d) Diseases of the Circulatory System

Ushibangulwa is characterised by swellings in the hands and
feet, and is supposed to be caused somehow by the blood being
out of order. Treatment : leaves of the Mungomba tree, after
being crushed in a mortar and soaked in warm water, are applied
to the swellings.

Mununka or Kunokola ("bleeding at the nose"), said to be
caused by exposure to the sun. The patient is made to inhale
the fumes from the burning bark of a certain tree.

Mozo (" heart ") is the name given to palpitation of the heart.
Embedded in the ground one often finds a hard round lump,
formed by ants, and called by the Ba-ila Mozo wa nshi (" the
heart of the earth "). This is ground up, put in water, and drunk.
It is a cure seemingly suggested by analogy : the hard " heart
of the earth " will strengthen the patient's heart.

Kalobo is a very severe pain in the chest (? angina pectoris),
described as something clutching the heart and pulling it as if
to tear it out. This is another disease supposed to be due to
witchcraft. Treatment : take a root of the Inganza tree and
scrape it. Make some incisions in the skin over the patient's
heart and rub in the scrapings of the root. Then put on the
cupping horn, tie one end of a string to the horn and the other
end to a short stick planted in the ground ; the disease will pass
along the cord and be lost in the earth.

Miya (" oaths") is a name given to a complaint supposed
to be caused by false swearing. The sufferer bleeds from the
nose and mouth, and the ends of his fingers swell and redden
as if they would burst. But it must be noted that it is not the
false swearer who suffers, but the other man. Thus if A accuses
B of taking his things, and B swears falsely that he has never
seen them, then A gets this disease. The treatment consists in
" smoking " the patient in the fumes from the burning root of
the Mupazupazu tree.

(e) Diseases of the Alimentary System

Ikupameno is an affection of the gums. An effective remedy,
the natives say, is a decoction made from the root of the
Mutimbahula tree, used as a mouth-wash. Also bark of the
Shitantasokwe tree is put in hot water and rubbed on the gums.

CM. x LEECHCRAFT 237

Chiteku is a painful affection in the inguinal region of the
abdomen. Treatment : take a calabash that has held fat, break
and burn it, then rub some of the ash over the place.

Impika : colic pains with vomiting. Treatment : take the
tags of a dressed skin, soak them in water, and give the water
to the patient to drink.

Chilungula : acute indigestion, with pain in the epigastrium,
described as "a knife piercing the heart," accompanied by
nausea, and caused by errors in diet. It is treated by giving
the patient water to drink in which some ash from the fireplace
has been soaked. Or wood-ash is put on the tongue and
swallowed.

Mwifu (" in the stomach ") : pains in the abdomen. Treat-
ment : chew some leaves of the Shichisu bush and swallow the
juice.

Chimbalambala : sores in the mouth of a sucking child ;
thrush. A child suffering with this is put on a youngster's back,
and with other children they go round the village, singing and
eating a cooked mixture of different kinds of grain and beans
and nuts. This is said to be very effective in driving away the
disease.

Mukamu : a periodical swelling in the right side of the
abdomen. Treatment : cook a root of the Mufufuma tree in
porridge. When the porridge has been eaten, the fragments of
roots are put in water, and it is drunk.

Tukoto : sore throat. Roots of the Shikutwe bush are
boiled and the water drunk.

Nanundwe is diarrhoea and general debility in children. The
skin is said to peel off.

Chimiongela : colic. Leaves of the Mulama tree are chewed
and the juice swallowed.

Chifundo : a swelling in the cheek, said to be caused by
jumping over a chifundululo, a mark round a field, and stealing.
Roots of the Mupazupazu tree are cooked and rubbed on the
cheek.

Lusululu : severe diarrhoea. Roots of the Muzhula tree
are cooked in bread and eaten.

Tupopo : quinsy. Leaves of the Mundambi bush are
boiled and the decoction drunk hot.

Chipilwe : a disease of the rectum in which the patient
loses control of his motions. Medicine is known, but not
to us. The patient is stood on his head and the medicine
poured in.

Chakwiwe: diarrhoea with vomiting. Leaves of the Indu-
lulu and Shishambwalwala bushes are soaked and the water
drunk.

238 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

(/) Diseases of the Urinary and Genital Systems

Ishinga or Chishinga : haematuria, accompanied by severe
pains in micturition. The flow stops, and with great pain some
drops of a red fluid are passed. It is supposed to be infectious ;
if you micturate where one has micturated who had this disease
you may get it. Treatment : take the root of the Muleambezo
tree and cook it in porridge. After the porridge is eaten the
remaining root is put in a calabash with water and the water
drunk at intervals. Also roots of the Katoze bush are cooked
in porridge. Eleven other roots are known as cures of this
disease, a decoction being made from them ; also leaves of
Chibanze and Mululwe are smoked in a pipe. The head of the
patient is lanced (lembaula) and Sangalwembe root rubbed into
the incisions. Sufferers from chishinga and mashingabotu
(another disease) are not allowed to drink the strong funku
beer ; it is taboo.

Chibunu : pains in the lumbar region, may be lumbago or
caused by kidney troubles. Treatment : scrape roots of the
Sangalwembe tree, make numerous incisions in the skin on the
loins, and rub in the scrapings.

Manansa : venereal sores. Extremely common. The roots
of the Chipezhabazhike and Mululwe are used as described
under " Leprosy."

Isonkola : a disease in men supposed to result from a pubic
hair of a woman getting into the orifice of the penis. He gets
ulcers.

Ibwalabwala and Chitupa are swellings in the scrotum.

Mafuta (" fat "). If a boy breaks the taboo by eating fat
he 'will have a fatty flux from the penis in consequence. The
remedy is to eat roots of the Matungabambala tree cooked with
meat.

(g) Diseases of Women

Chishanshati : pains after childbirth. Treatment : drink a
decoction from the root of the Itende tree.

Chipelwe : also pains after childbirth, but different from the
above. Treatment : bufu bwebwe (" stone-dust ") put in water and
drunk is said to be efficacious.

Masusu: a disease in young girls. They are forbidden to
eat the masusu (" hairs " i.e. barbs) of fish ; if they eat them
similar things grow in the vagina and obstruct it. It is a very
painful thing ; they are unable to menstruate. They will not get
married, as men are afraid of the disease. Treatment : roots
of the Chiwayu bush are cooked in porridge, the remains of the
roots are then soaked in water and the solution drunk.

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 239

The disease mafuta, described above, also affects young girls
who break the taboo. The same treatment is administered.

Impwebwe : another painful affection succeeding childbirth.
Treatment: take the bits of clouts of the bashikumbadi ("men-
struating women "), cut them up and soak them in water ; drink
the solution, or burn them in a potsherd and inhale the smoke.

Mabishi. — When a child dies, if the milk is not taken from
her breasts the woman's legs swell. A drug is known which
when rubbed on the legs brings out the mabishi (" milk "). Men
under certain circumstances get this disease (see Vol. II. p. 44).

Izuba (" the sun ") : the patient has " a white, shiny thing "
at the vulva. The remedy is the milk of the Mulundungoma
(Euphorbia).

(h) Diseases of the Nervous System

Impolokoso : earache, said to be caused by the bashimpulu-
kutwi (see p. 224). Treatment : cook the roots of the Kama-
kamala shrub and pour the decoction into the ears.

Shibandilwabana : epilepsy in children. The Chinao, one
of the small Felidae, is given this long name, which means, " He
that is not to be spoken of before children." This animal is said
to be the mukamwini (" owner ") of the disease, as every month
when the moon is dark it falls into fits. At the same time those
with this disease will behave in the same way. If you kill and
touch a Chinao and then embrace your child, it will get the
disease. For the same reason you must avoid going amongst
children when you are wearing the Chinao's skin. And if a child
treads where a Chinao has passed, especially where it has mictu-
rated, it will get the disease. If the child names the animal, or
any one names it in the child's hearing, izhina dilenjila (" the
name will enter ") and the child will get fits. Treatment : the
root of the Muchokachimongo bush is put into water to soak ;
after a time the solution is poured into the patient's ears. This
is more a preventive than a cure. Nothing is to be done while
the fit is on. It is believed that the child after passing water will
recover.

Kalalu : lunacy. It is said that some lunatics have a great
disinclination to light-coloured people ; to see them makes them
furious. Lunatics are tied up to prevent their injuring them-
selves or others. Roots of the Mundumba tree are cooked
and the decoction poured into the patient's ears, as a sedative,
when the fits are on.

Mupuka : convulsions in young sucking children ; supposed
to be caused by a mupuka coming from the mother's breast.

Kanono : epilepsy, chizuminizha mwana (" that which dries
up a child "). This is said to be caused by the Chinao, and also

240 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

by the Chikambwe, the blue jay. It is dangerous for children
to see this bird ; by sitting on the roof of a hut in which a child
is it causes the disease. Treatment : take leaves of the sensitive
plant called Kadikumbati, a feather of the blue jay, and a
bit of the skin of the Chinao ; burn them together and rub the
ash on the child.

L^lshinga : toothache, neuralgia. Treatment : roots of the
Lutende bush are soaked in water and warmed on the fire ; the
decoction is applied hot, the patient holding it in his mouth till
cold, and then renewing it. The bark of the Namuzungula and
Muvhungu trees is used in the same way.

(i) Diseases of the Skin

Kandolo. — If the milky juice of this kind of sweet potato
gets on the skin in which a child is carried, it will produce a
pustular affection on the child's skin. Treatment : take dung
of the hyena, powder it, and sprinkle it on the sores.

Chinzovwe : sores on the under side of the thigh. Treatment :
roots of the Kalutenta bush are taken and scraped ; the fine
dust is then sprinkled on the sores.

Bune : a painful affection in the feet said to be produced
by treading upon cattle-dung or other filth. The feet swell,
the patient scratches, but cannot sleep for the pain. Treatment :
Miseza are burnt in the fire and then rubbed on the feet and
between the toes.

Kanamalumbe : painful blisters full of a clear fluid. Treat-
ment : do not lance the blisters for fear of causing ulcers, but
rub them with chishila (" ochre ") and they will break. Also take
the leaves of the Mutubetube, whitethorn tree, and foment the
sores with them.

Chibondo are suppurating sores which attack the inside
surfaces of skin in contact. Treatment : roots of the water-lily
are burnt, the ashes mixed with fat and rubbed on the sores.

Mafutamabi : a rash on the face and chest. It is said that
if not quickly cured leprosy follows. Treatment : scrapings of
a root of the Bukuzu (wild fig tree) are put in water and rubbed
on the sores.

Chibala : ulcers on the buttocks, said by some to be caused
by sitting on the ground where women have been stamping grain
in the mortars. The name is applied also to any ulcer of long
standing. Treatment : strip the integument off the roots of the
Muchokachinongo bush, put it into hot water, and then apply
it to the sores.

Mupuka : sores on woman's breast and also on buttocks of
children. Treatment : leaves of the Mukomba tree are taken

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 241

and either soaked in hot water and applied to the ulcers, or are
dried, powdered, and sprinkled on the ulcers.

Insefu : swellings such as wens on the head and goitre are
so called. It is believed that meat of eland (musefu), if distributed
by you to a person and he is discontented with the size of his
portion, but does not speak out, will cause this complaint
not in the grumbler but in his child or relation. Treatment :
scrape the root of the Mufumu tree, lance the insefu, and rub in
the scrapings. (This cannot always be effectual, for we have
seen people with t these swellings for year after year, and they
are not cured. Perhaps, however, they do not know of the cure.)

Chiloa : an itching rash. Treatment : scrape roots of the
Sangalwembe tree, mix the scrapings with fat and rub into
the rash.

Chizengele : a rash something like chiloa on the face and
body. Treatment : take leaves of the Mufumbo tree, bruise
them in a mortar, dip them in water, and rub on the rash.

Insokelela : sty on the eyelid. Treatment : soak roots of
the Infwi bush in water and bathe the eye with the solution.

Inkungwe : the name of this fish is applied to certain ulcers
on the buttocks of children, supposed to be caused by their
breaking the taboo by eating its flesh. Treatment : roots of the
Mutungabambala tree are scraped, put into water, and the
decoction applied to the ulcers.

Mambungu : a disease that attacks the soles of the feet —
something like a tumour bursting through the skin. Treatment :
the brains of a hare are burnt in a potsherd over the fire, the
ashes are then mixed with fat and applied.

Bwele : scabies. Treatment : the flowers of the reed are
burnt, the ashes mixed with fat and rubbed in.

Bayubayu : sores all over the body, said to be caused by
dirt. Treatment : roots of the Kaluya bush are scraped, the
scrapings mixed with fat and applied.

Impuu : sores occurring on the shins. They are lanced
and salt rubbed in.

Intantamukoa (" it climbs the clan ") : similar to impuu
but found all over the body. So called because it goes from
relative to relative. Treatment is the same as for impuu.

Shilubidila : an erythema in circular patches on different
parts of the body ; said to be caused by the spider of the same
name. Treatment : roots of the Mudimbula tree are scraped, the
scrapings put in water and applied.

Tuzukuzhi : a split condition of the margins of the skin
around the nails. Treatment : your cousin, the child of your
father's sister, is to come and take away one piece with his finger-
nail and you will be cured.

VOL- 1 R

242 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

Chisubu : a poisoned arm. The arm swells and is hard and
hot ; it breaks, and a lot of pus comes out. Treatment :
twigs of the Mwande tree are made into an inkata (" coil "),
dipped into hot water and applied again and again to the arm.

Manga : a condition of the heels in which the thick leather-
like skin is all cleft and split. Treatment : castor oil seeds
(Mabonontelemba) are burnt in a potsherd and the ash applied.
They also use hare's brains for the same purpose.

Mafubikila : these are sores made intentionally upon them-
selves by children. The youngsters take a piece of cotton
(butongi), and after moistening a spot on the arm, light the cotton
and put it burning on the place. This is done again and again
all up the arm. They do this because they are told that if they
do not, when they die Leza will give them flies to eat and nothing
more. Children will in play count up these scars, saying,
" Chechi nchichangu, chechi ncha Leza " (" This is mine, . . . this
is Leza's "). The last one is ncha mwinakwe Leza (" Leza's
wife's "). After burning the places they put lizard's dung on to
heal the wounds.

Chisubi : a rash that follows shaving. Treatment : leaves
of the Mungunya bush are bruised in a mortar, put in water and
rubbed over the rash.

Infula : pimples on the face. They are pressed out.

Museza : a wart. They are cut off with the sharp rind of
the maize stalk.

Bulangulangu : a rash on the body. Treatment : roots of
the Mumbala bush are taken, peeled, and put in water, and then
rubbed over the rash.

Mabambu : an abrasion in the crutch, caused by the surfaces
of the skin rubbing against each other. Treatment : Lukumba
is a mixture of different leaves, bruised up together and dried.
The resulting powder is fine with a nice scent. This is sprinkled
on the abrasion.

Chimbalambala : a skin disease in small children. To cure
it they cook a mixture of maize, nuts, and macheme, adding water
to thin it. They then take the child to the cross-roads, wash him
in the mixture, and run away with him swiftly. By so doing
they leave the disease behind them.

Kufumuka : of the patient they say wafumukwa. This is
vesicles on the skin, full of fluid and very irritating. The treat-
ment consists in rubbing the skin with the fur of a genet.

Chimamanzuki : sores on the leg. They take the head of the
mubondo (the barbel fish), cook it, and rub the fat on the sores.

Imbale : scorched shins caused by sitting too near the fire.
Treatment : leaves of the Mukunku tree are crushed and used to
foment the shins.

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 243

lute : boil, abscess. Roots of the Muwi tree are cooked
and the fluid added to ibwantu (light beer) ; the abscess is fomented
with this. They also take leaves of the Mungashia tree, chew
them, and put them over the abscess to make it burst.

(k) Various other Diseases

lundu : a chigoe. This insect has found its way in late years
to the Ba-ila from the west coast, where it appeared about 1872
from the West Indies. Its scientific name is Dermatophilus
penetrans. The Ba-ila use leaves of the Mubangalala bush to
foment the sore ; and nicotine is put into the wound.

Kalangati : tongue-tiedness. The cord is cut with a burnt-out
piece of charcoal (inshimbi).

Inshikila : hiccough. A small quantity of wood-ash is
swallowed, or earth from a mole-hill (itumbo) is put in water
and drunk.

Mukubila : enlarged inguinal glands. They know it is
caused by some disease in the lower limb. Treatment : you look
for an old tumble-down house (chilu) and take a lump of clay
from it ; this you put on a potsherd on the fire, and when hot
apply it to the swellings.

Inshingo : stiff neck. Treatment : look for grass that is
growing in. the hollow of a tree, cook it in water, and apply it
hot to the neck.

Kachembele : cramp in the muscles of the feet caused by
sitting on the heels too long. The foot is beaten sharply with
the fist.

Mukoshi : pain in the muscles of the nape of the neck.
Look for water out of the hollow of a tree, heat it, and apply to
the muscles and massage them.

Musana : pains in the muscles of the back. Roots of the
Ikolankuni tree are cooked with porridge and eaten.

Menso : sore eyes. Treatment : some of the inner bark of
the Mutungabambala tree is taken and soaked in water ; after
a time the patient holds his eyes, open, in the solution. Also
leaves and roots of the Mubangalala tree are put in water and
the eyes washed in the solution.

Lupwe : an affection of the eyelids, destroying the lashes.
Treatment : bark of the Mulombe tree is cooked and the eyes
steamed in the vapour ; when cold the decoction is used as an
eye-wash. For sore eyes, a piece of copper (mukuba) is tied over
them. Filings of the same are used to put on ulcers.

Luvhumwe : non-closing of the fontanelle (see Vol. II. p. n).
Treatment : roots of the Kamampa bush are scraped, mixed with
fat, and rubbed on the head. This is not a cure but a preventive,

244 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES • PT. i

used with all children ; if they get the disease they will surely
die.

4. THE CAUSES OF DISEASE

We do not pretend to have exhausted the list of diseases
and their treatment ; but we have, perhaps, enumerated
sufficient for our purpose, which is to illustrate the Ba-iia
theories of disease and their methods of dealing with it.

We may now summarise what we have learnt in the
preceding section as to their beliefs about the causes of
disease.

It will be noticed that disease is regarded as something
almost material which can be passed from one person to
another and got rid of by washing or other means.

Some diseases come through contact, more or less
intimate, with certain dangerous things : things dangerous
because of some maleficent quality inherent in them. In
some cases there is no actual contact, rather actio in distans.
Such things are : (a) animals, e.g. the Chinao and Chikambwe ;
(6) dirt ; (c) menstruous women ; (d) a foetus.

Disease is caused also by witchcraft. There need not
be any direct contact : the warlock can harm his victim
from a distance.

Other disease is caused by breaking a taboo. It is as if
the act, e.g. of eating something forbidden, releases some
maleficent energy which afflicts the culprit.

This applies not only to actions that are specifically
tonda (" taboo "), but also to such things as jealousy, false
swearing, trespassing, discontent. The bad action has
material consequences.

Other diseases are put down to such natural causes as
exposure to the sun.

Then again there are the bapuka.

And there are the ghosts of once living men. Upon this
cause of disease we might enlarge considerably, but the
subject will meet us again later. Many baffling complaints
are ascribed to these agents. We remember one man who
informed us that he had a ghost in his ear and desired us
to use our syringe to pump it out. Another with a swollen
head explained it as due to a dead man who had breathed

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 245

upon him. As we shall see, many sicknesses and deaths are
ascribed to the direct action of the ancestral spirits who are
offended by neglect. Delirium is supposed to be caused by
ghosts (basangushi) speaking inside. If the patient dies,
they say the basangushi have taken him away.

Some diseases, again, are ascribed to Leza (God). This
is especially the case with virulent disease and plagues.

5. SNAKE-BITES, ETC.

There are several kinds of poisonous snakes in the country,
and one frequently hears of people being bitten, and some-
times of their dying as a result. The Ba-ila claim to have
several efficacious remedies for snake-bites, and there are
doctors with the reputation of being able not only to cure
but also to immunise themselves and others. From three
of these doctors we have derived much information as to
their practices.

They recognise the importance of treating the patient
immediately after he is bitten. It is not always possible
to do this, as the man may be in the bush some distance
from the village ; but his companions get him to the doctor
as quickly as they can. If it has not already been done, the
doctor at once ties a cord tightly above the wound. The
bites are generally in the hand, or in the foot ; many
instances of the former happen to women as they are clear-
ing away grass with their hoes. The doctor then proceeds
to treat the patient with drugs. One of these is the root of
the Mompelempempe bush. The long thin root is taken
and rubbed into the wound and above it ; portions of the
root are broken up, put on a potsherd over a fire, and the
wound smoked in the fumes. The root and leaves of the
Muntamba tree are also used in the same way. Leaves of
the Mubangalala tree are chewed and rubbed into the
wound. Another remedy is the root of the Mungomba
bush, called also Luminanzoka, which is shredded, soaked
in hot water, and used to foment the wound. It is also
burnt in a potsherd and the wound smoked in the fumes.

These drugs are said to extract the poison, or, as the
natives say, " to take out the teeth." After one of the

246 THE ILA-SPEAK1NG PEOPLES PT. n

drugs has been used in this way the patient is given an
emetic made from the Musale tree.

There are people who have musamo for snake-bites
which they wear around the neck. It is a small black
object, neatly covered, perhaps, with beads ; if the man is
bitten he takes it off arid rubs it into the wound. The drug
is the black root of the Muma tree.

There is a snake, Shimakoma, the African cobra, which
has the disagreeable habit of " spitting" at a person who
approaches it, and often succeeds in projecting its poison
with great precision into the eye. The vitality of this snake
is astonishing. A friend of the writers, afterwards un-
fortunately killed by a buffalo, shot one of these snakes
in his house ; after the brute was shattered it spat at him
from five or six yards away and the poison lodged in his eye.
If we mention a similar experience which one of us had it is
to give a testimony to the knowledge of the native doctors.
Bending over his tool-chest one day in search of a tool,
one of us came within a foot or two of a Shimakoma lying
curled up behind the box. Immediately there was a hiss
and the impact of something in the eye. Up till then we
had been somewhat sceptical of the native stories of this
snake's powers. When the native doctor, hastily summoned
by a servant without his master's knowledge, arrived, he
found his patient rolling about in great agony. He brought
some leaves and twigs of the Kabwengwe bush, which he
soaked in warm water, and rubbed round the outside of the
eye ; finally, he blew with his mouth into the eye itself.
Whatever the effect of the last operation may have been,
the writer knows that almost instantaneously he got relief ;
the eye, which had been dry and hot, at once began to water
profusely, the inflammation subsided, and the pain abated.
The leaves of the Mompelempempe bush are also used in
such a case, being soaked in water and some of the decoction
squeezed into the eye.

It is very difficult to ascertain whether the firm belief of
the natives in the efficacy of these drugs is justified when
a person is actually bitten by a snake. Undoubtedly
people are bitten by dangerous snakes such as the puff-
adder (Chipile) ; they swell and show other symptoms of

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 247

poisoning ; and it is equally certain that after being treated
with these drugs they recover. Whether they would have
recovered without this treatment — either because the poison
was attenuate or did not properly enter the system — is
just the point we cannot satisfy ourselves about. We
have known of people dying when they have not been
doctored.

One thing that arouses some suspicion as to the drugs
is the claim made by the doctors to use them prophylactic-
ally. They say that if you bathe yourself in the fumes of
the Mompelempempe no snake will bite you, but will run
away at your approach ; and that if you chew the Muntamba
leaves and rub your hands with the juice you can lay hold
of any snake without danger. Both these drugs have a
pungent odour and may possibly have some effect upon a
snake, but we have not put it to the test ourselves, nor
have we seen a man really in the act of doing so.

A man named Munyuni, well known to us, is one of the
doctors famed for his snake cures. He is in the habit of
keeping snakes in his hut. We begged him one day to give
us an exhibition, and his reply was that at the moment
he had not a snake in his possession. However, the same
day his wife had noticed a snake enter a hole and had
covered it over to prevent its escape. On returning home
and learning this he went and pulled it out of the hole,
extracted its fangs, and brought it to us in a bag. It was
a Munkanga — a green Mamba — about four feet long. The
snake was very much alive ; on being taken out of the bag it
tried to escape, but he easily caught it ; when he stroked its
head it became quite quiescent and lay as if dazed. Munyuni
had his two children with him, youngsters about nine and
seven years of age, and they played with the snake, opening
its mouth and putting its tail into it without exhibiting the
slightest nervousness. Their father said they were immune.
The fangless snake was, of course, harmless. Munyuni let
us into many of the secrets of his trade. He said that he
was doctored by his father, just as he has doctored his own
children. The process is to take a snake, extract the fangs,
cut off the tip of its tail (luminzo), then take a root of the
Mushikadilo tree and the root of the Mutumbulwa tree,

248 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

grind them all up together, cut a deep gash between the
big toe and the next of each foot, and between the thumb
and forefinger of each hand, and rub the substance in.
This operation must be repeated at intervals of several
years. To take out the fangs, a man chews leaves of the
Mushikadilo tree and spits the juice into the snake's mouth.
This makes it stupid (wedimbusha) . He then inserts his
fingers and wrenches out the fangs.

Munyuni carries with him also a string made up of two
impindo (" long fibres ") of the Mutumbulwa tree in readiness
for any case that may come along. As soon as he sees
the patient he ties this cord tightly above the wound.
He then lights a fire and puts the wounded limb very close
to it ; he throws the medicines on to the fire and thoroughly
smokes the wound. Then he makes a decoction of these
two medicines and gives it warm to the patient to drink.
This is supposed to drive out the snake's bulovhu ( = buvhuo,
the poison or anger) from the body.

A case had recently occurred near by of a young man
who had gone out into the forest, chased a little rodent,
and plunged his hand into a hole where he supposed it to
have taken refuge. But some poisonous snake was in the
hole and bit him on the hand. His companions took him
home, but it was a long way, and before they reached
the village he was unconscious ; he died within three hours
of being bitten. We mentioned this case to Munyuni,
and he claimed that if he had been sent for he could have
cured the man even after he was unconscious. He would
have erected a platform over a fire, into which he would
have thrown his medicines. He would have taken the
Mushikadilo leaves, chewed them, and spat them into the
man's ears, nose, and anus. He would have had boys
hold him on the platform and thoroughly smoke him in
the fumes. The man would have recovered consciousness
and been cured. We should like to have seen it done.

Another doctor told us of his method of inoculating.
He begins with a young lad. He collects as many heads as he
can of various venomous snakes, desiccates them over a fire,
and stands the lad in the fumes. Next day he makes in-
cisions in the lad's hands, between thumb and forefinger,

en. x LEECHCRAFT 249

and rubs in some of the powder. This operation is repeated
at intervals and the boy is said to grow up immune.

6. THE USE OF APHRODISIACS, ETC.

The Ba-ila use several aphrodisiacs, or love-philtres
(defixiones), but whether they are really efficacious we
cannot say. We can only report what we have learnt
from the doctors and others.

When, they say, a man is in love with his wife and she
rejects him (wazaza), in order to gain her affections he gets
the root of the Mudimbula tree and scrapes it ; he takes
also the feathers of the Inzhinge bird, burns them, mixes
the ash with the scrapings, and conceals it all in a piece
of liver. If she is at her home, the woman's relations
are prevailed upon to give her this liver to eat ; if she is
at his place, the man manages with guile to get her to
eat it.

If a man wants to win the love of a woman, he takes
the root of the Chikalamatanga bush and smokes it with
tobacco in his pipe. While smoking he calls softly to her,
or, if he is in company, he whispers inaudibly, " So-and-so,
how I do love her ! Would that she might return my love ! "
So on and so on. The effect is telepathic. She dreams
of him, and in the morning, as she recalls her dreams, his
image haunts her. She begins to think kindly of him.
So the natives say.

There are also medicines which women drink or smoke
to excite the passions of their lovers ; or a woman neglected
by men will resort to these to attract a lover or a husband.
There are drugs, of which we do not know the names, one
to smoke and another to anoint the body with. As she
smokes, the woman charges the drug, saying, " Uwe, musamo,
ndakufweba mulombwana akantwale (" O medicine, I smoke
you in order that a man may marry me ! "). There is a
charm named Mudidila carried by a man, and its effect
upon a woman is that from the time she first sees him she
weeps (dila), saying, " Would that that man would marry
me." So, like Alphesiboeus, they try with magic rites to
turn to fire the lover's coldness of mood.

250 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

Another drug is the root of the Mubangalala tree, of
which a decoction is drunk by a man who through age or
other causes loses his virility. Another aphrodisiac is got
from the Ndale, a tree with a dark heart. The doctor cuts
into the sides of it and takes out pieces, which are put
into beer. The solution is said to have a powerful effect, so
much as to keep the man restless and sleepless (wamufubya
tulo) .

There are several apparently efficient abortifacients in
use among these people. One is the leaves of a short bush
named Kahuhimushi. These are chewed by the woman.
Another is made thus : the roots of the castor oil plant
are put to soak together with the root of the Buchinga
bush (which bears a red fruit). The woman drinks some
of the warm decoction.

These are used by girls ; by women who do not want
to lose their husbands' attentions through being pregnant ;
by women who through anger or dislike of their husbands
do not want to bear children ; and by a woman who becomes
pregnant when suckling a child.

There are many drugs used in midwifery. One midwife
who had been called into a case of protracted labour showed
us seven drugs she used : they were to be pounded up and
a decoction from them drunk warm. Leaves of the Kahulu-
mushi are chewed and their juice swallowed. And there
are others.

7. AMULETS AND TALISMANS

To what extent the misamo we have already enumerated
are really of therapeutical value, or are only of magical
effect, we do not presume to say, but we now go on to deal
with others which may be specifically classed as charms :
amulets and talismans. The difference between these we
understand to be that talismans are used to bring good
luck or to transmit qualities, while amulets are preventive
in their action. The Ba-ila themselves draw such distinc-
tions. The generic term musamo embraces all kinds of
" medicines " for any purpose whatever ; and they are
divided into these classes :

i. Misamo budio : " medicines simply," i.e. drugs.

LEECHCRAFT

251

2. Shinda (sing. Chinda) : amulets. The root of the word
is inda, which as a verb (kwindd) means, " to work upon,
apply a charm to " ; kwindauka, to do this repeatedly,
or by a series of actions. Diinda, the reflexive form, means

Photo E. tr. Smith.

BRACELETS AND CHARMS.

to apply a charm to oneself, or to obtain a charm for
one's own use ; and a person who has not as yet availed
himself of this means of protection (ut&nakudiinda) is
described as muntu budio (" a mere human being," i.e. he
is deficient).

3. Isambwe or Insambwe is a talisman, active in

252 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. u

bringing to the possessor cholwe, i.e. luck, prosperity, good
fortune, presumably by transferring to him the peculiar
energies or qualities inherent in itself. The word is related
to kusamba, to wash, bathe, and appears to mean etymo-
logically ' ' that in which one is bathed. ' ' Good luck is always
associated with cleanness, whiteness. The whitest thing
they know, impemba (see p. 232), is a talisman smeared on
their foreheads by hunters. In accordance with this idea
are the sayings, ulasweya ankumu (" he is clean as to the fore-
head," i.e. is fortunate) ; ulasweya mwitashi (" he is clean
in the hand,'' i.e. is rich). On the other hand, of an unfor-
tunate person they say ulashia munkumu (i.e. "he is black
on the forehead ").

4. Shinda may incidentally cause the death of people,
but that is not primarily their object. There is another
species of musamo, called inzuikizhi, whose function it is
to kill and destroy. It is used by the warlocks and witches
(see Vol. II. p. 96).

There is another term, bwanga, applied to musamo,
not to any particular kind, but is rather a general term,
apparently descriptive of its mysterious action. The same
root goes to form the name of the doctor, munganga.

It is impossible to exaggerate the part which these
misamo play in the life of the Ba-ila. It is not too much
to say that apart from them it is impossible to understand
any side of their life. They are regarded with an implicit
trust that deserves to be called a religion : we speak of
them here under the heading of " Leechcraft," but must
return to them later when we deal with religion.

Their use constitutes a system of insurance against
the ills and calamities of life. Instead of paying an insur-
ance premium as we do, and thus robbing burglary, acci-
dent, fire, and even death of some of their terrors, the Ba-ila
invest in powerful charms, which in their belief will keep
them free from violence, robbery, etc. etc. ; and if not
altogether from death at least will postpone it, and enable
them to determine their mode of life beyond the grave.

Almost every Mwila you meet wears one or more of
these charms round his neck or on his arm or head. They
are carried in different ways.

CH x LEECHCRAFT 253

A small horn, such as that of a Duiker, is filled with the
medicine, and worn round the neck ; this is called a
lusengo. A mufuko is a small bag made of snake-skin,
and worn in the same way. An armlet is made of the skin
of the iguana (Nabulwe) and filled with drugs. Some
medicines are not worn but suspended in the hut, or, more
often, under the eaves. One of our friends among the chiefs
has the following suspended thus on his verandah : medi-
cine to keep his people together, so that they may not
stray ; medicine to prevent his cattle from being eaten
by crocodiles ; medicine to increase the number of his
cattle ; medicine to give his hunting dogs speed. Another
friend of ours, a minor chief, has a miniature bow and
arrows hanging in his hut ; when we asked him about it
he explained that he shot these arrows in various directions
to induce people to come from those quarters to swell
the numbers of his own adherents, which indeed were
scanty.

We ourselves have been presented at various times
with medicines in the shape of bracelets, etc., by friends
anxious for our welfare. One old chief transferred from
his arm to ours an armlet of Nabulwe skin, containing,
he said, bits of the pounded roots of the Kafwebwe, Mulota,
and Muhumbane bushes — also the remains of any insect
the doctor saw running about him just as he was sewing
them up — which was a sure preventive of all kinds of
witchcraft. The composition of this, he informed us, was
revealed to him in a dream by a Musangushi. On another
occasion he quietly slipped into our hand a similar armlet
that we were to press to our lips whenever we were about
to engage in any business, and it would inevitably ensure
our bringing off a favourable bargain. He gave us another
armlet which he said was medicine to ensure that every-
body would love us : he had bought the secret for ten head
of cattle.

But they are not all carried ; many are eaten, or used
as washes. A man who gets a charm is said to " eat " it
(wachidya] ; but it does not necessarily mean that he con-
sumes it by the mouth, but simply that he has it and its
qualities are available for him. And not only are there

254 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

personal charms of this kind, but every village is protected
by its own. There are also communal charms. Mr. Dale
when engaged in ploughing on his farm was one day
desirous of felling a tree that obstructed his work ; but
every one of his men, usually so obedient, absolutely refused
to touch it, and he had to start felling it himself. After
he had chopped a few strokes, they took the axe from him
and completed the job. The curse had now been trans-
ferred to him, and they were free to cut. It appeared that
some ten or fifteen years before, at the time of an invasion,
a powerful musamo had been deposited in the tree to ensure
the enemies of the community becoming lame and helpless ;
and to this musamo was attached a curse against any one
molesting the tree.

It is not possible always to discriminate accurately
between amulets and talismans ; it is evident that a charm
which protects may be also a talisman in the sense that
thereby it brings its owner prosperity. The charms may
have the character of both chinda and isambwe. We have,
therefore, in our description not adhered to this classifica-
tion, but rather grouped them in regard to the objects
to be attained by their use.

As will be seen in reading this description, there is
a close connection between the function of the charm and
its name. Sometimes the name describes some quality
inherent, or supposed to be inherent, in the thing itself,
and the effect is easily deduced from it. For example, the
violet-tree (called Mufufuma) has roots which are swollen
(fufumuka), and the medical effect of them used as a drug
is to cause swelling. Such seems to be actually its effect.
It is used by boys to cause their members to grow, and we
know one boy who nearly died of the effects, so great and
painful were they. By analogy, therefore, the use of the
drug is extended, so that children are bathed in a decoction
made of the roots in order to promote their growth. The
connection between the name and the effects of a drug cannot
always be traced so clearly as in this case. Often the con-
nection seems to be in sound only, e.g. between the name
of the bird Kashise and the effect produced by the charm so
named, i.e. to shishulula the family of a person (see p. 264).

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 255

Perhaps some habit of the bird has suggested the analogy.
Whether the name of the bird has been derived from the
effect desired from the charm, or the effect deduced from
the bird's name is not clear. The principles of sympathetic
magic — that like produces like, or that an effect resembles
its cause — are well illustrated by these charms. But it must
be remembered we are dealing with things that are real to the
Ba-ila. There is power in these things which actually works
to procure the ends.

Almost invariably these charms have taboos associated
with them : things which the doctor forbids his patient to
do, lest he should yaya chinda (" kill the charm "). Before
doctoring the patient the doctor asks him : " Will you be
able to follow the practices associated with it ? " and unless
he undertakes to do so will not proceed. Some of these
prohibitions are understandable on the principles of sym-
pathetic magic, e.g. those against eating the Pallah (Nanzeli),
for if you eat it your luck will zelauka (" disappear ") ; the
Duiker (Nakasha), for it would forbid (kasha) your success ;
and the Oribi (N akasotekela) , for it would cause your fortune
to spring away (sotekela).

It is easy to understand, too, why imbwila, the ground-
pea, is taboo to those who have misamo ya Leza, i.e. charms
to prevent rain from falling. These peas are hard, and
poured into a pot make a rattling sound like distant thunder ;
thunder brings rain, and so the charm is rendered of no avail.

But other prohibitions are not so easy of explanation.
Why, e.g., is a man with wombidi medicine not to allow
another to carry a pot behind his back ? And when he is
in a hut and a pot is passed in, why must he not take hold
of it but only shove it along the ground ? And why must
a lukwi not be brought into a hut where he is ? And if it is,
why must he take it between his teeth, not in his fingers,
to return it to the person who brought it ? And why, when
eating milk-bread, must he be scrupulous in taking the first
two spoonfuls in his left hand and the third in his right ?
Perhaps the only reason is to impress appropriate thoughts
on the patient's mind.

One method of self-protection is, by means of a powerful
charm, to put one's life into a hiding-place, whether into

256 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

another person, or into some object. This is kudishita, to
shield, protect, oneself. One chief, Mungaila, confided to us
once that his life was hidden in the needle on a friend's
head : he was careful not to say which friend. Another
told us that his was in a friend's finger-nail. One of the
doctors gave us the following description of this part of his
practice. The patient comes to him and says : " Ndeza
kulanga mwinzobola luseba Lwangu, ndaamba unkwatenkwate "
("I am come to seek a place wherein to keep my body, I
mean that you should safeguard me "). If the doctor under-
takes the case, the patient produces a hoe as a preliminary
fee. The doctor then prepares the misamo, and charms
him (wamwinda) by giving him some to eat in porridge and
others to rub on his body. And the doctor asks : " Where
is it you wish to hide ? Perhaps in the eye of some person ? ' '
" Yes, I wish to hide in somebody's eye." " What person ? "
The patient thinks over the names o£ his relatives, and
rejecting them says : "I would hide in the eye of my
servant." The doctor agrees, and charms him accordingly,
giving him all the medicines necessary to enter his servant's
eye, whether it be man or woman. So wenjila momo
ulazuba momo mudinso (" he enters and hides there in the
eye "). He does not make the fact known to the servant,
but keeps the knowledge to himself. He remains in the
eye all the days of his life. Should he fall sick he tells his
chief wife : " Know, in case I should die, that I had certain
medicines from So-and-so." This is because of the claims
that the doctor will make against his estate ; but even to
his wife he does not tell that he is in any one's eye. Should
he die, at the same moment that servant of his has his eye
pierced (ulatuluka dinso), that is, by his master coming out
of it. Then seeing the man's eye burst, people know where
the master lay hidden. And the converse is also true ;
should the servant's eye be destroyed, the master would die.
Other people are doctored so that they may hide (zuba) in a
palm-tree. When such a one dies, the palm falls ; and should
the palm fall first (a very unlikely event), the man would
die. If he were not sick at the time, he would die suddenly
(ulaanzuka budio). Others eat medicine for taking up their
abode (kukala) in a thorn tree (mwihunga). On the death

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 257

of such a person the tree breaks and falls, and the man comes
out of it (wavhwa mo). Others get medicines to enable
them to hide (zuba) in a cow or an ox. When the beast dies,
the person " takes away his heart " (wakusha mozo) and
dies also. Then people know that he had hidden in the
beast. So was King Nisus's life bound up with the brilliant
purple lock on his head, which his daughter Scylla stole
and treacherously handed to her father's foe, saying :

Cape pignus amoris

purpureum crinem nee me nunc tradere crinem,
sed patrium tibi crede caput !

