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ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
AND TOPOGRAPHY
BY THE SAME AUTHOR,
STUDIES IN IRISH HISTORY
AND BIOGRAPHY,
MAINLY OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
8vo. 121. td, net.
LONGMANS, GREEN, & CO., 39 Paternoster Row. London,
New York and Bombay.
ILLUSTRATIONS OF
IRISH HISTORY
AND TOPOGRAPHY,
MAINLY OF THE SEVEN-
TEENTH CENTURY
BY
C. LITTON FALKINER
WITH THREE MAPS
LONGMANS, GREEN, AND CO.
39 Paternoster Row, London, New York
and Bombay. 1904
All rights reserved
TO
THE PRESIDENT AND MEMBERS
OF THE
ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY
THIS VOLUME
IS RESPECTFULLY DEDICATED
PBEFACE
Though the title of this volume is intended to indicate its
limitations, it may be well, in order to avoid misconception
of its modest aims, to state plainly in this preface its precise
scope and purpose. It consists, as a glance at the table of
contents will show, of two separate parts. Part I. comprises
what, for want of a better distinction, must be termed a series
of original papers. Part II. contains a number of accounts
or descriptions of Ireland in the seventeenth century by
seventeenth-century writers. The book has originated in the
desire to realise for myself the social condition of Ireland at a
period singularly pregnant of lasting effects upon her history ;
andl have ventured to think that some of the results of a study
undertaken with that object may prove interesting to others.
The difficulty I have experienced in finding the materials
for my purpose has induced me to believe that a collection
of some of the less accessible descriptions of Ireland for the
period under consideration may not be unwelcome to fellow
students in the same field.
In the papers collected in Part I., accordingly, an
endeavour is made to illustrate the manner and degree in
which the local and general history of the country are inter-
twined. Some of the associations which attach to particular
buildings and localities are brought out in the papers on
Dublin Castle and the Phoenix Park. The degree in which
the progress of the constitutional and administrative history
viii ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTOBY
of the country, or the evolution of its social condition, has
been governed by the accidents of its local development or
of its physical characteristics is indicated in the papers on
' The Counties of Ireland ' and * The Woods of Ireland.'
While in all the papers, but more especially in that on ' The
Irish Guards/ 1 have been solicitous to show that Irish history
is richer than we are apt to suppose in incidents and episodes
which are interesting and attractive quite irrespective of
those historical sympathies which are so conmionly governed
by our political predilections, and is adorned with episodes
in which all parties may take pride. The papers on the
' Commercial History of Dublin * and * The Parish Church
of the Irish Parliament ' are more limited in their scope
than the rest ; but they, too, touch points of interest which
are common to all inquirers into the historical associations
of the Irish capital.
It may easily appear impertinent to ask the attention of
readers to such by-products of historical research as the
papers printed in Part I. But it is hoped that no such
objection will be raised to the contents of Part II. The
narratives or descriptions selected from the numerous
accounts of Ireland in the seventeenth century which have
been left by travellers of the time are of course very far
from exhaustive, but at any rate they are fairly represen-
tative. The choice of the descriptions printed has been
determined mainly by two considerations, viz. either by
their rarity or by their representative character. I have
endeavoured to select descriptions which are at once little
known and difficult of procurement by the ordinary reader,
and which at the same time cover a fairly wide field of
observation. It would have been a simple matter to make
the collection for the earlier portion of the century much
more complete. But such works as Barnaby Eich's
* New Description of Ireland ' in 1610, and Lithgow's
account of his 'Bare Adventures and Painful Peregrina-
PBEFAOB ix
tions ' in 1619, are too much encumbered by the theological
controversies of the time to be appropriate to the design of
this book. For the same reason the chapters 'Touching
Beligion ' in the Fourth Part of Fynes Moryson's ' Itinerary '
have been discarded. It is of course impossible that the
impressions of seventeenth-century writers should fail to be
coloured by the contentions of the time. Most if not all of
these accounts reveal the prejudices of the writers. But of
those which I have selected it can at least be said that the
descriptive element predominates in all of them, and that
the controversial motive is not the most conspicuous.
The systematic study of the social and topographical
side of modem Irish history has not hitherto found many
illustrators. And the materials for such a study are, with
few exceptions, difficult of access to all but students, and
little known to any but specialists in a department of inquiry
in which specialists are few. For, though the importance
of the local and antiquarian side of Irish history has
been insisted on by more than one writer, not much has
been done to exhibit the topography, the archaeology,
or the social development of the country in their proper
relation to the general history of Ireland. To say this is
not to ignore the value of the admirable work in both
spheres which has enriched the publications of the various
archaeological and antiquarian societies. As the references
throughout this volume will suffice to show, the Journals
both of the Kilkenny and the Ulster Archaeological Societies,
to name only the two oldest of the provincial associations,
abound in materials of real value and interest concerning
the social state of Ireland in the sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries. But, with the exception of the admirable chapter
on Elizabethan Ireland with which Mr. Bagwell concludes
his ' Ireland under the Tudors,' not much has been done to
utihse this information for historical as distinguished from
strictly antiquarian purposes. Perhaps the failure to do so
X ILLUSTRATIONS OP IBISH HISTOBY
is one of the reasons why works on modem Irish history
fail to attract a wider public.
But, apart from this consideration, it is certain that the
elucidation of the social and topographical history of Ireland
has failed to keep pace with the growth of scientific
archaeology and the extension of antiquarian studies. No
one who considers the point to which these studies had
attained under the guidance of such writers as Ware and
Petty can be satisfied with the progress made since their
time in the spheres of their respective inquiries. Nor will a
perusal of Bishop Nicholson's * Irish Historical Library '
make us entirely satisfied with the advance effected in the
interval of almost two centuries which has elapsed since
the publication of that meagre, yet still useful, analysis of
the materials then existing for historical research. Sixty
years ago there were signs of a genuine revival of interest
in Irish historical studies. But the encouragement which
historical inquiry seemed likely to receive from the Young
Ireland movement W€is deprived of its principal impetus by
the premature death of its founder. There are still no better
summaries of the main sources of knowledge, as there are
certainly no more stimulating exhortations to the study of
Irish history, than are to be found in the Essays of Davis,
whose fine historical instinct was seldom mastered by his
political prepossessions. But Davis did not live to accom-
plish the work he planned, and little has since been done
to give effect to his views.
The poverty of performance during the last century may
conveniently be illustrated by considering the case of Irish
county history. More than a century and a half has
elapsed since the first formal history of an Irish County was
presented to the public by Walter Harris, the well-known
editor of Ware, in his account of 'The Antient and
Present State of the County of Down/ published in 1744.
Harris was a man of large aims; and though his actual
PREFACE XI
performance was scarcely worthy of the magnitude of his
conceptions, Irish archsBology owes him a debt which has
scarcely been sofiEiciently acknowledged. For although he
was one of those men who are debarred either by an
exaggerated fastidiousness or by constitutional indolence
from doing justice to their capacity, he knew how to
stimulate others to activity. It is interesting to recall the
fact, honourable alike to the author who designed and the
legislature which encouraged a scheme of research much in
front of its age, that Harris was endowed by the Irish
Parliament in 1755 with a pension to aid and assist him
in his historical researches. Moreover a petition from him
praying assistance for a projected history of Ireland was
approved by a committee of the House of Commons, which
reported in favour of the publication of the materials he
had accumulated, and was willing to devote a sum of 2,2602.
to that object — perhaps the earliest instance in the Three
Kingdoms of state endowment of historical research. Yet
although the history of the county Down was intended to
be the first of a series of County Histories, the scope and
plan of which were very deliberately formulated, and ilotwith-
standing that an association known as the Physico-Historical
Society was actually formed for the purpose of editing and
publishing a complete set of County Histories, only a very
few of the works thus designed ever saw the light. To
Charles Smith, the energetic Secretary of the Society just
mentioned, who may well be termed the pioneer of systematic
local history in this country, we owe the admirable Histories
of the Counties of Cork, Kerry, and Waterford, which, with
all the limitations and defects of their design, are and will
ever remain of the utmost value, not only as authentic
pictures of those districts at the time when Smith wrote,
but as preserving for us much traditional history which but
for him must long ago have perished.
It is true indeed that the scheme of which Harris and
xii ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
Smith were the principal supporters was not itself original,
and that a project of a very similar kind had been conceived
nearly three quarters of a century earlier. Gonnaught is
scarcely the province which we should expect to find in
the van in such inquiries. Yet it is to Galway and to a
Galway writer that we owe the earliest known endeavours,
if not towards a County History, at any rate towards a
detailed description of a considerable section of an Irish
County. That quaint but attractive blend of fact and
fancy, history and romance, accurate topography and fabled
story, Boderic OTlaherty's ' Chorographical Description of
West (H-Iar) Connaught,' was written as early as 1684,
and is one of the few results of an intended undertaking
designed to illustrate Sir William Petty's ' Down Survey ' by
a series of descriptive treatises. Besides G'Flaherty's work,
however, only one other, the ' Description of the County of
Westmeath,' has ever been separately produced, though a
few of them survive in manuscript in the Library of Trinity
College, Dublin.