And so was Meleager's life bound up with the billet of wood
which, wishing to avenge her brother's death, his mother
threw into the fire, and as it burned, so did the absent
Meleager burn with those flames, and his spirit gradually
slipped away as the billet was reduced to white ashes.

This same doctor went on to tell us of another kind of
medicine which is called owelumbu, taken to produce the
effect in another person of kulumbuzhiwa. Kulumbula is
used ordinarily for " to pay tribute, tax " ; lumbuzha, the
active form ("to cause to pay tribute, to levy a tax"), is
used also of a person doing something in order thereby to
put another in such a position that he is compelled to do
something similar. The word is used in this sense in law-
suits ; here it signifies that a man takes medicine in order
that somebody else shall die at the same time that he
dies, in other words, that he shall live as long as the other,
who is perhaps younger. The doctor thus describes the
process : A person eats medicine to lumbuzha another,
whether his mother or brother or some one else, so that on
the day he dies the other may die too. The doctor says :
" Who is it that you wish to die with ? " He chooses the
one. The doctor does not at once give him the medicines,
but considers him quietly to see whether he is sincere
(abone na udishinizhe) ; and if he finds him so administers
the drugs. He goes on living, does that man, and also
he who is lumbuzha 'd. But the day that the patient begins
to be sick with a mortal disease, the other person who was
put into the medicine and so lumbuzha'd gets sick also (aze

voi. i s

258 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

wezo owakabikwa it musamo owakalumbuzhiwd). When the
one approaches death the other does the same : when one
dies, the other dies. When this happens people know that
they had one charm (bakadya chinda chomwi) .

He does not mean that there was any agreement between
them : the victimised person knows nothing of what was
done ; but that the charm has bound them together so
closely that the one's life goes to nourish the other's.

This ilumbu medicine may be taken to produce a different
effect. " He takes it with the intention that when he is
sick and likely to die, his child or another member of the
family shall die and he live. And so it happens, until in
the end when nobody is left for him to lumbuzha, he himself
dies." In these instances the musamo evidently enables the
owner to feed, vampire-like, on the life-substance of others :
their life nourishes his, so that they die and he lives.

Not only may a man live at the expense of others, but
he may also by means of musamo draw life from trees.
Once when Sezongo II. was very ill the doctor had men climb
a Butaba tree, cut a thick branch and carry it, taking care
not to allow it to touch the ground, to the chief's hut and
plant it there. At the foot of the branch the doctor went
through some incantations. The Butaba is a tree full of
vitality ; a stick from it readily takes root and grows :
some of its vitality by means of the doctor's magic passed
into Sezongo and he recovered. The tree then planted is
still pointed out.

There is another musamo named wabumi (" life
medicine "), reputed to be very ancient ; it is indeed that
mentioned in Vol. II. p. 102 as having been given in the be-
ginning by Leza to men to enable them to propagate their
species. There are certain taboos associated with this charm.
None of the owner's people may strike a stone ; when cook-
ing they must not leave a spoon sticking in the pot ; when
offering him food they must not push the pot along the
ground (if they do a Jion will drag him along) ; they
must not empty out a pot (if they do, his life will
be emptied out). Any one of these transgressions will
vhumununa him, i.e. rob the charm of its virtue. We first
got to know of this charm through a case in court. The

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 259

wife of a chief named Katumpa summoned him for beating
her, and, in his defence, he said he had beaten her because
she had struck a stone !

Another charm is named mongo : its purpose is to
enable the owner to live long (kuongola). Another, named
inzhinge, is " eaten " by a man when he falls ill to ensure
that he will not die within a certain specified time, say two
years. The crocodile is said to owe its longevity to the
large pebbles it swallows ; they are sometimes found in the
stomach. So people get a charm named chiwena (crocodile)
to enable them to swallow small stones (imbwebwe) and
live long.

There are numerous charms to ensure a man's well-being,
and some of them act by causing an enemy to relent and
stay his hand. Thus, if you have weshizhamozo (" that
which blackens the heart"), any one wishing to do you
harm will become black-hearted, i.e. will relinquish his
intention. Namwetelelwa causes an enemy as soon as he
arrives in your presence to feel sorry for you (ulukuetelela)
and change his mind. If you have the charm wa-kutabikwa-
ku-mozo, your enemy on the point of doing you harm will
remember that he too is a sinner (wadibonena kakwe) and
will spare you. And, on the other hand, as you are likely
to want to harm others, you fortify yourself against relenting
by getting shichebukwa, which will enable you to keep up
resentment against a person, when you might be inclined
to look upon him with favour (kuchebuka). But should
you have had a quarrel with him and he return home,
sick unto death through your resentment and ill-treatment,
then another charm called chipinduluzho would destroy your
ill-feeling and restore him to health (pindulula) .

Other charms act on ill-wishers to do them harm. Mpilu
will make any one turn back (pilula) who sets out to hurt
you — he gets sick on the road, or meets with an accident.
Nakasha (" the preventer ") is a charm worn round the
neck in a horn of the antelope of that name. Its use is thus
described : " If it be a warlock or witch (mulozhi) who
thinks of bewitching you, his musamo turns upon himself
(wamuzhokela) and kills him." Lubabankofu (" louse-itch ")
ensures that any one who plans to lay hands upon you will

260 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

be afflicted with an intolerable itching. If you have the
charm shilandwa, any one who attempts to sue you (kulanda)
will not live long or the goods he gets out of you will perish
(taongola wafwa, na lubono ndwadiwa Iwazaia, Iwazhimina) .
Ngongoki (a name derived from that of a fabulous monster,
said to have a high spine, bare of flesh) will make your
enemy waste away to a skeleton ; nanundwe will make him
as slow-footed as a chameleon (nanundwe). Everybody
knows how the hippopotamus rises up out of the water.
The Ba-ila call the action fumpauka. If you have the charm
named after that animal (chivhubwe) any one who fights you
will have something terrible fumpauka in his body and be
compelled to desist.

There is a mysterious plant named Mukombokombo, the
leaves of which do not shake in the wind, not even in the
fiercest tempest, and which has the property of moving off
suddenly and replanting itself miles away. A musamo
from this tree will make your enemy kombauka, i.e. break
all in pieces and disappear. Mutakwa will enable you to
vomit any musamo that a warlock has, without your knowing
it, put into your food. Dipakumuma is one " that gives
you to be silent." If you are at rest in your hut and some-
body calls you it ensures that you will not answer him
(kumuma). If he is a friend, well, he will understand ;
if it be an enemy, well, he goes away and you escape from
him.

Another amulet named wakutadiatwa (" for not to be
trodden on ") will cause any one treading in your footsteps
to swell up, and, unless an antidote be administered, to die.
To trace a person's footsteps is one way of bewitching him.

Some talismans are specially useful to chiefs in that they
tend to increase their following. One such talisman bears
the name of mwino (" salt "), and the effect of it is to produce
mwino-mwino in the owner, i.e. tastiness, winsomeness ;
so that all may love him. There is a tree named Mumpangu,
and it provides a medicine owakupangukilwa bantu, i.e. that
will draw people from a distance ; they are compelled to
come flocking, eager to become the subjects of the chief
who has it. (The same medicine is used by a hunter to put
in his game-pits and traps to draw the animals from afar.)

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 261

There is another medicine named mulundu used for the
same purpose, i.e. that people may lundumuka (" flock ") to
the owner; and another, muyobo (name of a bamboo), that
causes people to oboloka, gather together to him, and those
who come to visit stay on permanently.

A medicine to produce calmness and peace in one's life
is named wetontozha. If you have it you rest tontola ne,
tontolo, bubona budi itontozha menzhi (" quiet, oh, so quiet,
like the calmness of still water ").

A common charm for warding off lightning is a tortoise-
shell hung up under the eaves. As the tortoise in its
" house " is safe from the elements, so it will cause people
to be. When people are afraid of lightning during a thunder-
storm they take a piece of tortoise-shell and throw it on the
fire and say : " Laba kabotit, twafwa bowa tu bazhike bako.
Twakabomba (" Open thy mouth gently (i.e. lighten gently),
we, thy slaves, are nervous. We are humble before thee ").

There is a musamo to be obtained from the doctors
which will give good luck in any way one wishes. It is
called masamba (see p. 252). If a man wants very special
luck, he not only gets the charm, but under the doctor's
instructions he commits incest with his sister or daughter
before starting on his undertaking. That is a very power-
ful stimulus to the talisman. There are various taboos
connected with the masamba. Thus during the month of
Shimwenje (November, " beginning of the rains ") the man
must refrain from having intercourse with his wife. If he
neglects this he will become poor, and if any one through
hatred plans his death he will not have the luck to escape.
Even the girl-wife of a man, if she wishes to go home during
this month, may not be forbidden. And all this month
he may not shake his bed nor have it shaken by anybody,
even if it be infested with vermin : nothing in the hut may
be swept or shaken, for that would be equivalent to throwing
away his luck. Again, if a man with masamba is away
working he may not wash during the time. If he does he
will tubuluka, i.e. the medicine will lose its properties and
he will get small wages. Once again, he may not eat the
flesh of the Kantanta (sable antelope). That animal is
very dark ; they say the meat is dark also, and if he eats

262 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

it inshi ilamushila (" the earth will be black to him "), all
good luck blotted out. He must also refrain from eating
of the small antelopes, Duiker, Oribi, and Pallah. These
buck are hard to kill. People often spear them and yet
they escape. To eat them would be to transfer to himself
that quality. One would think this should be a good thing,
for by mating them a man would be ensured escape from
trouble. But the Ba-ila argue differently : for a buck to
escape may be a good thing for the buck, but it is a bad
thing for a hunter ; if he eats the flesh his luck will escape
him just when he thinks he has secured what he desires.

One class who specially need good luck are the hunters.
As we have seen, most hunters use only spears, but around
Nanzela many have old muzzle-loaders. At Nanzela we
are told that when a hunter secures a gun he by no means
trusts to his own skill in using it. Before he begins to shoot
he takes it to the doctor, who gives him musamo with which
to wash it. The doctor gives him directions and lays
restrictions upon him : he may say, for example, " If you
find game you must on no account shoot indiscriminately ;
the only antelope j^ou may shoot is the Hartebeest." He
obeys, and brings down his quarry. Having carried it
home he makes a little offering of bits of meat to his
medicines ; and the doctor tells him, " You mustn't give
the heart away to people, keep it ; the chest and the loins
are yours." The heart is to be cooked at the sacred forked-
stick (the Iwanga), and when ready he cuts it up and dis-
tributes it among his particular friends. It is a sacrifice.
Having eaten they wash hands and lips. The doctor further
gives instructions for the safe keeping of his luck ; he warns
him especially against allowing any shikumbadi (" menstruat-
ing woman ") to enter the hut where the gun is, for she
would inevitably render it useless.

Another class that seeks medicine for good luck are the
traders. Theirs is musamo wa bwendo (" trading medicine " ;
kuenduka, "to go trading"). Before starting on his ex-
pedition the trader places the receptacle before him and
exhorts his medicine, saying :." May you help me to buy
slaves, guns, cattle, blankets, whatever I want." Having
done this he thinks, " I shall return having made good

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 263

bargains." The doctor who gives him the medicine bids him
beware especially of menstruating women ; warning him
against allowing one of them to touch his food on the journey.
He cautions him also not to have intercourse with women.
To do this would be kusotoka Iwendo Iwakwe ("to jump
over his journey"), i.e. destroy its luck. One of these
medicines is named mbimbe and is worn in a goat's horn.
Just as the bimbe hawk swoops down on its prey and rarely,
if ever, misses, so this musamo will enable the trader to
carry off good bargains.

The Ba-ila will not eat rats, but if they find water in
which a rat has died they will drink it, as they say it gives
good- luck.

To raise himself (kudibuslia) above his fellow-villagers,
a man secures the charm named chimbusha ; as a result,
his neighbours sink (lobd) and he alone floats (webuka), and
his name becomes famous. One means of getting rich is
to have the charm lukunka, which will cause you to stumble
upon (dikunka) an elephant, or a slave, or something else
that will provide you with wealth.

We have described in Chapter VIII. the doctoring of
the warriors before and after war.

Another musamo for warriors is the insect Injelele, one
that darts rapidly over the surface of a pool or lake, so
rapidly that you can hardly follow its movements. This
insect is eaten with food to render you invisible in battle.

The skunk (Kanyimba) is a difficult creature to kill or
catch, as when chased it jumps from side to side. A
medicine is made from it to ensure one's safety in war ;
he who has it becomes, like the skunk, a very difficult
target.

Similarly the quail (Inzhinge) on account of its ability
to hide, is eaten to render a warrior indetectable.

Another charm is named mulala, and its function is to
enable the warrior (and also the hunter) to hit every time
he throws his spear.

If any one is inclined to rebel (kupapa) against his
superiors, he can get a musamo named chipapa-cha-munkudi
("bit of an old calabash shell "), and he will be made
successful.

264 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

Wanzhimina is a useful charm which protects you in a
court of law, by causing your accusers to forget the charge
brought against you : it fades away (kazhimina), whatever
it may be. Another named mudimbula, while stimulating
your own wits and enabling you to put your case well
(kubosha mikanano], makes your opponents stupid (waba-
dimbula] so that they lose their action. The same musamo
is used to stupefy the ghost of a man you have killed so
that it cannot do you harm.

From this it is evident that misamo act not only on the
living but on the dead. And a man at his own desire may
be so doctored as to change his state in the next world.
The charm will so act that when he dies he becomes a lion,
or an eagle, or an itoshi, or an ant-hill. .We deal with this
more fully later. Such charms have the name wakudisa-
ngula (" musamo for transforming oneself "). Another charm
Wakudifundula (" for shedding one's skin ") enables a man
to turn himself into a lion or other beast.

The witchcraft musamo (inzuikizhi) may be "eaten"
by a person with the object of transforming himself after
death into a mutalu, a vengeful, destructive ghost, described
as kayayabiiseka ("one who goes killing and smiling").
His victims fall suddenly dead. The only thing to be done
in such cases is to get the mudimbula medicine, and doctor
the ghost, balamuinda ku busangushi bwakwe (" they doctor
the man in his ghostly state ").

Men not disposed to allow their survivors to live peace-
fully after they themselves are dead, procure certain charms
to cause their unhappiness. One of them is named sho-
mbololo (" the kudu "), and it makes people fight, commit
suicide, be rebellious, and turn criminal. " That is how
it is to-day at Manimbwa," said our informant. " Whence
all this upset since Sezongo's death ? Because that chief
' ate ' shombololo medicine."

Another man will " eat " the charm named after a small
red bird, kashise, and the result is that all his family are
wiped out : they shishulula (" disappear") ; or the kamivaya
(" the disperser ") will ensure that all his property will
disappear, that whoever takes his name will perish, that
all his family will become extinct.

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 265

Another man will have a charm named after the tortoise
(fulwe) ; just as Fulwe suddenly withdraws his head, and
turns from a living thing into what seems to be mere stone,
so he, when perhaps there is nothing wrong with him,
or very little, suddenly dies, leaving the people puzzled
as to his disappearance. Wakufulaukwa budio ("he just
vanishes ! ").

Another man, who perhaps has a horror of being buried,
gets a charm which will ensure the people carrying out
his last wishes to be laid, not in a grave, but on a high
platform (busanza) built of sticks. And another with a
whim to be buried sitting up in the grave does the same.
There is a charm named nakansakwe (a stork), which secures
that when a man dies he remains to all appearance what
he was in life. To look at him you would say he was alive,
but he is dead. Another rnedicine named wakwadyamaila-
kobili (" of eating grain twice ") enables a man after he is
dead and buried to rise from the grave, go off to the village
of the doctor from whom he got the charm, and there enjoy
a second spell of life.

Finally, there is a charm named after a tree, mutesu,
which will cause a great crowd to gather to a man's funeral
(kutesaukd), all feeling very sorry and weeping for him
tumult uously.

8. THE PRACTITIONERS, (a) The Diviner

Our final sections must be devoted to the two professions
whose arts are of such vital importance in the life of the
Ba-ila. The practitioners are of two kinds, the diviners
and the doctors.

To divine is kusonda ; the diviner is musonzhi ; and the
instrument with which he divines is chisondo.

Although we speak of him in this chapter devoted to
Leechcraft, his art takes a much wider sweep. He is essen-
tially a revealer : things that are hidden from ordinary view
he can discover and make known. Hence, he is called
upon to find things that are lost, to detect thieves, to trace
straying cattle, to determine the identity of the child that
is born, and so on. His importance in the present con-

266 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

nection is that he is the diagnoser of disease. He reveals
not only what the disease is, but also its cause, and often
tells what the medicine is and from what doctor (munganga)
it may be procured. He tells also whether the death was
due to witchcraft or to the divine will, i.e. of Leza.

There are several different ways of divining. We will
describe those we have seen, and mention others.

(i) Shimubi. — The Shimubi, the divining rod used by
some practitioners, is a piece of wood i-| inch thick,
bow-shaped, with one end carved into the head of -a Shima-
koma snake, two eyes (represented by beads), mouth
and all.

The profession is handed down from older men to
younger on payment of fees. One man we knew said he
paid two impande shells. The older man takes the novice,
cuts a slit in his hand, between the thumb and forefinger,
and rubs in medicine ; he then puts the chisondo into his
hand, places its nose over some smouldering herb in a
potsherd and says an incantation, exhorting it to obey its
new master. He then communicates to him the names and
properties of various drugs and the new practitioner has
graduated.

If anything is lost, or if a hunter has failed to track a
wounded beast, the services of the diviner are called in.
The first thing invariably to be done is to pay a fee — large
or small, according to the ability of the applicant, and the
value of the thing that is to be found. This offered and
accepted, the diviner takes a potsherd and breaks into it
from a smouldering log a quantity of live coal, and upon
this he sprinkles crushed dry leaves of two or three bushes,
which smoulder and send out a pungent smoke. Some of
the leaves he puts into his mouth. Then grasping the
Shimubi, he rubs (kubuwa) upon its head the chewed leaves
from his mouth, and putting its head in the smoke begins
to talk to it : " You hear what is said. This thing that is
lost, discover it. It is an axe. Perhaps it is on the ground,
or on a tree, wherever it is, find it. It is you who know
where it is." Holding it in his left hand by the head, he
takes in the other hand a rattle — made nowadays out of a
milk-tin with some pebbles in it — and shaking this he

CH.X LEECHCRAFT • 267

continues his oration. Two men then hold Shimubi, standing
one on each side and grasping it with alternate hands, so
that the hand of one man is not next to his other. The
diviner continues to talk in a plaintive, beseeching tone :
" Now, arise and go. ... Go on, man. . . . Where is the
road ? . . . Arise, my friend. . . . You know where this
thing is. ... Come along, now do." Presently the men
holding Shimubi begin to move ; they say the wood draws
them and they must follow it. He moves along with them,
shaking his rattle and exhorting the chisondo.

The belief in the diviner's power to find things is strongly
held by most people, perhaps, though some merely laugh
at it. According to the diviners the chisondo never fails.
It will, they claim, follow a thief and pick him out of a
crowd ; if a beast has been taken off by a lion it will take
you to the carcase. How far it really acts, and if it does
act what there is in it, we cannot say. We have put a
diviner to the test by offering a reward if he would find
things we had hidden, but he was not successful. Perhaps
we could hardly expect him to be under the circumstances.
He had plenty of excuses : that the men holding the chisondo
were weak and that Shimubi soon exhausted them, etc.
We can quite imagine that often they are successful, through
knowing beforehand or through making shrewd guesses.

The diviner has a smaller rod called Shimubi mwaniche
(" the young Shimubi "), which he uses in divining the where-
abouts of game and in diagnosing disease. The applicant
pays his fee and tells him what he wants to know. After
going through the doctoring process as before, the diviner
sits on the ground with the rod in his hand and talks to it in
a low tone. Presently it begins to jerk about violently (puta-
puta). He sits absorbed : it is as if the thing were jumping
automatically. He asks it, " If we go to-morrow, shall we
find Eland ? " Taps.1 " Shall we find them soon ? " No
movement. " Shall we have a long search ?" Taps. "Shall
we kill ? " Taps, slow, uncertain. And the diviner tells
the applicant that if he goes out on the morrow he will find

1 To give the answer "Yes" the rod taps the ground ; by ceasing to
move it answers "No." We use "it" in referring to Shimubi] a native
would say "he."

268 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

Eland after a long search ; and if he shoots straight and hits
it in the heart he may kill, if not, not. An oracle that
leaves plenty of loopholes for escape. Others come before
starting on a journey to discover whether they are likely
to have a prosperous time.

And so in diagnosing a disease. After hearing what the
applicant has to say, he talks to the rod, and according to
its movements returns an answer ; perhaps that such and
such a spirit is offended and wants to be sacrificed to ; or
that he must go to a certain doctor and get certain medicine.

Should the head of a family suspect, after two or three
members have died mysteriously, that there is bulozhi at
work, he calls together the relations to discuss the matter.
They decide to consult the diviner, and all go to him in
company. Only the members of the family are admitted to
the seance. They tell him what they want, and deposit
three or four hoes as a fee. Having doctored the Shimubi,
the diviner addresses it in such words as these : " O
Shimubi, you see these people in trouble ; they are in tears ;
they are weeping. They want to know from you the cause
of this death. Tell them. If it was lufu Iwa Leza (" a
death to be ascribed to Leza "), well, there is nothing for it
but to go on weeping. But, on the other hand, if it was
caused by a fellow-man — tell us, O Shimubi." Shimubi
moves in the diviner's hand : it is attentive. "Go on !
Tell us, was it one man who bewitched those people, one
who wished them to die so that he could inherit all their
names ? " Shimubi taps vigorously. " No, no, Shimubi,
those people died naturally." Shimubi is still. " Well,
really, they did die bewitched. Was it a relation who was
the warlock ? " Shimubi taps : " Yes." " Was it So-
and-so ? " Shimubi taps vigorously. And the diviner
turns to the people and points out how Shimubi was silent
when natural death was spoken of, and gave its assent
when one was spoken of as a warlock. To make doubly
sure, he sends them away to make a cock undergo the
mwazh'i ordeal.

This diviner says it is not he himself that gives the
answer but the chisondo.

(2) Chipa. — The diviner uses one of the ordinary small

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 269

spherical pots. First he washes his hands and face in
medicine. Then he takes the head of an axe and fixes it
firmly into the ground with the sharp edge upmost. He
chews more medicine and spits the juice into the small pot,
full of water. He then stands the pot on the edge of the
axe, with an arrow on each side resting on the ground to
help in balancing it. He holds it in his hands, feeling about
till he gets the balancing point. He has asked already
what the applicant wants to know, and of course the fee
has been paid. He now addresses the pot, keeping up a long
incantation in a low voice. He asks it a question and
withdraws his hands ; if the pot remains rigid, the answer
is " Yes," if it overbalances, the answer is " No."

Once, after the diviner had delivered us an oracle that
we should certainly find game on the morrow, we asked him
if we could not make the thing speak ; he assured us it was
out of the question since we had not the necessary medicine.
When we pressed him, he readily allowed us to try. It
was in a dirty, tumbledown hut, full of people who had
crept in to see what the visitors were doing. We sat
solemnly down, and in less time than we can say, luck had
it that we got the pot balanced evenly on the axe-edge.
The people were amazed : it looked as if he were about to
lose his reputation ; but he quickly recovered himself,
saying, " Yes, I see what did it. Look at those fragments
of the medicine that have fallen under the pot ! "

(3) Kasambi. — This is similar to Chipa, but the pot is
balanced on an untwisted piece of bark-string (ikumbo)
instead of an axe-edge.

(4) Divining with Axe. — This man divines with an axe,
just an ordinary one. He sits with the axe-head towards
him, resting on a small narrow strip of iron bent double.
He doctors himself and the axe, and then proceeds like the
other diviners to ask questions. He keeps hitting it in two
directions : down, to fix it on to the iron, and, forward, to
try it whether it will move. A forward movement of the
axe means " No," keeping still when he knocks it, " Yes."
The question we propounded to this diviner was whether
all was well at our home. He started to ask the axe
questions : "Is there a death ? ... Is there sickness ? . . .

270 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

Are there visitors ? . . ." Finally he said that all was well,
everything was as we had left it ; the chisondo had refused
to answer except in the negative to all the questions.

(5) Impindo. — The chisondo in this case is a couple of
short pieces of dark root, like two bits of slate-pencil,
about 1 1 inch long. The diviner also has with him a
walking-stick. Out of his bag he takes some drugs which
he chews, and spits the juice out on to the stick. He then
holds the stick upright in his left hand, while he applies
the two bits of root to the stick. The idea is to see whether
they will adhere to it ; if they do, the answer is " Yes,"
if they fall to the ground, " No." Incantations and questions
as in the other cases.

In these five kinds of divining the thing addressed
is the muzhimo, the ancestral ghost — so the diviners tell us ;
it is the. ghost with its supernormal knowledge that guides
the chisondo and thus gives the answer. But if we had not
been expressly told that, we should certainly have said that
the power of divination was in the chisondo itself, and that
the medicine was to enable it to perform its office, or, in
other words, to release its energy. For it is the chisondo
that we heard addressed ; though there was much that
we could not catch that might have been addressed to
higher powers.

(6) Chilola. — This is divining of a rather different kind.
The man has a small calabash, with holes bored around the
neck, and containing a whitish medicine. He sits down with
this between his legs, tipped somewhat towards him so that
he can see into the mouth. He shakes his rattle and begins
to talk to the thing, telling who the applicant is, and that
it must give a ready answer to his questions. He then turns
to the applicant and asks him to sansila, i.e. propound his
problem. We reply that we are far from home and have
had no news, will he kindly tell us what is going on ? He
begins to put the questions. " Any visitors — five — four-
three — two — one ? " He looks intently into the calabash
as if he could read the answer there, and after each question
shakes his head — " No." "Do they live well at the white
man's home ? " Nods the head — " Yes." " Any death ? "
No. " No woman dead ? " No. " No child dead ? "

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 271

No. " No man dead ? " No. A lot of other questions,
and he turns to us with the comforting assurance that all
is as we could wish, sixty miles away in our home.

This procedure, while interesting, was less so than the
explanation which the diviner gave us afterwards.

There were, he said, two shingvhule ("shades"), each
about an inch long, in his calabash : one a man, the other
a woman. Who are they ? we asked. " Well, sirs, you know
that as the father so is the son. My father divined with
this calabash, and he handed me the medicine, so that
when he died I should take his place. The male chingvhule
in the calabash is that of my father ; the female chingvhule
is that of my mother. . . . No, she was not a diviner, but
used to go about with my father, and so they still keep in
each other's company. . . . When I take the medicine and
put it into the calabash it changes into my father and mother,
their shingvhule appear in the calabash. They can see
things we men cannot see ; and when I ask them questions
they answer, and I read the answer." These were his
words, noted by us at once. It would seem as if an act of
transubstantiation took place in the pot ; or better, as if
the medicine had the power of localising the spirits. The
man would be helpless without the drugs, so he told us ;
but with their assistance he can get into touch with the
ghosts and turn their supernormal knowledge to good
account.

(7) Kuteka. — Similar to this is the act the Ba-ila call
Kuteka, which is their equivalent to crystal-gazing. Un-
fortunately, we have always failed to see this done. A
mortar (inkidi) is filled witli water, in which musamo is
dissolved which makes it black, and the person peering in
sees things which are happening, will happen, or have
happened at a distance. We have heard of diviners who
correctly told the fate of absent people in this way.

(8) Shantukumani. — This is another divining instrument
that we have not been able to examine. We have heard
of only one person who used it, and she was dead.
According to eye - witnesses and the woman's husband,
who described it to us, it consists of a small earthenware
pot held in the diviner's hand. When asked questions,

272 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

it would speak and deliver an oracle. It sounds like a
case of ventriloquism.

(9) By means of a Skin. — The chief, Mungaila, once
described to us the way in which he saw a diviner detect
a warlock. There was a large company present, and taking
in his hands a leopard skin, the diviner, while murmuring
incantations, proceeded to put the skin on the shoulders
of some of them in turn. Suddenly, to every one's amaze-
ment, the skin on being put on a man came to life ; and it
was a leopard that fastened its claws into the man's neck
and tore him to pieces.

(10) The Makakata. — We have known one or two
diviners who used the Makakata, the divining bones, but
as they are not native to the Ba-ila but were introduced
probably from the Barotsi and have often been described
(notably by Mr. Junod l), we refrain from saying more.

(9) THE PRACTITIONERS : (b) The Doctor

As we have before indicated, the knowledge of misamo
is not confined to any one class of people. A great many
know a few simples, and probably in all families there are
a few cherished remedies. The banganga (" doctors ") are
distinguished from among their fellows, not by the fact
that they alone know of drugs, but that they know more
than others and make their living out of the dispensing of
them.

As is only natural, these doctors jealously guard their
knowledge. We have, however, succeeded in learning
something of their practices and secrets. From one middle-
aged intelligent doctor we learnt a considerable amount.
This man in his younger days was a warrior, and still bears
honourable scars gained in the defence of his home against
foreign raiders. On his thigh are the marks left by an
arrow ; and he tells of a bullet penetrating above the
collar-bone and emerging below the shoulder-blade, and
points to the scars with pardonable pride. Both these

1 H. A. Junod, The Life of a South African Tribe (Neuchatel, 1913),
vol. ii. pp. 493-5 19.

CH. X

LEECHCRAFT

273

wounds he doctored himself. He derived his knowledge
from his grandfather, who in his day was a noted physician.

Photo E. II'. Smith.

A BAMBALA DOCTOR.

The old man used to take him out into the veld and
forest, show him the roots and leaves, and explain their
uses.

VOL. I T

274 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

We were anxious to get a collection of this man's drugs,
not that we might identify and name them botanically, for
unfortunately we are not competent to do that, but in order
to elicit his ideas of their use. In response to our urgent
request, and for a consideration, he brought us upwards of
sixty drugs which he named and described. It was in-
teresting to note the air of mystery with which he produced
these one by one out of a bag made of an entire monkey
skin. They were all neatly tied up in bundles, many of
them were wrapped and tied securely in pieces of cloth,
and others were contained in various receptacles, antelope
horns, crocodile teeth, armlets, etc. We have repeatedly
noticed this among the doctors : the value of the medicine
seems to be enhanced by elaborate tying up. As the
practitioner sits down in front of his patient, he assumes an
air of the deepest gravity, slowly produces the drug from
the mysterious depths of his bag, and proceeds to unroll
the various wrappings with portentous solemnity, examining
them with close scrutiny as if some part might be missing.
It is all done, of course, to impress the mind of the patient
with the vast wisdom of the doctor. To deepen the im-
pression, the doctor ornaments his person with feathers,
antelope horns, and all kinds of the weirdest objects he can
pick up. One thing - about them is at once apparent :
whatever may be the real therapeutical effect of the drugs,
these men are clever, if perhaps to some extent unconscious,
practisers of suggestion. Whether that is the intention
or not — and it often seems that it is — the things they do
have a strong suggestive effect upon the suggestible minds
of the patients. Perhaps we should not be wrong if we
said that they do more healing by suggestion than by the *
direct effect of their drugs. With the same intention, or
perhaps we may say with more justice with true religious
feeling, the doctor offers up a prayer before administering
his drug. Sitting before the patient, he holds in one hand
the small calabash containing the medicine, and in the other
takes a rattle (musebe) made of round palm fruit on a handle,
and as he rattles it he prays something as follows : "-Ndaka-
bomba ! I am humble ! It is thou who created this medi-
cine and all things. May this person live. Drive away

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 275

witchcraft. Let this medicine make him strong. May
he see life ! "

Another strong suggestion as to the value of the drugs
is applied in the shape of a fee. Doctors do not practise
for nothing. The fee is termed chishishamutenga (" that
which enables one to dig up a root "). Unless that fee is
forthcoming, or a part of it, beforehand, the doctor professes
not to be able to dig up the root, or that it will not work
its effect. Usually one payment does not end the matter,
and some doctors are very exacting. Frequently one will
demand a slave or two, or sometimes as many as ten head

Photo E. W Smith.

A DOCTOR'S OUTFIT.

of cattle. A doctor we know of got £3, an impande shell,
a woollen blanket, and four stretches of calico. He was
doctoring the patient for four months. He was promised
an ox if he worked a cure, but failed. In another case a
doctor cured a woman of sores, and claimed and got as pay-
ment his patient and another woman as slaves (see p. 395).
To return to our doctor and his drugs : we give a de-
scription of them here, not that we think the names will
be of service to our readers, but in order to show the wide
range of one man's practice and to exhibit his ideas about
them.

i. Inkandangombe : roots of the Munkandang'ombe tree
used to cure a person who has been in any way bewitched. The
roots are scraped and the powder mixed with fat and rubbed

276 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

on his body ; the core of the root is soaked in hot water and the
decoction drunk.

2. Kapululu : roots of a wild plant with a faint odour.
Scrapings are smoked in a pipe, and a powder is also rubbed
into incisions before cupping. It is used in any painful affection
to drive out the disease.

3. Malumbwe : a small tuber ; peeled and eaten, or soaked in
water and the liquor drunk, as a cure for chest complaints.

4. Kalangu : a small tuber ; rubbed on a stone and mixed
with fat and used to anoint the body of a person to keep off
spirits (kutizha luwo).

5. Mufwamba : root of a tree from which an emetic is made
by soaking it in hot water, as a cure for kafungo (see p. 234).
When the patient vomits he brings up a small white object in
which the disease is ; the idea is that if he does not vomit it, it
will get into his heart and kill him. The emetic can be used
prophylactically, but if he has not already got the disease the
person will not vomit.

6. Mukulu-ufumbete : roots of a small bush, used in setting
bones (kununga chifua). When a limb is broken, the doctor
scrapes this root and cooks the scrapings in a pot, puts them hot
in a piece of cloth or skin, and with it manipulates the limb,
getting the broken bones in place. He then takes, as a splint,
a mat made of stiff thick grass or reeds, called kasasa, and binds
it firmly round the limb with strips of bark. This is left on some
weeks and is then untied. If necessary, the limb is afterwards
worked backwards and forwards to restore the joint's suppleness.
This medicine is called also mununga (" the joiner ").

7. Musekese : roots of a tree. A piece is scraped and torn
up. A stout fragment is drilled and threaded, and is worn slung
under the arm to induce conception ; and scrapings are mixed
with fat and rubbed on the woman's body for the same purpose.
The root is also soaked in warm water and the liquor used to
foment the mouth inside for toothache.

8. Kanembe : root of a tree, used to induce conception.
The roots are put to soak in water and the liquor is to be drunk
daily every morning for a time. A powder is also made from
them and mixed with porridge.

9. Mubimba: roots of a tree used for lushinga (see p. 240).
They are soaked in water and the liquor drunk.

10. Mulembela : roots of a tree to keep off evil spirits
(tuyobela) . They are scraped, mixed with butter, and rubbed on
the body ; a decoction is also drunk.

n. Mufufuma : roots of a tree bearing a violet-like flower.
If a person passes over where the after-birth of twins (mabombola)
is buried he gets a disease called chinsangwa (a name also given

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 277

to the after-birth), his feet and legs swell, and his head splits
across longitudinally down to the nose. This is the remedy.
The patient is to sniff the roots, and this draws out the disease.
We have seen this drug used for other purposes (see p. 254).

12. Tunkotonkoto : roots of a bush about 18 inches high.
This is medicine for enabling a trapper to ensnare game. He
mixes scrapings of the root with fat and rubs it on the string
of his trap and puts some of it in the hole.

13. Chibubu : roots of a tree used as a remedy for diarrhoea.
They are crushed up ; the outside is made into powder and
added to flour and eaten : the inside is made into a decoction
and drunk.

14. Mubanga : root of a tree used together with Mushi-
bampeyo, root of a small bush, as a cure for impotence. The
former is split up, warmed over a fire, and rubbed on the male
organ ; the latter is powdered and blown into the orifice (kufunta).

15. Mulebelebe : tuberous roots of a plant. The rind is
peeled off and the tuber is put into a churn to induce the butter
to come (kuzenga mafuta).

16. Mukona : root of a tree. To promote menstruation
when it is overdue. A decoction is drunk and an ointment made
for rubbing on the abdomen.

17. Mukuba : roots of a small bush, used to promote the
growth of grain and to prevent it being witched away by sorcerers.
The roots are beaten up and fragments planted with the seed.

18. Mukunku : roots of a small plant. They are crushed
and the powder is scattered in a ring around a field to keep away
thieves. Should a thief attempt to cross it his knees get dis-
located, his sinews dry up, and the owner finds him there helpless.
Our doctor gave us instances of this.

19. Chibumbwe : roots of a plant, used together with
Mushenshe, the root of a tree, as a remedy for syphilis. The
former is put in water and the liquor used to foment the sores,
and the latter is powdered and dusted on them.

20. Mubumbwe : roots of a small bush, used with Mukololo,
another root, as a remedy for leprosy (chinsenda). The former
is used to foment, and the latter to dust on the sores.

21. Shikantjo : tuberous root of a bush, used in midwifery
practice. The roots are crushed and rubbed on the midwife's
hands, which are then inserted in the vaginal passage, the sides
of which are gently stretched. The purpose of the drug is to
ease the birth,

22. Muyeye : roots of a small bush, from which a decoction
is made and administered to a parturient woman, after No. 21
has been administered ; its use is to promote the birth.

23. Chamamopwe : the roots and stem of a small plant.

278 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

They are burnt in a potsherd and the ashes scattered over the
house to keep away witches and their influence.

24. Mumpempe : roots of a bush crushed up and put into
a horn and planted at the doorway of a house to keep away
witchcraft.

25. Muzhimbididi : the root of a tree. The rind is peeled or
scraped off and the inside is put into water and the liquor drunk.
It is used by men, lest when having intercourse with women they
should catch lushinga — a painful affection — from them. The
lushinga might catch a man in the abdomen and work its way
down into the genitalia and cause impotence.

26. Chiwezezhi : bulbous roots, crushed up and put into a
small horn, which is worn round the neck : its purpose is to keep
off witchcraft. It is used also in smithery work. Some of it is
put in the inganzo (the kiln) in order to promote the melting.

27. Katoze : the root of a tree, crushed and put into the
horn of a large animal, which is placed on the roof of the house,
to keep off witchcraft.

28. Muto : roots of a tree used by the digger of game-pits
to ensure capturing game. When he has dug the pit he sits by
the side of it, closes his eyes and prays : " Ndakabomba, udielele
kumpa buzani. No walenga musamo wezo, o banyama wabalenga,
ome wanenga, ndakombela buzani" (-"I am humble! Thou
shouldst give me meat, thou who hast created this medicine, and
hast created animals and created me also, I pray for meat "). He
throws this medicine into the pit. The idea is that as he does
this with his eyes closed, so animals will not be able to see the
pit, but will fall into it.

29. Lubabangwe : the roots of a bush, combined with No. 28
for the same purpose.

30. Malama : roots of a bush, used for chest complaints.
Portions of the root are placed in small hollow crocodile teeth
and tied round the chest.

31. Imbono : black castor oil seeds. Medicine for warriors,
worn in battle so that the weapons of the enemy may not wound
them mortally. They dp not ensure entire immunity from hurt,
but masumo tashika ku burnt (" the spears will not arrive at the
life "). Also a witchcraft preventive. If you wear them the
warlock who is thinking of doing you harm will get his heart
black, as the seeds are black, and will be unable to do any
mischief.

32. A tiny piece of hippo skin worn in a small horn. This
also is medicine for warriors. If one is chased by his enemies
and jumps into a river, this medicine will prevent him from
drowning ; like a hippo, he will be able to stay under water and
so escape.

CH. x LEECHCRAFT 279

33. Chalupako : a small section of an orchid stem, worn
round the neck by a woman who is suffering from a sore neck.

34. Mululwe : shreds of the seed-pods of a tree. Smoked
in a pipe to keep off witchcraft.

35. Mupagapaga : a bulb, crushed up and carried in a horn
slung under the arm by a warrior going to battle. He also takes
some of it and smokes it in his pipe, saying this : " Koko nkwinja
ndielele kuvhwa o bumi, nimbayaye " (" There where I am going
let me escape with my life, and kill them "). Wearing this drug
ensures, like No. 31, immunity from mortal wounds.

36. Chitulu : root of a bush, used together with Mungunya,
the leaves of a tree, as musamo wa luyaso (" spearing medicine ").
They are put in a fire and the fisher's spears are held in the fumes
to ensure his spearing, and not missing, the fish.

37. Chikalamatanga : root of a bush, taken as snuff for
nasal catarrh.

38. Mudimbula : roots of a tree, to cure people suffering
from kashita (epilepsy), caused by witchcraft.

39. Munshimbwe : the root of a tree, a decoction of which
is administered to sufferers from kashita.

40. Lutende : root and leaves of a bush, put into hot water
and the liquor used to wash out the mouth of one suffering from
chikunkameno (" bleeding from the teeth ").

41. Mwebezuba : the root of a tree, a decoction from which
is administered to a child suffering from kasema, a disease caused
by sucking the breasts when the mother is pregnant (see Vol. II.
p. 12).

42. Tandabala : 'a small running plant, used to make an
ointment to rub on the body of the child suffering from kasema.

43. Chisomwe : the root of a tree, used for inchinko (in-
cipient madness). The roots are scraped, crushed, and burnt
in a potsherd, and the patient bathed in the fumes.

44. Chikwangala : a running plant, dried and powdered.
Some is made into an ointment and rubbed on the body, and
some blown into the eyes, ears, and anus of a man with inchinko.

45. Njamukupa : root of a bush, from which a powder is
made to cure kafungo (see p. 234). Some is smoked in a pipe
and some blown into the nose.

46. Talantambwe : the root of a bush from which an oint-
ment is made to rub on the body c«f a person with kafungo.

47. Mununkila : the root of a tree used to cure a man who
has lushizhi a menso (" darkness, or dimness, before the eyes,"
i.e. who is in a fit). The powder from the root is put into a basket
and jerked out in front of his eyes as he sits opposite to you.

48. Tagu : root of a bush, used to massage the limbs of a
person in a fit.

280 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. n

49. Mudimbula : the pith of this tree is used with the root
of Mufumu tree as medicine to promote conception. A decoction
of the former is drunk, and an ointment is made from the latter.

50. Muchinga : the leaves and root of a tree, used to wash
the body of a newborn child to make it strong.

51. Mulwe : roots of a tree, used in case a woman shows
signs of aborting, in order kukadika mwana, akule atavhwi bubishi
(" to make the child stay, so that it may grow and not come out
unripe ").

This, then, is the list of drugs used by this doctor. We
urge again that we do not guarantee the absolute accuracy
of the list, but give it as illustrating their ideas. After this
doctor had brought us about fifty of these drugs, we asked
him for certain others, the names of which we already knew.
We noted the names and he counted them off on his fingers.
He brought the number, but after describing some he
hesitated over the names and at last asked us to read over
the list. He picked out one name and said that was the
drug. When he did this a second time our suspicions were
aroused that he was humbugging us, so we made up a name
to test him. " Mukombo," we said. " Yes," replied he,
" that's the name, Mukombo, and it is used as a cure for
lukombo (" umbilical hernia "). When we told him what
we had done and accused him of cheating us, he adhered
unflinchingly to his tale that the drug was Mukombo. To
test him further, we took various drugs out of the heap,
all carefully numbered according to this list, and asked
him the names again. Some days had elapsed since he had
described them, but he was able to give the names and
describe the uses as we had written them down, which he
could hardly have done if he had only given us fictitious
names. Probably, therefore, it was only at the end that
he had deceived us. It is enough to show with what
suspicion a doctor is to be regarded when he professes
to let a stranger into his secrets.

PART III

281

CHAPTER XI

*

SOCIAL ORGANISATION

THE principal social groups among the Ila-speaking peoples
are : (i) the Family ; (2) the Clan ; (3) the Community.
Secondary groups are the Age-grades and other covenanted
friendships.

The former do not bear any direct relationship to each
other : that is to say, a number of the families does not make
up a clan, and a number of clans a community. There are
cross-divisions running through them, so that the members
of any particular clan belong not to one but to several
communities, and a community is made up of members of
various families and clans. If we take any community,
such as Mala, for instance, we find there many families and
many clans, members of which are scattered through the
other communities. This cross-division results in a certain
amount of cohesion, for the fact of families and clans being
dispersed in this way tends to bind the r.ornTrinrijt^s together
by natural ties of affection and comradeship. But the
further development into a nation has not taken place.
There is no more than a congeries of communities loosely
bound together by individual ties, not a nation welded
together under a single head.

i. THE FAMILY

The domestic establishment among the Ba-ila consists
of a man, his wife or wives, their children, the children
under his guardianship, sometimes an aged parent, and
slaves — all these dependents being grouped comprehensively

283

284 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

as the man's bana (" children "). These groups are not
large. The most numerous family we have seen is that of
Chibaluma : we photographed a group of twenty-five,, and
there were ten members absent. That is an unusual
number. This was our friend Mungalo's family : his father
and mother were both killed in a Barotsi raid. He had six
wives. The first, Namucheme, died of smallpox, leaving
two boys, one of whom died as a child. Mayaba, the head
wife, had no children ; Shibusenga, the third, had two
children, a girl and a boy ; Mompizho and Kambwila, the
fourth and fifth wives, had no children ; the sixth was a
girl- wife.

Little need be said as to the duties and privileges of
family life, seeing that they differ scarcely at all from those
prevailing in European families. There is a strong family
affection ; fathers and mothers delight in their children,
and do all they know how for their comfort and well-being.
The father rules in the family, though his power over it
is conditioned by the presence of clan rules, among which
is the jule giving the mother's brother greater power than
his over the children.

As divorce is so frequent, this group is not stable, but
while it exists the members live and work together for their
mutual interests, being held together by natural affection.
But they do not form a homogeneous group as a family of
Europeans do, in which the wife and children all take the
father's name. There is no assimilation of clan (mukoa)
within this family ; the father is still a member of his clan,
and each wife of hers, and if the interests of the clan conflict
with those of- the family, the former prevail over the latter,
as a natural prevails over an artificial relationship.

A gulf separates a man from his children too, for although
they are his and in case of divorce remain with him, yet
they are reckoned as members not of his but of their mother's
clan, and he has less power over them than their maternal
uncles. The father's side of the pedigree is termed the
mukwashi ; this is the family par excellence. As the Ba-ila
tersely express it : Mukoa ngwa banoko, mukwashi ngwa
uso (" The clan is your mother's, the family is your father's ").
In a subsequent chapter will be found the terms expressing

286 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

relationship, and it will be seen that a person gives his
mother's relations the same titles as he gives his father's ;
indeed he will bestow some of the same titles upon those
who are related to him only by marriage. But this common
usage must not hide from us the fundamental distinction
between the mukwdshi and the mukoa : the former the line
of descent through the father, and the latter that through
the mother.

The nearest equivalent to " home " in Ila is the word
uko.1 It coalesces with the personal pronouns : ukwesu
(uko-wesu) is " our home " ; k'ukwesu is " at our home " ;
Uko tata is " my father's home " ; Uko bama is " my mother' s
home." A person is situated very differently in regard to
these two homes : uko bama is mine in an entirely different
sense from uko tata.

We may illustrate this with reference to certain people
named in the pedigree on p. 333. Chimwadi was born at
Buzhiba, where also his father, Kayobe, was born ; his
mother, Mukamwenda, was from landa. Chimwadi went
to Basanga to become chief, and while there married, as
one of five wives, Nachiloba, who came from Namwala.
While their son, Shamatanga, was still a child, both of them
died. He has no recollection of them, but was told later
on in life that he belonged to the Banasolwe clan. Chako,
a chief at Namwala, being a Munasolwe, is a relation of his,
and he was told not to misbehave at Chako' s because it was
his mother's home, k'ukwabo banoko. Shamatanga speaks
of Namwala as uko bama, and of Buzhiba as uko tata ; he
speaks of both places as Buzukuzhi bwangu, i.e. " where
my grandparents were." He has a status at Namwala
that he has not at Buzhiba ; he calls himself mukamwini
inshi (" a possessor of the land "), and he would be eligible
for the chiefship there should he be elected. He married
Kalubi, from Nanzela, and their eldest child is named after
her grandmother Nachiloba ; she is muntu budio, a mere
nobody at Buzhiba, her father's father's birthplace ; they
will out of politeness speak to and of her as mwanesu (" our

1 The stem of this word (ko) appears to enter into several of the words
used in this chapter : mukoa, mukwashi, kameAo, iAowela, chiko, but we
cannot explain their etymology.

CH. xi SOCIAL ORGANISATION 287

child "), but she has no mukoa there. She and all her
brothers and sisters have a kameko there, i.e. a half-and-half
clan, a pseudo-clan, only. If she is visiting there they may,
when offering sacrifices, make an oblation on her behalf
(ku mupaidila) , but it will be of water only, because she is
not of their clan, and so cannot expect favour from the
ancestral spirits of that clan. They give her a cupful of
water, and after she has sipped the rest is poured out at the
musemu. She is not of their clan ; it is expressly said of
her, " wadiata inshi ya beni " (" she is treading the land of
others," i.e. is an alien). She is the same at Basanga, her
father's birthplace : they call her mwanabo (" their child ''),
because it is ukwabo ushe (" her father's home "). But she
is an alien. At Nanzela she is on a different footing entirely,
for it is ukwabo baina (" her mother's home ") ; there she
has clansmen proper.

2. THE CLAN

The clan, then, mukoa, is the line of the mother. The
mukoa is totemistic in character, that is to say, the members
of a clan call themselves by the name of some animal or
plant or natural object between which and themselves they
conceive to be a certain relationship, and which they
accordingly regard with considerable respect.

In an appendix to this chapter we give a list of ninety-
three clans. It has been no easy matter to compile this list,
and we are not even now satisfied with it. The difficulties
are these. People are often very reluctant to give the
names — why, it is not easy to understand. We compiled
the list by asking people individually, and afterwards
checked it with the aid of old men. This checking has
been of help, but it would seem that no man, not even the
most prominent of the old chiefs, knows all the clans cor-
rectly. Then, a person on being asked his clan may answer
you in three ways : he may give you the name compounded
of the totem, such as Bananachindwe ; or the name of the
place with which the clan is associated, as Ba-Santi ; or
again he may give you the name of a prominent member
of the clan, or the head, as Ba-Mungaila. They do this

288 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

either out of a desire to mislead or because the name of the
totem may not be pronounced or because in course of time
it has come to be named from the place or person. Another
source of possible error is that the totem often has several
names, i.e. the common name and tembaula (i.e. praise)
names, and the difficulty is to know whether there is only
one or more than one clan under those names. The clan,
e.g., of the Buffalo seems to have at least four names :
Bananyati (munyati is the common name of the animal) ;
Banamusungwa (musungwa is the animal's tembaula name) ;
Bana-Mainga (Mainga seems to have been once the head
of the clan) ; and Bana-Mbeza (Mbeza is the name of the
place). And again the clan itself, apart from the totem,
may have a nickname ; the Bamambwe, e.g., are called
Banashishiikudya ("Those of I-won't-leave-the-lood"), be-
cause some of them once stayed behind eating when they
should have been fighting. There are therefore possibilities
of mistakes in compiling a list of the clans, and we can only
say we have done our best to avoid them.

As to the names of these clans, it will be noticed that
they are compounded of the prefix Sana- and the name of
an animal, in most cases. This prefix must not be confused
with the word bana (" children ") of which the singular is
mwana ; the singular of bana- is muna-. In the Congo
region there is a similar prefix (muina, bena),1 which is
explained by Sir H. H. Johnston2 as meaning brother,
brothers ; others have taken it as master, masters. Among
the Ba-ila muna- certainly does not mean brother, nor
can it be confounded with mwini (owner, master). The
na is a possessive particle used largely by the Ba-ila in such
words as muwakwangu (" my person "), chiwflkwangu (" my
thing"), literally "(thing) it-of-to-me." 3 The mu is a
prefix denoting person, living thing, and its plural is ba.
So that Munampongo means literally " he-of-the-goat " ;
Banampongo " they-of-the-goat." Munakwesu in Ila
signifies " my fellow-clansman."

The names of the animals are not always those-in common

1 See the list of Baluba clans, Appendix II. p. 313.

2 George Grenfell and the Congo, vol. ii. p. 684.

3 See E. W. Smith, Ila Handbook (London, 1907), p. 98.

CH. xi SOCIAL ORGANISATION 289

use to-day. Thus the Ila word for lion is shumbwa, and the
word nkalamo, which is part of the clan name Bankalamo,
is rarely heard ; but nkalamu is the ordinary name for lion
in Lenje, Lala, Senga, and Wisa. We must suppose,
therefore, either that this clan has immigrated from some-
where among those people or, what is more likely, that at
some remote date, when the Ba-ila formed one people with
those tribes, they had the same name for lion. For some
reason the Ra-ila have lost the name while the others have
kept it. The word kotale, which gives its name to the
Banakotale, the crocodile clan, is also not Ila, but in the
form of ntale is used by the Balenje.

We give in an appendix to this chapter the names of a
few clans we have known among neighbouring peoples ;
it will be seen that some of them are the same as Ila clans.
Some of these clans among the Ba-ila are demonstrably
foreign, e.g. the Batunga ; perhaps they all are. The
presence of such clans seems to indicate immigration ; and
could we have a full list of all the clans in these neighbour-
ing tribes it would probably throw light upon the ancient
movements of the people now described as I la-speaking.

Why do a number of people associate themselves with
and call themselves by the name of a particular class of
animals, plants, or things ? The clans are connected in
some way, as we shall see, with certain localities, and it
might be thought that the totem is an animal or plant living
or growing especially in those places. But none of the
totems is sufficiently localised to support such a conjecture.
Duikers and lions and pigeons and baobab trees, and what
not, are found in every district ; so we must certainly rule
out that suggestion. We must also reject the theory by
which Dr. Theal tried to account for the remnants of
totemism among the tribes of South Africa. The Ba-ila
do certainly believe in transmigration ; but there seems
to be little or no connection between their totemism and
their conceptions of metempsychosis. The only suggestion
of this that we have had came from Mungaila, who once
told us that all the Bakubi turn into matoshi (see Vol. II.
pp. 128 sq.) on their death.

The Banachibizi do not pass after death into zebras,

VOL. i u

CH. xi SOCIAL ORGANISATION 291

nor the Banasulwe into hares. The number of the animals
into which the Ba-ila do pass, or believe they pass, is, as
we shall see in a later chapter, strictly limited in number ;
and people of any clan can pass into them — into lions, for
example. We cannot indeed find in the facts before us
any reason to support any of the current theories as to the
origin of Totemism. Nor is that to be wondered at. The
Ba-ila are far from ranking among the most primitive people
of the world ; they are far advanced beyond the Australian
aborigines, for example, who know nothing of working in
metals or of agriculture. Sir James Frazer may find justifica-
tion in their ignorance of elementary physiological facts for
his " conceptional " theory, but, whatever it may have been
in the past, any such theory would now only provoke the
Ba-ila to ridicule. Like the Australians, the Ba-ila believe
implicitly in reincarnation, but not without the ordinary pro-
cesses of nature. With Sir James Frazer's theory in mind
we put the question to one of the oldest men in the country,
whether he had ever heard, or whether his fathers had ever
told him, of a child being born in that manner. Without
any hesitation, and with the air of one who closes a subject
with a word, he asked, " Did you ever know of a cow
calving without a bull ? " A pastoral people are not likely
to remain in ignorance of such matters.

We cannot hope, in fact, to offer any suggestion as to
the origin of Totemism. We have put questions in various
forms, direct and indirect, to many people, and have specially
questioned the old men as to what they learnt from their
fathers, but no rational answer can be obtained. Nor can
we offer our readers any legends like those recorded by
Messrs. Spencer and Gillen, and other writers. The totem
is regarded as a relation, but how or why it is so they can
offer no explanation. Leza, we are told, caused the ancestor
and his totem to descend together in the beginning, and
some suppose that once the totem was a person ; te.g.
Mungalo said that the momba (" hornbill "), his totem,
was once a man, how it became a bird he did not know ;
but we have got no further than that.

What is certain is that many, if not all, the clans are
associated in the minds of the people with certain localities.

292 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

The Bananyungwe, for example, wherever they live, assign
the birth of their clan to Kane : " nku wakasokeia " (" that is
where it originated "), they say. Now we are not to look
to the Ila country for the real place of origin of their clan
system, but must find some other explanation for that
phrase. Seeing that the system prevails, or can be shown
to have prevailed in the past, over, perhaps, the whole of
the Bantu region of Africa,1 we are justified in thinking that
it existed in their original "home before they separated.
The first Ba-ila who came would already be divided up into
clans. Divided up in what way ? If the descent was
reckoned through the father, then we may suppose that a
section of the invaders was made up of members of a single
clan ; and settling at a certain place their clan would
afterwards be always associated with that district. That
gives an easy explanation of the fact, but we should then
have to account for the change in reckoning descent from
the father to the mother. We believe it to be established
that female descent is older than male descent, and while
there are instances of a change from female to male descent,
there are none from male to female. We may take it, then,
that the Ba-ila when they first came reckoned, as they
reckon now, the descent through the mother ; and conse-
quently any one section was made up of several clans and
not of a single clan. We can imagine a man of the Nyungwe
clan settling with his followers at Kane ; his wives would
be of other clans, and his children would belong to their
mothers' ; his other followers might or might not be of his
clan, but because he was the chief of that place his clan
name would be associated with Kane by members of other
communities, and in time the idea would prevail that the
clan originated there. His daughters would be married
into other communities by members of different clans ; his
sons would bring home their wives from other clans ; so that,
even were it possible for Kane to have been originally
inhabited by Bananyungwe only, there would soon be many
clans there. It is in this way that we may venture to
explain the facts as we find them to-day, that the clans,

1 See the large collection of facts in Sir James Frazer's monumental
work, Totemism and Exogamy (London, 1910), vol. ii.

CH. xi SOCIAL ORGANISATION 293

while being each of them associated with a definite locality,
are not limited to it, but are dispersed over the whole
country.

For these clans are exogamous. That, at least, is quite
certain. A Lechwe may not marry a Lechwe, nor a Leopard
be married by a Leopard. No marriage is recognised
within the clan. Members of different clans living in the
same village may marry ; but though they live even a
hundred miles apart, if they are of the same clan, they may
have neither regular nor irregular intercourse. As love
not only laughs at locksmiths but also, on occasion, dis-
regards all laws, human and divine, cases have happened
even of endogamous marriages, but they are regarded with
the utmost abhorrence. Cases have happened in ignorance
also, and, though it is difficult to believe, the clan relation-
ship only discovered after marriage was consummated. No
punishment is meted out to the offenders ; the marriage
is simply dissolved, or they are left, if they wish it, to meet
the inevitable fate of those who break a taboo.

Should two such people remain in wedlock a curious
complication would ensue in their mutual relationship on
the religious side. Pambala pamhala mnzhimo tokaki mwini
is a saying which indicates that an ancestral ghost, the
muzhimo, will not refuse to hear those of his own family,
but will certainly not pay heed to those of another. Con-
sequently a husband will not pray for his wife, nor a wife
for her husband ; the muzhimo helps only his own people.
Now, if they were both of the same clan the extraordinary
sight might be witnessed of a "man praying for his wife,
or vice versa ; to us that would seem the right and natural
thing to do, but simply because it is not done a'mong the
Ba-ila they say it ought not to be done : it is taboo. So
that there is, indirectly, a religious as well as a social
sanction to the exogamous system.

We have never seen or heard of any ceremonies being
carried out for the purpose, e.g., of increasing the totem.
Whether ever any such existed, as they exist to-day among
the Australian tribes, we cannot say ; but if so they have
long since faded away from the memories of the oldest men.
The Totemism of the Ba-ila exists as a feature of their social

294 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

organisation, not as part of their religion. The only semi-
religious feature in it is the reverence in which the totem
is held. In the case of the animal-totems this is shown in
their not being killed or eaten by the clan. If you ask a
man whether he eats his totem, he will protest vigorously
against the idea ; he will say it is musazhima (" my kins-
man "), or that it is mulemu (" honoured "). Katumpa, of
the dog clan, when asked if he ate dogs, said, " Shall I eat
a man ! " Yet this is not now a universal feeling. In this
respect the totemism of to-day is a degeneration. Old men
will refrain from killing or eating where young men will
have no scruples. One young man said when we asked
whether he would eat his kinsman, the lion, " Yes, even
if it had just devoured my father I would take him out of
its stomach and eat the lion." Generally speaking, we may
say that where the totem animal is edible the younger men
will eat it, and will only refrain when the animal is in itself
unpalatable. Thus the Bakubi clan, whose totem is the
vulture, the Bachiwena (Crocodiles), the Banaumpe (Wild-
dogs) do not, and are hardly likely to break the ancestral
custom ; while on the other hand the Bono, whose totem
is cattle, the Basanti (Oribis), Banakonze (Hartebeestes),
etc., are strongly tempted to eat, and as a matter of fact
the younger generation do eat, the totem. In former days
the Bono refrained not only from eating beef but also from
drinking milk.

In respect to totems other than animals and birds we
can hardly understand in what ways reverence was shown
them. The Banamaila could hardly have refrained from
eating grain or the Batunga from drinking water.

The mode of transmitting the clan also shows, we think,
that the system is breaking down, or at any rate changing.
The rule is for the child, whether male or female, to take
its mother's clan. In making our list we had columns ruled
showing in each instance the father's and mother's clan,
and asked each person to state what they were. In a very
few instances the man named his father's clan as his own,
but otherwise all gave theirs as the mother's. We are
justified in saying, therefore, that this is the general rule.
On the other hand, if the question is put directly, " Do you

CH. xi SOCIAL ORGANISATION 295

take your mother's or your father's clan ? " the answer
varies. Some have said they take the father's, others the
mother's, and others again that they take both. The latter
means, as we have pointed out to them, that one person
will have many clans, two at least from each parent :
they have agreed with this, while affirming that the true
mukoa is that of the mother. One of our most trusted
informants said this : " The clan of a person is manifold :
on the mother's side is his clan, and on the father's side too.
Those born with his father are all of his clan, and those
born with his mother. Those of his mother and the grand-
parents who bore the mothers are his clan ; and the
ancestors who bore his father are his clan too. All these
are his clans, not pseudo-clans (mikoa itadi ibeshd), but
patent to everybody." But in another connection he
always spoke of the father's and grandparent's clan as
kameko or kamekomeko only, i.e. half-and-half clans. We
have heard him speak, too, of the ordinary covenants of
friendship as mikoa. " One kind of mukoa," he said,
" pertains to food. When a man is desperately hungry he
will call to another, ' My clansman, don't you see I need
food ? ' But this is no true clan. The true clan is that
which appears when you are in trouble, when you are
bereaved or ill and a clansman comes to see you : that is
a clanship that is not of porridge ! Another clan is an
acquaintanceship merely (ndikowela budio), not a true
clanship ; you simply get to know each other and you call
it a mukoa, because you eat and drink together. The true
clan is of your father and mother who gave birth to those
who were born with you. How are they the real mukoa ?
Because they help you in all your troubles, they stand by
you to death and everything else that comes to you — that
is the great and true mukoa." Another said, " One kind
of covenant among the Ba-ila is the mukoa — very long and
unfailing. You and your friend hold each other ; you
become firmly united chikaminwe, i.e. as the fingers are
united in the hand ; if you are sick your friend comes to see
you, and if you are bereaved he comes to weep with you,
and you do the same for him. Of such a firm friendship
you can say, it is no longer a covenanted friendship but an

296 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

unfailing mukoa." This seems to imply that the word
mukoa is being extended to cover not only a person's relations
on both sides, but also others who act towards him as
genuine friends, i.e. embracing all that the Ba-ila include in
kameko, ikowela, milongo.

It seems inevitable that once the distinction between
kameko and mukoa is obliterated, and a person takes several
clan names, the exogamous system as it has existed must
collapse.

One rule which may explain some of the exceptional
cases mentioned above is that the children of a bondwoman
married to a freeman take the father's clan, generally if
not always. Such a child is often preferred for the position
of chief of the community of which the father was a member,
because he is much more likely to have the interests of the
place at heart than a man the mother of whom was a free-*
woman whose mukoa was in another community. The
children of such a woman — she is called Mwanakashiila
(kushia, " to leave ") — may probably return to her home
after her death ; but those who take the father's clan are
fixtures.

The clan is a natural mutual-aid society, the members
being bound to render their fellows all the help they can in
life. Members of one clan are, if we may use Biblical
language, members also of one another. A member belongs
to the clan, he is not his own ; if he is wronged they will
right him ; if he does wrong the responsibility is shared by
them. If he is killed the clan take up the feud, for he
belongs to them ; if a daughter of the clan is to be married
they have to give their consent first. Ba-ila who have
never met before will at once be friends if it turns out that
they are of the same mukoa. If one has the misfortune to
become a slave his clansmen will contribute his redemption
price. To some extent the same solidarity applies even to
foreigners if they are of the same clan as any Ba-ila. If a
Muluba comes to a village, and in response to a question
says he is a Munampongo ("a Goat"), then any Banampongo
in the village will show him hospitality, for though of
another tribe he is a clansman. In short, a man's prosperity
is that of the clan : a man's loss is that of the clan.

CH. xi SOCIAL ORGANISATION 297

In illustration of this we will here transcribe a translation
of a passage that was dictated to us by one of the Bansange,
the Kestrel clan :

" If I hear that they have killed a Munsange, why, I go
there to fight. Perhaps I meet an elder Munsange who
dissuades me, saying, ' Don't do that, let us talk over the
matter, so that the affairs may end by the mouth.' On
that account I desist. The heads of the Bansange discuss
their intentions ; perhaps they say ' Pay ' to the man who
killed the Munsange. Or they ask, ' What is to be done
to him ? ' So they talk and decide upon making him pay.
So, if he is the member of a clan, he and all his clansmen
begin to pay what the Bansange, whose the deceased was,
decide. Whether it is ten cattle, he pays, or whether it is
people as slaves, he pays. Why, then, the judgement is
executed. If it be a man by himself who has no clansmen
who stand behind him, they take possession of him. He
becomes the property of all the Bansange, and they call him
' Our man.' When he is taken in this way, he lives with
the head of the Bansange. Again, if there be one who is
going to marry or be married, the same thing happens. All
the clansmen consult together and say, ' The child is to
be married.' Whether it be the daughter of the head of
the Bansange, or of any clansman, they consult with the
heads all together. But these things they do not tell the
young Bansange, but only the elders. They converse,
having met together and sitting in one place. Then one
of the heads, when they name the man who is to marry her,
objects, saying, ' That man is not to marry the child, our
daughter ; he has misbehaved himself.' Whether he is
poor, or something else, has a bad character, is a passionate
fellow, or an adulterer, or a thief, anyhow he objects to him,
and he, the elder of the Bansange, refuses him. Others
who wish very much for him to marry her, when he speaks
thus, they, his fellow-elders, object, and say, ' Let her be
married. What's wrong with him you forbid ? If he is
a rascal, his rascality is his own, and as for the girl let her
be married.' The other answers them, ' Do you give her
in marriage yourselves, I don't wish her to be married by
that person.' On that the other elders agree, and begin

298 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

to talk about the chiko,1 saying, ' Let him pay (kwa) I
Let him pay a lot ! Twenty ! ' They tell him who is to
marry, ' Pay twenty head, for we refuse to let her simply
be married for little, by you, because you do not marry well,
they say you are not a good character.' Upon that the
man does not worry himself, for he also has his clan, and he
goes back, goes to talk with his clansmen, saying, ' They
have given me a girl to marry, and for the chiko they want
the amount of twenty, do you contribute.' They agree
together, and begin to make contributions : they give (pa)
the Bansange the chiko, twenty head ; they receive them,
and the girl goes to be married. The elder who receives
the twenty head as chiko takes out perhaps four cattle
for himself, he takes out three and gives them to the one
of next importance, then he takes out two and gives the
next, then he takes out two and gives the next after the
third, then he takes one and gives to the most important
of the clansmen (not an elder) of the Bansange, and so he
goes on giving them one by one to the clansmen, the
' brothers ' of the girl. There remain perhaps three ; if
she has grandparents who bore her father and mother they
give them two of them. The remaining one, which is taken
by the people of the girl's mother, is called ' The one of the
mother's girdle ' (nja mukaku owa baina}."

From these particulars we can see that in many respects
the mukoa is a beneficent institution. It has acted as a
unifying force between the various communities, and has
softened that spirit of hostility which regards every one
living outside a person's neighbourhood as his enemy. Yet,
on the other hand, there is something to be said for those
who, like Mr. Dudley Kidd,2 trace the mental stagnation of
the Africans to the effects of this clan system.

3. THE COMMUNITY

We use the word community as the equivalent for the
Ila word Chishi, the plural of which is shishi, or generally

1 For the meaning of Chiko see Vol. II. p. 48. It may incorrectly be
termed " the bride-price." But notice above,' while for lack of a better
word we translate Kwa by " pay," when they speak of the chiko they
say pa, " give," not dia, " pay."

2 See his Kaffir Socialism, p. 258.

CH. xi SOCIAL ORGANISATION 299

mashi, the prefix ma- being an augmentative. Perhaps the
word commune would be better, for chishi connotes not
only the body of people but also the locality in which they
live. The whole of the Ila country is distributed among
these communities, which number about eighty. They vary
in size and population, the largest being Kasenga with
about 3000 people ; others have no more than 100, some
even less. They consist sometimes, as at Lubwe and
Bambwe, of one very large village and several small ones,
or of a number of villages of more equal size. The land is
strictly demarcated between the communities (see p. 387).

The inhabitants of a chishi are made up of two classes —
freemen and slaves ; the former are Ba-ila par excellence,
the latter are bazhike, i.e. " the buried," of no status. But
it is not possible to draw a hard and fast line between them,
for freemen are liable to be degraded into slavery, while
slaves may gain their freedom and even be elevated to the
chief ship.

The rule of the communities is in the hands of chiefs
and headmen, all of whom have the name bami (sing, mwami) .
The tendency now is to call the latter bankoshi, a foreign
term, and so distinguish between them, but the Bwila usage
is to put them more or less on an equality ; the chief is
more primus inter pares. Each chishi has its chief, and
each village, or each segment of the large villages, has its
headman. The chief and headmen form a council which
settles disputes and judges cases. There are evidences that
in former times many of the mashi were grouped under one
supreme chief (see Chap. XXII.), but to-day there are no chiefs
with the authority that Munyama and Malumbe wielded.
Each chishi is entirely independent. Where, as at Kasenga,
there is a chief over a number of small communities, his
authority outside his own village is little more than nominal.

The Chief

We will first transcribe in English two accounts given
us in Ila of the selection of a chief :

' The chiefs and headmen select their fellow-chief in
an assembly after the funeral of the deceased chief. In

300 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

setting about the selection of the heir, they call over the
names of his ' children ' and nephews, and then discuss
among themselves whom they shall install, saying, ' Who
shall it be ? Let it be a proper man from among his
" children " or his nephews.' And then comes the argument.
Because some wish to put in a ' child ' whom they think a
suitable heir, but others when his name is suggested are
hesitant and doubtful, and do not haste to agree, or if they
seem to agree it is not heartily (babaingwila ku ntumba ya
miozo, ' they will answer from the outside of their hearts ').
Or they speak out and say, ' He whom you wish to install
to-day, has he left off doing certain things he is used to
doing ? Is he really competent to rule (kulela) the people ? '
The others, hearing this, reply : ' Well, name the one you
consider the proper person.' So they put forward
the name of their candidate for the chief ship, saying,
' We wish for So-and-so, one of the deceased's nephews,
he is the proper person.' The others in their turn
hesitate, and in silence turn the matter over in their minds,
and at last say, ' We agree. Let your candidate be
installed.' So they come to a decision. And the ' child '
of the chief, if he does not fall in with it, will leave the
village : there is no room there for him who thought that
the chiefship should be his ; there cannot be two chiefs.
The chiefs can only put one in the deceased's place ; if a
chief leaves many ' children ' they cannot give the position
to all. And they do not select one without wealth, for he
has to pay the deceased's debts, and also the debts of his
' children ' that the deceased should have paid. It is not
for them to put in one simply on the ground of relationship ;
no, the one they install is he whom they see to be the able
man : that one is the chief. Still it is true that some
chiefs are chiefs only in name (mbami ibando budid), they
are unable for chiefship and affairs. But a chief is selected
for his judgement and consistent good character (buswe
bwakwe bwa shikwense) ; because they all see that if they
place him in the position he will be able to rule (lela) all the
deceased's people. Now when he is installed, he goes to
seek medicines from the doctors, for his protection against
warlocks. He protects himself to such an extent that he

CH. xi SOCIAL ORGANISATION 301

may be said almost to become a warlock himself ; that is
to say, he gets the genuine medicine, so that if a person
plans his destruction or having a complaint against him,
wishes him evil, that person will not rise well from his bed,
but will rise with a body diseased ; and seeing that, the
people will know that the chief has drunk medicine and is
not to be plotted against. That is why chiefs drink these
medicines when they are installed — to ward off warlocks
and those with complaints against them, so that they should
have no strength in their devices. And for building a
village he also ' eats ' medicine ; not to say, he eats it by
the mouth, no, but he invites one who has it, saying,
' Give me medicine for building a new village,' or he says,
' Come and help me to build.' That is to say, ' Come and
doctor the site of my village.' The doctor puts in pegs of
medicine in front of the site of his hut, at the doorway, and
around it, on every side ; and also all around where the
stockade of the village is to be. All these medicines he
provides himself with (lit. ' he eats '), and so by protecting
himself walema, he gets ' heavy,' dignified ; the people
recognise his chiefship ; wazosha ku bantu, he is revered,
feared, by the people. But if he goes too far with his
medicines they will spoil him : he becomes a warlock.
Suppose he sets out to follow the warlocks : and wherever
he hears there is a doctor with medicine for such and such
an evil purpose goes to him and learns its uses — perhaps
getting as many as five medicines from him — well, that
means he is no longer honest, no, he is mixing up with
witchcraft. Apart from the medicines for self -protection,
he is desirous of witchcraft. When he has a quarrel with
a friend, he says, ' Let me fold up my heart (novhunge
mozo) to hate him ' ; then comes warlockry — the man dies,
he of whom the chief said, ' As we have quarrelled, let us
never speak together again.' So the chief becomes a war-
lock, and never comes back to his former nature, because
of heaping up medicines. And they say of him, ' The
chief has a great many medicines for self-protection, and
also witchcraft-medicine he knows it all, there is none that
he does not know.' '

The other account says :

302 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

" He who is to be a chief comes to it while still a lad ;
people who see him say, ' That boy will be a chief some
day.' Why ? Because he behaves well to people when he
has to do with them. His subservience to the elders in
listening and obeying is what makes them say, ' He is a
chief.' He grows up in that way, with his good-heartedness
to people in giving and talking nicely with them always.
And so it conies to pass that just as people said he would
be, so in time he becomes. That is the nature of chiefship.
Others are like this : they are reformed characters (mbampi-
takati ku nsoko). A man, say, was a shiluchea (' a rogue '),
and then at some time becomes honest, and when they see
the change in him they say : ' So-and-so is an honest man
to-day, he has given up such and such habits, to-day he is
a chief,' i.e. what he does he does in a way worthy of a
chief. Others again are not fit for chiefship. Many do
things notwithstanding they were born for better. One
becomes a vagabond, another a warlock, another an adulterer.
Perhaps his younger brother, his inferior, becomes the chief
and rules many. To rule is to do well in affairs, to give
food to people. He builds a large village. He gets the
reputation of being a great chief. Whereas others are
chiefs only in name (mbami budio ibando), that is to say,
the name is of chiefship, but if his subject gets into trouble
he is unable to settle the affair for him, nor is he able to
pay a fine for him. Such a man is no chief : he has the
name only : in matters pertaining to his position, settling
his subjects' affairs and ruling them (kulela) in food and
other things, he is no use. A chief has this said of him,
' lula o mwami ndichenga ' (' In a bargain a chief is worsted ').
That is to say, if a subject has a thing ever so small the
chief must give him liberally in exchange. A chief has no
bad people : no, all his people to him are good. He knows
them well, just as they know his very nature. If a man
becomes a chief, and he hears one backbiting him, he says
nothing ; if one curses him he lets him alone ; if a subject
destroys his things he takes no notice. As for the chiefs
of Bwila, in all their villages when they marry women, he
only who does not like sleeping with women does not sleep
with his chief's wives ; any one who wishes sleeps with

CH. xi SOCIAL ORGANISATION 303

them ; the chief knows it, but he does not kill them, nor
does he drive them out : all he says is, ' You, my dependents,
why do you sleep with my wives ? '

To these accounts we may add some remarks by way
of elucidating the several points.

The questions of succession are involved with those of
inheritance. To succeed a person is kudyaizhina (" to eat
the name"), the successor is called Mudyezhina ("Eater
of the name "), and actually adopts the deceased's
name. A man may have several " names," in the sense
that he himself has succeeded to positions held previously
by two or three men; in that case his successor may
continue to " eat " all the names, or three other men
may each take one. Eating the name involves inheriting
a proportion of the property, but not all. A certain amount
is called lukono, and is distributed amongst people who are
said to kona. There is no essential difference between a
chief and ordinary people in these respects, for every man
and woman has some successor who " eats the name," and,
if they have property, people who kona ; but of course in
the case of a chief, on account of his position and wealth,
it is a more serious affair.

While the mourning ceremonies for the deceased chief
are still in progress, a council is held to decide the succes-
sion and inheritance. This is the business primarily of
the clan, assisted by other elders of the community and
friends. The first step is to select the mudyezhina.

Where the deceased upon his death-bed has expressed
his wishes on the subject, the matter is comparatively easy,
and grave reasons must be adduced for setting his decision
aside.1 Where, on the other hand, there are several claim-
ants who, with their partisans, are indefatigable in pressing
their several claims, vehement discussion and recrimination
abound, and perhaps not for three days is the selection of
the principal heir finally made.

In some districts the heads of two neighbouring com-

1 Captain Dale reports (April 1919) that this method of appointing a
successor is growing in favour. When, at the end of 1917, Kakobela died,
Shaloba endeavoured to exercise his right in appointing the heir, but the
community insisted upon having the chief nominated by Kakobela on his
death-bed.

304 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES FT. HI

munities have a reciprocal right (or claim the right) to
appoint each the other's successor. Such an arrangement
holds between the chiefs of Lubwe and Bambwe ; when
Shaloba dies Kakobela takes the lead in appointing his
successor, and then when Kakobela dies the new Shaloba
appoints his heir.