These considerable and indeed ambitious programmes of
the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were not followed,
as might have been expected, by any serious endeavour in
the same direction. One side indeed of the work has been
executed in a solid, yet scarcely satisfactory manner in the
series of Statistical and Agricultural Surveys of the various
counties of Ireland which were undertaken exactly a century
ago under the auspices of the Boyal Dublin Society. But
the volumes of this series, though careful and often excellent
as a record of economic facts, are, with few exceptions, sadly
deficient on the side of history and archaeology ; and although
the design was very systematically pursued through nearly
a generation, from 1801 to 1832, as many as eight counties
remained unnoticed when the last completed volume was
issued. Since the date of these Surveys no really consider-
PREFACE xiii
able systematic attempt has been undertaken in the sphere
of Irish local history.
The contributions of the nineteenth century to Irish
County History have not been unimportant ; but they have
been occasional and spasmodic. We have had such sump-
tuous and elaborate works as Mr. Evelyn Shirley's ' History
of the County Monaghan ' ; such memorials of archseological
industry and antiquarian zeal as D' Alton's * History of the
County Dublin ' ; and we have had histories of varying merit
of sundry other Counties, such as those of Carlow and Water-
ford, Limerick and Clare. But with, perhaps, the exception
of Mr. Here's exhaustive ' History of the County of Wexford '
now in course of publication, and of the learned ' History of
the County of Dublin' which Mr. Elrington Ball has
recently undertaken, there has been as yet no serious
attempt to utilise the immense stores of information
which, with the growth of systematic research, have become
available in recent years for the illustration of local history.
It has been reserved for the twentieth century to give effect
to the ideals which O'Flaherty in the seventeenth and Harris
and Smith in the eighteenth, with miserably inadequate
resources, vainly strove to realise.
It is primarily with the object of calling attention to the
inadequacy of the notice hitherto bestowed upon the local
and social history of modem Ireland in the general histories
of the country that the papers in this volume have been
written, and that the narratives which are here reprinted
have been collected together. Mr. Lecky, indeed, in the
Irish chapters of his chief work, has dealt more fully than
other writers have done with these topics, and has em-
phasised and illustrated their importance to a great extent.
But no writer has hitherto provided us with anything in the
nature of a detailed survey of this side of Irish history for a
period earlier than the eighteenth century ; and the lack of
it is especially to be lamented in relation to the eventful
xiv ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
chronicle of seventeenth-century Ireland. It is a favourite
fashion with historians, though. one of doubtful wisdom, to
take some great landmark in the story of the period or the
people under their review, and to label it as the point from
which modem history begins. But, if such a practice can
ever be justified, it is true to say of the seventeenth century
that with it the history of Ireland as we know it to-day
must start. Not merely is it from that point and from that
only that the materials for a detailed analysis of the course
of events are forthcoming, but it is from that period that we
must date the original of the framework or anatomy of the
social and political organisation of Irelaqd as we now know
it. All the problems that Ireland presents, social and
economic, religious and political, date from that period.
And the problems present themselves in much the same
aspects. In the reign of Elizabeth the great battle for
supremacy between English and Irish ideas had been fought
to a finish, which for at least three centuries was to be
accepted as decisive. The tenure of land upon the basis of the
feudal law of England, the supremacy of the reformed faith
in the relations of the state to religion, the model of a
dependent Parliament drawn in the main from the English
elements in Irish society — all these are features which were
to characterise Ireland for centuries, and which had not
characterised her in anything like the same degree before
the accession of James I. This volume has nothing
to do with any such vexed questions ; nor are those elements
of Irish history into which questions of reUgion or politics
are so easily and, indeed, so inevitably imported the matters
with which this book is concerned. But the fact that these
great and far-reaching changes in the constitutional and
administrative structure of Ireland synchronise with the
opening of the seventeenth century gives to the non-conten-
tious aspects of the period a special interest and attraction,
and justifies a greater degree of attention than has yet been
PREFACE XV
bestowed upon the social condition of the country at the
time.
The editorial paragraphs prefixed to the descriptions
sufficiently explain both the authorship of each and the
sources to which I have been indebted for information and
assistance. But I must not omit to repeat here the expres-
sion of my particular obligation to Mr. Charles Hughes, the
editor, and to Messrs. Sherratt and Hughes, the publishers
of 'Shakespeare's Europe,' for permission to utilise the
portions of the Fourth Part of Fynes Moryson's ' Itinerary,'
first printed in that work. In the same connection my
thanks are due to the President and Fellows of Corpus
Christi Cdlege, Oxford, who have aUowed me to print from
the original manuscript some portions of the 'Itinerary,'
not included in 'Shakespeare's Europe,' which appear to
me to have special relevance to the topics with which this
volume is chiefly concerned. Vol. I. of the publications of
the Chetham Society is no longer copyright. But the Irish
portions of Sir William Brereton's 'Travels in Holland, the
United Provinces, England, Scotland, and Ireland,' have not
Ipeen utilised without the courteous acquiescence of the
Secretary of the Society. In the same way, although the
translation of 'Bodley's Visit to Locale' by the late Bishop
Beeves was published as far back as 1854, I have not felt
warranted in making use of it without the concurrence of the
present conductor of the periodical in which it appeared.
The frequent references in the notes indicate the extent of
my indebtedness to the ' Ulster Journal of Archaeology,' and
my sense of the great value of its volumes to all who are
interested in Irish historical topography.
For permission to use the map of ' Ireland in the middle
of the Sixteenth Century,' which forms Plate XXX. in
Dr. Lane Poole's 'Historical Atlas of Modem Europe,'
I have to thank the Delegates of the Clarendon Press. This
map, which is reproduced here mainly for the purpose of
XVi ILLDSTBATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
illustrating the attempt made to trace the growth of the
Irish counties, has been most kindly revised for this volume
by the author, Mr. Robert Dunlop, whose minute and exact
knowledge of the period is so apparent in many Irish articles
in the ^ Dictionary of National Biography/
The map of ' Dublin in the Seventeenth Century ' has
been specially drawn for this volume by my friend Mr.
Leonard B. Strangways, M.B.I.A. It is primarily, as stated
on the face of it, an attempt to identify the streets of Dublin
as depicted in the map drawn by Thomas Phillips in 1685,^
which is in the collection of the Marquess of Ormonde and
has been reproduced by Sir John Gilbert in the ' Calendar of
Dublin Becords,' vol. v. The map of • The Walls of Dublin,'
also by Mr. Strangways, though not originally designed for
this volume, has been redrawn and revised for it. Maps such
as these, which seek to reconstruct from imperfect records and
traditions an obliterated past, cannot profess to represent all
the details more than approximately. But those who are
interested in Dublin topography will be no less grateful than
I am to Mr. Strangways for placing the results of his patient
investigations and special knowledge at the disposal of
readers of this volume. Mr. Strangways desires me to
express his indebtedness for much kind assistance in iden-
tifying localities to the Bev. C. T. McCready, D.D., whose
'Dublin Street Names Dated and Explained' contains so
much information in so small a compass.
My manifest obligations to previous writers on the same
subjects are acknowledged as far as possible in the references
to authorities which are given in the notes. But no one
working in the field of Irish local history, and more
particularly of Dublin history, can omit a tribute to the
value of the life-long labours of two distinguished students
of our history and topography. The indefatigable industry
of the late Sir John Gilbert has immensely enlarged
* See the Ormonde Papers, vol. ii. pp. 309-818.
PBBFAOE xvii
the materials at the command of every student; and Dr.
P. W. Joyce, dealing with a remoter past, has made con-
tributions to the antiquarian side of Irish history which are
quite indispensable to all who follow him. Finally I desire
to acknowledge the assistance so freely accorded to me at
all times by the Deputy-Keeper and the officials of the Irish
Becord Office, whose courtesy and learning have so often
mitigated the labour of research in connection with more
than one of the papers in Part I. The kindness of Mr.
P. Elrington Ball in reading the proof-sheets is only the last,
and perhaps the smallest, item in a series of obligations too
numerous for acknowledgment at the end of a preface
akeady lengthy.
C. Litton Falkineb.
KiLLnncT, Co. Dublin : Augiut 1904.