The principle of the selection is expressed in the proverb :
" Mwami t'azhala mwami " (" A chief does not beget a chief ").
That is to say, no person succeeds to a chiefship merely in
virtue of his birth, as the son, brother, or nephew of the
deceased. Among the Nanzela people the succession is
matrilinear, i.e. descends to the brother, or the sister's son,
but in Bwila the selection is free ; the brother, son, nephew,
or uncle may be chosen, but not necessarily so. In theory,
at least, any person may be chosen ; indeed sometimes a
slave is elevated to the position. At Kasenga, for example,
the largest of the communities, the chief Mungaila II.,
although he represents himself as the nephew of the late
chief, was really his slave, being what is called an inkudila-
mudiango (" one who grows up at the doorway "), i.e. a
boy bought as a slave and reared in his master's house.
The clan relationship of the deceased chief is respected in
so far that in selecting the heir an endeavour is made to
find a suitable successor of the same clan ; thus when a
Munasolwe dies they seek a Munasolwe in his place. If there
is none forthcoming they may take, say, a Munampongo,
but in so doing they cause the Banasolwe to ditaya to the
Banampongo ; no evil consequences are anticipated to either
clan. The heir, if of a different clan, may take as a courtesy
the clan of his predecessor. Another point that may affect
the selection is the doctrine of reincarnation ; where the
spirit of a man of parts is believed to have returned to earth
in the person of a youth with claims to the chiefship, this
may well weigh down the scale in his favour. One such
case is known to us. But while the question of clan and
reincarnation may enter, we believe we are absolutely correct
in stating that the main principle underlying the selection,
and weighing possibly against strong claims of kinship, is
the ultimate good of the community. This has always been
apparent in the numerous cases we have known since the

CH.XI SOCIAL ORGANISATION 305

old days have passed away and usurpation is rendered im-
possible. In certain cases men of some status and importance
as the sons of a wealthy chief have reverted to the position
of ordinary members of the community on their father's
death, and we have known the change spoken of with
commiseration. As our informants quoted above have
indicated, a man's character, primarily, and his wealth,
secondarily, are regarded in the selection. They want a
man, wise, good- hearted, with capabilities for rule and
conciliation. The question of wealth is also important, for
according to the proverb, " Bulemu bwa lulu ndisanga " (" The
fearsomeness of an ant-hill is the long grass upon it "),
i.e. in the long grass may be lurking a leopard or lion, and
so you give it a wide berth ; in its application the maxim
means that what causes a man to be respected is his posses-
sions. A chief may gain wealth after his installation, but
he needs to have some to start with in order to fulfil his
obligations.

He gains through fines paid to the clan and community
of which he takes the lion's share ; offerings and gifts from
black and white ; fees paid by strangers for the right to
hunt, or fish, or build ; an occasional share of chiko outside
his clan or family and a good share of chiko within the same.

We have heard of instances of the succession being
determined by means of a trial of skill among competitors.
One such case was at Itumbi. Shimaponda, the first chief,
on his death-bed nominated Momba ; but others were
proposed. To settle the matter several competitions were
held, in one of which a large-eyed needle was thrown into
a pool and the candidates were set to fish for it with their
spears. The one who succeeded in spearing it through the
eye was to be chief. Momba was the only one who succeeded,
and he became chief.

To this heir is allotted the majority of his predecessor's
wives, cattle, and chattels, and it is his duty, with the
assistance of others, to distribute the return presents of
cattle, etc., to those who brought oxen to slaughter at the
funeral. It occasionally happens, when the deceased is
more respected than wealthy, that the inheritance is ex-
hausted, and the heir has to draw on his private herd in

VOL. i x

306

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

order to satisfy all claims. Each mourner who brings and
is allowed to slaughter a beast is awarded a portion of the
estate as his Inkono ; thus a near relative may slaughter a
big ox and go away with two or three cows ; another man
may kill a calf out of respect to the deceased's memory and
lead away a small ox. Occasionally a man who is not
welcome is told that the inheritance is distributed and he
must take back his ox : this usually happens when the
mourner's presence is prompted by avarice.

FATHER AND SONS.

The inheritor of " the great name " being chosen,
another may be elected to " eat the lesser name." To him
is awarded an inheritance smaller in proportion ; thus, if
the first heir takes over six wives, the second may only take
three and a lesser number of cattle ; while even a third
heir whose claims are strong may be consoled with one hut
or wife. In addition to the actual inheritance the heir
takes over all claims pending and all debts due to or by
the deceased. Frequently a man seizes the opportunity of
a death to pounce down upon the heir for payment of
medicine supplied to the deceased possibly ten or fifteen

CH. xi SOCIAL ORGANISATION 307

years before, or to prefer some equally preposterous claim.
The heir, therefore, has a most harassing time for months
after his selection, and being quite unable to distinguish
accurately between the fictitious and the true is sometimes
eventually reduced to poverty.

One of our informants quoted above makes much of the
" medicines " acquired by the chief which lend him dignity
and power. This must not be taken to mean that all Ba-ila
chiefs are renowned for their magic prowess. Outside of
the Bwila proper we are told of Malumbe and Longo (the
Busala chief tainess) , who were great magicians ; and Monze,
the well-known Batonga chief, was famous far and wide
for his rain-making powers. But to-day, as far as we know,
no Ba-ila chief is distinguished in this manner. Still it is
undoubtedly the case that the chiefs do supplement their
natural powers of ruling by recourse to the occult, and in
so doing impress the minds of their people with their superior
dignity.

The word applied to a chief's relation to his people is
kulela : in the extracts given above we translate it "to
rule," but it has this only as a secondary meaning. Kulela
is primarily to nurse, to cherish ; it is the word applied to
a woman caring for her child. The chief is. the father of
the community ; they are his children, and what he does
is to Ida them. This involves maintaining their interests
against neighbouring communities, settling their disputes
in council with the headmen, helping to pay their debts,
etc. It is not, we think, an enviable position to rule an
independent people like the Ba-ila community, especially
in these days when so much of the chief's power is inevitably
sapped through the advent of European administration.
Shaloba hit the nail on the head when he said in an epigram :
" Bwami mbuzhike" (" Chiefdom is serfdom"). Yet the
dignity of being the head of a fine community, of having a
band of drummers to wait upon one, to be eulogised in
flattering terms on great occasions, of being looked up to as
the father and arbitrator — these make the position worth
having. Among his duties and privileges may be mentioned
the following. He allocates new grazing grounds when
obtainable. (He cannot touch the old grounds.) It is for

308 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. in

him to admit or to veto the admittance of strangers as mem-
bers of the community. He can, in certain circumstances,
demand a tax to be paid. It is for him to settle the dates
for wila-ing and bola-ing (see pp. 131 sq.) ; it is his privilege
to partake first of the first-fruits. It is his duty to take the
initiative, in conjunction with the diviner, in ridding the
community of warlocks and witches. In time of war he
is the commander-in-chief of the army.

4. SECONDARY SOCIAL GROUPS

A covenant of friendship (mulongo) is something greatly
esteemed among the Ba-ila. Some of the covenants are of
a private nature and have little social significance. Two
men, for example, enter into a friendship for the purpose
of an exchange of wives, which lasts as long as it is agree-
able to all concerned. Other temporary covenants are
entered into for the exchange of food and medicines. A
binding covenant is that of blood brotherhood, named
mulongo wa maninga. Each of the two men cuts his arm
and sucks the other's blood, as the sign and seal of their
vow, binding them not to refuse each other anything. One
says : " As we thus drink each other's blood, if I come to
ask anything of you whatsoever, will you refuse me ? "
The other replies, " No, I will give you anything and every-
thing you ask of me." Having exchanged this promise,
they must keep it till death. If one breaks the vow he will
die kambo ka buloa (" on account of the blood ").

The most important socially of these friendships is that
called musela (" the age-grade "). The parties to this are
all men, and all women, born in the same year ; and those
who have been through the initiation ceremonies in the
same year. There is a special term which these people
apply to each other, musama. To address a person by
that title who is not of your musela is a fault. A man's,
or a woman's, particular friends, then, are those of his or
her age-grade ; the outward sign being in the case of men
the simultaneous growth of the impumbe, and in the case of
women the similar stage of development in the breasts. But
it is also reckoned that as a secondary musela a man or

CH. xi SOCIAL ORGANISATION 309

woman counts all those who belong to his or her father's and
mother's age-grade. The members of a musela have certain
privileges in the way of liberty of speech. As we shall see
in a subsequent chapter, Ba-ila have a fine sense of personal
dignity, and it is a grave fault to speak to a man in such a
way as to bring him into ridicule, or to curse him. Now
these rules are in abeyance when one man is addressing
another of the same musela. As one of our informants
expresses it : " The members of a musela will curse each
other always with bad curses. They will run each other
down. If one of them becomes poor or a coward or a lazy
person, they will always deride him ; if he is brave (mukadi)
his fellows will love him very much. But a lazy one, no,
they do not love him. He who brings them into disrepute,
how can they love him ? The musela must always be
strong in this way. If you are not strong to bear being
derided and cursed by your fellows, you will weep tears,
even if you are already of mature age. If you are not
strong in heart to face the curses with which your friends
curse you, you will revolt and perhaps deny your musela.
The musela of your father is yours also ; you may
curse him just as his fellows curse him, saying : ' You
lay with your mother. You lay with your sister.' You
need not be afraid ; not a bit. Even if it be a chief
of the same musela with your father or mother, you may
curse him just as you curse one of your own age-grade.
That is how a musela is strong in not being scrupulous
about elders. As your father's and mother's age-grades
are also your own, you will curse all their members as you
curse your own — with curses, calumnies, derogations,
ridiculings, and mockings at th'em and their belongings.
There is a saying : Misela, misela (' There are age-grades,
and age-grades ') ; one may be of energetic people, another
of lazy-bones ; others again hard-hearted, or courageous ;
one may be of lazy vagabonds, people with nothing (bapushi
bapapa), like bare trees stripped of their bark, and another
may be all of chiefs, having many possessions. These last
when one of their fellows gets into trouble, perhaps because
he has cursed those of another age-grade, will help him to
pay." This is the social function of the musela : it is a

3io

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

mutual-aid society, giving assistance to its members when
needed. It is possible for a man to get into an age-grade
not his own properly, but only by making presents to the
members.

APPENDIX 1

LIST OF MIKOA

(a) Those named from animals, plants, or things :

Name of Clan.

Totem.

Place the Clan is
associated with.

i. Banachibizi

Chibizi, zebra

Ngabo

Banamwala (te-

mbaula name)

2. Bananyungwe

Nyungwe, capped wheat-

Kane

ear

3. Banatimba

Timba, grysbok

Nakalomwe

4. Banamukubi,1 or

Shikubi, vulture

Ngoma (some say

Banashikubi, or

Kalando)

Bakubi

5. Banamomba

Momba, the ground horn-

Busangu

bill

6. Banashamayoba, or

Nanja, the lech we

Butwa

Banananja

7. Bananyovu, or

Muzovu, elephant and

Banamoba, or

Shankole, wart-hog z

londe

Bananzovu

8. Banasulwe

Sulwe, the hare

Bambwe

9. Bananduba

Induba, the plantain-

Banga

eater

10. Bananzoka, or

Itoshi, the river-monster

Itumbi

Banzoka

ii. Bananzoka

Mubondo, the barbel-fish

Mwako

12. Bono, or

Ing'ombe, cattle

Foreign

Banangombe

13. Banasolwe,3 or

Solwe, the honey-guide

Bambwe and

Banashibuchi

Buchi, honey

Lubwe

14. Bananzhiba

Inzhiba, ring-dove

Isuzhi

15. Banakangvhuma, or

Kangvhuma, a palm

Kabanga

Banabusanje

Busanje, palm-leaves

1 6. Banasuntwe

Suntwe, hyaena

Idiza

1 Some of this clan are called Bana-Lubunda, others Ba-Nakalomwe,
from those places.

2 The elephant and wart-hog are regarded as close relations.

3 The Banasolwe are nicknamed " liars " because of the reputation of
the honey-guide.

SOCIAL ORGANISATION

Name of Clan.

Totem.

Place the Clan is
associated with.

17. Banabimbe

Bimbe, kite

Masengaila

1 8. Banampongo

Impongo, goat

Foreign

19. Banamaila,1 or

Maila, grain

Foreign

Banashanamaila

20. Bankontwe,2 or

Nkontwe, baboon

lyanga (PIsanti)

Banankontwe

21. Banashichifumbula

Shichifumbula, scavenger

Banga

beetle

22. Banankalamo, or

Nkalamo, or Shumbwa,

Bwengwa

Banashumbwa, or

lion

Banashanza (te-

mbaula name)

23. Banaumpe, or

Umpe, wild dog

Longo

Baumpe

24. Banamayovu, or

Mayovu, name of a tree

Banga

Bamayovu

which is said not to

shake in the wind

25. Banankala

Inkala, crab

Nakalomwe

26. Bananjuni, or

Injuni, birds

Foreign

Banabayuni

27. Banambwa, or

Mbwa, a dog

Banakabwa

Kabwa, a pup

Foreign

28. Basange, or

Musange, rain

A Nangombe

Bansange, or

(Others say, Shapidio,

(Probably Busala)

Bana-Leza 3

kestrel)

29. Banankonze, or

Konze, the hartebeest

Balumbwa

Banashibwanga,4 or

Balumbwa

30. Banachiwena, or

Chiwena, crocodile

Jube

Banakotale

Kotale, crocodile

31. Batembozhi

Intembozhi, wasp

Foreign

32. Bananachindwe, or

Nakafwifwi, oribi

Isanti

Basanti

33. Banantite

Intite, name of a small bird

Lubanda

34. Banasokwe

Sokwe, monkey

Kasamo

35. Banachulu 5

Mulanzhi, termite

Mbala

36. Bananshimba 8

Inshimba, genet

Chiyadila

37. Bananyati,7 or

Munyati, buffalo

Mbeza

Banamusungwa, or

Banamainga, or

Banambeza

1 Said to be so named because it originated in the Chimbulamukoa
country, whence came grain.

2 Members of this are called " baboons " (bapombd), also " Lazy-folk,"
see the tale No. 4, Chap. XXVIII. Part i.

3 We have heard a disreputable member of this clan boast of being a
relation of the Creator (Leza) .

4 Name derived from the horn of the antelope being used as a receptacle
for medicine (bwanga).

5 Chulu = ant-heap.

6 This clan is said to have been formed by division from the Bana-Leza.

7 See p. 288.

312

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. Ill

Name of Clan.

Totem.

Place the Clan is
associated with.

38. Banamwaba

Mwaba, jackal

39. Banachisakabale, or

Chisakabale, palm-bush

Banalubale

Lubale, palm-leaf

40. Banakabu

Ibuzu, baobab tree

41. Banamasale

Masale, kind of grass

42. Banakabwinde

Kabwinde, squirrel

Mbala

43. Banamankonte 1

Mankonte, kind of edible

Bunda

root

44. Banachikwangala

Chikwangala, crow

45. Banashimunyowe

Shimunyeu, kind of ant

46. Banamawi

Mawi, wild orange

47. Banachivhubwe

Chivhubwe, hippo

48. Banakabanzi

Kabanzi, scorpion

49. Banampata

Impata, kind of fish

50. Banashinyimba

Shinyimba, buffalo

Butwa

51. Banakabundi

Kabundi, hornet

Butwa

52. Banashimwetwa, or

Mubondo, barbel (others

Butwa

Beetwa

say Konze, hartebeest)

53. Banansefu, or

Musefu, eland

Banongolo

(b) Those named from places :

54, Banachazhi, or Bachazhi (Totem : munjile, wild-pig) ; 55, Basanga
(Totem : mwino, salt) ; 56, Banakabanga ; 57, Bamambwe ; 2 58, Banalu-
longa ; 59, Banachitumbi ; 60, Banachilala ; 61, Banichila ; 62, Bana-
mwazi ; 63, Banachibunzi ; 64, Banakaulizhi ; 65, Bakaundu ; 66,
Banachdmba ; 67, Banashikantengwa.

(c) Those named from persons :

68, Bana-Bunga ; 69, Bana-Chungwa ; 70, Bana-Shikambe ; 71,
Bana-Maibwe ; 72, Bana-Nawi ; 73, Bana-Kaindu ; 74, Bana-Kasoke
(Totem : musaka, wild dog) ; 75, Bana-Lwanza (Totem : Nawuwane,
crested crane) ; 76, Banasha-Lwembe ; 77, Bana-Mpande ; 78, Ba-
Ntanga, or Banantanga (Totem, : Kabwenga, hyaena) ; 79, Bana-Malumbe ;
80, Bana-Mazungwe ; 81, Bana-Kanyonga ; 82, Bana-Kalamba ; 83,
Bana-Mwinga ; 84, Bana-Munombwe (Totem : munyumbwi, gnu).

(d) The following are doubtful :

85, Ba-Tengi3 (Totem: muzovu, elephant, foreign); 86, Ba-Tenda ;
87, Ba-Tunga (Totem is water, or fish) ; 88, Ba-Chimba (Totem : mpata, a
small fish) ; 89, Ba-Yowa (Totem : rhinoceros) ; 90, Bauavhula (Totem :
mukulo, waterbuck) ; 91, Banzhamba (Totem : isekele, a fish) ; 92,
Bakapi (Totem : nachisekwe, wild goose) ; 93, Ba-Tembo (Totem :
Shiluwe, leopard).

1 Others say the clan derives its name from Mankonte, who was chief
at Chikome.

z This clan is nicknamed Banashibonwanuma : " Those whose back is
never seen (in battle) " ; also Banashishiikudya, see p. 288.

3 It was suggested that this name was derived from their being so
few in number (Bakatewgwdika) .

SOCIAL ORGANISATION

313

Clan.

Totem.

Clan.

Totem.

Some Baluba clans :

Banangonyi *

Ngonyi, a bird

Balembu

Honey

Bananzoka *

Snake

Banambwa *

Dog

Balonga

A river

Batunga *

Any river fish

Benampongo *

Goat

Benankalamo *

Lion

Benambulo

Iron

Batembozhi *

Hornet

Some Batema and Walenje clans :

Baneluwo

Wind

Banenkalamo *

Lion

Banamaila * \

Banembuzhi

Goat

Benemaila /

Grain

Baunga

Lechwe

Banambwa *

Dog

Banaumpe *

Wild dog

Baneng'ombe *

Cattle

Banachowa

Mushroom

Batembozhi *

Hornet

Bananzofu *

Elephant

Banampongo *
Barumbu

Goat
Hyaena

Banachulu \ *
Benechulu J

Termite

Benenyendwa

The vulva

Some Balamba (Badima) clans :

Bankuwa

Dog

Banambwa *

Dog

Banachibanda

The anus

Bashishi

Bark-string

Banamaila *

Grain

Benakasonso

Ant-hill

Banamasambe

Bark of tree

Banantoto

The vagina

Among the Bashamba are Benembwa * and Benenyama.
One Bambwela clan is Bambuzhi (Totem : goat) .

Among the Mankoya are Banangoyne * (Totem : hawk) and Balembu
(Totem : bee).

* These are found also among Ba-ila.

APPENDIX II

LIST OF COMMUNITIES

Chishi.

Chief.

Population
in 1915. *

Tribe.

Kasenga

Mungaila

2878

Ba-ila

Bambwe

Kakobela

1148

,,

Ngabo

Shimafumba

404

,,

Lubanda

Shapela

1147

,,

Banamwazi

Chidyabufu

996

,,

Byangwe

Nangulwa

417

,,

Kabanga

Mianikila

179

"

1 These figures are only approximate ; they are under- rather than
over-stated.

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

Chishi.

Chief.

Population
in 1915.

Tribe.

Chomba

Kaula

350

Ba-ila

Bunga

Kalenge

405

,, (Bambo)

Babizhi

Shobwa

79

• I ii

Bachele

Shasokwe

129

Ba-ila and Baluba

Kaundu

Namalau

703

,, ,,

landa

Musanana

395

» »

Ingoma

Shindavu

233

,, ,,

Idindi

Shimukwayaila

2OI

• i ii

Yeohvwe

Shamajogo

H3

ii ii

Naumba

Chipelu

38

.1 ii

Nakalomwe

Shamikula

441

• I ii

Basanga

Shiafuko

449

• • ii

Mulundungoma

Mwanakaba

420

• • ••

(Makona)

Lubwe

Shaloba

1347

ii ii

Manimbwa

Sezongo

2451

,, (Balumbu)

Makalanda

Mbila

290

„ (Babizhi)

Ichila

Shivwambwe

423

>i ii

Namakubi

Muchila

IIIO

ii ii

Kabulamwanda

Chikoti

843

,, (Balundwe)

Mandondo

Kazoka

2IO

ii

Mbeza

Nalubamba

1058

• I >•

Bwengwa

Shamusondi

2172

• i 11

Intemi

Shizhabuka

1181

»i ii

Banakaila

Chongo

961

• I 11

Minenga

Mwanachingwala

1961

11 ii

Itesi

Shichikalomo

551

• • ii

Namaronga

Siowi

549

• I ii

Mulombwahula

Siowi

334

Mixed with Basala

Chizwanyanga

Monze (Mutonga)

607

Ba-ila (Balundwe)

and Batonga.

Latter in majority

Isalama

Shikadyatombwe

266

Ba-ila (Bambala)

and Baluba

Luanga

Mulendema

245

Ba-ila (Bambala)

and Baluba

Itapila

Namoye

65

Ba-ila (Bambala)

and Baluba

Itumbi

Kaingu

423

Ba-ila, mixed with

Banduwe and

Bambwela

Chinenga

Under Kayingu A

Nanungwe

,,

Balajnbwa, and nine

,,

233

Ba-ila (Bambala)

other small com-

munities

Lusangazhi

Mwanachionda

45

Ba-ila (Bambala)

and Baluba

Kaiongwe

Mutanti

52

Ba-ila and Baluba

Bulobi

Munashichonsi

66

,, (Bambala)

Bulala

Managambwa

159

• I ii

Mwako

Masaka

220

„

SOCIAL ORGANISATION

Chishi.

Chief.

Population
in 1915.

Tribe.

Lubanga

Lukendo

152

Ba-ila (Bambala)

and Baluba

Lusaka

Chibuluma

444

Ba-ila and Baluba

Mutenda

Mulungushi

138

.1 »

Mafwele

Mponde

150

Ba-ila

Marombe

Muyanga

no

Ba-ila with Man-

koya

Bombe

Shamakanda

255

Ba-ila (Bambala)

with Mankoya

Nzovu

Lutangu

199

Ba-ila (Bambala)

Nyambo

Mwezwa

586

„ ,,

Chiyadila

Shibulo

374

,, ,,

Makunko

Musulwi

694

a a

Mauluzhi

Mauluzhi

211

a >i

Longo

Shikabuwa

1 80

,, ,,

Nalubanda

Namukombo

166$

a i>

Naluvwi

Mwanakampoti

332

a a

Chibu

Mwanashimbolwa

212

a

Laluvwe

Kakua

54°

» a

Chisukwa

Mono

735

,, ••

Maganda

Kapelabulungu

357

Ba-ila (Bambala)

and Batema

Lutende

Mwanachiwanko

152

Ba-ila (Bambala)

Kanyanji

Shanaobi

257

Ba-ila (Bambala)

and Baluba

Hindi

Shimwambwa

247

Ba-ila (Bambala)

and Batema

Shijanzu

Shinyanga

1 80

Ba-ila (Bambala)

Namunde

Chintembe

2IO

u a

Kalangambala

Shakumbila

1823

Basala

Kanza

Shagele

539

,,

Pele

Pele

119

,,

Chinkobonge

Mulubela

194

,,

Kabile

Chibuluma

255

,,

Chombwe

Shangala

449

,,

Butwa

Under various

chiefs, number

about

1200

Batwa

CHAPTER XII

*

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP

ONE of the most difficult things for a newcomer among the
Ba-ila to understand is their system of relationship. He
learns very soon that tata means " my father," mukwesu,
" my brother," mwanangu, " my child," but those terms
only seem to confuse matters, for he quickly finds that a
man has many fathers, many mothers, and, although he
may not be married, a host of children, and even grand-
children ; while as for his brothers, their name is legion.
When a young man tells you that a certain woman old
enough to be his mother is his child, you are baffled, and
he does not make things clearer by explaining that she is
his child because his great-grandfather's brother begat her
father. The secret of understanding the system is first of
all to rid one's mind of the terms one is used to, and to
grasp firmly the principle that the words tata and bama do
not mean what father and mother mean to us, but rather
indicate certain positions in a table of genealogy ; and the
same with regard to mwanangu, mukwesu, etc. etc.

The system in vogue among the Ba-ila is one common
to a great many peoples in different parts of the world,
and is known as the Classificatory system. In this system
the relationships are grouped into large categories labelled
"Grandparent," "Father," "Mother," "Brother," "Child,"
" Grandchild."

The system is very much complicated by the fact that
the terms applied vary according as —

i. Whether I am the person speaking, or spoken to,
or spoken of.

316

en. xii TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP 317

2. Whether I am directly addressing my relation or
simply referring to him or her.

3. Whether I am speaking of myself as one person, or
including others with myself, i.e. whether I use " I " or
" we," " my," " our," etc.

4. Whether the speaker is older or younger than the
person spoken to or of.

5. Whether the person speaking, or the person spoken
to, is male or female.

To make it all clear to our readers we have prepared
lists and genealogical tables which may be consulted while
reading the following exposition. In the lists we carefully
distinguish between the term used in direct address and
that used in mere reference ; we also give the full forms
used for " my relation," " your relation," etc.

To begin with contemporaries, i.e. those of the same
generation with myself. There is no word which standing
by itself means " brother." Mukwesu means " our brother "
or " our sister," but is used by one person speaking, just
as many English people say " our Sam." When speaking
to a person, I say munyoko (" thy brother "), and I refer
to a man's brother as munina. Munyokwesu would be used
when I definitely associate others with myself in speaking
of our brother ; thus, if I were speaking to a stranger of my
brother I should say " Mukwesu did so and so " ; but if I
were conversing with some of my brothers I should say, in
reference to another brother, munyokwesu.

This term mukwesu is applied in the first place to all the
children of my father, whether of the same mother or not,
but it cannot be applied indiscriminately. If my brother
is older than I, I, being a male, properly call him mukando
wangu (" my great one "), i.e. my elder, if he is younger
than I, I call him mwanichangu (" my junior "). If I am
a female, I give these names to my sisters, elder and younger
respectively, but not to my brother. I call him mulombwana
wangu, or, as the Nanzela people say, muchizi angu. I,
being a female, call each of my brothers mulombwana wangu
(" my man ") ; but, being a female, I do not so call my
sisters ; my elder sister is mukando wangu, my younger
sister is mwanichangu. If, on the other hand, I am a male,

3i8 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

I do not apply those terms to my sisters ; but I call her by
the same name that she calls me, i.e. muchizi angu ; or if
I speak the true Ila, I say mukaintu wangu (" my woman ").
These terms are used in referring to my brothers and sisters,
not to them directly. It is strictly taboo for me to address
any of them, or for them to address me, as mukwesu, or
muchizi angu, or mulombwana wangu ; I must speak to
them, and they to me, by name.

I also apply the same terms to the children of my
father's brothers, and to the children of my mother's sisters,
i.e. to my ortho-cousins. But there is a difference between
these and the children of my mother's brother and of my
father's sister, i.e. my cross-cousins. Of these latter, my
mother's brother's children are bana-bachisha (" children of
my uncles ") ; all other cousins are bakwesu, but I do not
address any cross-cousin as mukwesu, nor by name. If I am
a male, I address my male cross-cousin as mulongwangu
("my friend "), and my female cross-cousin as mwinangu
(" my wife ") ; if I am a female I address him as mulumi
angu (" my husband "), and her as mukazhima (" my fellow-
wife "), that being the proper term used by one wife of a
polygamist to another. This form of address found here
and elsewhere is one of the most curious things in the
system. Why should the children of a man and his sister
respectively address each other as man and wife ? It is
because, according to clan rules, they might marry. Inter-
course between the children of two sisters is regarded as
incestuous because they have the same totem, but these
are of different clans, as may be shown in a diagram, where
A' is the brother, A" is the sister, A standing for the totem
clan. A' marries B ; A" is married by C, and the children,
inheriting the mother's clan, are B" and A"' respectively.
Thus :

A' A"

A' -- B C — A"

B" A"'

In such a case, as there is a possibility of A'" and B" marrying,
we can understand why they should address each other as
husband and wife.

CH. xii TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP 319

But, as a matter of fact, latter-day custom does not
allow such marriages ; while I may marry the daughter of
my father's sister, I may not marry the daughter of my
mother's brother. I use the same terms of address to my
mother's brother's children as to my father's sister's children ;
but though I address my mother's brother's daughter as
mwinangu (" my wife "), and she addresses me as mulumi
angu (" my husband "), it does not imply that commerce
between us would now be allowed. Of the four possible
cousin-marriages, therefore, the Ba-ila nowadays only
allow one. I may marry my father's sister's daughter,
but as, according to the rules of relationship, she is
mukwesu to me, I ought not to marry her.

Turning now to the generation above me : I call not
only my own father but also his brothers tata (" my father "),
and address each of them as ta — a shortened form of lata,
My mother and her sisters and my father's sisters I call all
bama ("my mother"). The latter title is really in the
plural number and means " my mothers " ; it is the plural
of respect. I address all these as ma. If I wish to dis-
tinguish among " my fathers," I may call my father's elder
brother tata mukando (" my big father "), and his younger
brother tata mwaniche (" my junior father "). I may
distinguish " my mothers " in the same way. But one
" mother " has a term peculiar to herself ; this is my father's
sister (elder or younger), who is tata mukaintu (" my female
father"). It is only by that curious term that the Ba-ila
express paternal " aunt."

It is also in accordance with the principles of the system
that I give the name achisha (" my uncle ") to the brother
of my mother only. This person is my most important
relation, and it is easy to see why. Under a strict clan-
system, my father and my mother have different totems,
else they could not have married ; inheriting as I do
my mother's clan, her kin are of more importance to me
than my father's ; indeed at some time I might not have
known my father or his clan. My mother's brother then
stands as my natural guardian. To this day among the
Ba-ila, although they have long since, outgrown any stage
when the father is unknown or disregarded, the mother's

320 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

brother is a personage of vast importance ; having the
power even of life and death over his nephews and nieces,
which no other relations, not even the parents, have ; he is
to be held in honour even above the father. This is
avunculi potestas, which among the Ba-ila is greater than
patria potestas. I speak of him as uachisha, and in address
say achisha. I may refer to him among his other nephews
and nieces as shimuzesu (which is also an honorific title I
may give to other people whom I respect very highly) ;
other people will speak of shimuzhabo (" his uncle ").

In the second generation above me I give the name
nkakangu to my mother's and father's parents, and also
to their brothers and sisters. That is, I regard as my
grandparents all the parents of those who stand in the
relation of father, mother, and uncle to me ; my father's
father, father's father's brother and sister ; my father's
mother, father's mother's brother and sister ; my mother's
father, mother's father's brother and sister ; my mother's
mother, and my mother's mother's brother and sister.
. In the generation above this I give the name tata and
bama to all who stand in the relation of father and mother
to those I call nkakangu. There is no term answering to
great - grandparent ; my great - grandparents are "my
mother " and " my father." Similarly in the generation
below me, I give the name mwanangu (" my child ") to my
own child, male or female ; and my children's children are
bazukuzhi bangu (" my grandchildren ") ; and in the next
generation I call my great-grandchildren banangu (" my
children "). Thus the special relationships may be said
to be limited to the two generations above me : tata,
nkakangu ; and the two below me, mwanangu, muzukuzhi
angu ; the third above is tata and bama ; the third below
me is mwanangu. The next above is nkakangu again, and
the next below is muzukuzhi angu again ; and so on ad
infinitum. But when I get back like that I am not likely
to remember the names, and content myself with referring
to them as maushesu (v our fathers ") ; the ma- being a
prefix indicating a great number.

The name mwanangu (" my child ") I give not only to
my own children, but also to the children of all who stand

CH. xii TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP 321

in the relation of mukwesu to me. • I address my children
by name, or each as mwanangu. My first-born, whether
son or daughter, I distinguish by addressing as musama
(" my fellow, my equal "), that being the epithet I apply
to all who are of my musela, i.e. of the same age as myself.

There is, of course, one exception to what has just been
said. My sister's children are not banangu (" my children") ;
I am their uncle and each of them is mwiwangu (" my
nephew " or " my niece ").

The children of all who stand in the relation of banangu
are bazukuzhi bangu (" my grandchildren "). The children
of my nephews and nieces, i.e. bewa bangu, are not my
grandnephews and grandnieces, but my " grandchildren "
also. This clears the way for the next generation, so that
being the grandchildren of the second line above them,
they may be the grandparents of the second line below
them.

In regard to the grandchildren, we may notice here the
recurrence of the curious address applied, as we have seen,
to my cousins. I being a male address my granddaughter
as mwinangu (" my wife "), and my grandson as mulo-
ngwangu (" my friend ") ; if I am a female I address my
grandson as mulumi angu and my granddaughter as muka-
zhima ("my fellow-wife"). This does not now mean that
I may marry them or that I have any rights whatever over
their persons.

Going back for a moment, we may trace the collateral
descent from my great-great-grandfather. Each of his sons
stands as tola to me ; and their sons should be bankakangu,
but they are not all so. My father's father's brothers are
bankakangu, but his father's brother's children stand to me
as bakwesu (" my brothers "). That is in accordance with
the rule that makes the children of my " fathers " my
" brothers " ; it is a breaking of the rule when my grand-
father, who is the son of tata is called nkakangu ; he should
by rule be mukwesu ; but there the logic of the system
breaks down, as it would be too absurd to call my grand-
father " my brother." My grandfather's father's brothers
are my " fathers " ; their children are bakwesu (" my
brothers ") ; their grandchildren are " my children," and

VOL. I Y

322 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

their children are my grandchildren. Their children again
are my children, and theirs again are my grandchildren.
This brings them into line with my grandchildren by direct
descent (see Table I.).

The whole system, therefore, works out with marvellous
exactitude and symmetry. We may arrange the generations
thus :

1. Nkakangu.

2. Tata.

3. Nkakangu.

4. Tata.

5. SELF.

6. Mwanangu.

7. Muzukuzhi angu.

8. Mwanangu.

9. Muzukuzhi angu.

Our exposition, with its necessary repetition of terms,
may seem confused and confusing, but if we put all these
relationships in the form of a table, showing the nine
generations just enumerated, it will be seen how easy is the
system when once graphically illustrated. The tables we
now give are not fanciful, but are based upon Tables No. 4
and 5, which are the actual genealogies of people well
known to us.

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324

CH. XII

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP

325

TABLE No. 3

ILA TABLE OF RELATIONSHIP

I la Terms in First
Person Singular :
"My."

Exact Relationship give
in English.

Terms used in
Direct Address.

Variations for any reason
in the Terms given in
Column i.

Nkakangu i

Father's father

Nkaka,

Variation in person :

Nkambo

2

Father's mother

Nkakako (thy

grandparent)

3

Father's father's

Nkakakwe (his

brother

grandparent)

4

Father's mother's

Nkakesu (our

brother

grandparent)

5

Father's father's

Nkakenu (your

sister

grandparent)

6

Father's mother's

Nkakabo (their

sister

grandparent)

7

Mother's father

Bankakangu (my

grandparents)

8

Mother's mother

Bankakako (thy

grandparents)

9

Mother's father's

Bankakakwe (his

brother

grandparents)

10

Mother's mother's

Bankakesu (our

brother

grandparents )

ii

Mother's father's

Bankakenu (your

sister

grandparents)

12

Mother's mother's

Bankakabo (their

sister

grandparents)

13

Father's father's

father's father

H

Father's father's

father's mother

15

Father's mother's

father's father,

mother, etc.

16

Father's father's

father's father's

brother

17

Father's father's

father's father's

sister

18

Mother's father's

father's father

and mother

19

Mother's father's

father's father's

sister

?ata 20

Father

Ta

21

Father's elder

Tata mukando

brother

326 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

TABLE No. 3 — continued

Ha Terms in First
Person Singular :
"My."

Exact Relationship given
in English.

Terms used in
Direct Address.

Variations for any reason
in the Terms given in
Column i.

Tata 22

Father's younger

Ta

Tata mwaniche

brother

23

Father's father's

Variation in person :

father

23«

Mother's father's

Uso (thy father)

father

Ushe (his father)

24

Father's father's

Ushesu (our father)

father's brother

(or Tatesu)

25

Mother's father's

Ushenu (your

sister's son

father)

26

Father's mother's

Ushabo (their

sister's son

father)

27

Mother's father's

Batata (my fathers)

brother's son

Bauso (thy fathers)

28

Father's mother's

Baushe (his fathers)

brother's son

Baushesu (our

280

Father's father's

fathers)

sister's son

Baushenu (your

fathers)

Baushabo (their

fathers)

Bama 29

Mother

Ma

Elder : bama ba-

kando, or tata

30

Father's sister

mukaintu
Younger : bama

baniche, or tata

mukaintu

[

Elder : bama ba-

3«

Mother's sister

|

kando
Younger : bama

I

baniche

Variation in person :

32

Mother's father's

Banoko, baina, ba-

sister's daughter

nokwesu, bano-

33

Father's mother's

kwenu, bano-

sister's daughter

kwabo

34

Father's father's

Alternative forms :

sister's daughter

Noko, nina, nok-

35

Mother's mother's

wesu, nokwenu,

sister's daughter

nokwabo (or

ninabo)

(

Elder : Uachisha

Uachisha 36

Mother's brother

Achisha J

mukando
Younger: Uachisha

'I

mwaniche

\

Alternative forms : •'

Shimuzesu (my or

our uncle)

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP

327

TABLE No. 3 — continued

I la Terms in First
Person Singular :
"My."

Exact Relationship given
in English.

Terms used in
Direct Address.

Variations for any reason
in the Terms given in
Column i.

Uachisha

Shimuzenu (thy or

your uncle), or

Owamuzenu

Shimuzhabo (his

uncle)

Shimuzhababo

(their uncle)

f

Muchizi angu, or

1

mulombwana

Mukwesu 37

Elder brother

By name ->

wangu (if I'm a
female)

' I

Mukando wangu (if

V

I'm a male)

Muchizi angu, or

mukaintu wangu

38

Elder sister

(if I'm a male)
Mukando wangu, or

mwenzuma (if I'm

a female)

I

Mwanichangu (if

1

I'm a male)

39

Younger brother

By name

Muchizi angu, or
mulombwana

wangu (if I'm a

female

Mwanichangu, or

mwenzuma (if

40

Younger sister

I'm a female)
Muchizi angu, or

mukaintu wangu

•

(if I'm a male)

Mukwesu mukando

or mukando

*

wangu (if I'm a

4i

Father's elder

By name

male and he is

brother s son

older)

Muchizi angu, or

mulombwana

wangu (if I'm a

-

female)

Mukwesu mukando

or mukando

wangu (if I'm a

42

Father's elder
brother's daughter

By name

female and she is
older)
Muchizi angu, or

mukaintu angu

(if I'm a male)

328

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

TABLE No. 3 — continued

I la Terms in First
Person Singular :
"My."

Exact Relationship given
in English.

Terms used in
Direct Address.

Variations for any reason
in the Terms given in
Column i.

Mwanichangu (if

I'm a male and

he is younger

Vlukwesu 43

Father's younger
brother's son

By name

than I)
Muchizi angu, or

mulombwana

wangu (if I'm a

female)

•

Muchizi angu, or

mukaintu angu

(if I'm a male)

44

Father s younger

By name

Mwanichangu (if

brother's

I'm a female and

daughter

she is younger

>•

than I)

45

Father's elder

Mulongwangu

and younger

(if I'm a

sister's son

male)

Mulumi angu

(if I'm a

female)

46

Father s elder and

Mwinangu (if

younger sister's

I'm a male)

daughter

Mukazhima (if

I'm a fe-

male)

Mukando wangu (if

I'm a male and

he is older than

I), mwanichangu

47

Mother's elder

By name

(if younger)

and younger

Muchizi angu, or

sister's son

m ulomb wa n a

wangu \ii I'm a

\

female)

,

Mukando wangu (if

I'm a female and

she is older than

48

Mother's elder and

By name

I), mwanichangu

younger sister's
daughter

(if younger)
Muchizi angu, or
mukaintu wangu

>

(if I'm a male)

49

Father's father's

By name

Variationsin person :

father's brother's

Singular :

son and daughter

Mukwesu (my)

50

Father's father's

By name

sister's son's son

and daughter

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP

329

TABLE No. 3 — continued

I la Terms in First
Person Singular :
"My."

Exact Relationship given
in English.

Terms used in
Direct Address.

Variations for any reason
in the Terms given in
Column i.

Mukwesu 51

Mother's father's

By name

Munyoko (thy)

sister's son's and

Munina (his)

daughter's son

Munyokwesu (our)

and daughter

Munyokwenu (your)

52

Mother's father's

By name

Munyokwabo(their)

brother's son's

Plural :

and daughter's

Bakwesu (my)

son and

Banyoko (thy)

daughter

Banina (his)

Banyokwesu (our)

Banyokwenu (your)

Banyokwabo (their)

Mwanaisha 53

Mother's brother's

Mulongwangu

Variation in person :

or

elder and

(if I'm a

Singular :

Mwanachisha

younger son

male)

Mwanaisha (my)

or

Mulumi angu

Mwanamuzenu (thy

Mwana wa

(if I'm a

and your)

waisha

female)

Mwanamuzhabo

j'Mwinangu (if

(his and their)

54

Mother's brother's

I'm a male)

Mwanamuzesu(our)

elder and

•! Mukazhima (if

Plural :

younger daughter

I'm a fe-

Bana ba chisha

( male)

(my)

Bana ba muzenu

(thy)

Bana ba muzhabo

(his)

Banaba muzeseshu

(our)

Bana ba muzezenu

(your)

Bana ba muzha-

babo (their)

Mwanangu 55

Eldest son

Musama (by

56

Eldest daughter

mother and

father, if it

is the eldest

child; other-

wise, Mwa-

nangu)

57

Younger son

Mwanangu

58

Younger daughter

,,

Mwana mukando

59

Elder brother's

,,

angu (if I'm a

son.

male)

Mwana mulo-

60

Elder brother's

,,

mbwana wangu

daughter

(if I'm a female)

330

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

TABLE No. 3 — continued

Ila Terms in First
Person Singular :
" My."

Exact Relationship given
in English.

Terms used in
Direct Address.

Variations for any reason
in the Terms given in
Column j.

(Mwana mwani-

changu (if I'm a

Mwanangu 6 1

Younger brother's
son

Mwanangu

male)
} Mwana mulo-

mbwana wangu

I (if I'm a female)

62

Younger brother's

,,

-

daughter

63

Father's elder and

By name

younger brother's

son's and daugh-

ter's son and

daughter

64

Father's elder and

By name

younger sister's

son's and daugh-

ter's son and

daughter

65

Mother's elder and

By name

young sister's

son's and daugh-

ter's son and

daughter

66

Mother's elder and

By name

younger brother's

son's and daugh-

ter's son and

daughter

67

Mother's father's

Mwanangu

brother's and

sister's son's

and daughter's

son 'sand daugh-

ter's son and

daughter, etc.

68

Father's father's

Mwanangu

Variations in person :

brother's and

Singular :

sister's son's

Mwanangu (my)

and daughter's

Mwanako (thy)

son's son, etc.

Mwanakwe (his)

6Sa

Sister's son's and

Mwanangu

Mwanesu (our)

daughter's son's

Mwanenu (your)

son and daugh-

Mwanabo (their)

ter, etc.

Plural :

bga

Sister's son and

Mwanangu

Banangu (my)

daughter (when

Banako((thy)

I'm a female)

Banakwe (his)

6gb

Father's father's

Mwanangu

Banesu (our)

father's brother's

Banenu (your)

son's and daugh-

Banabo (their)

ter's son and

daughter

CH. XII

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP

331

TABLE No. 3 — continued

Ila Terms in First

Person Singular.

" My."

Exact Relationship given
in English.

Terms used in
Direct Address.

Variations (or any reason

in the Terms given in

Column i.

Mwiwangu 69
7°

72

Muzukuzhi 73
angu

74

75

76

77

78

79

Elder sister's son
Elder sister's

daughter
Younger sister's

son
Younger sister's

daughter

Son's and daugh-
ter's son

Son's and daugh-
ter's daughter

Father's sister's
and brother's
son's son's son
and daughter,
etc.

Father's sister's
and brother's
son's daughter's
son and daughter

Mother's sister's
and brother's
son's son's son
and daughter

Mother's sister's
and brother's
son's daughter's
son and daughter

Father's and

mother's father's
brother's son's
and daughter's
son and daughter

By name, if
I'm a male ;
if I'm a
female, I
say Mwa-
nangu

Mulongwangu
(if I'm a
male)

Mulumi angu
(if I'm a
female)

Mwinangu (if
I'm a male)

Mukazhima (if
I'm a fe-
male)

As above

As above

As above

As above

As above

Variations in per son:

Singular :
Mwiwangu (my)
Mwiwako (thy)
Mwiwakwe (his)
Mwiwesu (our)
Mwiwenu (your)
Mwiwabo (their)

Plural :

Bewa bangu (my)
Bewa bako (thy)
Bewa bakwe (his)
Bewa besu (our)
Bewa benu (your)
Bewa babo (their)

332

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

PT. Ill

TABLE No. 3 — continued

Ila Terms in First

Person Singular.

"My."

Exact Relationship given
in English.

Terms used in
Direct Address.

Variations for any reason

in the Terms given in

Column i.

Muzukuzhi 80
angu

81

82

Elder and younger
sister's son's and
daughter's son
and daughter

Elder and younger
brother's son's
and daughter's
son and daughter

Father's father's
father's brother's
son's and daugh-
ter's son's son
and daughter,
etc.

As above

As above

As above

-J51

W

^ -5

0) O

rz JS

• T-J "^ t/1

-

-w i s-1

-«>>.£

a—

-53s

-B.fi

-s

-SEE-

"SS

-Si

N j
•*,§,

IfS-

c
» '-I

333

-#

-»S s

H-)

CQ

•f- S— wlc S —

—6 srr

-s§

8 6

^_

-00 rtS'

-^12-

&s

rt"S

-SJ2

334

CH. XII

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP

335

TABLE No. 6

SHOWING RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN No. 7 AND OTHERS IN
GENEALOGICAL TABLE No. 5

Reference
No. in
Table 3.

No. 7 in Relation to No.

is

and addresses hirn
or her as

23

i. Muzhoka (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

I

2. Kachinka (m.)

Muzukuzhi akwe

Nkaka, nkambo

20

3. Leshodi (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

30

4. Nankua (f.)

Mwanakwe

Ma

22

5. Shakezwa (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

22

6. Namashikwe (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

7. SELF

40

8. Mbambo (f.)

Munina

By name

39

g. Kachinka (m.)

Munina

By name

40

10. Mukamuluti (f.)

Munina

By name

45

ii. Shimansi (m.)

Munina

Mulumi angu

45

12. Katende (m.)

Munina

Mulumi angu

45

13. Mushaka (m.)

Munina

Mulumi angu

44

14. Mukamasole (f.)

Munina

By name

56

15. Nachiloba (f.)

Baina

Musama

58

16. Eni (f.)

Baina

Mwanangu

57

17. Shimashikwe (m.)

Baina

Mwanangu

57

18. Shimunza (m.)

Baina

Mwanangu

6ga

19. Mbambo's son

Baina

Mwanangu

6ga

20. Mbambo's daughter

Baina

Mwanangu

6ga

2 1 . Kachinka's son

Baina

Mwanangu

bga

22. Kachinka's daughter

Baina

Mwanangu

64

23. Shimansi's daughter

Baina

By name

64

24. Shimansi's son

Baina

By name

63

25. Mukamasole's

Baina

By name

daughter

63

26. Mukamasole's son

Baina

By name

74

27. Nachiloba's daughter

Nkakakwe

Mukazhima

73

28. Nachiloba's son

Nkakakwe

Mulumi angu

74

29. Eni's daughter

Nkakakwe

Mukazhima

73

30. Eni's son

Nkakakwe

Mulumi angu

73

31. Shimashikwe's son

Nkakafcwe

Mulumi angu

74

32. Shimashikwe's

Nkakakwe

Mukazhima

daughter

74

33. Shimunza's daughter

Nkakakwe

Mukazhima

73

34. Shimunza's son

Nkakakwe

Mulumi angu

80

35. Mbambo's son's

Nkakakwe

Mukazhima

daughter

80

36. Mbambo's daughter's

Nkakakwe

Mulumi angu

son

81

37. Kachinka's son's son

Nkakakwe

Mulumi angu

81

38. Kachinka's daughter's

Nkakakwe

Mukazhima

daughter

75

39. Shimansi's daughter's

Nkakakwe

Mulumi angu

son

75

40. Shimansi's son's

Nkakakwe

Mukazhima

daughter

75

41. Mukamasole's

Nkakakwe

Mulumi angu

daughter's son

75

42. Mukamasole's

Nkakakwe

Mukazhima

daughter's daughter

336

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

TABLE No. 7

SHOWING RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN No. 27 AND OTHERS IN GENEALOGICAL
TABLE No. 4, AND THE SAME PERSON (No. 17) TO OTHERS IN GENEA-
LOGICAL TABLE No. 5

Reference
No. in
Table 3.

No. 27 in relation to No.

is

and addresses him
or her as

*

13

i. Luchacha (m.)

Muzukuzhi akwe

Nkaka, Nkambo

23

2. Kayobe (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

24

3. Nyama (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

24

4. Mudimbwa (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

I

5. Chimwadi (m.)

Muzukuzhi akwe

Nkaka

5

6. Nabukomba (f )

Muzukuzhi akwe

Nkaka

5

7. Muzekwe (f.)

Muzukuzhi akwe

Nkaka

49

8. Shanyimba (m.)

Munina

By name

49

9. Shikadilele (f.)

Munina

By name

30

10. Shamwaze (f.)

Mwanakwe

Ma

21

1 1 . Kayobe (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

30

12. Kayobe (f.)

Mwanakwe

Ma

20

13. Shamatanga (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

30

14. Namashikwe (f.)

Mwanakwe

Ma

30

15. Mukashombo (f.)

Mwanakwe

Ma

3°

1 6. Nadimba (f.)

Mwanakwe

Ma

28a

17. Sebwa (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

34

1 8. Nambwasu (f.)

Mwanakwe

Ma

280

19. Kambwe (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

34

20. Namatama (f.)

Mwanakwe

Ma

696

21. Kachinka (m.)

Ushe

Mwanangu

45

22. Namangoma (m.)

Munina

Mulongwangu

46

23. Chilabwe (f.)

Munina

Mwinangu

46

24. Mongona (f.)

Munina

Mwinangu

38

25. Nachiloba (f.)

Munina

By name

38

26. Eni (f.)

Munina

By name

27. SELF

39

28. Shimunza (m.)

Munina

By name

jo

29. Sebwa's son •'

Munina

By name

50

30. Sebwa's daughter

Munina

By name

50

31. Nambwasu's daughter

Munina

By name

50

32. Nambwasu's son

Munina

By name

50

33. Kambwe's son

Munina

By name

50

34. Kambwe's daughter

Munina

By name

50

35. Namatama's son

Munina

By name

50

36. Namatama's daughter

Munina

By name

82

37. Kachinka's son

Nkakakwe

Mulongwangu

82

38. Kachinka's daughter

Nkakakwe

Mwinangu

64

39. Namangoma's son

Ushe

By name

64

40. Namangoma's

Ushe

By name

daughter

64

41. Chilabwe's daughter

Ushe

By name

64

42. Chilabwe's son

Ushe

By name

* The numbers following refer to Genealogical Table No. 4.

CH. XII

TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP

337

TABLE No. 7 — continued.

Referenc
No. in
Table 3.

No. 27 in relation to No.

is

and addresses him
or her as

64

43. Mongona's son

Ushe

By name

64

44. Mongona's daughter

Ushe

By name

69

45. Nachiloba's son

Shimuzhabo

By name

70

46. Nachiloba's daughter

Shimuzhabo

By name

70

47. Eni's daughter

Shimuzhabo

By name

69

48. Eni's son

Shimuzhabo

By name

55

49. His own son

Ushe

Musama

56

50. His own daughter

Ushe

Mwanangu

62

51. Shimunza's daughter

Ushe

Mwanangu

61

52. Shimunza's son

Ushe

Mwanangu

76

53. Namangoma's son's

Nkakakwe

Mulongwangu (if

child

male)

Mwinangu (if fe-

male)

80

54. Nachiloba's son's

Nkakakwe

Mwinangu

daughter

80

55. Nachiloba's daugh-

Nkakakwe

Mulongwangu

„. ter's son

18

i. Muzhoka (m.)

Muzukuzhi akwe

Nkaka, Nkambo

230

2. Kaohinka (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

7

3. Leshodi (m.)

Muzukuzhi akwe

Nkaka, Nkambo

8

3«. Leshodi's wife Na-

Muzukuzhi akwe

Nkaka, Nkambo

kambwa

ii

4. Nankua (f.)

Muzukuzhi akwe

Nkaka

9

5. Shakezwa (m.)

Muzukuzhi akwe

Nkaka

9

6. Namashikwe (m.)

Muzukuzhi akwe

Nkaka

29

7. Naomi (f.)

Mwanakwe

Ma

31

8. Mbambo (f.)

Mwanakwe

Ma

36

9. Kachinka (m.)

Mwiwakwe

Achisha

31

10. Mukamuluti (f.)

Mwanakwe

Ma

25

11. Shimansi (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

25

12. Katende (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

25

13. Mushaka (m.)

Mwanakwe

Ta

32

14. Mukamasole (f.)

Mwanakwe

Ma

[15-18 = 25-28 given

above]

17. SELF

47

19. Mbambo's son

Munina

By name

48

20. Mbambo's daughter

Munina

By name

53

21. Kachinka's son

Mwanamuzhabo

Mulongwangu

54

22. Kachinka's daughter

Mwanamuzhabo

Mwinangu

5i

23. Shimansi's daughter

Munina

By name

5i

24. Shimansi's son

Vlunina

By name

79

25. Mukamasole's

Mkakakwe

Mwinangu

daughter

79

26. Mukamasole's son

tfkakakwe

Mulongwangu

27-34 = 45-52 given

above]

* The numbers following refer to Genealogical Table No. 5.
VOL. I Z

338

THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES

TABLE No. 7 — continued

Reference
No. in
Table 3.

No. 27 in relation to No.

" is

and addresses him
or her as

65

35. Mbambo's son's

Ushe

By name

daughter

65

36. Mbambo's daughter's

Ushe

By name

son

66

37. Kachinka's son's son

Ushe

By, name

66

38. Kachinka's daugh-

Ushe

By name

ter's daughter

6?

39. Shimansi's daughter's

Ushe

Mwanangu

son

67

40. Shimansi's son's

Ushe

Mwanangu

daxTghter

67

41. Mukamasole's

Ushe

Mwanangu

daughter's son

67

42. Mukamasole's

Ushe

Mwanangu

daughter's daughter

CONNECTIONS BY AFFINITY

So much, then, for a person's consanguine relations,
remembering all the time that the Ba-ila reckon consanguinity
through the father only. My mother and her family are
not of my mukwashi ; they are, properly speaking, affines
not consanguinei. In a looser sense, as we have seen, the
Ba-ila reckon as basazhinokwabo (" their relations ") all those
to whom they are affined through the mother ; in a yet
looser sense they also reckon as relations all who are con-
nected with them by affinity, though they do not apply to
them the name basazhinokwabo. We have now to deal
with this latter class, and must be careful to draw the
distinction between those who are taboo to each other and
those who are not. Between those who are tonda (" taboo ")
there exists a close connection shown mainly in the pro-
hibition of all sexual intercourse.

Many of these affines are given the same names as the
consanguinei. Thus, the spouses of all who stand to me
as nkakangu I call nkakangu by courtesy, whether I be male
or female. My grandfather's wives are my grandmothers,
and if I am a male my wife's grandmothers in the extended

CH. xii TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP 339

sense are also mine ; if I am a female my husband's are
mine. So that the term includes all a man's grandparents,
his wife's grandparents, and also their grandparents' brothers
and sisters. Between me and the collateral grandmothers
on my own side there is no taboo ; I address each of
them as mwinangu (" my wife "), and may treat her
as such. Similarly there is the same liberty between
me and my " grandchildren," whom I call benangu (" my
wives "). This is only an extension of the principle that
my collateral grandfather's property is mine potentially ;
I may enter my grandfather's brother's village, spear his
oxen or rob his fields with impunity. This liberty may not
be taken with my wife's collateral grandfathers ; she may
practise it with hers and I with mine ; but not I with hers
nor she with mine.

The wives of all who stand as tata (" my father ") I call
by courtesy bama ("my mother"). I extend the same
courtesy to the sisters of these wives, and their brothers I
call batata ("my fathers"). These women are all tonda
to me ; I have no rights or privileges over their persons.
Similarly the husbands of all who stand as bama, and their
brothers I call batata (" my fathers ") ; their sisters are
bama. The fathers and mothers of these husbands and
wives I call bankakangu.

I being a male call my wife mwinangu, and she calls me
mulumi angu. A polygamist's principal wife is nabukando,
any other is nabwaniche. A polygamist's wife calls her
fellow mukazhima (" my co-wife "). The prefix muka
(" the one of ") joined to proper names indicates " his
wife " ; thus : Mukamasole means Masole's wife, " Mrs.
Masole."

The wives of all the men who stand as mukwesu to me
are bazhilebesu, a term which may be loosely translated as
" sisters-in-law." The husbands of those women who stand
in the same relation to me are balamu bangu, which may
be translated " brothers-in-law."

But those Ila terms are wider than the English ones.
Among bazhilebesu I include the following :

My wife's elder and younger sisters.

My husband's elder and younger brothers.

340 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

My brother's wife, and the wives of all who stand to me
in that relation.

My brother's wife's sisters.

These are strictly tonda to me ; any intercourse is
reckoned as incest.

Among bazhilebesu are also reckoned the husbands and
wives of cousins. Thus in the Genealogical Table No. 4
the husband of Chilabwe (No. 23) is muzhilakwe Nachiloba
(No. 25) and calls her mwinangu (" my wife "). The wife
of Namangoma (No. 22) is muzhilakwe Shimashikwe (No. 27)
and calls him mulumi (" husband "). Between these there
is no taboo ; intercourse, if found out, is liable to be punished,
but it is not reckoned as incest.

Among balamu bangu are included the following :

Sister's husband, and husbands of all who stand to me
in that relation.

Sister's husband's brother and sister.

Wife's brothers.

Husband's sisters.

These are tonda to each other ; intercourse with some
exception is reckoned as incest.

The wife and husband of each person who stands in the
relation of mwanangu and mwiwangu is mukwangu (" my
son- (or daughter-) in-law"). But that is an inadequate
rendering of the word ; mukwe is properly a son-in-law or
daughter-in-law ; but when I say mukwangu, I mean much
more than the English term suggests. In that category
are included the brother and sister of my " children's "
husbands and wives ; also the parents and brothers and
sisters of my brother's wife. My sister's husband's brothers
and sisters are balamu bangu ; but his fathers and mothers
are bakwe bangu (plural of mukwangu). All who stand as
bakwe bangu I address as ta and ma, male and female re-
spectively. My wife's father and mother and their brothers
are also bakwe bangu, and I address them as ta and ma.
If I am a female, my husband's father and mother and his
father's brother are all bakwe bangu, and I address them in
the same way. My husband's mother if I am a female,
and my wife's mother if I am a male, is bamakwangu.

There is a very special state of taboo between a person

CH. xii TERMS OF RELATIONSHIP 341

and his makwe, in which term are included the family of his
wife or, if a female, the family of her husband. So much
so that there is a special term, bukwe, which indicates the
respect, honour, reverence that is due to them. To say
of a person uina bukwe (" he has no respect for his wife's
relations ") is to describe him as altogether a worthless fellow.
For the term is applied in a wider sense than just indicated ;
a man without reverence for any authority is said to be
without bukwe.

For a man to have intercourse with any of those he
names bakwe bakwe is a very heinous form of incest, meriting
death. Even if the offender be not slain, the elders will
take away his wife and send him out of the community as
utterly unfit to be a member of it. Even males standing
in that relation to each other may not occupy one bed
together ; if they are travelling and circumstances compel
them to sleep near each other, they will be careful to place
a boy between them, so that the taboo may not be broken.
There is also a strict taboo in regard to eating. I may not
eat at my father-in-law's place unless and until he removes
the taboo by giving me a hoe. Nor may I enter his house
until the taboo is removed in a similar way. For some
reason there is a special taboo attached to the eating of
pumpkin ; I may by no means touch it when visiting my
parents-in-law unless they please to hand me some, and
thus remove the taboo. They may not address me by name,
and this taboo is only partially removed by my making an
offering. In this case the offering is the child which I
beget ; when once I have presented them with a grandchild
they may so far relax as to address me as " the father of
So-and-so," naming the child. It is taboo for these relations-
in-law to pass close to one another or to sit side by side.
It is also tonda to receive anything directly from the hands
of any of them ; if one is desirous of giving the other any-
thing he must lay it on the ground for the other to pick it
up. This applies to eating also ; it would be wrong for
my father-in-law to break off a piece of bread and hand it
to me ; if we are eating together, he will take his piece first,
and place the dish on the ground for me to help myself ;
nor may he take any more out of the dish once I have put

342 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

my hand into it. When you are travelling together, it is
wrong to expect your wife's relation to carry any portion
of the impedimenta ; only if he sees you overburdened
and likely to faint under the load may he relieve you.
We have seen a young man, active and robust, walking
along free, while an older, somewhat decrepit man stumbled
along in the rear bearing a big load of blankets, pots, and
other things. When we asked him why he did not give
the load to the young man, it was quite a sufficient answer
to say, " He's my wife's brother."

Lastly, we may note that the husband of each of those
who stand to me as bazukuzhi bangu I address just as I do
my own grandson, i.e. mulongwangu (" my friend ") ; the
wife of my " grandson " is mwinangu (" my wife "). There
is no taboo between us ; I have every right over her
person.

CHAPTER XIII

* **

REGULATION OF THE COMMUNAL LIFE

i. THE SANCTIONS

WE cannot imagine any people living, as the Ba-ila live, in
communities without some kind of control. If society is
to hang together at all, there must be some understood
principles of conduct, certain restraints, objective or sub-
jective, even though they are not always observed.

Independent, even fiercely independent, as they are, the
Ba-ila are far from being anarchists in principle or practice.
Their behaviour is not left to unchartered freedom, but is
governed by an extensive system of rules and regulations.
That they rebel against these restrictions is only to say
that they are human ; but the principles of conduct are
there and are well known. Immoral they may be ; they
are not unmoral.

We are here concerned in asking : What are their
sanctions of morality ? What is the nature of the social
control ?

If their language be examined there will be found a large
vocabulary of words expressing approval and disapproval.
One pair of words is bota and bia, the former indicating
what is pleasant, and the latter what is unpleasant, primarily
to the sight. Chabota means it is good to look at, fine,
beautiful ; then, it is good to the taste, nice ; and lastly,
it is good morally. Chabia means the exact contrary, it is
ugly, distasteful, bad. A second antithesis is that between
straight and crooked. Lulama is straight, right ; sendama,
minama, pitana indicate crookedness in various forms. A

343

344 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

third antithesis is that of heavy and light. Lema means,
firstly, heavy, then weighty, honourable ; uba is light,
worthless. To lemeka a person is to hold him in esteem
and honour ; to ubya him is to slight, treat him with
disrespect. From these root-words are formed series of
derivatives, substantival, adjectival, and verbal.

For their simplest ethical expressions the Ba-ila go, then,
to the concrete. It would serve no useful purpose to give
further examples ; what concerns us rather is to ask, What
in their minds is right and what is wrong ? What is the
standard of judgement ? In a word, we may say : the norm
is custom, what is done should be done. Bacon might have
been thinking of the Ba-ila when he said that custom is the
magistrate. A Mwila acts as part of a whole ; his well-being
depends upon his conforming to the general practice ; the
good is that which has the approval of the community, the
bad is the anti-social. A Mwila child is born into a particular
atmosphere ; his first teacher is his mother, and from her,
and later from the guardian and other teachers, he learns
what he may eat and what he may not eat, say and not
say, do and not do. As he grows he shapes his conduct
according to the thinking and doing of his fellows, and in
turn leads the steps of the younger generation along the
same path he has followed. He grows up to fear and
resent change ; from the cradle to the grave he is ruled
by custom.

But this, after all, does not lead us far. Upon what
sanctions do these customs rest ? What gives them
validity ?

It is difficult, impossible, to say of a particular custom
that it rests upon any one of the sanctions we now enumerate,
for the distinction between these classes is not always
definite. But we shall not be far wrong if we say that there
are three kinds of sanction : traditional, religious, and
magical.

Customs, by their nature, are handed down from genera-
tion to generation : they are invested with the sanction of
the hoary past. What is ancient is aweful, to be reverenced.
They may originally have rested upon sanctions of a religious
or magical character, but to-day these have been forgotten,

CH. xin REGULATION OF THE COMMUNAL LIFE 345

and the only reason why the customs are still followed is :
" We do it because our fathers did it."

Of many customs it is commonly said that they were
established by Leza, and any breach of them may be
punished by Him. Various prohibitions are called : Shifundo
shaka Leza. The idea conveyed by the word chifundo is a
line drawn on the ground over which people are not allowed
to step. The first occasion on which we heard the word
used was after we had doctored for some weeks a man who
had been very seriously mauled by a leopard : we suggested
to the patient's father that we should like to have the
leopard's skin as a memento of his son's bravery. The old
man, with every sign of reluctance, declined ; to give away
that skin would be wrong, because by the Chifundo chaka
Leza the skin of any animal that has attacked a member
of one's family is to be kept as a sacred heirloom.

Customs rest not only upon the will of the Supreme
Being, but upon the wishes of the lesser deities — the mizhimo,
departed ancestors.

And it is important to observe that changes in traditional
customs, and the establishment of new customs, are due
largely and probably mostly, not to the ruling chiefs, but
to those who are the mouthpieces of the gods — the prophets.
They are actually the law-givers, and of course do not base
their demands upon anything they are in themselves, but
upon the authority of the god. We do not lose sight of the
fact that a prophet may be prompted by a chief, who uses
his alleged supernatural gift when his own power fails. It
must not be thought, however, that every word uttered by
a prophet proves acceptable ; his decrees may hold for a
time and then be neglected, or they may never be accepted
at all : it depends largely upon the status of the seer, and
attendant circumstances. One prophet, for example, gave
it as a message from Leza that the use of the Kamwaya
bush in scattering inconvenient clouds was to cease. But
immediately afterwards two men on their way home were
overtaken by a storm, and one of them plucked some
Kamwaya twigs and frantically waved them above his head,
to turn the clouds and thus enable them to get home with
dry skins. His companion remonstrated, reminding him of

346 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

the prophet's message, but the impious fellow continued,
until presently there was a flash of lightning and he fell
dead. This was accepted by all as a confirmation of the
prophet's orders and the news quickly travelled through
the country. It will be interesting to know whether in a
few years the use of the Kamwaya has ceased. We are
persuaded that many a custom, and many a change of
custom, might, if we had the means of doing so, be traced
to the inspiration of prophets.

The third kind of sanction we mentioned was the magical ;
and that is probably the oldest and strongest. The essential
point here is that things are regarded as inherently harmful ;
hence they are tonda, i.e. taboo. We shall have occasion
presently to enlarge upon this.

2. CHISAPI, BUDITAZHI, TONDA

Almost all offences against the customary law fall in
one of the three categories which we may conveniently, if
not quite accurately, characterise by the words : Chisapi,
Buditazhi, Tonda. A clear idea of the meaning of these
terms is essential to understanding the life of the Ba-ila.

Chisapi is indecorum. Under this heading are grouped
numerous sayings and actions which are regarded as con-
trary to etiquette. It is by no means regarded as such a
heinous fault as the two other things we describe below.
A rude fellow (shikisapi) may be beaten, or rebuked or
reviled, but he is not sued in a court, nor is any automatic
retribution regarded as falling upon him.

Buditazhi is a word covering a host of offences which
call out the active resentment of the offended. The offender
is not left to the vengeance of hidden powers, but is punished
by his fellows. Kuditaya, the verb from which the sub-
stantive is formed, means to enslave oneself ; to say of a
person wamuditaya means that by doing something wrong
he places himself in the power of the person wronged, and
to escape must redeem himself, or be redeemed by others,
by payment of a ransom. Under this heading come various
offences against the person, and since in the minds of the
Ba-ila there is a very close connection, amounting almost

CH. xin REGULATION OF THE COMMUNAL LIFE 347

to identity, between a person and his possessions, an injury
done to his property comes also under this head.

Kutonda ( = kuila, kuzila, kuzhila) is a verb meaning to
be taboo ; it is apparently a synonym of the Polynesian
word. The substantive is mutondo ; thus we speak of
mitondo ya bana, taboos affecting children. A thing, or
person, or action or word is tonda, upon which an inter-
diction is placed ; the thing or word is debarred to use,
the person is under a ban. Chintu chilatonda, they say
(" the thing is taboo ") ; muntu ulatonda (" the person is
taboo "). Another word used in this connection is malweza.
Kulweza, the verb, means to strike with amazement ; it is
the proper word to use (ndalwezwa) when you first see a
thing that astonishes you. Hence the special meaning :
to be struck with horror and amazement at seeing some-
thing contrary to the taboo laws — something atrocious.
A malweza is an atrocity, a horrible thing : an infraction
of a taboo. Thus incest is malweza.

The difference between Buditazhi and Tonda is this : in
committing the former a man does something whereby he
puts himself in the power of a fellow-man, who sees to his
punishment ; in breaking a taboo he puts himself in the
power of the mysterious forces which everywhere prevail
and which at once react against him. There is the idea of
danger underlying both words ; but in the former the
danger is from persons ; in the latter it is from forces.
There is something about the tonda person that jeopardises
the well-being of others ; some baneful influence inherent
in, or set in energy by, the tonda things, actions and words
making them a source of peril not only to the person hand-
ling, using, saying them but also, it may be, to his fellows.
In this case they may excite the active resentment of those
who are affected and the offender may be punished by them ;
but, generally speaking, the taboo-breaker is left to the
retribution of his own misdeed. That is to say, these deeds
or sayings have a malefic essence in themselves, and by a
kind of automatic action recoil upon the offender ; or, to
put it more accurately, they release the spring which sets
the hidden mechanism of nature in action against the
offender.

348 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

It is not easy for one trained in Christian morality to
appreciate the position occupied by the taboo in the life of
the Ba-ila. The things summed up in the word tonda include
not only prohibitions due to a vague instinctive repulsion
from deeds which the highest ethical consciousness recognises
as wrong, but also others which to advanced thought have
no moral significance. To our minds there is a world of
difference between theft and, say, eating a quail ; but it is
a sign of the weakness of their ethical discrimination that
a breach of what we should call the " ceremonial law " is
rated a greater offence than a breach of the " moral law."
We have constantly had proof of their inability to recognise
the distinctive nature of morality, i.e. as recognised by
ourselves. We remember one instance particularly, because
the man concerned was, we had imagined, considerably in
advance of his fellow Ba-ila in intelligence. He came to
complain about a certain woman, who had aborted some
time previously, entering his house and stealing some of
his things. Here were two crimes, for, apart from theft,
the woman was in a state of uncleanness ; she was tonda, and
for her to have entered his house was a serious menace to
him and his family. The thievery might have been over-
looked, but the tonda offence could only be expiated by the
payment of a heavy fine. We were amazed, and yet — Why ?
From his point of view he was unquestionably right. And
in all these matters we have to think ourselves back into
their position.

We have already had occasion to enumerate many of
these taboos, and many more will be named in subsequent
chapters. Here it will be convenient to attempt a rough
classification of them.

By physiological taboos we mean those associated with
certain vital functions. They regulate the relations be-
tween the sexes and have a special implication in regard
to women during menstruation, pregnancy, nursing, and
widowhood.

Occupational taboos are such as apply to men while
pursuing various occupations which bring them into intimate
contact with death and other mysteries, and unless they are
wary in observing the rules they will fail, and worse than

CH. xiii REGULATION OF THE COMMUNAL LIFE 349

fail. Warriors, iron-smelters, merchants, hunters are thus
taboo.

Special taboos, like the preceding, are placed upon
people during certain periods of their life : e.g. when a man
is being doctored he must refrain from certain foods and
certain acts lest the medicine should not be effectual.

These last are partly of another class, — that large and
interesting class associated with diet.

Personal taboos are such as those associated with names,
and those that are put upon an individual for a period, or
for life, by a diviner or by himself. One often finds men
who refuse to eat certain foods, and there is no apparent
reason for their abstention : the things tabooed are not
their totems, nor are they taboo to the generality of people.
The reason is that earlier in life they ate them and were
ill after eating ; and the vomiting and indigestion or what
not is taken as a sign that the food is taboo to them. For
example, our old friend, Mungalo, was a total abstainer
from all kinds of beer : the reason being that once when a
young man he had a " sore head " after a feast, and the
diviner on being consulted declared that evidently beer
was taboo to him : not to be drunk without danger. Often
the oracle of the diviner is not considered necessary : should
a man be ill after taking honey or milk or ground-nuts, or
any particular food, and the same thing should happen a
second and third time, he draws his own conclusions, and,
no matter how nice it may be, from that time he does not
touch it : it is taboo.

3. JUDICIAL PROCESSES

In studying now the deterrents against infringing such
standards as we have named and the processes for punishing
the wrong-doer, we are thinking only of misdeeds that are
punishable by human agency.

When one man is wronged by another he may attempt
on his own initiative to enforce his rights, with, however,
the consciousness of the powerful combination of his chief
and his clan in the background. No police force or public
prosecutor being at hand, he is thrown on his own resources ;

350 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

should he be distrustful of these he is allowed to shisha, i.e.
to invoke the aid of some more combative friend, whose
services he recognises by giving him a portion of the damages
he obtains. Sometimes when these are small, as when only
one calf is obtained, the friend claims the beast as his reward
for the trouble taken, and the aggrieved person gets nothing.

The principal offences for which a man seeks to redress
himself are thefts and assaults ; minor ones comprise damage
to property, slander, and occasionally trespass, though as
the land and water belong to the community this is more
often a matter for the chief. Retaliation is practised rather
against the property of the offender than his person. If
a man breaks another's head, the assaulted, unless a fight
in hot blood follows, will attempt to seize a person or a
beast belonging to his assailant. It is singular how often
some sense of conscience manifests itself in these cases, and
the assailant in sullen acquiescence allows the thing seized
to be taken away, after the whole night perhaps has been
spent in vociferating against each other. Intimidation is
often practised. When a man induces two or three stalwart
friends to accompany him and assist in prosecuting his
claim, the other party replies by summoning his clansmen
to his aid, and sometimes the people of two whole districts
become involved in a very trifling matter.

Matters in regard to which a man acts on his own initiative
are invariably of a trivial nature. A man's life is so bound
up with the interests of his clan, and his responsibilities to
the clan so varied, that it is not surprising that when he
meets with trouble or wrong in any affairs of importance
he should immediately look to the clan to assist him in
gaining redress. In any case where a clan takes up a dispute,
responsibility is collective and therefore vicarious ; as in an
old Border raid or Corsican vendetta, any member of the
clan is liable to be punished. The dispute is against a rival
clan, not against an individual ; the initiative is taken by
common consent, not by an individual, and as the result of
due deliberation by the elders. Such claims as the follow-
ing : claims for chiko cattle, for ill-treatment of a clans-
woman by her husband, claims arising out of raids and
feuds, cases of redemption from slavery, theft on a large

CH. xin REGULATION OF THE COMMUNAL LIFE 351

scale, as of cattle or ivory — all these are quickly adopted
by a clan.

When these disputes are not settled by councils of the
elders and mutual arrangements, they drag on, engendering
bad feeling for a very long time ; and where distance
separates the disputing parties, forays and reprisals take
place, until finally some arbitrator acceptable to both parties
is selected to whom the dispute is referred.

The last method amongst the Ba-ila themselves, as apart
from their European magistrate, by which wrongs are
redressed and order maintained, is by direct intervention
of the chief or his headmen. He judges the matter in fault,
and as a rule does so justly, according to custom and pre-
cedent, with the assistance of the .elders sitting as assessors.
Such an assembly is termed a lubeta. When a grave offence
has been committed, or should a man prove stubborn or
recalcitrant, complaint is laid to the chief, who summons
the offender before him. The case is exhaustively detailed
by both parties, the assessors quote precedents and give
their opinions and suggestions, and the chief gives his
decision : from this there is no appeal. The degree of
obedience which his decision exacts depends entirely upon
the force of character of the chief himself and the respect
and fear in which he is held. In a well-controlled trial the
loser has no misgivings about his future course of action.
The chief has spoken, and it is not his to argue further but
to obey. Under a man of vacillating character the offender
temporises or defies as openly as he dares, and the matter
rankles in the minds of all concerned.

We insert here an interesting pen picture of a typical
Ila court taken as it was in the rough on the spot : "I
was at Shamalomo's to-day and found all the chiefs there
about to have a lubeta, I asked if I might enter and they
readily agreed. On entering I could see nothing, it was
pitch dark ; they gave me a stool and made room for me.
Gradually I began to see that the hut was crowded with
men. On the raised seat near the door sat the chiefs,
Mungalo, Mungaila, Chidyaboloto, Nalubwe, and one or
two more. The rest of the men sat about mostly smoking
their long pipes. Many were invisible as they sat in the

352 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

chimpetu behind the reed screen. Mungalo called upon
Shingwe to open the case. Shingwe thereupon proceeded to
state that a case had been brought to him against one of his
men, and as he felt that he could not decide it satisfactorily
he had asked his brother chiefs to meet and deliberate upon
it. It was the usual sordid kind of adultery case but mixed
up with other matters. The man who brought the complaint
owed the accused some cattle, a question of inheritance also
arose,— altogether an involved affair. Shingwe stated the
case slowly, deliberately, Mungalo grunting E-weh ! every
few words. When he had finished, Shamalomo gave his
version of the affair. The accused, a young man who sat
with his face covered with his hands, was asked what he had
to say. He replied, ' What can I say ? ' and was silent.
The chiefs then proceeded to argue the matter among them-
selves, and finally announced their decision that the young
man should pay a cow. He then spoke, just a word or two,
but the effect on the chiefs was electrical. He declared he
didn't care what they said, they were shami (' good-for-
nothing chiefs'). I thought Mungaila would go out of his
senses. Hitherto everything had been quiet and orderly,
now it was Bedlam let loose. Mungaila screamed and
gesticulated ; all the rest of the chiefs did the same. The
cry was, ' He curses us.' After quiet was restored you could
still hear Mungaila ejaculating Weh ! very disgustedly.
Finally they declared the young man should be banished.
' We will drive him away,' they said to me. Another case
was then brought by a chief against a man for adultery.
This was chiefly notable for the decision arrived at. It is
the custom for the relatives of a man to pay his fine and
get him off, but this becomes a burden when a ne'er-do-well
profligate son is always in trouble. To-day the chiefs
decided that the man himself should pay, they would not
have father and relatives impoverished any longer. The
man was sentenced to pay £5, and if he wouldn't or
couldn't, they would take him by force to the magistrate
and ask him to sentence him to work for the money. The
meeting then broke up.