CONTENTS
PABT I
HISTORICAL AND TOPOGRAPHICAL STUDIES
I'AUE
I. HIS majesty's castle op DUBLIN .... 3
II. THE PHCENIX PARK 41
ni. THE IRISH aUARDS 74
IV. THE COUNTIES OP IRELAND 103
V. THE WOODS OP IRELAND 143
VI. THE PARISH CHURCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT . . 160
VII. ILLUSTRATIONS OP THE CIVIC AND COMMERCIAL HISTORY
OP DUBLIN :
I. THE ORIGIN OP THE BALLAST OPFICE AND
PORT AND DOCKS BOARD . .186
II. THE ORIGIN OF THE CHAMBER OF COMMERCE 190
III. THE ALDERMEN OF SKINNER'S ALLEY . . 195
IV. THE OUZEL GALLEY SOCIETY .203
XX ILLUSTBATI0N8 OF IRISH HISTORY
PART II
CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS OF IRELAND IN
THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
PAOI
I. THB ITINBRABT OF FYNBS MORTBON 211
A. THB DB8CBIPTI0N OF IRELAND . . .214
B. THB COMMONWBALTH OF IRBLAND . . . 233
C. THB MANNBR8 AND CUSTOMS OF IRELAND . . 310
II. BIB J0SIA8 BODLEY'b VISIT TO LBOALB, 1602 . . 326
III. LUKB QBRNON'S DISCOURSE OF IRELAND, 1620 . 345
IV. BIB WILLIAM BBBBBTON's TRAVELS IN IRELAND, 1635 . 363
V. M. JORBVIN DB ROCHEFORD'S DESCRIPTION, 1668 . . 408
INDEX 427
MAPS
I. THB WALLS OF DUBLIN To foct 'p. 3
II. IRELAND IN THE MIDDLE OF THE SIXTEENTH
CENTURY „ 103
III. DUBLIN IN THB SEVENTEENTH OENTURT „ 160
Pabt I
mSTOEICAL AND TOPOGRAPHICAL STUDIES
I
HIS MAJB8TT8 CASTLE OF DUBLIN
Thb earliest mention of the fortified stronghold of English
powery 80 often referred to in the Irish State Papers of the
Plantagenets as ' his Majesty's Castle of Dublin/ is to be
found in the records of the reign of King John, and is just
aei?eiQ centuries old. Whether the actual site of the Castle
had been occupied by a fortress, and had served as the seat
of government prior to the year 1204, it is now impossible
to determine. How far the Plantagenet castle can be
fiddy identified with the earlier stronghold known to have
been erected by the Danish sovereigns of Dublin is one of
thoee questions which, since they can never be positively
answered, it is profitless to discuss. On this point all that
can be affirmed is, that the probabilities of the case favour
ihe fiqpposition that the site of both edifices was the same.
That tiie walls of the mediaeval city were first raised in the
Jkxk Ages by the founders of the Scandinavian kingdom
of Dublin, is a point not open to controversy. The
fj^JjbymGBi configuration of the rising ground to the south-
^iWBt of the city walls, must at all times have suggested that
— TTeQunence as the most suitable site for the guardian fortress
* of the city. And all authorities are agreed that a fort was
t y^ncMi by the Danes,^ about the middle of the ninth cen-
•17, in close proximity to the walls. Thus it may well
that the ' battlements of the watch tower,' from which
ng Sitric followed the varying fortunes of the fight at
^lOEterf, rose from the self-same spot from which for seven
* AmuUs 0/ the Four Masters, a.d. 840.
4 ILLUSTRATIONS OF ERISH HISTORY
centuries his Majesty's Castle of Dublin has been the
sentinel of royal authority in Ireland.^
But if the Danish fortress had once occupied the site,
it no longer stood there in 1170, when, at the bidding
of Strongbow, Myles De Cogan and his comrades first
entered Dublin. It had been destroyed after the battle
of Clontarf, and no new building seems to have replaced
the old in the interval that parted the exit of the Dane
from the coming of the Norman. The accounts of the
taking of Dublin by Strongbow's followers are silent as
to any such protracted stand as must have been expected
of its defenders, had a fortified citadel barred the eastern
entrance to the city against the Norman knights. And
there is no mention of any such stronghold in the
narrative of the negotiations between Earl Bichard and
King Boderic O'Conor when, a few months after its cap-
ture, the city was blockaded by that monarch and his
allies. When, therefore, Henry 11., arriving in Dublin
in November 1171, built, as Boger de Hoveden tells us,
' a royal palace roofed with wattles after the fashion of the
country ' * in which to spend his Christmas, he occupied
in all probability the deserted site of the dismantled Danish
stronghold. Henry's palace was situate, according to the
chronicler, *near the Church of St. Andrew the Apostle,
without the city of Dublin.' As the old Church of St.
Andrew stood close to the eastern comer of the modem
Palace Street, hard by the entrance to what is now the Lower
Castle Yard, the king must thus have fixed his quarters as
nearly as possible on the actual spot on which thirty years
later his son caused the Castle to be built.
Up to this point the history of the Castle, or rather of its
site, rests only upon conjectures which are necessarily in-
conclusive. The chronicles of the first thirty years of
Norman rule add nothing to our knowledge. Bichard I.
cared little for a country which had become the appanage
* Maelseaohlainn'B Description of the Battle of CUmtarf; Wars of the
GaedhiU with the Gaill (BoUs Series), p. 255.
* Boger de Hoveden's Chronicle (Bolls Series), ii. p. 32.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 6
of his younger brother, and there is nothing to connect the
prisoner of Durrenstein with the Castle of Dublin. But with
the opening of King John's reign the story can be placed on
the firm basis of authentic record. An entry in the Close
Boll for the year 1204 is the first extant document in which
the Castle is mentioned. It contains the King's directions to
his deputy or justiciary in Ireland, in response to a repre-
sentation by the Viceroy of the lack of any depository for
the safe custody of the royal treasure, and its most important
passage runs as follows : — ' The King to his trusty and well-
beloved Meiller, the son of Henry, Justiciary of Ireland,
greeting : You have represented to us that you have no place
wherein treasure can be safely kept ; and forasmuch as for
this as well as for sundry other reasons we are in need of a
strong fortress in Dublin, we desire you to cause a castle to
be built in such place as you may judge to be most suitable
both for the administration of justice and, if need be, for the
defence of the city. You are to make it as strong as possible,
with substantial fosses and strong walls. But you are first
to build a tower to which a castle and keep can afterwards
be conveniently added at leisure.' ^ The mandate, after per-
mitting the Justiciary to appropriate a sum of three hundred
marks, then due to the Crown, to the initial expenditure
on the building, directed him to require the citizens, if
necessary by force, to strengthen the defences of Dublin.
It may be that the establishment of a fair at Donnybrook,
sanctioned by the King in the same document, was intended
as a set off or compensation for the military outlay thus
charged on the city.
Meiller Fitz-Henry to whom this document was addressed
was at this time the representative of the Crown in Ireland.
He was a first cousin in blood to the Sovereign, and had
been among the most distinguished of the friends and
followers of Strongbow. Indomitus domitor totius gentis
Hihemicd, so ran the concise epitaph in which his career is
* Close BoU, 6 John, m. 18. Printed in Historic and Municipal Documents
of Ireland (Bolls Series), p. 61.
6 ILLDSTBATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
epitomised.^ Of his appearance and character, his relative
Giraldus Cambrensis has left a vivid description,' in which
affectionate admiration of Fitz-Henry's valour is not unmixed
with discriminating censure of his lack of discretion. No
one, however, could have been better qualified to exercise
the latitude left him in the royal letter as to the choice of a
site for a castle intended for the defence of the capital. For
the soldier whose prowess at the raising of the siege of
Dublin thirty years before is commemorated by Maurice
Began as the most admirable among many exhibitions of
martial valour ' must have been thoroughly acquainted with
the military needs of the city. Fitz-Henry had been ap-
pointed justiciary at King John's accession in 1199, and he
held the post until 1208. His tenure of authority thus
lasted long enough to have enabled him, had he been ex-
peditious, to commence the building of the Castle, though
it can scarcely have permitted of his making substantial
progress with the work. Most probably he confined him-
self to the erection of the tower which John had desired
him to begin with. Though neither tradition nor record
now connects the name of Meiller Fitz-Henry with any
part of the actual structure, it is evident that to him
belongs at least the honour of having selected the site;
even though the chief fame of the actual building of the
Castle is rightly assigned to another of John's justiciaries,
the well-known ecclesiastic, Henri de Londres, Archbishop
of Dublin.
But by whichever of King John's representatives the
foundation stone was actually laid, it is plain that the build-
ing of the Castle was a matter of serious interest and
concern to the Sovereign, and that to no one can the title
of founder be more properly ascribed than to King John
' Cox's Hibemia Anglicana, p. 48.
' QWaldi Cambrenais ExpugnaUo Hibemica (BoUb Series), pp. 285,
884-5.
' A prose version of Regan's Chronicle, Ac., was printed in 1747 by Walter
Harris in his Hibemiea from an abstract by Sir George Carew. The chronicle,
or rather poem, has since been edited by Mr. Qoddard H. Orpen, under the
titk of The Song of D§mot and the Earl (Oxford, 1892).