" I was favourably impressed by the order of the meeting.
The speaker as a rule was left to say his say, but sometimes

VOL. I

2 A

354 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

he aroused feeling, and then tongues were untied. In the
midst of the debate there were several interruptions. A
lad came crying to the door and said : " They tied me up
there at Busangu." He was told to go away, and not to
interrupt the lubeta. Later some women were making a
noise outside, and a man was sent to tell them to keep
quiet. Other interruptions were caused by men calling for
embers to light their pipes with. They kept sucking at their
pipes most of the time. When speaking, Shamalomo would
say a few words and then give a loud suck at his pipe."

Occasionally a chief is found whose decision is swayed
by favour or affection, and whose partiality to his own
kinsmen is pronounced. Possibly an outsider in a case of
adultery he will mulct in heavy, against his kinsman he will
only grant small, damages. His decisions cause much dis-
satisfaction, and his people commence to fall off from him '
to other and stronger men. Unfortunately our administra-
tion inevitably weakens the power of the chief even when
every effort is made to support him. Protection comes not
as the result of herding together for mutual support under a
strong head, but from the stable European administration.
Old deterrents lose their power, other chiefs are willing to
receive the rebellious, and it requires a strong man to
refuse to let things slide and insist on his control being
a reality. A chief may decide a case against an habitual
adulterer. He promptly disappears for two or three years
to the mines, and on his return finds conditions changed,
deaths or removals have occurred, and the matter has all
to be reopened.

In cases tried before the local heads every endeavour is
made to bring home guilt to the accused, nor is he allowed
to take advantage of ingenious loopholes through which to
escape his deserts. Nothing amongst the myriad changes
and alterations we have brought into their lives perplexes
them more than the verdict of " not proven " ; when the
guilt of the accused is known to all, but incapable of proof
by the laws of evidence, they sneer at our justice as a thing
of word only.

Reversing the dictum that a man is innocent until he is
proved guilty, the chief and the assessors who constitute

CH. xni REGULATION OF THE COMMUNAL LIFE 355

the Court have one end in view, to convict the offender, not
necessarily the accused : all means save physical torture
are employed to press a witness ; he is invited to assert his
innocence or ignorance by oath, it being held that the act
of perjury will bring its own punishment.

There are many forms of oaths. Oaths proper are
termed miya ; and to take an oath is kupinga, or kuchinga,
miya. They are taken on sacred things, .namely, itwe
(" the ash ") ; ivhu (" soil ") ; chunibwe (" the grave ") ;
and Leza (" God "). The ash is primarily that of funeral
fires, and the soil, the white clay with which mourners
smear their bodies. The expressions are : Nditwe (" By
the ash ") ; Ndivhu dilamba badila (" By the soil the
mourners smear on themselves ") ; Ngu chunibwe (" By
the grave ") ; Ngu Leza (" By God "). Kuombwezha is to
make a solemn asseveration by calling down a curse upon
oneself or some other person ; and it is implied that if the
truth be not spoken the evil named will happen. The
perjurer is guilty of buditazhi against the person named.
Oaths, then, are uncanny things : they are not mere words ;
sometimes, indeed, they pass by the speaker, and the person
sworn by, and strike somebody else, causing him sickness,
or ill-fortune, or death. So that if you hear a person swearing
and have reason to believe that he is perjuring himself, the
safe thing is to spit on the ground, Thu / so that it may
pass you by. To ombwezha for the purpose of denying a
charge is called kudikazhizha. Some of these oaths are as
follows : Leza we nina ukwiba, pe, akudi ndeba utabuchesha
(" Before God, I did not steal ; if I stole, may you (i.e. the
accuser) never see the dawn ") ; Utadiboni kudibidila (" May
you not see the sunset " ) ; Chidyo nchi wadya chikuite u
manango (" May the food you eat come back through the
nostrils ") ; Ngu nini wezu afwe sunu (" By so-and-so, may
he die to-day ") ; Banoko bakufwa (" May your mother die") ;
Ndamutuka utata (" I curse my father") ; Uandauke sunu
(" May you split in pieces ") ; Upasauke (" May you burst
asunder ").

Where feeling runs high over a matter, an ordinary oath
will not suffice ; the demand is for a speedy conviction or
acquittal, and the accused either volunteers for, or his

356 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

accusers insist on, the trial by ordeal. It is to be noted that
the oath and ordeal do not differ in principle : each is an
appeal to the hidden forces to show the guilt or innocence
of the person — the innocent escapes the penalty, while the
guilty succumbs ; but while the action of an oath may be
delayed, that of the ordeal is immediate and patent to all.

The ordeal is of two forms — the hot-water test and the
poison test. The former the accused undergoes himself, the
latter is frequently administered by proxy. In the former
the accused has the right of drawing the water, cutting the
wood, and lighting the fire. The friends of the accused and
accuser take their places on opposite sides of the fire, upon
which is placed a potful of water. When it boils they
address the accused — the technical term is sansila — " If it
be that you are guilty, then you will be burnt and leave your
nails in the pot ; if you are innocent, then why should you
be hurt ? " He plunges his hand into the boiling water
and sometimes has to pick up a stone that has been put
into the pot. If on examination there is no sign of blistering
he is acquitted ; but should there be any, he is pronounced
guilty. We have never witnessed this performance, but have
seen men who have just come from the ordeal — sometimes
with arms blistered to the elbow, once or twice with no
evidence of scalding. We are told that men manage some-
times to square the diviner presiding over the ceremony,
who gives them " medicine " to smear on the arm to obviate
any ill effect. Natives have great faith in this ordeal ; it
is common to hear one, even children, say when accused,
" I will put my hand in the pot."

The other test employs the mwazhi, a decoction made
from a shrub of that name. Suppose that the diviner, on
being consulted in the way described on p. 268, names two
men as probable agents in the death of a person, they will
administer the poison in the first instance to a dog or cock.
A dog is tied up and kept perhaps all day and night without
food. Then in the presence of the clansmen of both sides,
the decoction is put before the dog, and one man charges
it, naming one of the accused, and saying, " You, O dog !
we give you this mwazhi to drink. If it be that our relation
died simply of disease, why should you die ? Let it go

CH. xin REGULATION OF THE COMMUNAL LIFE 357

west ! Kashia mumbo, i.e. ' It is no concern of yours.'
If he was bewitched, why, then, to-day you must not see the
sunset ! " Then a man from the other party recharges
(sansulula) the dog, saying, " No, O dog, this is the affair :
if so-and-so (naming the deceased) was killed by witchcraft
out of envy, to-day you must not see the sunset. But
if it be that Leza killed him, as all men die, then you,
why should you perish ? " Then if the suspected man
be guilty of warlockry, the dog dies. They cut off its
tail and deposit it with the chief. Then the two parties
divide and each goes back to a diviner to get his oracle.
Then they put a test to a cock : they ombwezha it, and
charge it and recharge it, as they did the dog. If the man
be innocent the cock vomits the mwazhi and lives ; if he be
guilty it dies, and they take its wings to the chief. So
bombona bukungu mulozhi (" they have detected the war-
lock"), and seizing him they cry, "Let him die! Let
him die ! " If he still protests his innocence they invite
him to take the mwazhi himself. Sometimes he agrees to
do so, and either dies — a sure sign of his guilt — or lives, and
is pronounced innocent notwithstanding the evidence of
the dog and cock. Should he refuse, they confront him
with the dog's tail and cock's wings, and demand how he
can deny his guilt in the face of such proofs. They then
tie these proofs round his neck and lead him off to execution.

Should the tests fail to show a man's guilt, his accusers
cannot close the matter by an apology. They are guilty of
buditazhi, and will have to redeem themselves by a heavy
ransom to the accused and his clansmen.

Occasionally the medicine is drunk not by a substitute,
but by the accused himself, and on his own demand. He
is " charged " similarly to the dog : " O So-and-so, if you
are innocent, why should you die ? If you are no warlock
do not die ; if you are, die." Sometimes, perhaps most
times, an appeal is delivered directly to the mwazhi to
reveal the truth.

Where a case of an ordinary nature is tried by ordinary
methods, it is decided by the evidence produced. Hearsay
evidence is admitted, and credence is occasionally extended
to the one who indulges in the greatest wealth of embroidery

358 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

and detail. Some chiefs show remarkable shrewdness in
dealing with these matters, and their decisions are un-
questioned ; others show themselves unable to grasp the
kernel of the matter at issue. It is fair to say that the
personal equation bulks more largely in a native court than
amongst ourselves.

Supposing the case satisfactorily argued and the guilt
of the accused clear, the question arises as to the punish-
ment to be awarded. The warning of similarly evil-disposed
persons, the well-being of the community, and the satis-
faction of the wish for revenge in a private person are the
objects aimed at.

The choice of punishments lies between outlawry,
mutilation, death, confiscation of goods or property, and
fines.

Outlawry is resorted to where the man has rendered
himself insufferable, but is resorted to with reluctance. It
means the deprivation to the community of a pair of hands
and feet and the strengthening to that extent of a rival
community. Therefore the departure of a hale evildoer is
viewed with greater distaste than that of a respectable
cripple. For these reasons no mwelenze (" vagabond ") has
any difficulty in securing a place of abode at the village he
fancies. The Ila proverb, " Chilo chibi chishinka musena "
(" Any old stick will fill up a hole in the fence "), illustrates
their attitude of mind towards this question.

Mutilation was the punishment allotted to persistent
adulterers and thieves, and to committers of arson. Either
one or both of the following members were amputated :
the ear, foot, finger, or toe. Mutilation of the privates was
not practised, though burning with hot coals was. One
extraordinary case of mutilation known to us is of a minor
chief who when elected abused his position by selling into
slavery the children born of his predecessor ; the indignant
mother aroused neighbouring chiefs to take action against
him, and they punished him by cutting off both hands.

Death, the supreme punishment, was mostly reserved
for those found guilty of witchcraft, the supreme crime.
The criminal was taken away into the veld, where a great
pile of dry wood had been gathered. He was made to lie

CH. xiii REGULATION OF THE COMMUNAL LIFE 359

upon it, and other wood piled around him and lighted.
We are informed that the men would stand round and
watch until the victim "burst" (tuluka), and then cry
aloud, Wo ! Wo ! and run off as hard as they could without
looking round.

In regard to confiscation, we may advert to the custom
known as kusala. Where a person by wrongdoing had cut
himself off from the protection of his fellows, he was ren-
dered defenceless ; and the persons aggrieved sala'd him,
i.e. seized what they wished of his property, however dis-
proportionate it might be to the offence. His property, his
person, his wife, his children were, to an extent only slightly
affected by the heinousness of his fault, at the mercy of the
others, who took what they fancied.

In contrast with this irregular method of seizing damages
are the fines inflicted and damages awarded by decision of
the elders. These vary from the payment of twenty head
of cattle as weregild (Iwembe) for homicide, to the ox-calf
paid in compensation of minor cases of buditazhi. Some
distinction is drawn between the amount of damages
awarded to a chief and a commoner ; e.g. a chief may receive
three head as damages for adultery with his wife, a com-
moner only one, but the distinction between other grades
is slight. A child's fault is not condoned ; the father must
pay. Some consideration is shown to a poor person by a
benevolent chief, in order not " to kill him outright."

That there is a real deep-seated desire that justice should
prevail in the land is shown by the fact that these hot-
blooded impetuous savages, as ready to stab as to smoke,
provided that certain places should be regarded as sanctu-
aries, on reaching which a criminal, even a warlock, was
safe until brought to trial. Stories are still told of a criminal's
wild race through hostile spears to one of these places ; if
only he could get there he was safe. Many used to fail and
fall mortally wounded in the chase. These places varied
in different districts, but were generally either the hut of
the chief, a temple over a grave, or a sacred grove such as
that of Shimunenga at Mala and Chimbembe at Nanzela.

The degree of equity which characterises the judicial
proceedings of the Ba-ila depends on the character of the

360 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

chief. Bribes are offered and taken, but the wholesome in-
fluence of public opinion, the fear of alienating the people,
and the weight and standing of the assisting assessors act as
a powerful deterrent against gross favouritism or injustice.

The Ba-ila are a litigious people, and extremely rapacious.
Some of the cases brought before the chiefs, and even before
the European magistrate, are extraordinary. The acme,
we think, was reached in a claim brought by a man against
another whose cock had committed adultery with his hen ;
he gravely claimed damages amounting to the value of a
cow. In the event they were persuaded that the ends of
justice would be met by killing and eating the cock.

CHAPTER XIV

ETIQUETTE : THE LAWS OF POLITE BEHAVIOUR

THE mutual intercourse of the Ba-ila is marked by two
features : bluff independence on the one hand, and a
scrupulous regard for the laws of politeness on the other.
These seemingly contradictory things have their root in
personal pride. A Mwila has too much self-respect to cringe
to any one. Europeans often think him rude, but he is not
meaningly so. Colonel Gibbons, one of the earlier travellers,
was not at all favourably impressed by this feature of their
character : " Savages, whose sole article of apparel con-
sisted in a leather necklet constructed on the principle of
a bootlace — armed cap-a-pie with assegai, axe, bow and
poisoned arrows — they passed within a few feet of me
without greetings or remark, scarcely a glance, and some-
times a sneer. Never having seen a white man before, the
ignoring of my' presence by one and all of them, whether
they passed by singly or in small groups, could only be
remarkable, if not hostile." It certainly must have been
remarkable to him, coming fresh from the more ostenta-
tiously polite, not to say cringing, peoples of the south
and west ; but we doubt as to it being hostility or calculated
rudeness. Probably it was no more than bashfulness,
mingled with a desire to show their independence. There
is no doubt that superficially they are uncivil to strangers
and among themselves. We have to remember that the
freest nations are generally the rudest in manners. They
have never been used, except when yielding to superior
force, to acknowledge masters. The Barotsi made them
salute by falling on their knees and clapping their hands.

361

362 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

The Nanzela people have always had among themselves the
custom of kamba'ing in this way. The European officials
have insisted upon the Ba-ila saluting them in this servile
fashion ; but it goes sorely against the grain. It is not a
Bwila custom and is not practised among themselves.
Any man or woman will go up to the biggest chief and,
without any show of deference, address him bluntly,
" Wabonwa, So-and-so " (" You are seen," i.e. " Good
day, So-and-so ").

But it must not be inferred from this that the Ba-ila are
without a sense of etiquette. Indeed they have their own
forms of politeness, which a person only departs from at the
risk of earning a bad name.

i. SALUTATIONS

When a stranger arrives at a Ba-ila village he first asks
where the chief is. He is directed, it may be, to the chief's
hut, which, as we have seen, is always directly opposite the
gateway. He enters the enclosure and sits down, on a
stool which somebody hands him, or on the ground. No-
body says a word : it is an act of politeness to give him
time to collect himself, to wipe the perspiration from his
brow, and settle comfortably. Somebody silently hands
him a cup of water. Then the chief, or his representative,
opens the conversation by saying, " Wabonwa " (" You are
seen "). If the person is not a stranger, but a visitor from
some village near by, the salutation is more intimate,
" W abuka " (" You have got up "). It is one of the conven-
tions that the person at home must open the conversation ;
till he is addressed the visitor should say nothing. In reply
to the preliminary salutation he answers, " Ndabonwa.
Wabonwa aze " ("I am seen. And you also are seen ").
It is now open for others to salute him if they wish, and with
every one, no matter how many they may be, the visitor
must go through the same ritual. Then the conversation
with the chief is resumed, following usually a definite course.
The host asks, " Kwambwai P " ("What is said?" i.e.
" What is the news ? "). Although he may have much to
tell, it is correct for the visitor simply to say, " Kwina.

CH. xiv ETIQUETTE 363

Tchita konoP" ("There is none. Atid here? "). To which
the chief may reply, " Kwina, kwatontola " (" There is
nothing, all is quiet "), or he may tell anything that has
happened. Afterwards the stranger will tell the news of
his journey and of his home. If the visitor is known, the
chief will enquire as to his wife and children, and the visitor
will return the compliment. If the visitor is to spend the
night, the chief will have food cooked for him, or at any
rate will offer him milk or beer. When he wishes to go the
visitor simply says, " Ndaya ; kamuchishite " ("I am going ;
stay on ! ") ; to which the reply is " Koya " (" Go ") or
" Amukashike " (" May you arrive ! "). If the chief wishes
to show him respect, he accompanies the visitor to the
gateway, or if he be a friend, will set him some way on the
road.

There are no extensive rules as to who should be the
first to salute. Superiors may address inferiors, women
men, or vice versa. Only, a child should not address an
elder, but speak when spoken to. If it should salute an
elder, the child would be called mwamu, a cheeky, forward
youngster.

People passing each other on a road are expected to
stop and greet each other, but if either party should omit
to do so, it is not esteemed a fault, though it is considered •
to be a silly impolite thing; and should some misfortune
happen to the party who might have received warning if
the others had stopped to talk, there might be serious
trouble, as they would be held responsible. When two
men pass each other, each goes to the right. It is con-
sidered polite, at all events, to step off the path ; and in
any case it must be on the right-hand side, so that the
spear-hand is free in case of treachery. The proper etiquette
for men passing each other is to stop, lay down spears, and
salute each other. No rule exists as to who should open
the conversation ; he who is a mumpaka, a ready-tongued
person, will begin, anyhow.

In regard to spears, it is right for a man to carry them
into a strange village ; but he must put them down some-
where before taking a seat, and before doing so, must ask,
Nzekekwi? (" Where may I stand them ? "). This because

364 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

the host may have some taboo as to his house, or other
place, disallowing the placing of spears there.

Ba-ila houses are open ; a visitor may enter by the open
door without speaking or knocking, though it is considered
more polite to ask permission to enter. Of course any one
will be careful about entering another person's house, for
if anything should afterwards be found missing or damaged,
he would be held responsible ; but simply to enter in the
daytime is no offence.

The custom called kuyumbula, i.e. of giving a visitor an
inyumbu or present of uncooked food, is not native to the
Ba-ila, but is of Barotsi origin. It partakes of the nature
of a tribute, and its more or less compulsory nature is
disliked by the Ba-ila. But kutwila, to prepare food for a
visitor, is Bwila custom. The host tells his wives to prepare
food ; if he wishes to show much respect he brings it to
the guest with his own hands, or at any rate offers it with
his own hands, or his wives bring it. To ordinary people
he sends the food by a servant. In any case he should take
a taste of the food first. Should he not do so, and anything
were to happen to the visitor, he would be liable to suspicion
of witchcraft. The visitor should not eat alone ; if he has
no companion, he should invite one of the villagers to share
his repast.

It is considered polite always to take a gift with both
hands, not with one ; this very obviously shows appreciation
of the magnitude of the gift, whereas to take it in one hand
is to betray your sense of its inadequacy.

On receiving food the visitor is not expected to say
anything. When he leaves off eating, even if hunger be
not satisfied, there should still remain something in the pot ;
should he scrape it out, people might laugh at him for
gluttony, and he would sink in their estimation. This is
the rule for a stranger ; a fellow-villager or friend may
eat, and should eat, all without reproach. The visitor then
says, " Ndekuta ; wantwila. Nda lumba " ("I am satisfied ;
you have given me food. I return thanks ").

A casual visitor is not expected to give anything in return
for hospitality shown him. If he is out hunting, however,
or trading, he may offer some meat or some of his merchandise

CH. xiv ETIQUETTE 365

to the chief. If you were to offer your host anything, as an
ordinary visitor, he might be offended and say, " Do I sell
food ? "

There are other courtesies extended to a favoured guest,
such as lending him a wife.

Hospitality is a virtue much esteemed, and is com-
mended in many of their proverbs.

2. NAMES

A special department of Ila etiquette is that concerned
with names. You cannot in Bwila call people by name
indiscriminately ; some you may not address by the birth-
name, others by neither birth-name nor nickname, others
you may call by either.

There are various kinds of names. The birth-name
(izhina dia buzhale) is the one given to a child soon after
birth, when by the aid of the diviner it has been ascertained
of which of its forebears it is the reincarnation. As the
ancestor has come back to earth he naturally bears the
name he had during his previous sojourn. The name is
termed ndikando, ndi a muzhimo (" the great one, the one
of the divinity "). It is tonda, not to be lightly used, and
though it remains with him all his life, it is strictly tonda
for him to pronounce it. To call any one by his birth-name
is to shokolola him, and that is an offence, except on the
part of his father, mother, brothers, and sisters.

The child is therefore given another name for everyday
use, and this either describes some circumstance in the birth
or points to some characteristic in the child itself. Such
names are Nankuwa (" the howler"), Namashikwe (female)
or Shimashikwe (male) ("born at night"), Namunza
(female) or Shimunza (male) ("born in the daytime").
As he grows up, other names may be given. He may have
an izhina dia buwezhi (" a hunting name "), such as Mukadi
(" the brave "). All such secondary names are called mazhina
a champi, nicknames.

A third great class of personal names are the mazhina
a kutembaula (" praise- titles "), by which a person is lauded.
On occasions when he garumphs (to use Lewis Carroll's

366 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. in

word ; the Ba-ila sayfumba) he shouts these titles aloud : "I
am Lubabankofuntakutuzhiwa " (" a stinging plant that is not
to be touched"); "I am Chaboshakutika-mafua-asekelele"
(" he who gladdens by spilling that the hearthstone may
rejoice"), etc. etc. They are bestowed upon a man by his
fellows, or sometimes a man will boastfully entitle himself,
in allusion to personal characteristics and exploits. Their
use is a not very subtle form of flattering chiefs and others,
when on occasion their followers hail them by these titles.
We, in common with other Europeans, have had such names
given to us, and as modest men have blushed when on
entering a village at the head of our carriers they have
shouted at the top of their voices for the edification of
the inhabitants, " Here comes Shilangwamunyama-owakamu-
langa-wakafwa (' he who is not to be looked at by a wild
animal, for the one who looks at him falls dead ') ; Munene
ntwizha-midimo (' the .great one who greets you, not
with food, but with word about his work ') " . . . " Here
he is, Chitutamano ('the silent, cunning devil'); Shalu-
mamba (' the man of wars ') ; Mukumbwanzala (' the
one stirred to pity by the sight of hunger ') ; Mutubankumu
(' he who is white on the forehead ') ; Mulumi-a-Namusa 1
(' the husband of the mother of kindness ')," etc. etc.

Some other names we have known are worth quoting as
illustrations of the kind of qualities and deeds the Ba-ila
esteem in their chiefs and fellows, and also to show their
powers of expression. A hunter or warrior may be entitled
Chilosha or Chitikaisha (" the great spiller of blood ") ;
Kabange-mukolabantu (" little-hemp, intoxicator of men ")
i.e. he can overcome those far greater than himself ;
Mukulubala ("he who does not seek shelter, but stands in
a clear space, facing the foe ") ; Inzokamuchile ("a snake
in a bundle of wood"), i.e. dangerous ; Lufungula-tunyama
(" great weaner of little animals ") ; Kankolomwena (" the
rinderpest "), i.e. destroyer of animals and men ; Kawizulula
(" the famine-breaker "), i.e. in famine time he feeds people
on the game he kills ; Ikunikualumuka (" like a great log
in transformation "), i.e. in ordinary times he can be handled

1 Namusa, "the mother of kindness," was the title bestowed upon
Mrs. E. W. Smith.

CH. xiv ETIQUETTE 367

with impunity, but on occasion he flares up like a burning
log. Mungaila of Kasenga has these among other titles :
Chele (" porridge "), i.e. cool on top, but hot beneath the
surface ; Kaambanamazwa (" he talks like a heap of
demons "). Sezongo I. of Nanzela was named Shimuchinka-
uchinka-buleza (" the great thunderer, who thunders like
Leza himself ") ; Tandabala-munzhila-mukadi-a-kudiate (" he
stretches out his legs across the road, so that a brave
man may tread on them"), i.e. he is beyond being afraid
of offending the bravest of men. Kakobela has the title
Ibuluminabantu-owakadya'ze-obukadi-kumwizhi (" roarer at
men, and let him who eats with him not forget his fierceness ' ') .
Other names are Kaludi-mutanganinwa-owabulea (" a little
roof that requires a host of men to hoist into position "),
i.e. he is not easily overcome ; Luvhunabantu (" saviour
of men"); Shikuboni ("he doesn't see you"), i.e. takes
no notice of things done against him ; Chitwizhamanumbwa
(" generous giver of food to the hungry ") ; Mwendakuseka
(" he who goes about smiling ") ; Chozha (" the cooler-off "),
i.e. like one who leaves his food to cool, he does not speak
while in a temper; Katangakalula-kuhizha-matanganina,
(" a sour melon which sours its fellow melons "), i.e. like a
warlock who makes his friends warlocks, he is to be dreaded ;
Kubushandwazhi (" he rises with sickness "), i.e. he does not
allow sickness to keep him in bed when there is anything
on ; Mutantabantu (" jumper on men "), i.e. he is a fierce
man who fights without provocation.

To hail any one by these names is an act of great polite-
ness, but in regard to other names it is necessary to be
circumspect.

To begin with, a person is not allowed to speak his own
name. This is particularly the case in the presence of older
people. For any one sacrilegiously to pronounce his name
in their presence would be a serious fault. They might sell
him up, make him a slave, or drive him out of the com-
munity, unless his clansmen redeemed him. It is accounted
an act of great rudeness, chisapi, but is not reckoned as
buditazhi. In regard to it they say, " Balatondela bakando "
(" They are taboo on account of the elders "). If you ask
a person his name, he will turn to another and ask him to

368 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

tell you. Nowadays they are getting accustomed to being
asked their names by Europeans, who insist upon a man
speaking for himself, but they get out of the difficulty
by making up impromptu names for the occasion, or
they take advantage of the grotesque names given to
them by European employers — such as, Shilini, Tiki,
Wiski, etc.

A man may not pronounce his wife's name, at any rate
unless and until she has borne him children ; nor his father's
nor his mother's, nor the names of his parents-in-law, nor
those of his bakwe, i.e. the brothers and sisters of his parents-
in-law, nor those of the brothers and sisters of his wife,
nor the name of his uncle. The last he addresses as Achisha ;
his uncle's wife as Nachisha ; his brother's wife must be
addressed as Muka-mukwesu. A woman must observe
similar rules ; and she calls hei husband by his champi
names, or addresses him as Munaisha.

The reason for these taboos is that by pronouncing a
name you may bring misfortune upon the person or upon
yourself. It is the same sort of a feeling that prevents
some people speaking of a ghost when passing through a
churchyard at midnight. Talk of the devil —

When you are travelling through the veld it is not right
to speak of a lion by name : you must call him Shikunze
(" the outsider ") or Kdbwenga mukando (" the great
hyaena "), or you may bring him upon you. ' It is the same
motive which forbids people staying in the village to speak
by name of people away on business. An absent hunter may
only be referred to as Shimwisokwe (" he who is in the
veld ") ; a warrior as Shilumamba (" the warrior ") or
Shimpi (" the fighter ") ; a fisherman as Shimulonga (" the
river man"), a merchant as Mwendo ("the trader").
Were you to mention the name of any of these, accidents
would befall them. And certain things must be treated in
the same way. When you are engaged in smelting iron
you must not speak of Fire, but only of Mukadi (" the
fierce one ") ; and when women are threshing grain they
may neither drink water nor speak of it by name ; they
must, if it is necessary at all, refer to it as mawa Leza (" that
which falls from the sky ").

CH. xiv ETIQUETTE 369

Not only must one refrain from speaking the names we
have mentioned, but one must avoid speaking of things
by their names when those names bear a close resemblance
to the person's names.

As we shall see, a man gives his bride a new name, and
he may not call her by her maiden name, at any rate before
the birth of the first child. In the same way the wife may
not speak the husband's name. To do so is to tuka (" curse ")
him. More than that, they may not use the names in
ordinary speech. A man, e.g., is named Shamatanga and his
wife Kalubi. Matanga means melons, and Kalubi is the
shortened form of kalubilubi, the name of a kind of mush-
room. The woman must not speak of melons as matanga,
but as malumi angu ("my husbands"). Nor may he
speak of those mushrooms by their proper name, but as
benangu (" my wives "). The rule extends to the children ,
who must speak of the melons as masediata (" my father's
namesakes"), and the mushrooms as busediama ("my
mother's namesakes"). The rule extends also to the near
relations on both sides. The man's wife's father and mother
and sisters may not speak of matanga but of masediata
(" father's namesakes ") ; nor may his brother, father, or
mother speak of kalubilubi, but of masediama ("mother's
namesakes ").

To offend against this law is kushokolola, kutuka (" to
curse"), or kutengula ("to despise"). Of course, as a
matter of fact, the rule is broken, for it would pass the wit
of man to avoid speaking the names of all objects which
enter into the names of his relations, but it is considered a
fault all the same. A person could claim to be paid a fine
of one or two hoes on account of a breach of the rule.

It is an act of politeness to avoid pointed reference to a
thing whose name enters into the formation of the person's
name whom you are addressing. Polite natives pay attention
to this rule in the case of Europeans, who all have native
names founded on some characteristic of theirs. Thus, a
friend of ours who is named Kandiata (" Mr. Kicker ") tells
us that if any one has occasion to speak of " kicking " in
his presence he substitutes the word kuuma ("to beat").
This, of course, is to conform to a rule of politeness common

VOL. I 2 B

370 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

among ourselves. Should we be lunching with a person
unfortunate enough to be named Pickle, we should naturally
avoid pointed reference to pickles.

3. OFFENCES AGAINST THE PERSON

(a) Buditazhi Offences

The scope of the Ba-ila laws of personal respect may be
gathered from an enumeration of some of the offences
which may be committed. The first of these in importance
come under the heading of Buditazhi, the essence of which is,
as we have said before, that the offender is liable to be
seized and held to ransom.

(a) To throw ash upon a person. That there is some-
thing about the ash that is sacred is seen by the fact that it
is a common oath, Nditwe ! (" By the ash ! "). To take up
a handful of ashes and scatter them over anybody is a great
offence. It is a common method adopted by persons who
for any reason wish to enslave themselves, and by slaves
who wish to have a new master. Should a slave be ill-
treated, he knows it' is of little use running away simply,
for every hand is against him and he is soon brought back ;
but if he has seen that another man is merciful to his slaves,
he runs to him and throws some ash over him. Ipso facto
he becomes that man's slave, and if his old master wants
him he has to pay a ransom. If he is a kindly person, who
knows the reputation of the old master, he will put his
claim so high that the other cannot pay, and the slave
remains his.

(b) To call a person out of his name. We remember a
case brought into court. A woman visiting a village saw
two children of A. She was familiar with one of them
and knew his name ; the other she did not know. She
got confused as to the name, and unfortunately addressed
one of them by the name of the other. The father seized
her, and she had to be redeemed by the payment of a cow
and an ox.

(c) To claim falsely relationship with a man or to
address another as your relation when he is not. We

CH. xiv ETIQUETTE 371

remember a little schoolboy claiming damages against
another who had addressed him as musazhima (" my
relation ").

(d) To tell a man that So-and-so is the relation of some-
body else. Thus A tells B that C is B's relation ; B
goes and addresses C as such ; C then sues B for calling
him a relation when he is not, and B in turn sues A who
misinformed him. Of A it is said wamuditazha ("he causes
B to commit buditazhi ").

(e) To throw a person down on excrement : kumu-
wishizha a mazhi. It may not be done intentionally, or in
anger, but it is a fault all the same. There was a case in
court where a cow was claimed from the guardians of a
boy who in play had thrown another boy on the ground
and he had fallen on to some excrement.

(/) To bring a false accusation, or to bear false witness :
kulengelela umwi kambo. There is nothing about which a
Mwila waxes more eloquently angry than this. There is a
boomerang action about accusing another that forces a
man to keep his mouth shut, or to be very sure of his facts ;
for should he fail to substantiate his charge, he is at once
held to ransom, no matter how small the charge may have
been. It is not, one thinks, always a matter of moral
indignation, so much as a welcome opportunity of squeezing
a substantial fine out of the culprit. As we were writing
this section, our house-boy burst rudely into the room, and,
beating his fists on his chest, worked himself up into a
frenzy of indignation. Earlier in the day we had had
occasion to punish a lad for repeated misconduct, and this
house-boy had been informed by another boy that he had
heard from somebody else that he had told us of the ill-
doing of the boy.

(g) To accuse a person of being a warlock or witch :
kulabula. This is a special and very heinous form of the
preceding. It is of frequent occurrence, and always
arouses great wrath. Among numerous cases we are ac-
quainted with, we may select these as examples : A man,
A, met two women, B, C, on the road, and as he passed
them one called out to him : " Why don't you salute us ?
You are mulozhi ! " Afterwards A went to D, the husband,

372 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

to make a claim, but D refused to pay A because he had a
contra-case against A for calling his wife, C, by a name
that was not hers. He, D, claimed a cow for this. As D
wouldn't pay, A went to the women's hut to take them
off to his village, but some men heard the disturbance and
drove him off, after giving him a beating. A did not deny
having miscalled C, but said it was before he had come
close and saw who it was. D had to pay A an ox because
of the beating. •

A man named Z took some grain to pay a woman diviner
to diagnose the illness of his wife. On his return, two men,
X and Y, asked him where he had been. They refused to
believe him, and said : " No, you are a mulozhi : you have
been dancing the whole night." X said that one night
there were no people but himself and a woman in the
village, as they had all gone to a feast ; very late he heard
the cattle running about, and coming out he found Z holding
some grass in both hands in front of a house in which X's
wife lay sick. He asked Z what he was doing and where
he came from, and Z wouldn't answer. He went to drive
the cattle in and Z disappeared. He was quite convinced
of Z's evil intentions ; but Z indignantly repelled the
charge and claimed heavy compensation.

(h) To question a person about a fault which he has not
committed. This is kuzunga. If I have lost a thing, or
something has been broken, and I ask a man if he has done
it ; if it should prove that he is innocent, he will claim
damages for buditazhi. This is kuzunga mwanabeni muntu
munwe ("to suppose a person as a bad fellow"). It is
also kuzunga if you say of a person, " I wonder whether
So-and-so did it."

(i) To inform upon a person, thus causing him to get
into trouble. Ba-ila have this schoolboy virtue to a marked
degree ; for one " to split " upon another is a rare thing ;
and, if done, it is reckoned a crime.

(j) To perform any act towards a person that in some
way makes him, in the imagination of his fellows, to be
like a dead person. Under this heading are such things
as : (i) To carry a person frog-march, as in a hammock.
This is only excusable in the case of relations carrying a

CH. xiv ETIQUETTE 373

sick or wounded person. (2) To lift any one up and say,
" You are heavy ! " (3) To knock out a tooth, to cut off
a finger or ear in a fight, for this means that a part of the
person has to be buried. For a doctor to amputate a limb
would be a great crime ; only relations, and that only when
it is absolutely imperative, may perform such an operation.
(4) To call a person by the name of a dead person.

(k) To be the means of causing another an injury,
(i) If you call people to go and hunt a lion or leopard
and one of them gets wounded or killed ; (2) if you take a
youngster on a journey and any harm befalls him ; (3) if
you deceive a person, kumuchitila chongela, by asking him
to do something or go somewhere, and in doing so he meets
with an accident ; (4) if you take any one in a canoe and
he is drowned — in all these cases you commit buditazhi.

(I) The reason in the preceding cases is that you are
supposed to have bewitched the person whom the accident
has befallen. To do anything whatever to a person which
may lead people to think you desire his death is buditazhi.
Thus : (i) To put your hand on a person's head. For
this reason the Ba-ila considered it wrong to send or take a
young person away from home, because, being short, any
one might easily lay a hand on his head. They are not so
particular in this nowadays. (2) To pluck a hair from any
one's head, or to take away any hair cut from a person's
head. Such hair was carefully buried.1 (3) To take a tooth
out, to knock it out, or to pull out a loose tooth from one
who is not a relation.

(m) To micturate upon a person, to have a nocturnal
emission upon a person (other than a relation) : kumulotela,
kumusubila bwenze ; to attempt sodomy.

(«) To cause any one to dig the grave of a stranger.

(0) To make a sacrifice to another person's divinity.

(P) To tell a man that So-and-so are his relations. If
a person in a village is bereft of his kinsmen and his neigh-
bours know, as he does not, that he has relations elsewhere,
they must refrain from informing him. The idea is that
they may make a mistake, and misinform him, when they
would be liable to be enslaved by the people spoken of.

1 Yet they buy hair to incorporate it in their impumbe (see p. 71).

374 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

Whence the proverb Ku mukoa nku kutashindikilwa, muntu
uladitola mwini ("To a clan is where a person is not
accompanied, a person finds his own way ").

(q) For a woman to suckle a child not belonging to her
family.

(r) To marry a widow to whom you have no right.
This is kukosola lulala, kunjidila mukaintu. If a woman's
husband dies, and a man who is not the heir marries her,
he commits a great crime. He may be enslaved by the
relations of the heir or of the woman. There was a case at
Nanzela. Posha's husband died, and a man named Silwele
took her as his wife ; it was regarded as a crime, but because
Posha had no relations and the community at the time was
in a disturbed state, no case was made of it.

(s) For a female under the age of puberty to touch the
pudenda of a man. Some reckon this as buditazhi, but
others say it is only chisapi. We have known of a man
claiming a cow against a girl who had accidentally done this.

(t) For a woman during the menses to touch her hus-
band's gun.

4. OFFENCES AGAINST THE PERSON

(b) Matushi

Matushi is a term that includes all manner of vilification :
derogation, disparagement, denigration, contumely, vitupera-
tion, scurrility, calumny, insult, ridicule ; all kinds of
indecent remarks, and some rude acts. Aggravated matushi
are called malambatushi. The verb is kutuka ; wantuka,
(" you vilify me "). Matushi are reckoned as chisapi,
but more, they are taboo, in the sense that the
shimatushi may have evil brought upon him by their use ;
they are reckoned also as buditazhi, and the offender is
liable to be fined. The Ba-ila, one must say, are adepts in
the art of bad language. Ordinarily they are scrupulous
in avoiding the use of insults, but when they let themselves
go they can, and do, pour forth a rich torrent of abuse.
An eloquent Mwila could emulate the famous American
who was said to swear for three-quarters of an hour without
repeating himself. We once asked one of our young men

CH. xiv ETIQUETTE 375

to write down a list of matushi and he reeled off nearly three
hundred as fast as he could write.

One form of matushi is the ridiculing of a person by
likening his members to various things, repulsive or
grotesque ; these are called matushi a kusampaula muntu,
i.e. derogations or detractions. They may be addressed
directly to the person, or said of him indirectly. Here are
a few examples :

You who have a mouth like the pouch of a stork.

You who have teeth spaced out like the keys of an unskilfully
made piano (kankobele).

You who have eyes the size of a louse.

You who have cheeks like one with the mumps.

You with a member tiny as a leech.

You with eyes shelterless as a chameleon's.

You with a long-pointed nose like a weasel.

You draw in your belly as one who fords a deep river.

You have furrows on your forehead like the waves on a
river.

You have a withered chest as if you forgot to eat bread last
year.

You go along stooping like a man carrying demons on his
back.

You stick out your belly as if you were going to have twins.

You who wag your buttocks like a fat old maid.

You pull a face like one passing hard things.

You are morose as one who has heard of the death of a
friend.

You go off in a hurry like a man who has something in his
game-pit.

Your nose turns up like a wild pig's.

You whose head is as bare as a threshing-floor.

You who have long finger-nails like an ant-bear.

You whose ears are as long as a Kudu's.

Another form of matushi is to shout out remarks about
the private or other parts of a man's relations.