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OP DUBLIN 7
himself. The instructions to Meiller Fitz-Henry indicate
the active interest of the monarch in a building with the
surroundings of which his own early residence in Ireland
had made him familiar. And within a very few years of these
instructions the exigencies of Irish affairs gave John an
opportunity of observing for himself how far his orders had
been fulfilled, and of personally directing the further progress
of the building. In 1210, for the first time since his
accession, the King visited Dublin. There is nothing to
show whether it was within the precincts of his intended
fortress that the King received the submission of the Irish
chiefs who attended in the capital to do him homage. But
his attention must necessarily have been drawn to the
desirability of pushing on the work, and it is certain that
the royal visit had not long concluded before Henri de
Londres was vigorously proceeding with the building.
Of the active part played by this eminent prelate and
Viceroy in the construction of the Castle we get not a few
glimpses in the records of his government. The State
Papers show that Ware does not at all exaggerate in
attributing to the Archbishop a principal share in the erec-
tion of the building, and they prove that the attention of the
Archbishop was not so wholly engrossed with the constitu-
tion of the Cathedral Chapter of St. Patrick's as to leave no
time to the Viceroy to superintend the building of the King's
principal residence. Ware's account is that Henri de
Londres ' caused the Castle of Dublin to be bnilded, some
say at his own proper costs,' ^ and he elsewhere states
that 'the same year that Henry Londres died, being the
year 1228, the Castle of Dublin was builded : I mean the
walls four-square or quadrangle-wise, but the four turrets
and the other afterwards.' ' The State Papers show that, on
his appointment to be justiciary in 1213, the Archbishop
received a patent for the custody of the King's Castle of
Dublin during pleasure.' Though no details are given of
> Ware's Annala.p. 27 (edition of 1705). ' Ware's Bishops, p. 5.
' Sweetman's Calendar of Documents rslaUng to Ireland, 1172-1851,
p. 79.
e ILLUSTRATIOXS OF IBISH HISTOBT
tLe Tods fTfirnted by Henri de Ixmdie^ their imponmnce
is inSisftted bj simdiT gruits ^ made to him in compensalion
for duxjj^ done to the Archbishop's chnrches in DoUin in
taetdjingtbe Cm&Le ; ' — ^while the completion of the walls in
aonxdanoe wiih the tradition preGerred by Ware, as well as
the acs^oal appropiiadon of the fortress to def ensire purposea,
k erideooed bv an inToitcKy of military stores kept in the
bsiiding in 1224.' The last indication of the Archbishop's
iniesest in the Castle, which the State Papers discloep, is (me
mc3ce appropriate to his eodesiasdcal character. There can
be btde doubt that the nomination, in 1225. of William de
Badedire ' to Tninister as chaplain in the King s Castle of
Dublin, and to reoeiTe of the King's gift during pleasore
fifty shillings yeaiiy/* was not made withoat the recom-
mendation or concurrence of the masterful roler of the see
of Doblin.
WhateTer the solicitnde of the Archbishop in these
matters may have owed to the initiatiTe of King Jchn, these
latter proofs of it were of course given not in John's reign,
bat in that of his more eoclesiasdcaUy minded saccessor.
Though Henry of Winchester fomid no time in his long
reign for a visit to Ireland, he appears more than once to
hare contemplated such a journey ; and several of the State
Papers of his reign prove that he was far from indifferent to
the becoming equipment of his only Irish residence. In
1237 the King gave elaborate directions to prepare for his
coming into Ireland.* And in 1243, while in France, where
the presence in his army of a very large Irish contingent
may have turned his thoughts towards his Irish dominions.
King Henry wrote from Bordeaux to his Justiciary and
Treasurer in Ireland, directing them ' that out of the King's
profits they cause to be constructed in the Castle of Dublin
I 8««etiiimn'8 Calemdar, 117S-1251, pp. IM, ise, 187.
s Like eompeontion wms giTen to the Prior of the HoIt Trinity (Christ-
dmieh) fdrxents loet thxoo^ the fortiftcatioo of the Castle, and it is obriooa
that the Cathedral preeinets must haTe been aeriooslj affected by the boUding
oCtheCastle. Bee App., flth Export of Defmi^ Kmjxr cf Iri»k Rseords.
* See also entries in Pipe Boll of 19 Henry III., Irish Beeoid Office.
* 8«eetinan*s Colmdor, 117a-lS51, p. 198. » Ihid. p. SSa
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 9
a hall one hoiidred and twenty feet in length, and eighty in
breadth, with glazed windows after the manner of the hall
of Canterbury, and that they cause to be made in the gable
beyond the dais a round window thirty feet in diameter.' ^
They were further directed * to cause to be painted beyond
the dais ' the King and Queen sitting with their baronage,
and to make a ' great portal ' at the entrance of the hall ;
the whole to be completed by the King's arrival.
But by far the most characteristic memorials of this
Sovereign's connection with the Castle are those which are
associated with the chapel. The entries underthis head supply
fresh illustrations of the splendours of Henry's munificence to
the Church, and o\ the sincerity of the devotion to the memory
of Edward the Confessor, which marked the pious builder of
Westminster Abbey. Not only were directions repeatedly
given to the Archbishop of Dublin to make more suitable pro-
vision foT the Castle chaplain by attaching a benefice to the
office, but express instructions were given by the King as to
the services to be held.^ The chapel was dedicated to the
Confessor, and in 1240 the Feast of St. Edward (January 7)
was ordered to be celebrated with eight hundred lighted tapers
' as well in the Saint's Chapel in the King's Castle of Dublin,
as in the Churches of St. Thomas the Martyr and of the
Holy Trinity.' • The Castle was ordered to be filled on the
same occasion with poor people, who should be fed. Two
years later the Treasurer received directions to cause glass
windows to be made for the chapel,^ and the King gave
orders that Divine Service of St. Edward and of the Blessed
Virgin should be daily celebrated. The orders regarding the
chapel were perhaps carried out at once, since the piety of the
King would probably have enforced them ; but the hall was
still unfinished in 1246, when Henry peremptorily required
its completion in view of an immediate visit. The Mayor of
Dublin was called on in the same year, and in view of the same
occasion, to supply water to the Castle from the city conduit.*
* Sweetman's Calendar, 1172-1251, p. 389.
« Ibid. pp. 266, 306, 828. • Ibid. p. 873. * Ibid. p. 886.
Historic and Municipal Docummtat p. 106.
10 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
Judged by the proper stacdards of kingly greatness
Henry III. scarcely ranks high in the roll of English
monarchs. But no other sovereign has had anjrthing
approaching either to his knowledge of architecture or to his
love of it. However fortunate for the re€Jm the change
from his pious sestheticism to the vigorous authority of the
great man of action who succeeded him, the archaeological
interest of DubUn Castle certainly owes nothing to Henry's
son. The Hammer of the Scots cared little for the
sculptor's mallet. And although for at least eighteen yecurs
before his accession Edward I. had held the title of Lord of
Ireland and absorbed its surplus revenues, he never found
time to attend to its afhirs. Thus the interest in the
royal residence which Henry's care had aroused in his sub-
ordinates was naturally not exhibited by the nodnisters of
his son. In what manner the chapel and hall so splendidly
designed were ultimately erected it is now impossible to
ascertain. But it seems at least clear that they were
not completed according to Henry's plan. It was one of
the charges brought against Stephen Fulbum, Bishop of
Waterford, in 1286, that during his tenure of the office of
justiciary he had carried off the pillars of marble from the
King's hall in Dublin Castle to enrich Dunbrody Abbey.^ A
few years earlier the building had suffered some damage and
the gate tower had been burned by Hubert de Burgh, and
some others who were confined in the fortress as prisoners ;
whilst the defences had been altogether neglected. When,
therefore, a few years after the accession of Edward II. the
troubles of the Bruce invasion made it necessary to look to
the defences of the Castle, the building already stood in
much need of repair. So imminent was the peril that it
was found necessary to take down the belfry of the closely
adjacent church of St. Mary le Dame to provide stones for
fortifying the Castle, and the citizens of Dublin were called
on to find lead for the roof of the towers.* When the
danger was over some care seems to have been taken to
> Sweetman*8 Calendar, 1285-92, p. 13.
* Historic and Municipal Documents, pp. 339, 405.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OP DUBLIN 11
restore the edifice to a more seemly condition, and the
considerable sum of £700 was spent on the Castle in 1321,
particularly in ' repairing handsomely the great hall.' ^
For fifty years from the Bruce invasion the King's Castle
of Dublin received little of the attention of its royal owners ;
and indeed for a full century and a half from the accession
of Edward III. it was * toward Namancos and Bayona's hold '
rather than to their realm of Ireland, that the looks of the
English sovereigns were chiefly bent. Towards the close of
his reign, however, Edward III. was able to spare time from
his French enterprises to the necessities of Ireland, and to
note how seriously his dominions had been shrinking at
home, while he sought to extend them abroad. His son
Lionel, Duke of Clarence, entered in 1361 on the viceroyalty
which was made memorable by the Statute of Kilkenny.