Mukanwa ka banoko (" the inside of your mother's mouth ! ")
Matako a banoko (" your mother's buttocks ! ").
Inango dia ushe (" your father's nose ! ").

Yet another and more obvious form of insult is to
accuse a person, even in jest, of doing atrocious things.

376 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. in

You slept with your mother ! You hurt your mother ! You
stretched your sister ! You married your aunt ! You cursed
your mother ! You spoke of your mother's private parts ! You
used your sister's name in a curse. Mwana Mawe-twamana !
(" Child of ' Dear-me !-We-are-done ' ").

And another form is to speak of a person in relation
to his near relations' members. " Child of your father's
glans ! " — " Child of your mother's genitalia ! " — " Child of
the vagina ! "

Other matushi are such expressions as these :

Mwana chisapi (" child of indecency ! ").
Mwana mulumbu (" child of a foreigner ! ").
Mwana muzhike (" child of a slave ! ").
Wezu mulumbu (" this foreigner ! ").

As might be expected, many of the rules of etiquette
govern the intercourse between men and women. One of
these rules is that it is a form of matushi for a man of one
village to express his admiration for the women of another
village, i.e. fora Kasenga man to say, " Babota bakaintu ba
ku Bambwe ! " ("How fine the Bambwe women are!").
Nor may women express admiration for the men of another
community. It is called kushomausha, or kmhomezha, and
regarded as a very serious breach of decorum. As we were
told, mbulowe bobo, malweza, ku babele kwamb'obo (" it's
like witchcraft, a terrible atrocious thing for them to talk
like that "). If they hear of a man speaking in that way the
women give him a rough time. " How are they fine ? "
they demand. " What have they got that we haven't ?
You have slighted us by comparing us to our disparage-
ment with our fellow-women. You tuka us." And they
make him wish he had never been born. He has to pay
heavily to all the women of his village.

In cases like this — offences against the sex — the women
stand solidly as one against the men. It is not an affair
of individuals : a member of one sex has blackguarded the
other sex, and the whole of the males in the village are re-
garded as participating in the offence. It is woman against
man. The women have a simple way of asserting the
rights of the sex, at once simpler and more efficacious than

CH. xiv ETIQUETTE 377

the methods of some of their civilised sisters. They go
on strike. They down tools, hoe and pestle, grinding-
stone and cooking-pot ; and the helpless men, faced with
starvation, speedily surrender. The women refuse to be
appeased until ALL the men of the village come and
apologise for the one man's fault and bring gifts.

It is accounted as chisapi and matushi to speak of a
person's private parts, or certain natural functions of the
body, or to break wind, in a mixed company. If a man
were to allude to faeces before women they would indignantly
ask why he should tuka them, and he would have to pay
them hoes or other things. The same applies to women.
" These things," said one of our informants, " are without
respect to persons (aza makani taasala), whether it be slave
or rogue or chief, good or bad, whoever offends in these
matters is fined by his fellows."

Not only must one refrain from these indelicacies, but,
what is more difficult, one should when in a mixed company
avoid the use of words and expressions of the same or
similar sound. This is difficult, we say. The language
abounds in the syllables nya, nye, nyo, and these are to be
avoided (because nya means to defaecate, nyo the anus),
though it would seem impossible entirely to do so as they
enter into the names of very common things. Ground-nuts,
e.g. are nyemo, and by strict etiquette that word and others
like it are indecent in company.

There are many such expressions which cannot very
well be avoided in ordinary speech. A polite person will
steer clear of them as much as possible, but if he should
stumble upon them he cannot be blamed. As they would
say in such a case, makani aina bwisho (" the words have
no room to pass "), they must collide with decent notions.
It is otherwise with a man who repeatedly and of set
purpose uses such words.

For example, if a man be asked, " Mwidi ngombe, sa,
mu chimpati?" (" Is the beast in the kraal? ") if it is in,
he has no alternative but to answer " Mwidi " ("It is
in "), but that is an indecent expression. If you ask a
person where he is going, and he answers, " Ndaya u mashi,"
(" I am going among the people "), that is a vague reply,

378 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

and you press him to be definite : " U mashikwi? " (" What
people ? "), you ask. He still refuses to satisfy your curiosity
and says, " U mashi no ! " (" Why, there among the people,
of course ! "). His evasion has led him into an indecency
(u mashi no = u mashino) . Words beginning with muse, such
as musekelembwe (" things put separately and apart "),
are to be avoided in a mixed assembly, not because they
are indecent in themselves, but because of muse, which as
a word by itself means the pleasure of the sexual act. The
plural of the word for river, i.e. inyenge, is a rude word, as
it has another signification. To say wantenta (" you burn
me"), kumana ("it is finished") is also impolite because
they are expressions that may be used in private acts.
Kunyonkola means to pluck out a bird's feathers, but also
to pluck out hair from the pubes, and so impolite ; if you
must refer to plucking a fowl, you use the word kokola.
Kusansumuna (to wipe) has also a special signification,
and you must be careful in company to use a synonym such
as kushula.

To get round words in this way is called kuzelulusha.
Kulusha kwamba is to speak them without evil intention,
and it is quite recognised that a man may be involuntarily
rude ; unless you are a shimancha, a very quick-witted
person, there are so many pitfalls that you are bound to
offend some time or other. One who uses them carelessly
is called a shapowe, and of such they say, " He is like a
man who drinks hurriedly without taking the bits of dirt
out of his milk."

It has taken us years 'to understand these matters.
We fear to remember, we who have had so frequently to
address mixed audiences, how often we must have trans-
gressed in ignorance these rules of politeness.

5. THE REGARD FOR TRUTH

This section might be made as short as the celebrated
chapter on snakes in Ireland — " There are none." For
the laws of etiquette do not include a clause against lying :
rather the contrary. The Ba-ila, like the people in Hudibras,
are " for profound and solid lying, much renowned." No

ETIQUETTE

379

European can trust their word ; it is safest to doubt every
statement they make, and not to rely in the least upon
any promise. Among themselves they lie in the most
barefaced and strenuous manner. Little children soon
learn the trick of lying without the least shame. They
lie often when it is to their advantage to tell the truth.
A person caught in the very act of thieving will ardently
protest that he has never seen the things in question.
You do not listen long to any Ba-ila conversing without
hearing somebody call out, " Wabea " (" You are lying ") ;
and the one to whom it is said is not indignant — not in the
least — but smiles and accepts it as a tribute to his prowess.
It is altogether against their code of honour ever to admit
they are lying or ever to confess to wrongdoing.

They lie in support of each other in the most shameless
fashion. In earlier days we once, when sitting in company
with a group of men, asked a direct question as to a well-
known custom. To our amazement the first man addressed
denied that there ever was such a custom ; turning to
another, we said, " Don't you remember telling ui so-
and-so ? " " No," was the answer, " there is no such
custom." And every man strenuously denied that ever
such a thing existed, something which there was no reason
whatever for hiding, and which some of them individually
had discussed with us before. We spoke to our friend
Mungalo about it. He laughed and said, " That is Kano
Bwila (the funny little way of the Ba-ila). The first man
had some reason for denying and of course the others
couldn't give him away. My friend, there are ways and,
ways of asking questions." Needless to say, we profited
by the hint, and never again put direct questions to a
company of men.

Much of this lying and deception may be attributed
to their sense of politeness ; they do not want to hurt one's
feelings.

'/,

CHAPTER XV

* * *

THE RIGHTS OF PROPERTY

i. How PROPERTY is ACQUIRED

THE Ba-ila have no vast property apart from their land
and their cattle, but what they have they cling to very
tenaciously, and vigorously resent any unlawful interference
with it.

Property may be classed according to whether it is held
by one person or held conjointly as by a man and his wife,
or as by a clan, or by a community as a whole.

The Ba-ila recognise individual ownership, but, as we
shall see, some people can only hold their possessions at
the pleasure of their superiors. And one numerous class
cannot hold property at all, viz. slaves : all they have
belongs to their masters.

One feature of the Ba-ila laws is recognition of the
holding of property by women.

Women can become possessors like men through their
labour ; to some extent what they earn is their own. An
unmarried woman or widow (shikatandd) often accumulates
property in her own right, so much so as to become what
the Ba-ila call mukaintu sakata mwinimwini (" very much
a woman of bitterness "), the adjective meaning, not what
it does with us, but dignity, position. Such a woman, not
inherited by her late husband's successor, or left alone by
him for some reason, may start on a fresh career of her
own. By work in her fields she may secure a good harvest
when others fail, and, the grain being in demand, she
becomes rich on the proceeds. She gets cattle and slaves,

380

CH. xv THE RIGHTS OF PROPERTY 381

and both contribute further to her wealth. And as riches
makes the chief, according to the proverb, she may eventu-
ally have a village of her own and rank as a chief.

Such a woman was Kasale, a somewhat famous woman
who lived at Ichila, and died there at an advanced age in
1914. She was known far and wide for her wealth. She
was not always rich ; she was once the wife of a nobody,
and possessed little or nothing of her own. The Ba-ila, as
is their way, attributed her prosperity to the fact that she
had " eaten medicine " in extraordinary quantity for the
purpose of securing long life and wealth. She had " eaten "
no less than four of the most powerful drugs, made respec-
tively from the shin bones of a wild dog, a crocodile, a
lion, and a man ; the last, the bone of a mwalanze, an outcast
living in the forest and wandering from place to place, and
very powerful medicine. Before she died, she ordered her
people not to bury her for four days — one day for each of
these drugs — so not till the fifth day did they inter her and
weep for her. The four medicines she had consumed caused
her to become the animals named — wild dog, crocodile,
lion, and vagabond. So to-day she is wandering around
the country in the guise of four creatures.

Women do a great deal of work. They do most of the
cultivation, and they have a certain right to the produce
of their labour. The grain and nuts, etc., are not absolutely
a woman's, but belong, as they say, " to the house " (nshi
sha munganda) ; from this store she draws for their daily
requirements. The test of ownership is what is done with
the things when, as usually happens, the marriage is dis-
solved. The food-stuffs " of the house " are divided between
husband and wife in such a case. Basket by basket they
are measured out, and she takes to her home her half, and
the husband retains his. On the other hand, both husband
and wife may have a katanda, a private garden, the produce
of which is held not conjointly but individually. If the
husband wishes to have part of her private store she has
the right to demand payment or an equivalent in exchange.
If she wishes, she can sell the grain and buy things for
herself. In case of dissolution of marriage, she takes with
her the whole of this property.

382 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

A chief will have a field especially cultivated for him
by his slaves or servants, the produce of which is used by
him for the entertainment of visitors. If there are only one
or two visitors, he may ask his wife to provide for them
out of the household stuff, but if there are many in the
company, he feels it would be burdensome upon the wife,
and so sends to take the necessaries from the " guest
granary."

Many women are expert basket and pot makers, and
these things are in demand by their neighbours. They
belong to the maker, and if she sells them the proceeds are
hers. She may buy things they need in the house — may
buy hoes, for example — and share the use of them with
her husband. If he needs the proceeds for himself she
may, and if they are living together on good terms she
most likely will, give him what he wants ; but he has no
right to them, and if she refuses can do nothing. And if
the marriage is dissolved she takes the things with her.

As for her clothing and ornaments, if she has bought
them for herself out of the proceeds of her labour, they are
her own. If she is given them by her husband, they are
" of the house," and she has no absolute right to them.
If they separate, the husband may, if kindly disposed, tell
her to take them, or may give her part — say one skin petti-
coat out of two — but he has the right to keep them.

One present from her husband is hers absolutely : the
impau, or receptacle for fat used to anoint herself, given to
her when married. She would take this with her if divorced.

Ba-ila women have another way of earning property,
by what is virtually prostituting themselves. Husband
and wife make an arrangement by which she goes out
kuweza lubono ("to hunt wealth"); she returns to report,
and the husband promptly claims a cow from the man
concerned. Such cattle belong to the husband. In this
way she not only secures herself in her husband's affection
— for the man, strange as it may seem to us, thinks all the
more of her because she adds to his wealth — but after she
has earned several cows for him he may give her one for
herself. This is her own, and the progeny is hers ; so that
a " faithful " wife may in time become wealthy.

Photo K. If. Smith.

A MWILA WOMAN CARRYING A WATER-POT.

384 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

A custom like this shows that while a husband has no
absolute claim to the service of his wife's hands, her sexual
quality is his. By the chiko he has secured the usufruct of
her body. And this is brought out by another fact also :
a woman has no right to her children. They are not hers,
but his, notwithstanding the fact that they take her clan
name. If the marriage is dissolved, the husband retains
the children. If she is nursing an infant, she may have it
till weaned, and then must return it to him.

Men, like women, are entitled to the fruits of their
labour.

As for hunting, the game is the property of the man
who first wounds it ; if he wounds it ever so slightly — even
though it be but a grazing of the skin — and another gives
it the death-stroke (kusunta). The real killer of the animal
is only a musuzhi, that is, is given a piece of the meat, but
has no claim. Such an animal is called munyama kalonda
("beast with slight wound"). A party of hunters may
be under the leadership of an elder — an experienced man.
When an animal is killed, he distributes the meat, though
it is not his, but they all share. His perquisite is one of
the hind legs : the other leg is the mwabo (" portion ") of
the owner. The bukome (" the loins ") are the perquisite of
the chief. The owner of the game, i.e. the hunter who first
wounded it, has certain portions that are his peculiarly—
the heart, the head, the feet, and the insanda (" breast ").
Then on his return home he cooks and invites his man-
friends to share the feast. No woman must share in it.
These portions have some mystic significance ; they supply
him with strength and skill in hunting. (The insanda is
always the portion of a beast sacred to the men ; at a
funeral when an ox is killed, the men eat this portion to
give them strength.)

As for a beast found dead in the veld : if a hunter on
returning home informs people that he has wounded such
and such an animal, then should any one find it dead
(kuwuld) his claim to it is recognised. Should he say nothing,
it belongs to the finder. If it is found by others who have
not heard his notification, it is theirs.

If a party of hunters find the carcase of an elephant, it

CH.XV THE RIGHTS OF PROPERTY 385

belongs to the head hunter, not to the member of the party
who first spotted it. He may take one of the tusks and
give the other to the finder. The ground tusk is always
accounted the property of the chief upon whose land it is
taken ; if the elephant is found on such land, the chief
takes the ground tusk and gives the other to the head
hunter and the finder conjointly.

The head hunter has responsibility for the safety of
those whom he has invited to accompany him ; should one
of them be injured or killed in the hunt, his relations will
come down on the head hunter for damages.

All the personal property held by a Mwila is subject to
the rule that his elder relations on both sides have the right
to take from him what they want. This is to nanga (" to
seize "), " convey, the wise it call " ; it is not reckoned as
robbery. The mwana, or child, as he is in regard to his
elders, is likened to a bag which can be taken by you to
carry things, out of which you can help yourself, and it
can say nothing ; also to a lumano, a pair of pincers, for
the elder uses him to convey things to himself ; also to a
soft skin which can be turned this way and that without
rebellion. Anything he has is at the call of the elders.
We have had many opportunities of seeing this in practice.
A young man working in our employ will perhaps have
managed to save several pounds out of his earnings ; when
the tax-time comes he is besieged by a lot of lazy fellows,
who nanga him of every penny he has. Young men who
go away to work for lengthy periods have very little to
show for it after being home again a few weeks. The chief
takes his pickings, and everybody who has any claim to
relationship. One young man we remember was away two
years and came back with quite a store of things : a ten-
shilling blanket (this was seized by the chief), a quantity
of beads (these his female relations shared between them),-
a lot of calico (his elder brothers had this) ,« a fine overcoat
(this somebody else took), five shillings in cash (seized by
an aunt), a tin box and an iron cooking-pot (these he
managed to retain ) ; there was also an impande shell which
the chief wished for, but the young man had set his heart
upon buying a gun with this, and his insistence prevailed

VOL. i 2 c

386 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

upon the chief to give him one in exchange for the shell.
Some fare worse than this man did, for they have nothing
left at all except the smart clothes, and those soon decay.

This is not made a matter of complaint by the young
men. They know it is the custom, and that they them-
selves will benefit by it when their younger brothers and
nephews and cousins go out to work. And, moreover, the
young man knows full well that if his elders are ready to
seize upon his belongings, they will be equally ready to
give of their substance in the day of his need — when he
marries, to provide the chiko ; and when he gets into trouble,
to pay his fines or redeem him from slavery. So that on
the whole he is not the loser : and by working for his
family he increases its wealth.

On the other hand, a young person has the same right
to nanga things of certain of his relations. Grandfathers
(see p. 339) hold their goods at the pleasure of their grand-
children.

A person may gain property by looking after things
belonging to others. Such things are mostly cattle belonging
to people who live in the " fly " and cannot therefore look
after their own. The herder has the use of the cattle, i.e. the
milk is his; but he is paid no wages. On the death of the
owner, however, he picks out one of his own cattle and
sends it to the funeral feast as his chidizho ; those in his
charge he does his best to retain as his own, inventing all
sorts of excuses and false claims to avoid parting with the
cherished beasts. If he is a strong man he may succeed
in keeping them, or at least he will send back only part.
In a case that came into court, A had handed his cousin B
about a hundred cattle to herd for him. At A's death only
ten were left. Before dying, A told B he was to have one
of his wives as lukono. B returned the cattle except two,
one of which he said had been given him by A and the
other he retained till he should get the " rafter," as the wife
is called. He did not receive her, so kept the cow, and C,
A's heir, brought a case against him for it.

A shimalelo, one who acts as guardian to a child, is in
the position of a parent and receives no wages for looking
after the child. He gets the services, of course, but no

CH. xv THE RIGHTS OF PROPERTY 387

more. If the child is a girl he will receive a beast or two
out of the chiko ; if it is a boy he will be called upon to
kwela him, i.e. find part of the chiko for his wife.

Communal property consists first and principally of the
land occupied by the community, and which has descended
to them, perhaps, from remote ancestors ; and, secondly,
what is on the land and in the rivers flowing through it —
the trees and fruit, the game, the fish.

Every chishi is divided into makute by well-recognised
boundaries. No passer-by would know these boundaries :
they are purely natural — a tree, an ant-heap, a certain
direction ; all very vague, apparently, but known to all
concerned as well as if fenced in with a stone wall. All
boundaries are taboo. The chief apportions the land to
his people for their fields : he does it in the presence of a
company so that there may be no doubt about it. When
a person has his field apportioned he puts in a few stakes,
and afterwards clears a line around it. Woe to any one
who moves his neighbour's marks ! It is kambo kazumozumo,
a very serious crime. Batunanga inshi, batudya (" They
take away our land ; they eat us up ! ") is the cry, and, if
done by a neighbouring community, it soon leads to war.

The land held by a community is invested in the chief
as its head and representative. He is the mwini-inshi
("master of the land"). He may not alienate it except
by the permission of his people. He receives it with all
the taboos attached to it — the sacred groves, the trees,
ant-hills, pools, streams, the matongo, all of them with
taboos attached — and it is his to see that none is violated,
and to hand them on to his successor intact.

Should a stranger wish to come to live on the land, a
lubeta is called and the matter discussed. Many things
have to be taken into consideration, chiefly the character
of the applicant ; there is need for some circumspection in
this respect, for sometimes, like the camel in the fable,
an undesirable person gets his head in and ends by turning
the rightful owners out, or, at least, making himself their
master. But unless patently undesirable the chief and his
people are not likely to refuse him, because he adds to their
number and dignity. The chief points out a place where

388 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

he may build and cultivate, and informs him of taboos he
needs to know. If he oversteps the borders allotted to him
he will get into trouble.

Occasionally land may be sold ; the purchaser acquires
not only the land but all the rights not specifically reserved.
The purchase price — in cattle, or whatever it may be — is
named itongo, and remains the property of the community.
It may remain in charge of the chief, or be handed over to
a trustworthy elder. Only in time of very urgent need, and
only then with the permission of his people, may the chief
use any of it.

No person may commit trespass on another community's
land. If a stranger wishes to hunt game, or to fish, he must
first ask permission, and then lumbula a portion of his
gains ; this is called an impaizho (" an offering "), acknow-
ledging the privilege granted. People wishing to gather
fruit must also ask permission. Failure to do this means
confiscation of the game, or fish, or fruit ; in former days it
meant death. Numerous wars have been caused by trespass
of this kind. In addition to getting the permission of the
chief, the strangers who wish to fish or hunt will also take
steps to have sacrifices offered to the mizhimo to ensure
their success.

This implies what one might call " spiritual ownership,"
which is not in the hands of the community as a whole,
but in a certain family, and the head as its representative.

As an example of such ownership, we may instance the
pool named Muvhumenzhi in the Kasenga district. It is
fed by freshets during the rainy season, and only in years
of severe drought becomes absolutely dry. At one time
the pool belonged to the Kaulizhi people of the neighbour-
ing Bambwe chishi, but in one of the numerous wars between
the two peoples the ba-Mala seized it as the fruits of their
victory. In ancient times the pool had belonged to the
ancestors of a man now living named Nalunkwamba,
and the family still held what we call the " spiritual owner-
ship " of the pool. We mean that the ghosts of their
ancestors were the guardians of the pool, and as they could
only be approached through their living representatives,
and no fishing could be done before their good-will was

CH.XV THE RIGHTS OF PROPERTY 389

secured, the living family were regarded as beni-izhiba
(" masters of the pool"), though it really belonged to the
community. In the " war," among the five people killed
were members of this family, and Nalunkwamba was the
surviving 'representative. The ba-Mala held the pool, but
it was of no use to them, for how could they fish without
anybody to sacrifice for them ? What they did was to
induce Nalunkwamba to come to live at Mala, or, as others
say, he came of his own accord to live there. " What !
make friends with those who killed his relations ? " " Yes,
sir," they reply, " Baila baina inkoto " (" Ba-ila do not
keep up resentment "). And since then Nalunkwamba has
been the presiding priest of the Muvhumenzhi fishing.
Once a year, in the month of October, there is a great gather-
ing at the pool. Nalunkwamba fixes the day and summons
the people. He has brewed beer, and in the morning of
the day, when all are assembled, he goes to the sacred spot
— an ant-hill and a tree standing together — and there offers
a potful of beer to his ancestors, and asks their assistance.
He then with his fish-spears enters the pool, and casts his
spears in different directions as if to impale the fish. This
inauguration of the fishing concluded, the waiting crowd
sets up the deep full-chested cry, " Woh ! " and rushes
pell-mell into the water.

There is said to be a mupuka living in this pool. We
are told that there are numerous snakes in the water ;
but this mupuka is a fabulous creature ; it may be, and
probably is, regarded as the embodiment of one of Nalu-
nkwamba's ancestors. Anyhow it is held in great awe, and
before the inauguration takes place nobody in his senses
would venture to fish in the pool.

At Nanzela the " spiritual ownership " of the fishing in
the river is held by a leper woman named Lukalo. Many
years ago her people lived there, but died out mostly, and
she went to live elsewhere. After the Mission was founded
on the site she got permission to settle there. Though the
land has passed to the Mission, nobody ever dreams of
asking the missionary for permission to fish : they go to the
leper woman and she offers a sacrifice to her ancestors
for them.

390 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

2. INHERITANCE

The subject of inheritance is an intricate and difficult
one. While governed mainly by certain broad rules their
application is determined to far too great an extent by
the status and natural combativeness and tenacity of the
legatees. Cases are not infrequent where feelings have
grown so heated that an orderly apportionment of the
inheritance has been quite suspended and a general scramble
has taken place for the cattle and movables of the deceased.
This was so in the case of an influential Mala headman,
Shambweka : the young men lost all control of themselves
and attempted to drive off as many of the cattle as they
could by force.

To obviate any dispute, men frequently select heirs and
apportion their goods previous to their death. This is
termed kuvhubula, and the goods received are called ivhubo.

The usual procedure apart from kuvhubula has already
been described by us in connection with the succession to
the chieftainship ; and here it is to be noted that every
freeman who dies has somebody who " eats his name,"
becomes the heir, the only essential difference being that
in the case of inferiors the name and inheritance may be
taken by a woman.' This for obvious reasons is extremely
rare in the case of a headman, and unknown in the case
of a chief, differing entirely from the practice prevailing
amongst the Barotsi and other people to the west, where
supreme power over a portion of the tribe is frequently
exercised effectively by a woman .

As all land is held communally this question is not
affected by the death of any person. What passes as
inheritance are cattle, wives, slaves, and personal belong-
ings, such as tools, spears, medicines, etc. To be allotted
a portion of a deceased's estate is kukona ; and the portion
is called lukono.

In the case of the wives of the deceased, the patriarchal
practice is followed, and a kinsman takes them to raise
up seed to his brother. Considerable injustice is sometimes
the result of the variations, and more particularly the
additions made to this rule, as where a couple happily

CH. xv THE RIGHTS OF PROPERTY 391

married are wilfully separated in order that the wife may
" eat," or inherit, a dead woman's name.

When a man's wife dies, he, after the funeral, forwards
to his parents-in-law a present known as chishonsho, and
intimates that, as their child has been taken by death, he
looks to them to supply the vacant place. He will often
state his wishes at the same time, saying he prefers an
elderly woman, or a child, and the parents-in-law strive to
meet his wishes and long palavers are held amongst the
family over the matter. A sister is sought for first, and
should one be alive, although married and with children
she is attached to, no compunction is felt at ruthlessly
severing those ties and installing her in the dead woman's
place. Should it be impossible to find an heiress the chiko
is returned. Should she be forthcoming the husband pays
fresh chiko, of lesser amount than for his first wife. The
heiress may be a girl in her mother's arms, and before reach-
ing maturity may die, in which case a fresh heiress has to
be found. The confusion resulting can with difficulty be
realised, and the Ba-ila women frequently suffer under the
laws of inheritance. A woman mourning a dead husband,
or a girl living happily with a live one, may be forced at any
time into a union utterly uncongenial. Pondering on a
girl's upbringing in the public kraal, and the way she is
liable to be bandied about in marriage, one wonders to find
the genuine attachments that exist. Owing to the custom
of sending children to be brought up by a relative, for a
period, long or short, the abuses of the law of inheritance
do not press so hardly upon the children ; and though the
ostensible reason of the practice is to prevent the children
suffering through jealousy, or partiality, on the father's
part, one cannot avoid the thought that the liability 6f the
mother to be called upon at any time to live with a fresh
husband had much to do with the institution of the custom.

The widows of the deceased are taken, as we have said,
by his heir. Or if there are many he may take three, the
deceased's nephew one, and a son one. In the latter case,
of course, he would not inherit his own mother. The
deceased's mother's people have the right to one of the
wives.

392 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

Slaves pass, in the first instance, with the hut to which
they are attached or belong, that is to say they follow their
mistress, and then exactly like the cattle are distributed
by the heir. The heir may take five, a son one, a nephew one,
a younger brother one, and the mother's people one. The
same with regard to cattle. Most of them are taken by the
heir, then the deceased's nephews, children, and younger
brothers. A doctor, if the deceased has had " medicine "
from him, puts in a claim for a cow and calf. If not given
things, the doctor will seize a child or nephew as slave, and
they will have to be redeemed.

On the death of a big chief, a present of a woman slave
as a mark of added respect frequently accompanies the
cattle with the mourning party from another chief, a
different slave being sent in return. On the death of the
chief who sent the slave, the two individuals are returned,
regardless of any ties they may have formed or children
they may have borne, to their former homes, each accom-
panied by a fresh slave. An arrangement of this nature
is handed down from father to son for generations. Occa-
sionally it is stipulated that any children the women have
had shall accompany them, but more frequently not.

It is a principle recognised in all inheritance that lubono
talumana ("goods have no end"). That is to say, if A
dies and B takes things as lukono, when B dies A's sons
have the right to kona some of B's goods. And not only
so ; but if B inherited a cow from A's estate, A's sons have
the right to a cow from B's estate — a cow and no more,
always provided that they take to B's funeral an animal
equal to that which B took to A's.

•

3. OFFENCES AGAINST PROPERTY

These come under the heading of buditazhi. It would
be a mistake to measure their indignation against infractions
of the property laws by any valuation of our own of the
worth of the goods. To us the anger evoked, and the
penalties imposed, are sometimes, perhaps generally, out
of all proportion to the trumpery value of the goods. But
we have to remember that what seems trivial to us is in

CH. xv THE RIGHTS OF PROPERTY 393

their eyes very precious. And it is not so much the value
of the thing that a Mwila looks at as the fact that it is his,
and nobody has the right to interfere with it or damage it.

(1) Theft, robbery, etc., are termed buteu, a thief is
muteu, and to steal is kwiba. Not all appropriations come
under this head, for, as we have seen, some of them are
kunanga. It is a principle of Bwila law that you cannot
ditaya a clansman ; that is to say, in this connection, if
you take his things it is not theft. And what is called
buteu depends to some extent for its heinousness upon the
kind of property stolen, who steals it, from whom, and the
time. Theft of cattle is a great crime ; so is theft of grain
from a field or a bin : death was sometimes the penalty.
For a slave to steal from his master, or from his master's
relations, is not regarded as heinous : being a slave he
cannot ditaya his master or his master's clansmen. Burglary
is a more serious thing than ordinary theft. To njila
chimpotela, i.e. to remove a door and enter a house at night,
unbidden and without warning, is a great crime in itself.
If the trespasser steals anything or assaults a woman the
crime is greater, should he assault a sleeping woman it
would be still greater, and were the sleeping woman a
nursing mother that would be the summit of wickedness.
Such is the crescendo of crime.

There is much theft among themselves ; and a stranger
is considered fair game, unless he has put his goods in
charge of the chief. We remember one Sunday when all
the Kasenga headmen had gathered to pay the tax and
came first to attend the service at the Mission. One of the
chiefs had, in a little bag, the cash for all his men's tax,
amounting to some fifteen pounds. At the conclusion of
the service he rose to leave and momentarily forgot his
little bag. The next minute he remembered, but in the
interval it had disappeared for ever. We shall give cases
in the next chapter showing how people are enslaved for
much less than this.

(2) To lose a thing entrusted to you is another crime,
and the penalty is often very severe. We knew of a man
who bought a pumpkin for a small piece of tobacco and
when it got lost exacted three cows and an impande shell

394 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

as the ransom of the person in fault. Another case we
knew of was this : A man and his younger brother went to
a funeral and one of the villagers named Katumpa accused
the younger visitor of having lost a needle belonging to
him ; he claimed damages against the elder brother, who,
though denying all knowledge of the loss, had to pay Katumpa
a shell. Then Katumpa's son committed adultery with a
wife of a chief, who claimed and got a cow from Katumpa ;
he also demanded an ox, but as Katumpa had not one, he
referred the chief to the elder of the two brothers, whose
fault was not considered to have been expiated, and the
chief mulcted him in a cow and an ox. So that through
the loss of a needle alleged against a boy his brother suffered
to the extent of a shell, a cow, and an ox !

(3) To damage any one's property is also a crime.

A man visiting at another village was charged by a
savage cow, and to defend himself snatched up a stool and
struck the beast. He had the ill-luck to break the stool
and the owner at once seized and tied him up, demanding
a cow as ransom. The man asked indignantly how the
breaking of a stool could justify a claim for a cow, and
compromised for a young ox.

A little boy tore a man's cloth accidentally as they
were eating together, and the man proceeded to take him
away as a slave. The chief of the village supported the
father when the case was brought before him, and ordered
the man to restore the boy. Then the father demanded a
cow because his son had been wrongfully accused.

A man committed adultery with a woman and gave
her a shell. Shortly afterwards he accused her of breaking
a beer spoon, a lukoma, and took a cow and shell as
damages.

A man and a boy were once going on a journey and
spent a night in a village on the way. The man had an
accident in the bed that night and was much disgusted.
By this he had committed buditazhi against the owner of
the hut, who threatened to enslave him unless he were paid
damages. The man paid. He attributed the accident to
the boy having put medicine into his pipe, and years after-
wards brought a claim for a cow against the boy's father,

CM. xv THE RIGHTS OF PROPERTY 395

because the boy had caused him to ditaya. The boy was
dead when the claim was made.

(4) If the damage is committed by a dog or beast the
owner is held responsible. In one case we knew a man
claimed two cows and an ox because another's dog had
spoilt a skin belonging to him ; the accused promptly claimed
two cows and an ox for wrongful accusation.

(5) If a man digs a game pit and any one's cattle fall
into it, he will be held responsible for the damage.

(6) To take, or eat of, an animal killed by another is
of course a crime. It is also reckoned buditazhi for any one
to pass at the back of an elephant killed by a hunter, or
to make remarks about, or laugh at, the appearance of its
buttocks.

(7) Special cases of buditazhi relate to a person's misamo.
For any one to steal, or damage, a medicine or a medicine
receptacle, or to smoke a pipe in which another person has
a drug, are all heinous crimes. A young girl staying in a
village away from home went out in the night to relieve
herself, and had the misfortune to befoul somebody's
medicine. Next morning, seeing what had happened, the
owner seized her as his slave, and demanded an ox for her
ransom. The father having no ox offered two hoes, but
the owner refused to accept them.

(8) If you get insambwe medicine from a doctor, you
give him a spear, and he repeats the dose at intervals
without further payment. If you go out trading, and as
the result of the insambwe you make a good profit, you
should give the doctor a share, but this is not compulsory.
If on this trip you have the misfortune to die, you commit
buditazhi, because you have robbed the doctor of what he
might have been given by you. He can claim to take two
of your cattle at the partition of your property, or in default
one of your relations as his slave. On the other hand, if
the doctor dies while you are still under treatment, you
can claim damages from his estate : he has ditaya'd you.
The same applies to the medicine called wombidi.

To illustrate various points we give the following notes
of cases tried in the Magistrates' Courts :

i. This case had been going on for five years. Shimunza

396 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

had a claim against another man, and handed it to his
friend Mooba to obtain a settlement. Mooba succeeded in
getting a cow, and, as a reward, was offered successively
three strings of beads, an impande shell, a larger shell, and
an ox, all of which he refused as inadequate. Not getting
what he wanted he retained the cow, which in the meantime
had borne three calves. When Shimunza brought the case
to get his cow and the increase, Mooba alleged that Shimunza
had tuka'd him. They were advised, Mooba to give up the
cow and calves to Shimunza, and Shimunza to pay Mooba
an ox in recompense.

2. Fifteen years before, the Batwa had caught a cow
belonging to Nabwantu, and he sent Shintu to claim from
them. He succeeded in getting a cow, an impande shell,
and some beads ; Nabwantu was dissatisfied with this, so
Shintu returned to the Batwa and secured another cow and
a calf. As a recompense, Shintu claimed one of the cows,
but Nabwantu offered him only a bull-calf, and then an
ox, which he considered sufficient, but Shintu did not.
Shintu was awarded a heifer calf.

3. Two men, named Shachibinzha and Shikanda, went
to the Batwa to sell canoes. Shikanda was successful in
selling his for an ox, and gave Shachibinzha a lump of
tobacco for his assistance. They returned home and set
to work to make other canoes, and as Shachibinzha' s was
finished first they left Shikanda's for a later trip, and went
off with the one. They sold Shachibinzha' s canoe for an
ox. They then went off to collect debts elsewhere ; Shachi-
binzha was successful in getting two cows and an ox, but
Shikanda was not able to get anything. He then claimed
a cow from Shachibinzha for the help he had given him.
Persisting in his claim, he was promised an unborn calf,
but when it was born Shachibinzha paid it away, and
Shikanda, being angry, seized his companion's cow.

4. Two men travelling were attacked by a lion. When
the first, Shako, was in the lion's grip, the other, Nabotu,
went to his assistance and the lion seized him, leaving Shako
who got away. Nabotu was rescued, and his people claimed
and got a cow from Shako's people because Nabotu had
got his injuries while assisting Shako. When, later, Nabotu

CH. xv THE RIGHTS OF PROPERTY 397

recovered, Shako's people claimed for the restitution of
the cow.

5. When Kasako's wife died he claimed a substitute
from her people, who refused both to provide one and to
give back the chiko. The deceased woman's brother, who
was now dead, had received four cows as part of the chiko,
and so Kasako claimed for them on the heirs. Not being
satisfied with the offer of one cow, he brought the case to
court.

6. These three cases arose out of the distribution of the
property of one chief. He had a daughter, Posha, to whom
he had given an as yet unborn child ; later, when it was
weaned, she took it to her husband's home. When her
father died she brought an ox to the funeral, but it was
refused : and the heirs seized the child her father had given
her. This was a great insult and injury, and the woman
made a claim for the ten cows that had been given as chiko
for her. During the same chief's life, a certain man named
Kabo fell in love with one of his wives and committed
adultery with her ; he brought a cow to the funeral and
would have no lukono but the wife. The people tried to
dissuade him from taking her at once : " The tears are not
yet dry," they said; "when the woman has completed her
mourning you can have her," but he persisted. Later, the
heir claimed for her restitution. One of the same chief's
wives was allotted to Shazuba, but as she had a violent
dislike for him she was handed to Mukale, one of the de-
ceased chief's sons. Shazuba then brought a claim for her
and succeeded.

SLAVERY, as far as we can trace, has always been an
institution among the Ba-ila, and still exists though it
is not recognised by the British authorities. We find it
impossible to compute the numbers of slaves still held,
but there must be thousands. We have no desire to
exaggerate the evils associated with this institution ; we
know that a great many slaves are treated kindly, but there
is nothing which gives one such an insight into the ruthless
nature of savage society as a study of slavery. The manner
in which men and women are enslaved, very often through
no fault of their own, the way in which mothers and children,
husbands and wives, are torn apart, the cold-blooded way
in which they are often, nay, mostly, treated as on a level
with the cattle — nay, on a lower level — all this makes up an
unhappy picture.

i. How PEOPLE BECOME SLAVES

There are two chief ways in which people may be
enslaved :

First, by purchase from slave-traders or from others ;
and, second, on account of faults committed either by
themselves or by others.

We have seen in an earlier chapter that in " ancient "
times Arab and Mambari slavers carried on a vigorous
traffic in this country, both buying and selling slaves.
In those lawless days, also, many prisoners were taken
during the intertribal wars, and these were largely detained

398

CH. xvi SLAVERY 399

as slaves. These sources of supply have now been cut off
by the advent of the Pax Britannica, but the surviving
slaves and their children are still held as slaves.

In addition to this, slaves have been, arid we believe
still are, on the quiet, traded among themselves. This
means in many cases simply a transference from one master
to another, but often a freeman, or freewoman, or the child
of such, is seized by a strong man and sold. People were
often waylaid on their way to the forest, or to water, and
hurried away to a distant village and sold. This might
mean trouble if it were discovered by the captive's kinsmen,
but a man of strength and wealth could easily get out of
the difficulty.

In those days a man wishing to buy slaves would equip
himself with merchandise, such as hoes, and go through
the country seeking somebody to trade with. He would
be asked what sort of a slave he wanted : boy, or girl, or
adult. The price commonly paid for a boy was five hoes,
with perhaps a sixth called the iamba dia musako (" the
hoe of the walking-stick ") given to clinch the bargain ;
a girl would fetch more, perhaps ten or twelve hoes ; we
have known an adult woman to be sold for ten baskets of
salt, five bunches of beads, and a hoe. During the bargain-
ing the unsuspecting boy (or girl) would be called, ostensibly
to bring the visitors some water or embers for their pipes,
but really to be examined to see that he was healthy and
fit. The boy (or girl) would not be told that he was
purchased, but was deceived by being told that he would
accompany the visitors and return presently. So without
farewell to mother or father the child was taken off into
slavery. It often happened that when an adult had thus
been purchased, on the return journey while the party was
resting in a village, the slave would throw ash upon the
chief, or other person, in the desperate hope of finding a
kinder master ; and then if the master wanted his slave
very much he had to redeem him, so that within a few days
he would have paid twice over for the same slave : other-
wise, he lost both slave and purchase money.

We may give some instances that have come under our
notice of this traffic in human flesh.

400 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

A man named Shialozhi brought a case against another
for calling him by a dead man's name, and was paid a man.
Some time afterwards he bought grain from Munampelo
and offered this man in payment. The man was at a
distant village, and as Shialozhi refused to accompany him,
Munampelo had to go alone to fetch him. The man refused
to go ; and eventually Shialozhi paid Munampelo a girl —
his daughter.

Shimunza bought a girl named Kabocha for salt ; some
time afterwards one of Shimunza's young men committed
adultery with the wife of a neighbouring chief, and Shimunza
had to pay Kabocha to the chief as a fine on his behalf ;
as compensation he then seized the sister of the young
man. The case came to our knowledge through Kabocha
asking us to secure her release : she was tired, she said,
of being a slave.

At Chinenga some people caught Mwanambo and sold
her to Shapela for goods. Fifteen years later her brother
turned up to redeem her from Shapela, and he demanded
five cows as ransom.

A certain man named Mwezwa bought a woman, Kacha,
for a cow, a calf, and a bull ; some time afterwards she ran
away home and her son sent her back to her master. Later
on she ran off again ; and this time she was away a whole
year and died. Mwezwa died and his son accused the
woman's son of .having caused her death, and got a cow out
of him. The Batwa, in whose village the woman died,
claimed heavily from Mwezwa's son for having buried his
slave for him.

Some people enslave themselves. Should, for example,
a person get into trouble and have not wherewithal to pay
the fines inflicted on him, it is open to him to go to some
wealthy man and say : "I have come to offer myself
(kuditula), for I have a fault against So-and-so, and I
want you to release me." If the man agrees, he pays the
fine and the other becomes his slave until such time as he
himself, or his kinsmen on his behalf, pay what the man
demands as ransom. What that may be depends on the
man's character, but generally the proverb is recalled in
such cases : Kombekache kazhala adi ikumi ("A tiny calf

CH. xvi SLAVERY 401

will one day give birth to ten ! ") which means that heavy
usury is to be claimed for any consideration you have given.

There is another way in which a man may get into slavery
—this time without realty intending it. He gets tired of
his own village and goes off to another, telling the chief
that with his permission he has come to stay and work
for him a time. His friends seek to get him back, but he
disowns them and stays on. He gets familiar with the
chief's wives and even becomes very intimate with them,
but when they report it to their husband he takes no notice :
he bides his time. Some visitors come, and among them
wives of a neighbouring chief, and the man gets into trouble
on their account. He is fined, and as he has nothing to
pay with and he has disowned his relations, his friend the
chief pays for him. The thing happens again and a claim
is made on the chief on behalf of the man ; he does not
deny his responsibility and tell them to go to the man's
relations ; he pays, and then turns to the man and says :
" Nobody asked you to come here : you came of your own
accord ; you came like a blind man who doesn't see where
he is going. Now you are my slave." And slave he remains.

Sometimes a person will enslave himself or herself
because of utter destitution and lack of friends. This
happened as an incident in the life of a much enslaved
woman named Nanshiku. She was captured while still
youthful one day when she was fishing. The news of her
captivity reached Mompizho, one of her relations, who
went off and redeemed her by giving up a slave : he then,
in a very cruel fashion, claimed Nanshiku as his own.
Her brother paid him seven stretches of calico, a blanket,
and two strings of beads, and brought Nanshiku to his
village. There she remained and was married. One by
one she lost all her children, then her brother, and then her
husband. Knowing of no other relations, and being left
alone, she enslaved herself to another man. Years passed
away and then a relation of hers turned up, paid her master
five blankets, four stretches of calico, and twenty-five
shillings, thereby releasing her, and took her to his own
village.

A very common source of slavery is the code of customary

VOL. I 2 D

402 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

laws summed up in the word buditazhi, the very essence of
which, as we have seen, is that the person breaking the law
is ip so facto a slave and must be redeemed.

Here are some ways in which the thing happens.

A woman, for some reason, took a bell off a dog's neck
and threw it away into the bush. The owner seized her as
his slave and sold her to another man, who in turn gave her
to his sister.

A woman visiting a friend was told by her to take what
food she wanted from the field. She helped herself to a
single maize-cob, but it was the wrong side of the boundary,
and the owner seized her as his slave. Later on, when the
Mambari came he sold her to them ; as they were in another
village a man heard of the way she had been treated and
persuaded her to throw ash on him, and thus escape from
the Mambari. She did so, and he told the Mambari, who
in vain tried to redeem her. The man's name was Salanga ;
he died, and the woman fearing what might happen ran
away to Mono. Salanga' s heir had to pay three pieces of
calico and a blanket to get her away from Mono.

In a year of severe famine, when the only food to eat
was wild fruit, a man named Kale was in the forest when
he was told that a certain woman had been caught stealing
young mealies out of his field. She was a distant relative,
and therefore he did not wish, he said, to be vindictive, but
took the woman and two of her children as his slaves. The
relations paid Kale a fine and he later on released the woman
and one of the daughters. The other daughter he married
himself and she bore him three children. The relatives
offered him heavy compensation, but he always refused to
release her, so she appealed to the magistrate, saying :
" People always call me a slave, I wish to be free."

Two women and a child, a girl, were passing through a
village and plucked a few tobacco leaves from a plant outside
one of the huts. The owner heard of this and followed them
up. He found them stamping the leaves, and seized one
of the women and the girl as slaves. He released the mother,
but kept the girl and afterwards sold her for ten hoes and
ten bags of salt. She was unmarried then, but with child.
She ran away, and her people refused to give her up as she

CH. xvr SLAVERY 403

had been enslaved on such a trivial protest, but they had to
pay the man a cow to release her.

Not stealing only, but more or less trivial, often unin-
tentional, acts of damage to property, are thought sufficient
to doom a person to loss of liberty.

Should a person make a mistake in a bed — not belonging
to a relation but to some one else — where he is sleeping, he
would be enslaved. To spit on a man, to foul him accidentally
when blowing one's nose, or to micturate upon him — for any
of these a person may be made a slave for life. To knock
out a tooth, in play or in fighting, is a very great crime,
which can only be expiated by a man surrendering his head
— which does not mean capital punishment, but slavery.

We have mentioned the way in which sometimes a man
takes possession of a woman without the permission of her
people. It is called budinjidizhi ("self-entry"). Suppose
a man comes across an unmarried woman and proposes to
live with her without the usual formalities of kusesa and
kukwa — asking for her hand and paying chiko. She may
agree : he lives with her, eats the food she provides, but
gives her nothing and gives her people nothing. It goes on
like that for a time, and the man gets tired of her and
proposes to leave her. Then she speaks up : "No, you
don't ! You simply entered my house, and now you want
to go ! No ! You are my slave : stay where you are."
The man becomes slave to the woman and her relations.
He has committed a crime against the bttditazhi code.

Should a woman who has aborted, and before she is
cleansed from her impurity, enter a person's house or eat
out of a person's dish who is not 'a relation, she ipso facto
becomes that person's slave ; or if more than one person
has been offended they sell her, and divide the proceeds.
She has rendered them liable to contract that horrible
disease, kafungo.

Again, should a woman break the receptacle (insambilo)
containing the medicine of a man or woman, she will be
enslaved unless there is somebody at her back — kumuzhima
kunuma is the phrase — to redeem her.

To burn down a village, or any part of it, is naturally
a great crime, even if committed accidentally through a

404 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

hut catching fire while a person is cooking in it. If the
person be a woman married from elsewhere to one of the
villagers, she will be enslaved. It is reckoned as equal to
murder — it is Iwembe, and unless the full amount of the
fine is forthcoming from her kinsmen, she will certainly be
kept as a slave. It is a warning always given to any one
who goes to live in another's village, Kukadisosola ku bantu
o ku shintu shonse ; watachita bobo ulazhimina (" Pay strict
regard to people and to their things not to damage them,
if you don't, you are lost ").

Kuidimuna mukabeni — to run off with another's wife,
may result in the enslavement of the perpetrator, or of his
mother or sister if he have not a slave to pay in their stead.

Many slaves are held on account of adultery. A fine is
usually paid, as we have seen, but the husband has the right,
if he thinks fit, to enslave the man, or his sister or mother.
Certainly if the man cannot pay the fine demanded, and has
nobody to pay for him, he will be enslaved. This of course
is a practice that is coming to an end under British rule.

Another reason for men being enslaved is this : Should
a man invite another to murder his enemy and afterwards
fail to give him the reward promised, then the man has to
surrender himself as slave to the other, unless, of course, he
can gather sufficient to redeem himself.

Harder cases are those in which perfectly innocent
people are enslaved, not for their own faults, but because of
the faults of others. The clan system, according to which
there is corporate responsibility for the crimes of a member,
often falls severely upon individuals.

Here is one case that came into court. A man named
Kabokota came to complain that before he was born the
brother of a chief, named Kaluya, had married one of his
(Kabokota's) relatives named Nabwantu. Some time after
the marriage Nabwantu committed a fault, and her husband
paid the fine to release her from the slavery into which she
had been taken on account of the fault. Shortly after, he
died, and his brother, Kaluya, " ate the name." He said
that as his brother had paid a fine on the woman's behalf
he would now take her children as his slaves. Nabwantu's
relations were angered at this, and Kabokota had brought

CH. xvi SLAVERY 405

money and calico to release the children. Kaluya gave up
the two sons, but refused to part with the daughters, and
so Kabokota brought the case to the magistrate.

A certain woman had a spite against another, and one
day, while this woman was in the act of delivering a child,
she caught hold of her in such a way that, so it was alleged,
she caused the child's death. The husband charged the
woman with the crime and her friends had to pay a man.

A certain man had intercourse with a young woman,
and becoming diseased with bunono shortly afterwards,
accused the woman of giving it to him, and enslaved both
her and her mother.

Another man lent a man ten shillings wherewith to pay
his hut tax, and in return was paid a woman.

A pregnant woman entered a hut in another village in
which there were twins. This of course was against Ila
law, and when some time afterwards the children died, the
woman was held to have caused their death. Her husband
and brother were made responsible, and friends had to
subscribe to release them from slavery. The woman herself
subscribed a cow, the husband an ox and five loaves of
tobacco, another person a shell, and another a slave, and
others other things : in all, five head of cattle, two shells,
six loaves of tobacco, and a slave !

A man named Chikumo seized another, Penze, and tied
him up saying he had a case against some people, and would
release Penze when he was paid the fines due to him. Penze
had no conceivable connection with the case, but Chikumo
expected that in this way he would compel Penze's friends
to come to his aid to collect the fines due to him.

The following case was about a matter that had occurred
before the claimant was born. Kalubu (father of the
claimant) killed the son of Mukobela, who, as Kalubu
wouldn't pay, caught a girl belonging to Kalubu, who
then brought three slaves and three cows to release the girl.
On the other hand Kazuba, the claimant, said he had paid
four shells, a cow and two blankets, one hoe, and ten strings
of beads to release the girl, and Mukobela stuck to them
and demanded a girl. Kazuba got a girl from his uncle to
pay him, and he said that on the second night she was at

406 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

Mukobela's place, Mukobela's child died, and Mukobela
claimed the girl to make up for it.

Many people are pressed into slavery as compensation
for the death of others.

In one case we knew of, a man named Lubesha went to
Mango's village for a wife. When, later, he took the woman
away, he asked Mango to give him a young lad, to whom he
had taken a fancy, to live with him for a time. Mango
agreed, and Lubesha took the boy, who unfortunately fell
sick and died a few days later. Mango claimed a slave as
compensation, but as Lubesha had no slave he gave Mango
his sister and her two children, Masamo and Lube. Before
Mango died a relative of the woman named Muswela paid
for the release of Masamo a slave named Chipila who had
a child in arms named Kabuka. Mango agreed to this, and
also promised that when Kabuka had grown up he would
compensate Muswela for her. At Mango's death, Lube ran
away, refusing to remain with the inheritor, but later she
returned and was married by Fofu. Mango before his death
had sold both Chipila and her child, and for the latter had
made no payment as promised. Both Fofu and Lubesha
had offered to ransom Lube, but he had refused. When
Mango died his nephew succeeded him, and had to settle
these matters as best he could.

Maso, a woman, was living among the Batema, and
Solwe was in the next village. One day Solwe killed a buck
and Maso's people went over to get some of the meat.
Shaba, Solwe's uncle, saw and admired Maso, and wished
to court and marry her. The elders of the village told him
to get the permission of Maso's relatives. Her uncle, Kabo,
was willing, but wished him to go with him to another
village to consult some others. It was agreed that he should
marry her, and they all made a plan to live some distance
off. On the road Shaba was carrying five pots of fat and two
parcels of salt. Presently a honey-guide appeared, and
Shaba, still carrying his burden, went off the road to get
the honey. But he did not return — for some reason, indeed,
he disappeared, and later on was captured and enslaved by
some of Shagele's people. When Solwe heard that his uncle
was missing, he went to Kabo and said that Shagele's people

CH. xvi SLAVERY 407

had killed Shaba, and Kabo was to blame as Shaba had
accompanied him and had married his niece. Solwe there-
fore claimed Maso as his slave. Kabo refused to give her up,
saying they were not to blame for Shabo's disappearance.
Solwe insisted, and eventually Kabo paid him ten hoes,
three shells, a bunch of beads, and four stretches of calico.
Then Shaba turned up, but Solwe refused to give back the
beads.

Manga inherited the name of Makoso. The child of
Shitwe, one of the headmen, fell sick and died, and Shitwe
said it was a sign that the ghosts were angry at Manga's in-
heriting, and claimed compensation for the death of the child.
As Manga had nothing to pay with, Shitwe seized Manga's
niece, Lubota, and also a shell. Manga was angry and went
to Lufuka to borrow some goods wherewith to redeem his
niece. He left his wife and son, Shilo, at the village. While
he was away, another of Shitwe's children died ; whereupon
he seized Shilo and gave him to a certain woman, telling
her to pray to the ghost of the deceased, i.e; Makoso, to
leave off troubling his children.

Sometimes a case like this happens :

A man has a debt owing him which he has had great
difficulty in recovering. He has a friend of forcible character
and induces him, by a promise of a substantial share of the
debt, to undertake its collection. He goes and so bullies
the debtor that he gets the debt — perhaps a slave. On his
return his friend finds he cannot fulfil his promise to give
a reward. Then the man has two courses open to him.
He either takes the slave he got for his friend, or he simply
bides his time. In the latter event, on the death of his
friend he puts in his claim to part of the inheritance. If
he is mercifully inclined, he will be content with a slave
equal in value to the one h§ secured for his friend, or if
harsher, he chooses a son or daughter of the deceased, and
will not be content till he has got what he wants.

It is things like this that induce men, who wish for the
prosperity of their children, to settle their own debts before
they die.

408 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

2. CHARACTER OF THE SLAVERY

Perhaps the most pitiful thing to be seen in Bwila —
where so many pitiful things meet the eye — is the old
female slaves turning out to work in the fields on a cold,
wet morning. Their skin is rough and dirty and hangs about
their bones in ugly wrinkles ; their only clothing is a scanty
ragged skin around their loins ; some of them have hair
grey, almost white ; they go shivering with cold, taking in
one hand a hoe and in the other a fragment of sherd with a
few live coals in it. They are on their way to work. Poor
souls — life for them is only work : nobody cares whether
they live or die, except the master, and he only because
they are his property. They are everybody's butt. You
can see as they shrink past you, with frightened glance, that
a kind word or look seldom or never comes their way ; and
if you bid them good-morning they drop on their haunches
and clap their gnarled old hands, while a faint smile chases
across their wrinkled faces.

One of these old women we found lying one morning
outside our gate. How old she was we could not say — she
might have been a hundred and fifty to judge by her wizened
appearance. She could hardly totter. All night she had
lain out in the veld. The day before she had been turned
out of the village by the master because she no longer had
strength to work, and she had crept to us for food and
shelter.

That is one side of the picture, but we should not like
to say that is every slave's fate. Many of them live fairly
happy lives, but however kind their masters are, the fact
remains, they are slaves ; they cannot call their souls and
bodies their own, and if they bear children they mostly
have no right to them, and they have no title to resent the
word slave (muzhike) flung at them. From the numerous
cases we have met, we should say that the fact of being a
slave, and being addressed as such, is keenly felt by the
majority of them.

Now, what rights have they as slaves ?

As regards marriage. A female slave may be sought in
marriage by a freeman not from her parents or guardians,

CH. XVI

SLAVERY

409

but from her owner. He demands some chiko. The mar-
riage takes place, but she does not cease to be a slave.
Every child she bears is a slave equally with herself, and

Photo E. 11' Smith.

AN OLD SLAVE WOMAN.

the owner may at any time take and sell them as he wishes.
She will hoe her husband's fields, but has her owner's to
do as well, and at any time may be summoned to leave her
own in favour of his. The owner, too, has rights over her
body — it is not hers, nor her husband's, but his.

410 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

A male slave will be given a wife by the owner, one of
his female slaves, and the same conditions prevail, aggravated
in this case by the fact that at any moment, without warning,
his wife may be taken from him, given to another, or sold.

A slave woman who finds favour in her master's eyes
may be in a better position. If he marries her, her children
will be free. It may be that if he has no children by other
wives, her children will not only be free but take an honour-
able position, and one of them may " eat " his father's name.

An unmarried slave-woman is named nabutema (Butema
means slavery, says Mungaila ; the word is also applied
to the condition of any unmarried person). Her owner
may sleep with her, but it is regarded by the married women
as an indignity offered to them, and if a woman finds her
husband doing it he will have to pay, or she will go home.
They are practically prostitutes. The young men of the
owner do much as they like with them, without getting into
trouble ; if a man of another kraal wants one of them he
can just give her a chipo (a present). If he doesn't give
her chipo, she will get one of the young men to squeeze
him, and will perhaps share the proceeds. These women
are often lent by the chiefs ; we found one in our compound
who had been lent to three young men. Such a person can
give her something or not, as he pleases. The chipo may
be her own — there is no rule, seemingly ; but the owner can
take them if he wish. He can do anything he pleases. Who
is to say ? If any one wishes to marry her she may be
allowed by the chief ; he has to give chiko — not so much as
for a free woman ; and the children are the owner's.

As for the right of protection of life and limb, a master
will in his own interests, if from no more humane motive,
see that his slaves are not ill-treated by other people.
Anybody beating them will have him to reckon with. The
slaves of a strong man enjoy therefore considerable im-
munity, but at the same time they are absolutely in his
hands. If he chose to beat, or even to kill, under the
old regime nobody had the right to interfere. If it were a
person held by him for a debt, his relations might be inclined
to resent any ill-treatment, and especially a mortal violence,
but he always had the answer ready, " He was my slave !

CH. xvi SLAVERY 411

You might have redeemed him and didn't." In case of a
death, the owner would kill the luloa — one or two cattle,
eaten by the people of the village to allay the wrath of the
demigod, but that would be the end.

A slave might hold property, but he could never call it
his own. As a matter of fact, most slaves neither own any-
thing nor have an opportunity of owning anything. But
some do. They may gain by trading or hunting, and their
masters encourage them in this, knowing well that they can
at any time avail themselves of the property thus gained.
As the Ba-ila say, whatever a slave holds it shares in its
owner's slavery (nduzhike nina). We are told that there
are slaves who have more than their masters, but still it is
not really theirs.

A slave cannot redeem himself, so as to be free. But
the Ba-ila speak of a slave redeeming himself when they
mean that by industry and zeal in his master's service a
man may raise himself to a position of trust and influence,
so that he may have the name mwenzhina shimatwangakwe
(" his lord's friend ").

If a man were zealous, he would do all he could to
increase his master's wealth. A slave might.be sent to
trade, and would do his utmost to gain slaves for his master.
As these increased, he would be regarded by them as their
chief, and so would enjoy the dignity of being able to say
to one servant, do this ; and to another, do that.

The slavery among the Ba-ila is thus seen to be, in
essentials, real slavery and not mere serfdom. It has its
mitigations. A person held for crimes committed has the
hope that somebody may turn up to redeem him. And any
slave, ill-treated beyond endurance, can always transfer
himself to another and more kindly owner by throwing
ash upon him. This process reminds us of that of notae
datio, as existing in Mahommedan countries.

But when all is said and done, a slave is a slave, and his
lot is not an enviable one.

On July 16, 1906, a proclamation was issued by Lewanika,
the paramount chief, declaring that all slaves held by him
and his people were thereby free. He expressed his desire
that this would cause an end of slavery in his dominions,

412 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

and especially that trading in men, the exchange of men,
and the separation of families, man and wife, parent and
child, would be no more. The chiefs and headmen were to
continue to have the power of calling up their people to do
certain works en corvee, for twelve days a year ; if kept
beyond that time, they were to be paid for their services.
Under this law, no persons held in slavery hitherto could
leave their old master's village to live elsewhere, except with
the master's permission ; but they might leave without that
if, on being married, he or she should choose to live in the
other's village ; or if they were ill-treated ; or if the master
refused permission to marry ; or if the slave was a foreigner,
and his people lived in some other portion of Lewanika's
kingdom. A person in such a state had the right to return
home if his people paid, or if he paid for himself, two pounds.
This law was taken to extend to the Bwila, as forming
part of Lewanika's reputed possessions. And it has been
understood that there is no such thing as slavery recognised,
and that any slave on paying two pounds, or having it paid
on his behalf, is free to go where and do what he pleases.
A few have been released in this way ; but naturally the
masters do not like it, and it is doubtful whether the slaves
understand the matter.1

1 Captain Dale, writing from N. Rhodesia in November 1917, tells
me : " The Government has taken up a very strong attitude over domestic
slavery and refuses to recognise it at all." The men and women were
assembled in each district and had the matter explained to them. Those
who wished to claim their freedom were told to step out, and were given
certificates without any mention of the £-2. "It created a great stir and
scores claimed their freedom." This is good news and the B.S.A. Co. is
heartily to be congratulated. E. W. S.

CHAPTER XVII

*

THE REGARD FOR LIFE

i. HOMICIDE

WE have already seen that even trivial injuries, such as
knocking out a tooth or plucking out hair, are regarded
as serious offences, and might result in the enslavement of
the offender. The heinousness of an assault depends upon
the relative status of the men concerned. For a man to
beat his slave to death is no crime, for a man to spear his
nephew is no crime, but for a slave or an ordinary freeman
to assault a chief in even a minor way, as, for example, by
catching him around the waist, is regarded as a serious
offence, involving expulsion of the freeman from the
community, and, as for the slave, death or a heavy fine
upon his master.

There are some things which might lead us to suppose
that the Ba-ila have a high regard for human life. One is
the extraordinary precautions taken to secure the well-
being of the unborn child and, in some respects, of the
sucking child, and the severity with which everything
that leads to the destruction of the former is punished.
Another is the infrequency of capital punishment ; it was
rarely inflicted except in case of witchcraft, for which no
clemency was ever shown. The proverb we quoted in
connection with banishment applies to this also. "Any
old pole will fill a hole in the fence," which is to say : every
member of a community has his value ; he at least adds to
the number of the community however worthless he may
be in himself. To kill a person beca use he has killed another

413

414 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

is ridiculous ; why make a bigger hole in the community ?
Fine him, yes, but unless he is a veritable danger to the
others, let him live.

But it is not human life qua life that is held sacred.
They recognise that apart from war, when of course to
kill one's opponent is not only legitimate but a virtue,
there are occasions when killing is no murder. No abstract
regard for life prevents them, for example, from killing those
whose continued existence is a menace.

The killing of a person, per se, is not a crime, but is an
offence, (i) against his clan ; (2) against the communal
god ; (3) against the person's ghost, and (4) against the
hidden forces of nature. That is to say, behind the respect
for life there is a wholesome fear of the consequences. The
clan is injured in that it loses a member, and anything that
injures a member injures the clan. The communal god,
the guardian of the community, is injured in the killing
of one of his people : they are regarded as his children,
and further, as we have heard it put, he is responsible to
still higher powers, Leza, for their welfare. There is the
man's own ghost to be reckoned with also, who resents
being ushered violently into' the cold, dreary ghost-world,
and may retaliate by haunting the slayer. And, moreover,
there is something uncanny about spilling blood ; it is
tonda, it is malweza, in certain cases, if not in all ; some-
thing which sets the mysterious world-forces against you.
These, it must be conceded, are considerable checks upon
the man-slaying propensities of the Ba-ila.

It will be seen that these checks work in no uniform
manner. They operate cumulatively against killing, e.g.
one's mother. A stray foreigner, however, has no clansmen
at hand to avenge his murder ; he is not under the protection
of the communal god ; his ghost is not at home among
strange ghosts and can easily be driven back to its own
home ; and there remains only the bad luck that blood-
shedding brings, and that with the help of friendly doctors
is without much difficulty averted. Such stray foreigners
did well to keep out of Bwila in the old days and still need
to be wary. Even to-day such strangers occasionally dis-
appear mysteriously, and the Ba-ila stick so closely by

CH. xvii THE REGARD FOR LIFE 415

each other that it is difficult, almost impossible, to discover
the crime.

The principle that homicide is an offence against the
victim's clan has to be read in connection -with another,
that a person cannot ditaya his own clan. One, therefore,
who slays his mother, or other member of the clan, is not
called to public account, but does not thereby escape ;
indeed the penalty is heavier than the payment of twenty
cows, and is not so easily disposed of. There is something
about blood, whether it be the smell, or the sight, or the
associations of it, that gives rise to abhorrence and fear.
Kill a pig and attempt to drive its mate past the pool of
blood ; observe the sudden spring aside and alarmed snort
given by an antelope when it comes near the blood of a
fellow, and you will see how early this aversion is developed.
In man this instinct is still strong, until indeed it is civilised
out of him ! So that to shed blood is uncanny ; it gives
the mysterious powers a hold on you. Warriors have always
to be doctored to take away the consequences of their
having slain, however legitimately, in battle. And whether
in those or in any other circumstances you kill a person
you must be careful to cut a short stick, split it partly
down the middle, stretch the two sides apart, and jump
through the cleft three or four times in order to avert the
evil consequences. If you find a man dead in the veld,
you do not tell lest you be suspected of having killed him,
but, because the evil consequences may blindly attach
themselves to you, you are careful to jump through a cleft
stick as though you had actually killed him. This is apart
from haunting by the ghost : it is as if the effect of your
deed fastened itself upon you. And if the person you kill
be a blood relation, a clansman, or even one related to you
closely by marriage, the effect is one you cannot shake off,
not even by jumping through a cleft stick ; and no medicine
in the world will rid you of the consequences.

At Nanzela there was a young man named Kabadi who
in a quarrel killed one of his father's wives by hitting her
with a stick. The woman's clansmen had to be paid heavy
damages, the communal god had to be propitiated, the
ghost had to be laid, but that was by no means all. The

416 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

man was kuta : that is, the evil consequence, the curse,
was upon him. Everybody knew that, though nobody
knew how it would work out in his case. When years
afterwards Kabadi committed suicide, they recognised how
the curse had at last taken effect.

Chikuto (formed from kukuta) is the special kind of
curse that falls upon a person who sins against close rela-
tions. It is chikuto, e.g., for a son to see his mother's naked-
ness, and sometimes a woman who has a disobedient son
will deliberately remove her garments and expose herself
before him : he is then kuta — a mukute, he is called, and
will come to a bad end. So of any one who kills his father,
mother, maternal uncle, brother, sister, child, the people
say, " Mukute wezo ! Toongola janshi, pe, ulafwa chikuto,
ulafwa inzanganzanga " (" That cursed one ! He will not
live long on the earth, no, he will die of chikuto, he will
die a violent death in the veld "). A lion will take him, or
he will be drowned, or what he has done will so change
him that he will go on killing others, will become a warlock,
and at last be killed by his fellows.

Senicide and the killing of incurables are followed by
similar consequences. We cannot say that we have ever
actually known cases of this sort ; we were hardly likely
to hear of them ; but we are told that they happen, and
the Ba-ila have a word (kusaulula) for the action. We knew
once a very old man — the oldest man we have met in
Bwila, very near being a centenarian — whose daughters,
we were told, said he had lived too long and they would
kill him. Some time afterwards the old man, who was
sleeping in a hut alone, rose in the night, stumbled and
fell into the fire, and died next day of his injuries. So he
escaped the fate those Gonerils were alleged to have con-
templated for him. Some old people, tired of their life,
ask to be killed, or rail and curse everybody they meet
with the idea of so provoking them that they will lose their
tempers and knock them on the head. As the Ba-ila say :
" Balatukana mafwila " (" They curse to give a reason for
dying"). They are very patient with such old people, and
have the saying: " Mupami riakulemanina taingulwa"
(" An aged person if he angers you is not to be answered ").

CH. xvn THE REGARD FOR LIFE 417

To kill such, or to give a death-stroke to a hopeless invalid,
is regarded as wrong. Should a shikatemamudilo — a lawless
fellow, or a shinchetela-mozo — a passionate fellow, commit
the crime he is punished : if a stranger, by having to pay
the full penalties of homicide, or if a relative and therefore
incapable of buditazhi, by being left to the chikuto. What
makes it the more dangerous to cut short the life of old men
is that in the course of long years they have accumulated
perhaps many of the misamo we described in Chapter X.,
such as lubabankofu and ngongoki, which produce dis-
comfort, emaciation, madness, and death in any one who
seeks to do them harm.

As we have said, the ghost of a murdered person has
to be reckoned with. This we shall more conveniently deal
with in another connection. We also reserve for a later
section an account of the luloa (blood-offering ; cf. buloa,
" blood ") made to the communal god, and consisting of
two head of cattle. Here we may speak of the Iwembe,
the fines paid to the members of the murdered man's
clansmen.

Quarrels are of frequent occurrence in a village, especially
when the men are heated by drinking much beer during a
feast. Free fights take place with sticks and spears. Should
on any occasion a man kill another, he is liable to be at
once speared by the other's friends, and it would be accounted
chadiyana (" vengeance ") and no crime. But generally
the man's friends intervene and protect him, and the
matter is brought before the chief. He awards the damages,
which may be twenty cattle. These constitute the Iwembe.
The man's clansmen, enga (contribute) these, and they are
paid over to the murdered man's clan. They must also
enga the two head as luloa. They get a doctor to physic
the murderer, to lay the ghost and avert the ill-luck, and
the case is at an end.

Before leaving the subject we may make mention of
the extraordinary fact that there is a part of the Kasenga
chishi, named Isanti, the inhabitants of which are exempt
from paying any damages on account of murder. The
tradition is that the ancient chief Shimunenga, who was
living at Kane, envied the Banachindwe their fine site at

VOL. i 2 E

4i8 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

Mala and planned to dispossess them. He represented to
them that at Isanti there were great herds of elephant and
buffalo, and being such splendid hunters he was sure they
would like to go and kill them. The Banachindwe turned
out to a man for a hunt ; and on their return found
Shimunenga and his people comfortably settled in their
villages at Mala. When they expressed their indignation,
the chief replied, " You go and live at Isanti, and as a
recompense I give you this privilege : you shall be exempt
from all Iwembe and luloa ; you may kill, and no blame
shall attach to you." From that day to this, killing is no
murder at Isanti.

2. FETICIDE

Here is a native account given to us : Should a woman
become pregnant she is taboo ; she is not to be slept with
by any man but her husband. Should another sleep with
her the child will not be ; it will be born the day following.
But the woman is not delivered in peace (chitela), but in
a state of unconsciousness (mu chiu] not knowing what is
taking place, and the child comes from the womb dead.
Why ? Because she slept with a man other than the one
she always sleeps with. Now that also is a case for Iwembe.
The man is in fault against the woman's clan who are
bereft of a child, and also against the husband of the woman.
They all take it up, saying, " This is a great matter. Why
is our child killed by this man ? Let him die also ! " But
the elders who have seen these things before say, " No,
he is not to die ; let him pay the Iwembe." So he has to
pay what they decide upon. Sometimes in addition to the
child being born dead, the mother also dies, and then
there are two Iwembe faults. The Iwembe for the mother
is paid first, and then that for the child. The greater is
for the mother's death, and this is not paid, as is the Iwembe
for the child, to both the husband and the wife's clan, but
only to the latter.

If a pregnant woman is vexed at being in that con-
dition and desires that the child shall not be, she goes
to somebody, an old woman maybe, who she is informed

CH. xvn THE REGARD FOR LIFE 419

has an abortifacient (musamo wa kuyazha mafu}. The old
woman asks her, " Do you wish to kill yourself ? " and she
replies, " I don't care." " Bring me a gift," says the hag,
and the woman gives her something big, because she knows
that to procure abortion is the death of a person. Then
the old woman hands her the medicine with directions how
to take it at home. Having drunk it, the woman feels
pains in her abdomen, and whether there be a child formed,
or not, she aborts. Maybe somebody has observed her
drinking the medicine and tells the husband. He puts the
question to her, " Wife, is it true that you got and drank
medicine, and that is the reason of this effusion ? ' ' The
woman begins to deny it, saying, " No, no, the abortion
came of itself." Then the person who witnessed her is sent
for and the wife convicted. She is silent and hangs her
head in shame. Thereupon the husband and his clansmen
rise in indignation, and addressing the woman's people say
fiercely, " Pay Iwembe for killing our child." The others
have nothing to say, but pay up. And the woman who
dispensed the medicine is not overlooked ; they are in the
mess together (literally, Balabila ibia diomwinana , " they
boil as one pot "), and she will have to pay. Twenty head
of cattle is the amount paid, and it is divided among the
man's clansmen.

3. INFANTICIDE

This is practised, or was practised, until quite recently,
in certain definite cases where it was thought that otherwise
misfortune would overtake the family. These cases were
as follows : (i) A child who should happen to defaecate in
being born (waletelela o mazhi). (2) A child who should be
born feet foremost (wazhalwa chimpini). (3) A child who
should be born with a tooth already cut. (4) A child born
of a woman who has not yet menstruated ; called mwana
utaselwa, or mwana wa mfunshi, (" child of the fist ").
These are destroyed immediately after birth. More cruel
are the cases when the child does not develop untoward
symptoms until later. These are : (5) A child that when
three years old, or so, is unable to walk. It may be born

420 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

strong and healthy, but when the time comes it shows no
disposition to walk, but simply crawls about. Then if
there have been any misfortunes in the mother's or father's
family — and what family is there that goes for three years
without some misfortune ? — the relations begin to look
askance upon the child. " Look at it," they say ; " that is
the one that brings misfortune upon us, wakalweza. Let
it be thrown away ! It will bring us all to an untimely
end ! " And they destroy it. (6) A child who cuts the
first tooth on the upper jaw is also killed.

Of the last we will give an account in one of our
informants' own words: " The child, whether boy or girl,
is born without the slightest defect and goes on growing
without blemish. It is nursed by the mother and fondled
by mother and father until the time comes for cutting the
teeth. They grow of themselves, or because they are rubbed
with medicine. And perhaps an upper tooth is cut first.
When the mother notices it she says nothing ; and should
any one not a relation notice it he says nothing, being afraid
that he might get into trouble ; the relations would say,
' Why do you look in the mouth of our child ? Waditaya,
you have committed buditazhi.' But if a relation of the
child's mother sees it she at once tells the others, ' So-
and-so's child has cut its first tooth on top.' When the
clan members hear this they call the woman, saying, ' Let
her come and bring her child for us to see.' On her arrival,
they ask her, ' This child of yours has it not grown well ? '
She answers, ' Tchita, who knows ? ' Then they play
with and tickle the child to make it laugh, so that they
can see into its mouth. They see the tooth coming out of
the top gum, and turn upon the mother in anger : ' Why
have you hidden this thing from us — this taboo thing ? '
Then the husband's and wife's clansmen consult together,
saying, ' This child is malweza. Let it be thrown away.'
Nobody dissents, for all know that it is tonda for a child
to grow the first tooth above. So they throw it away, and
nobody weeps and nobody complains."

Nobody, that is to say, but the mother, and she may not
give loud expression to her grief in the customary fashion.
It is tonda. However much she may rebel against the

CH. xvii THE REGARD FOR LIFE 421

custom she must acquiesce. And they do rebel against it.
We remember a woman who after giving birth overheard
the old crones discussing how to destroy the child, for it
had been born with a tooth in the mouth. The mother
snatched up the child, stole out of the hut, and began to
run to us for protection. In her weak state she was easily
overtaken, and the last she heard of it was its pitiful wail
as it was carried off to destruction. This mother certainly
rebelled against the tyranny of custom, but in all prob-
ability had it been another's child and not her own she
would have insisted with the others upon its being killed.
Such children bring misfortune, and to the minds of the
Ba-ila it is better to destroy the one rather than have
whole families suffer.

As to the manner of killing them, a woman takes the
doomed child upon her back in a skin, in the usual way,
and goes either to the river or to a large ant-bear or other
hole in the veld. Without stopping, or looking round, she
slips the fastenings of the skin and allowing the child to
fall into the water or hole walks straight on.

A living child born of a woman who dies in the act of
bearing it, or soon after, is buried with its mother. This
does not come under the same category as the other cases
just described, for the motives are different.

4. SUICIDE

This is by no means uncommon among the Ba-ila.
The methods adopted are usually either by smoking
mufwebabachazi, a very strong narcotic poison, or hanging,
or spearing. The reasons often seem trivial enough, but
bear testimony to their sense of dignity.

One of the most striking cases we have known was a
little boy of seven or eight years of age at Chiyadila who
was reproved by his mother for leaving his baby brother.
The reproof apparently rankled so that, starting with the
other youngsters to set their bird-traps, he left them and
hanged himself by a cord to a little fig tree.

Women unhappily married very often threaten to com-
mit suicide, and sometimes carry it out. One of Malukwa's

422 THE ILA-SPEAKING PEOPLES PT. m

wives, at Namwala, was ordered by the magistrate to
return to her husband. She left the court, ostensibly for
another reason, and was found lying dead very shortly
afterwards with a pipe alongside her, having smoked
mufwebabachazi.

The most dramatic we knew was a case at Banamwazi.
A headman quarrelled with his wife over a basket of meal
she wanted to give away and he wanted cooked. She went
off, attempted mufwebabachazi, and finally hanged herself
in the hut, but was cut down. He, in remorse and not
knowing that she was recovering, stabbed himself three
times, aiming at the heart, but getting the breastbone
each time. They both recovered and lived happily after-
wards.

The attempt sometimes is not serious, as with a man
we knew of at Lubwe (in February 1907), who pretended
to stab himself -in the thigh, as if to sever an artery ; he
inflicted only a small wound on himself, and was soundly
laughed at for his pains.

A man when passing through a village was accused of
stealing, and the shame of it so preyed upon his mind that
he attempted suicide by driving a spear into his abdomen.
Though the wound was severe it was not fatal, and by
the assiduous care of the Government officials at Namwala
he recovered. He then put in a claim for eight head of
cattle against the people of the village. The magistrate
expressed his surprise : " Why such a claim ? They didn't
stab you." "No," was the answer, " but they caused me
to stab myself."

In March 1907 a man named Julwi committed suicide
after murdering a child. His father also then killed
himself.

To get out of trouble, remorse, shame, pique, sorrow —
are thus all teasons for the act.

This is what one of our informants says about it :

" One man kills himself for very little reason, another
because he has committed a great fault and thinks, ' This
affair is bad for me. I can't stand it. I had better get
medicine and smoke it and so get away from the bad
business.' Whereas, of course, nobody can destroy a fault

CH.XVII THE REGARD FOR LIFE 423

by killing himself, he simply leaves it to his relatives to
settle. When a man commits suicide, those who wish weep
for him, but in the old days nobody dreamed of weeping,
for they said, ' He has wrought malweza.' It is taboo to
kill oneself. Even for a man to purpose suicide and not
carry it out is malweza ; one of his relations will suddenly
die in consequence."

END OF VOL. 1

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