The advent of a prince of the blood royal did something to
arrest the ruin which was fast overtaking the monuments of
Henry IH.'s zeal and piety. A considerable expenditure was
sanctioned for putting the Castle in order, and for restoring
the chapel, and providing it with the equipment adequate
to a becoming ritual.' But the improvements of Lionel were
not limited to these restorations. Not only do they seem to
have included a number of alterations designed to make the
dwelling more commodious, but in the language of King
Edward, Clarence ' caused to be made divers works agree-
able to him, for sports and his other pleasures, as well within
the Castle of Dublin as elsewhere.' '
It is disappointing that the records of the only sovereign
prior to Victoria who ever came twice to Ireland as a reign-
ing monarch are silent as to the visits of Eichard II. to
his Castle of Dublin. Neither the Boll of the Proceedings
> Close Boll, 14 Ed. II., Irish Record Office.
' In the enumeration of the glass windows, pictures, images and other
aooompanimentB of Divine worship, ordered on this occasion, the Castle chapel
is incidentally described as under the patronage of St. Thomas the Martyr.
Whether or not the dedication to this saint was prior to King Henry III.'s
direction that the chapel should be devoted to Saint Edward the Confessor
does not clearly appear.
* Gilbert*8 History of the Viceroys of Ireland, with Notices of the Castle of
Dublin, pp. 219, 544>6.
12 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTOBT
of the King's Gonncil in Ireland for the sixteenth year of
Bichard's reign, nor such records as remain of that un-
happy monarch's second stay in Ireland, make any direct
mention of Dublin Castle, though the Council must have
sat within its precincts, and though the extensive repairs
ordered, as we have just seen, in the time of the King's
uncle, Lionel, ought to have left the building in fair order
for his residence. It is doubtful, however, whether much
had been effected by Clarence. 'Because our Castle of
Dublin through the negligence of our servants, who should
have repaired the same, is so destroyed and wasted, and in
many places threatened with very great ruin that our Deputy
of Ireland cannot hold our great Council there, nor can he
entertain our ParUament summoned for the morrow of All
Souls* Day, nor can our Becords be safely preserved there.'
So runs an entry in the Close Boll for the fourth year of
Bichard*s reign. But though it is doubtful whether the
orders issued to remedy this state of things in 1381 were
more effective than those of the preceding reign, the great
hall had been sufficiently renovated in 1385 to enable Sir
John Stanley to be sworn in there, in presence of a dis-
tinguished company, as Deputy of Bob«rt de Vere, ' Earl
of Oxford, Marquis of Dublin, and Duke of Ireland,' who had
just been appointed Lord-Lieutenant.
The records of the Lancastrian kings are as barren as
those of their immediate predecessors. Their all but total
silence betokens the neglect which the few stray entries that
appear attest. Early in 1427 it was ordered that an ancient
silver seal found in the treasury, ' being canceUed and of no use
to the King,' should be sold, and the money accruing from the
sale laid out on the repairs of the ruined windows of the hall
of the Castle, and five years later twenty marks were allo-
cated to the same purpose.* Even so much as this could not
be spared in the remainder of this reign, and the dilapidations
were rapidly aggravated. Dow^n to the middle of the reign
of Henry VI. the Deputy and his Council still met vrithin the
* GUbert^s Viotroft, p. 580.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 13
Council Chamber in the Castle. But at the conclusion of the
Wars of the Boses all the interior buildings of the Castle had
gone to wrack and ruin, while even the massive walls erected
by Henri de Londres had begun to suffer from persistent
neglect, and showed the wear and tear of over two hundred
winters.^ On the accession of Edward IV. the disrepair
could not longer be overlooked. An Act of Parliament, after
reciting that ' Whereas the Castle of the King our Sovereign
Lord of his City of Dublin, in which the Courts of our said
Sovereign are kept, is ruinous and like to fall, to the
great dishonour of our said Sovereign Lord,' provided that
certain moneys out of the profits of the Crown should be
delivered yearly to the clerk of the works for the repair of the
same. The same Act further directed that * all the leads of the
isles of the hall of the said Castle be sold by the Treasurer of
Ireland to make and repair the said hall.' ' This Act, how-
ever, remained inoperative until, twelve years later, a further
enactment made better financial provision for the needful
works. But it is doubtful whether any restoration had
been effected ere, not long afterwards, considerable injury was
done the Castle in the course of an insurrection promoted by
the followers of the Earl of Eildare. An Act of the Irish
Parliament at Trim gives us the last reference to the Castle
which the statutes or records of the Plantagenet kings
contain. Beciting that James Keating, Prior of Kilmain-
ham, had fortified the Castle, of which he was constable,
against the King's Viceroy, Henry Lord Grey, and the
better to defend himself had destroyed the drawbridge, it
directs the Prior to repair the damage before the ensuing
Christmas on pain of forfeiture of his office.^
The earliest Tudor reference to Dublin Castle is to be
found in the diary of the * Voyage of Sir Bichard Edgcumbe
into Ireland in the year 1488,'^ and occurs in connection
' Proeeedinga of Privy Council of England, cited in Gilbert's Viceroys,
P.5S1.
* Statute 2 <Sr 8 Ed. IV. cap. 4.
' Acts of Parliament at Trim, 1478. Act 12, qooted in Hardiman'a * Statute
of Kilkenny,' Tracts Belating to Ireland, ii. p. 85.
* Printed in Harris's Hibemica, Dublin, 1747, p. 29.
14 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
with the ecclesiastic just mentioned. Keating had been
among the most prominent of the Irish supporters of the
pretender Lambert Simnel, the troubles arising out of
whose imposture were the principal occasion of Edgcumbe's
mission. Sir Bichard seems to have thought, not unnatu-
raUy, that one who had twice gone into rebellion was no fit
guardian for his master's principal fortress in Ireland. He
accordingly 'refused to take either homage or fealty of
Justice Plunkett and the Prior of Eilmainham, who were
specially noted amongst all other chief causes of the
rebellion.' And although the importunities of the Earl of
Eildare prevailed on Edgcumbe to pardon Keating's com-
rade in disloyalty, he could not be persuaded to overlook
the Prior's repeated offences. At a meeting of the Lords
Spiritual and Temporal held in ' the Church called our Lady
of the Dames/ in the immediate vicinity of the Castle, he
answered their entreaties for mercy, according to the
* Chronicle,' with * right sharp words. . . . And ere that he
departed unto his lodging, he took with him divers judges
and other noblemen, and went into the Castle of Dublin,
and there put in possession Bichard Archiboll, the King's
servant, into the office of the Constable of the said Castle,
which the King's grace had given unto him by Letters
Patent; from the which office the said Prior of Kilmain-
ham had wrongfully kept this said Bichard for the space of
two years or more.'^ The fact that during his stay in
Ireland Edgcumbe lodged at the Monastery of the Black
Friars, on the opposite side of the river, where now the
Four Courts stand, and that the consultations with the
Irish Council were held not in the Castle, but in the
neighbouring Church of St. Mary le Dame, is eloquent of
the disrepair into which the royal residence had fallen.
For nearly fifty years, from the visit of Sir Bichard
Edgcumbe in 1488, to the rising of Silken Thomas in 1533,
the records are silent as to episodes of interest in the story
of Dublin Castle. For the greater part of this period the
government was in the hands of the Earls of Eildare, who
> Sir R. Edgcumbe's Voyage (Harrises Hibemiea, p. 34).
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 15
were more concerned for the safety of their own strongholds
in the adjacent country than for the security of the nominal
seat of their government. So weak were the defences that
the O'Bymes — those continual scourges of the southern bor-
ders of the Pale — could enter the Castle by night and carry
off a number of prisoners.^ It was ominous of the rising
that not long afterwards occurred that in 1533 the Deputy
conveyed all the King's ordnance out of the Castle into his
own country, and fortified all his castles and fortresses with
them. ' What this should mean/ wrote the priest who sent
this intelligence to England, ' I know not as yet, but I think
no good ; for it is a shrewd likeUhood.' ^ It proved fortunate
for the safety of Dublin in the ensuing insurrection that the
Deputy omitted to take away the ammunition at the same
time. As John Alen, the Irish Master of the Bolls, wrote
to Thomas Cromwell at a critical period of the siege by
Silken Thomas, 'the rebel, which chiefly trusteth in his
ordnance, which he hath of the King, hath in effect con-
sumed all his shoot, and except he winneth the Castle of
Dublin he is destitute of shoot, which is a great comfort and
advantage for the King's Army.' '
It might naturally be supposed that the formal assump-
tion by Henry VIII. of the title of King of Ireland, and his
resolution to assert the authority of the English Crown
throughout the country, must have led almost of necessity
to a renovation of the Castle, and a revival of the tarnished
glories of the early Plantagenet age. But this was so far
from being the case, that the period immediately succeeding
marks, perhaps, the nadir of the splendours of the Castle as
a royal residence. The Tudor viceroys do not appear at any
time to have taken kindly to their qucurters. It is obvious
from the preceding narrative that upon many occasions in
its later mediaeval history the Castle can have been in no fit
state to accommodate a royal or viceregal Court. Although
at no time in its long annals did the Castle cease to be the
centre of authority, and though in theory at least it was always
» StaU Papers of Henry VIII. vol. ii. pt. iii. p. 169 (1884).
* Letter of John Deytbyk, ibid. p. 181. * Ibid. p. 202.
16 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IBI8H HISTORY
regarded as the principal official dwelling of the deputies,
the representatives of Henry YII. and his successor took
every opportunity of residing elsewhere. The deputies of
Edward VI. never lodged within its walls. Towards the
close of the fifteenth century the Abbey of St. Thomas the
Martyr in Thomas Court began to be used, as has been seen,
for the meetings of the Viceroy and his Council. By the time
of Sir Bichard Edgcumbe's visit ^ it had been thus used so
often that the principal room had acquired the name of the
King's Chamber. The dissolution of the monasteries struck
a heavy blow at the prestige of King John's Castle. The
Priory of Kilmainham, becoming vested in the Crown,
was at once recognised as a convenient appanage of the
Sovereign, and was utilised accordingly for the principal
State functions. The dissolution of the Cathedral Chapter
of St. Patrick's by Edward VI. provided an opportunity,
which was quickly seized, to find more desirable lodgings
than either Castle or Priory appears to have afforded.
The Chapter having been suppressed, it was evident that
the Dean had no further need of his residence. This
was accordingly assigned to the Archbishop of Dublin, who
was desired to evacuate the Palace of St. Sepulchre's,
which became a place of lodging for the Lord Deputy.
And although in a very few years this arrangement was
upset, under Queen Mary, by the restoration of the Cathedral
and its dignitaries to their former status, the Deputies
were slow to surrender the footing they had acquired in
the archiepiscopal palace. Sussex, Sidney, and others of the
deputies of both Mary and Elizabeth, were so fond of coming
to St. Sepulchre's that an Archbishop of Dublin, who found
their visits inconvenient, is said to have actually fired his
palace * that the Deputies should not have so good liking
to his house.' *
Whether on account of this summary process of the
Archbishop, or because with the final confirmation of the
Cathedral in its position by Elizabeth it became difficult
' Sir B. Edgeumbe*s Voyage, loc. cU. p. 32.
* Holinshad's Chronicles, ▼!. p. 28.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 17
any longer to ignore ecclesiastical rights, the accession of
Elizabeth was quickly followed by the return of the Vice-
roys to the Castle, and its consequent restoration to a
condition of appropriate magnificence. In 1558 Sussex
received directions to take in hand the repair of the Castle.
But this Viceroy had been succeeded by Sir Henry Sidney
before any effective steps had been taken, and it is to the
latter statesman that the honour of repairing and enlarging
the Castle has been properly assigned by Ware. ' The Castle
of Dublin, which before his coming was ruinous, foul, filthy,
and greatly decayed, he repaired and re-edified, and made a
very fair house for the lord deputy and the chief governor to
reside and dwell in.'^ Such is Stanihurst's account of a
restoration of which the Deputy appecurs to have been not a
little proud. Sidney's improvements took several years to
effect, and were on a considerable scale. They were crowned
in the eyes of the citizens of Dublin by the putting up of
a conspicuous clock, perhaps the first public clock erected
in Ireland (though others were placed almost contempo-
raneously over the Ostman's gate and at St. Patrick's
Cathedral) ; and in Sidney's, by a Latin inscription over the
gateway, in which the restoration was suitably recorded.'
The stone containing Sidney's verses has been long since
* Ware, following Staniharst, says : * Sir Henry Sidney is said to have
baUded the inner lodgings.' Stanihurst's words are *ampla et praeolara
aedificia in castello extniota erant.'— i>0 Rebus in Hibemia gestisy p. 22 ;
Holinshed's ChrarUeles, tL p. 403.
' Gesta libri referont moltoram clara virorum,
Laudis et in chartis stigmata fiza manent,
Verom Sidnaei laudes haec saxa loqauntur,
Hio jacet in solis gloria tanta libris.
Bi libri pereant, homines remanere valebunt,
Si pereant homines, ligna manere queunt.
Lignaqne si pereant, non ergo saxo peribunt,
Saxaqne si pereant tempore, tempos erit.
Si pereat tempos, minime consomitar aevum,
Qood cum principio, sed sine fine manet.
Dum libri florent, homines dum vivere possunt,
Dum quoque cum lignis saxa manere valent ;
Dum remanet tempus, dum denique permanet aevum,
Laus tua, Sidnaeus, digna perire nequit.—
Stanihurst's De Bebtis in Hibernia gestist p. 22.
C
18 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
defaced and removed, though the veiBes themselves have
been preserved for ns by Stanihurst. Bat the letters of
Strafford contain a very charming reference to them, and
attest the admiration felt by the most powerful of Stoart
Viceroys for the most eminent among his Tudor predecessors.'
Of the actual outward appearance of the Castle in early
times it is di£Bicult to form an accurate conception. Sir
John Gilbert justly observes that no precise details have
been transmitted to us of its architectural design ; nor have
any of the older historians or antiquaries given us, other-
wise than parenthetically, any glimpse of its interior. To
attempt to reconstruct the Castle from the stray references
which are to be found scattered through the State Papers
and other documentary sources would be an exercise of the
historical imagination in which fancy must needs play a
larger part than fact.' There exists, however, one docu-
ment which defines with some detail the condition of the
towers of the Castle, and the acconmiodation provided
within them, in the time of Sir John Perrot's government,
or about twenty years after the extensive improvements
effected by Sir Henry Sidney. From this paper, which was
probably drawn up in connection with the rearrangements
which Perrot designed to carry out but did not effect, a
good deal may be learned as to the defences of the Castle
in the reign of Elizabeth.*
* I confess (wrote Wentworth, in 1638, to Sidney's grandson, the Earl of
Leicester) I made a fault against your noble grandfather by palling down an
old gate within the Castle of Dublin, wherein was set an inscription of his in
verses ; bat I did so far contemplate him again in his grand<diild as to give
him the best reparation I coald, by setting ap the very same stone, carefolly
taken down, over the new one, which one day yoar lordship may chance to read,
and remember both him and me by that token.*— Strafford's LeUers, ii. p. 16S.
* So far as the writer has ascertained there are only two printed representa-
tions of the external appearance of the Castle. The representation of Sir Henry
Sidney setting out on a State progress, which forms Plate VL in Derricke*8
Image of IreUmd, shows the entrance gate of the Castle with the adjacent
houses. An illustration in Brooking's map of Dublin indicates that the building
still retained a castellated appearance as late as 1728. In the accompanying
map the outlines of the walls and towers as they stood towards the end of the
seventeenth century are correctly represented, but it is not possible to fiU in
the details of the picture.
* It has been printed in full by Sir John Gilbert in his Calendar of Ancient
Becordt €f Dublm, IL pp. MS-61.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OP DUBLIN 19
The walls, deecribed by Ware and other authorities as
standing fonrsqiiare and built very strongly, had in Perrot's
time a strong tower at each comer. Besides these there
was a fifth, much smaller than the rest, in the middle of the
south wall. The entrance gate, which opened into Castle
Street, was flanked on each side by a tower less strong than
the others, but of considerable proportions. The gateway,
defended by a portcullis, opened on to a drawbridge which
when drawn up left this building entirely cut off from the
adjacent city. A moat, or gripe, which ran by the walls
completely surrounded the Castle, following perhaps on the
south and west walls the course of the Poddle Biver. Of
the four principal towers, two, the north-east and south-
west, seem to have contained five rooms each. The south-
east and north-west towers had each three rooms, and in the
middle tower on the south side there were a like number.
The gate towers contained but two rooms each. The towers
do not seem to have been very well Ughted. There were
several rooms with no windows other than the ' spicks,' or
loopholes, intended for defensive purposes. The north-east
tower, in which the Deputy seems to have had his private
rooms, was the only room in which the windows were at all
numerous. There were at least eight windows among the
five rooms in this tower. But in the south-east tower there
were no more than two. On the other hand ' spicks * were
fairly numerous, and the total of the windows and spicks in
the whole Castle was at that time above fourscore.^
But Sidney's improvements, though they were evidently
considerable, and seem to have provided the actual official
acconmiodation which sufficed for the Viceroys for above a
century from his time, do not seem to have remedied
the most serious inconveniences of the building. By the
end of Elizabeth's reign matters were nearly as bad as they
had been before his time. When Eobert Devereux, Earl
of Essex, in an unhappy moment for himself, was designated
Viceroy, directions were given to prepare the Castle for the
' For information as to the state of the Castle towers forty years after
Perrot*8 time, see the Survey by Pynnar, p. 38 infra,
c 2
20 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTOEY
fitting reception of one whom the Queen, at that time,
still delighted to honour. But considerable difficulty was
experienced in providing becoming acconmiodation. The
truth is that the Castle at this time was utilised for several
purposes of public utility little consonant with the amenities
of a viceregal residence.
It has been justly remarked by Walter Harris, in the ex-
cellent account of the Castle with which his 'History of
Dublin' opens, that the building is to be considered in a
threefold aspect : as a fortress erected for the defence of the
city ; as the royal seat of Government ; and as the place
where the courts of justice and High Court of ParUament
were wont to be held. But this description of the triple
function served by the Castle down to Tudor and even
Stuart times is far from exhaustive. Within its precincts
room was found in addition for the Exchequer and Treasury
of Ireland, and for the Mint of Dublin, as well as for the
State records of which the Castle so long remained the
principal, if not the sole, depository. And it further served
the purpose, more easily associated with a feudal fortress,
of a prison for offenders against the State.^ However suc-
cessful Sidney may have been in providing actual house
accommodation, he had been unable to make any funda-
mental alterations in the structure. His work was a re-
storation in the strict sense of the term. Even in the reign
of James I., forty years after Sidney's improvements, the
great exterior walls and towers erected by Henri de Londres
still preserved their original appearance. An accurate
observer in that reign noted that * the circuit of the
Castle was a huge and mighty wall, foursquare and of
incredible thickness,' ' which dated from King John's time.
In Sidney's day, as we learn from the grimly realistic plates
in Derricke's ' Image of Ireland,' the battlements were still
garnished with the grinning heads of decapitated chieftains.
And the gaol, known as the Grate, was thoroughly insanitary.
A prisoner's recollections of his place of confinement are of
* See as to these aspects of the Castle, Appendix I., p. 27 infra.
' See Gernon's Discowu of Ireland, Part II. infra.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OP DUBLIN 21
course apt to be ccdoured by ine£hceable resentment ; but
there is no reason to question the substantial accuracy of
the description given of the Grate by Dr. Creagh, the Boman
Catholic Primate, who was confined there in 1564. The
prison, according to this authority, was 'a hole where,
without candle, there is no light in the world, and with
candle (when I had it) it was so filled with smoke thereof,
chiefly in summer, that had there not been a little hole in
the next door to draw in breath with, my mouth set upon
it, I had been perhaps shortly undone.' ^ After Sidney's
time Perrot was authorised, in 1583, to remove both the
courts of law and the prison from the Castle, but he
seems to have found it impossible to procure the necessary
accommodation elsewhere.^ And the same difficulty was
experienced in the time of Essex. It is not surprising there-
fore to find the Castle described in 1607 as 'somewhat
noi8om^ in the summer time by reason of the prison.' '
Constant representations were made by the Deputies as to
this unpleasantness, and also as to the danger caused to the
courts of law, which had been restored to the Castle under
Sidney, by reason of these being situate immediately above
the store of ammunition ; and a very serious explosion of
gunpowder which occurred on the adjacent quay in 1596
caused great and general alarm. In 1610, as appears by the
surveyor's accounts at the Irish Becord Office, a summer
house was built in the gardens and the great hall repaired
against a marriage feast, held in January of that year.
It was not, however, until 1611 that Sir Arthur Chichester,
the vigorous Deputy of James I., procured the erection
of an exterior gaol for ordinary criminals, the principal
State offenders being still confined in the Castle, but
separated from the Deputy's lodging. Through the instru-
mentality of the same Deputy the courts were removed
about the same time. But the Castle still remained the
scene of the meetings of Parliament. In 1613 the Hall
' SpiciUgium Ossorietue, i. p. 49.
« Cal S. P. {Dom,) Feb. 22, 1664.
» Cal. 8. P. {Ireland^, 1008-6, p. 881.
22 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IEI8H HISTORY
was fitted np for the meeting of the two Houses.^ But
although the Castle was put in order again for the benefit of
Sir George Garew, who came over to report on the state of
affairs in Ireland in 1611, no real improvement was effected,
in spite of an expenditure of 6002. Chichester after several
vain attempts to procure an improvement in the domestic
accommodation — the mending of holes in the roof in Lady
Chichester's bedchamber is one of the items in an account of
expenditure by Samuel Molyneux, Clerk-General of the
Works in 1616— had declined any longer to reside within the
precincts, and had taken up his abode in the recently built
Cary's Hospital, which later gave place to the Parliament
House.
The next to take in hand the work of restoration was the
Deputy Falkland, father of the gallant Lucius Cary. Li
1620 this Viceroy apprised the Council ' that of late part of
the Castle and the roof of the Council Chamber and several
lodgings over it ' ' had fallen to the ground. Four years
later, ' on May 1, in the morning, a day of great expectation
of a imiversal massacre, one of the two greatest towers of
the Castle fell down to the ground, with the ordnance
mounted on it,' and shook to its foundations a great part of
the wall. Falkland succeeded in getting authority to carry
out repairs, and an expenditure of 1,000Z. was sanctioned to
restore the tower. His reforms were considerable.' In a
letter to his successor, Strafford, he takes full credit for
them, calling on Strafford for * the performance of your
promise you made me that when you found how much
less a prison the Castle was through the benefit of a gallery
I built, not more for the King's honour than for your ease
and delight, you would acknowledge that you did owe
my act commendation and due thanks for the service.'^
* Account Roll of Samxisl Molyneux, Clerk-Oeneral of the Works, 1610-
1616, Irish Record Office.
« Col, S. P. 1615-26. p. 294.
' In 1624, by Falkland's directions, Captain Nicholas Pynnar— -the same
who undertook the well-known sorvey of Ulster in 1619 — made an * exact
survey * of the Castle of Dublin and certified the cost of the necessary repairs.
See p. SS infra,
* Strafford's Letters, I p. 102.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OP DUBLIN 28
Of this gallery a picturesque description survives in the
' Travels of Sir William Brereton/ whose diary of a visit to
Dublin in 1635 supplies one of the few detailed notices of
the appearance and accommodation of the Castle in early
Stuart times which remain extant.^
Strafford, however, does not seem to have been so much
impressed as Falkland expected. In one of his earliest
letters from Dublin he described the building as in great
decay, and urgently calling for repair. One of the great
towers had to be taken down, lest it should fall, as another
had done shortly before Straflford's arrival, while Lord
Chancellor Loftus was in residence as a Lord Justice;
four or five of whose grandchildren it would have ' infallibly
killed,' had it fallen either an hour sooner or an hour later.
In a vigorous representation to the English Council of the
pressing need for repair and improvement Strafford draws
for us the most detailed picture we possess of the interior of
the Castle precincts at this time : — ' I have bought as much
more ground about the Castle as costs one hundred and
fifty pounds, out of which I will provide the House of a
Grarden and out Courts, for fuel and such other necessaries
belonging to a family, whereof I am altogether unprovided,
the bake house at present being just under the room where
I now write, and the wood rack put full before the gallery
vnndows ; which I take not to be so courtly nor to suit so
well with the dignity of a King's deputy ; and thus I trust to
make this habitation easeful and pleasant as the place will
afford. Whereas now by my faith it is little better than a
very prison.' *
Of the alterations made by Strafford no record is known
to remain, and for nearly half a century little information
is available from English sources. For though Arthur
Capel, Earl of Essex, who was Viceroy for several years,
seems to have made important alterations, nothing is known
of their extent. It is curious that for such contemporary
notices as are extant of the appearance of the Castle from
* See Part U. infra, p. 881.
* Strafford's Letters, i. p. 131.
24 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
the Rebellion of 1641 to the Bevolution of 1688 we are in-
debted mainly to foreign observers. From these, however, it
would seem tiiat at least an outward show of splendour was
maintained, and that in appearance and equipment the Castle
was not unworthy. BouUaye le Gouz, who was received at
the Castle in 1644 during the first Viceroyalty of the great
Duke, then Marquis, of Ormond, describes the Castle as ' in-
differently strong, without any outworks, and pretty well
furnished with guns of cast metal ; ' ^ and though he does not
describe the interior, it may be inferred from the magnificence
of the ceremonial displayed by the Viceroy in going to St.
Patrick's on a Sunday, that the decorations were sufficiently
sumptuous. Another Frenchman, Jorevin de Bocheford, who
was a visitor at the Court of the same Viceroy a few years
after the Eestoration, gives more positive evidence to the like
effect : — * The Castle,' he wrote, * is strong, enclosed by thick
walls, and by many round towers that command the whole
town ; on them are mounted a good number of cannon. The
court is small, but the lodgings although very ancient are very
handsome, and worthy of being the dwelling of a Viceroy.' *
A few years after this judgment was passed, the interest
of the Castle as a relic of the Middle Ages suffered the most
serious blow that had yet befallen it. In April 1684, while
Lord Arran was in residence as Deputy for his father the
Duke of Ormond, an alarming fire occurred, which only the
promptitude of Arran prevented from ending in the destruc-
tion of the whole building. The fire broke out at two in the
morning in Lord Arran's dining-room, and raged for three
hours. To prevent the fire from reaching the powder
magazine. Lord Arran, who acted with great personal vigour
and courage, and subsequently received the thanks of the
city and corporation for his exertions,' was obliged to blow
up the long gallery built by Falkland communicating with
the north-east tower. The damage done on this occasion
has been graphically described in a letter from Sir Patrick
* Towr of the French Traveller, M. de la BouUaye le Qoue, in Ireland,
A.D. 1644. Ed. Orofton Croker, p. 6.
* Antiquarian Repertory, ii. p. 105. See Part II. infra,
' Calendar of Dublin Records, v. p. 811.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OP DUBLIN 25
Dtm to Doctor, afterwards Archbishop, Eiog. ' The dining
room/ he says, ' was burnt and blown up, the new building,
built by the Earl of Essex, my lord's closet and the long
gallery, and all betwixt the new building and the tower on
which the clock stood.' ^ Arran, thus burnt out of the Castle,
took refuge in the recently acquired ' King's House ' at
Chapelizod. Possibly it was by the existence of this altema-
tive that the Treasury justified their refusal to expend money
on the repair of the Castle. For there seems to have been an
intention at the time to abandon the Castle as a residence.
' His Majesty has lost nothing ' (so wrote Arran to the King)
' but six barrels of powder, and the worst Castle in the worst
situation in Christendom.' The Duke of Ormond, however,
lost effects to the value of 10,0002.' It was proposed to build
a palace elsewhere, perhaps on the site of Ormond's intended
mansion where now the Boyal Barracks stand, and a King's
letter authorising the sale of the site and materials of the
Castle was actually drafted." Two years after the fire little
or nothing had been done to make good the damage. ' As for
the Castle,' wrote Ormond's successor in 1686, * I can only
tell you that as it is the worst lodging a gentleman ever lay
in, 80 it will cost more to keep it in repair than any other.
Never comes a shower of rain but it breaks into the house, so
that there is a perpetual tiling and glazing.' No gentleman
in Pall Mall, added Clarendon, was worse lodged than he
was.*
To continue the history of Dublin Castle beyond the date
at which the building ceased to be a castle in any real sense
of the term would hardly be found of much interest. Down
to the Bestoration the Castle had continued to be, as truly
as in King John's time, the citadel of a metropolis which still
presented many of the characteristics of a mediaeval town.
Situate at the south-eastern comer of the walls of Dublin, at
» See Belcher's Memoir of Sir Patrick Dun^ p. 23.
* Letter of Sir H. Vemey, Hist MSS, Comm. 7th Bep. p. 499.
* This is stated in The Viceregal Court Historically Vindicated, a pamphlet
by J. P. Prendergast, the well-informed author of the Cromwellian Settlement^
Imt he does not give his authority.
« Clarendon's State Letters, ii. p. 101.
96 ILLU8TBATI0NS OF IBI8H H18T0BY
the top of the rising gronnd which commanded the seaward
approaches to the city, it.occnpied for military purposes the
point of vantage in any attack which could be attempted.
As late as the middle of the seventeenth century the low-
lying land to the east of College Green was almost
entirely unbuilt on, save for so much of it as was occupied
by the precincts of Trinity College, and the population
resided almost exclusively either within the city walls or
in the southern districts comprised within the parishes ad-
jacent to St. Patrick's Cathedral. During the straggles of
Ormond to maintain the royal authority in Ireland, and
again during the Cromwellian occupation, the Castle still re-
mained the military key of Dublin. But with the Restora-
tion all this was changed. The metropolis rapidly expanded,
and the Castle, no longer overlooking the sea, as it had done
a generation earlier when Falkland could descry from it the
appearance of two Spanish ships of war in the bay of
Dublin,^ became shut in on all sides, so that its defensive
value to the inhabitants against the attack of an invader
became insignificant. When James II. came to Dublin the
Castle was hurriedly fitted up by Tyrconnel for his recep-
tion, but no care whatever was spent on the defences of the
building. These had indeed been pronounced worthless very
shortly before by the Master-General of the Ordnance, who,
in recommending the erection of a citadel * on the hills of
St. Stephen's Green,' described the condition of the ancient
fortress as being ' all in rubbish by the late fire,' ' and incapable
in any event of securing his Majesty's stores of war without
danger of destruction from fire, through being ' so pestered
up with houses' that the approaches to it were entirely
blocked up.
Worthless as a fortress, and undesirable as a residence,
the Castle, from the departure of James II., ceased to be of
any service save as the seat of the principal public offices.
Of the Viceroys of William III. none took the trouble to
reside for any time in Ireland, and some never came over to
» Col, 5. P. 1625-32, p. 258.
* Ormonde Papers, Hist, MSS. C<mm. 14th Bep. ii. p. 313.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OP DUBLIN 27
their government. The Lords Justices who governed in
their behalf preferred the rustic surroundings of the King's
House at Ghapehzod to the dismal interior of the half-ruined
edifice whose glories had departed. In Queen Anne's reign,
under the administration of the second Duke of Ormond, some
attempt was made to improve the approaches to the Castle.
In 1711 the destruction by fire of the Council Chamber
necessitated a consideration of the whole question of the
adequacy of the existing accommodation for the public
departments connected with the Castle. This was the
beginning of radical structural alterations, which, extending
through a period of above a century, only closed with the
erection of the present Castle chapel in 1814 by the Duke of
Bichmond. In the course of these alterations the King's
principal residence in Ireland was entirely transformed from
a mediaeval structure into the unimposing group of modem
buildings which it now presents.'
APPENDIX I
It seems appropriate to the plan of this attempt to recall the
historical associations of the Castle of Dublin prior to its eighteenth
century vicissitudes, to tell something of the story of the relations
of the Castle to the numerous purposes of state, other than those
of ofiBdal residence and seat of government, which in early times
the building was made to subserve.
Note A
THE CASTLE AS PARLIAMENT HOUSE
Besides being the seat of government and the residence of the
Deputy, the Castle was also the Parliament House. The early
Parliaments of Ireland were of course, like those of England, not
necessarily held in the capital. Several of the most celebrated
assembhes of the Lords and Commons of Ireland were held at
Kilkenny, Trim, Drogheda, and elsewhere, according to the
convenience or exigency of the moment. But in general the
Parliament met in Dublin. And when it met in Dublin, it met, in
early times at least, in Dublin Castle, no doubt in the great Hall
» Gilbert's Viceroys, p. 116.
98 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
80 often mentioned in the State Papers.^ In Tudor times, of
oouree, the same reasons that drove the Deputies to Eilmainham
and Si Sepulchre's made it impossible for the Parliament to
meet in the CSasile, The Abbey of St. Thomas, the Carmelite
Monastery in Whitefriars Street, and the Cathedral of Christ
Ghuroh thus became suocessively the scene of its migratory
siltings.* The first Parliament of Elizabeth in 1559 was held
by Sussex in the last-named building. But after the renova-
tions carried out by Sidney, the Castle again accommodated the
Hi^ Court <^ Parliament The Parliaments of James I. and
Charles L — probably the later Parliaments of Elizabeth also —
were there held in spite of the serious explosion of gunpowder which
partially ruined the hall in 1596.' The letter of Sir Christopher
Plunket^ describing the celebrated Parliament called by Sir Arthur
Chiohest^ in 1613, gives a graphic picture of the scene at its
opening/ on which occasion both Houses were aooonmiodated in
the gi^M^t hall of the Castle which had been specially fitted up for
theporpowk
Straflbrd*s Parliaments wer« also held within the Castle, which
continued k> be the sei^t of the Legislature until the B^)ellion.
A <l«»ripuon of the appearuice of the two Houses during the
INtfliainent which sat in 1635 has been left by Sir William
Bv>Nra^>n.^ But the Partiament of 1610 was the last to meet
thei^ Af^ the R<vsit«>rakm the 1>uke of OniKHid changed the
pkace of a^s^embhr ki Chich<»ter House^ die predeoessur of the
Purtianien) Hv^i^e in Colloa^ Gr^ea. And with the exoeption of
t)>e PiurHMneni of Jam<i$ II.. which was h^ at die d^'s Iims,
rJNPM4^ in V I^ciI^UmmmM ix} IJtri. nai i^ ^is^ui df a:&» IVcxfn. the
^tiCi t^ m^^ ^>i# m»« <«N^> ^ifwrii di# ^qsViq^ ?f«^(»?M fir i^ «V90fn of
^wB^- ^ ^ 4iRa
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OP DUBLIN 29
formerly the Black Friaars, on the site of the present Four
Courts, and of those held at the King's Hospital (the Blue Goat
School) in 1738-9 during the building of the Parliament House,
all Parliaments were held in College Green from the Bestoration
to the Union.
Note B
THE CASTLE AS THE SEAT OF THE LAW COURTS
The relation of the Castle to the law courts was always
intimate. As the language of King John's instructions to Meiller
Fitz-Henry shows, it was from the first intended that the Castle
should be the chief seat of legal administration, and so it continued
to be, almost without interruption, down to Stuart times. No doubt
the Hall of Justice suffered with the rest of the Castle in the early
years of the Tudors. It appears that a representation was made
to Henry VIII. by Alan, Archbishop of Dublin and Lord Chan-
cellor, that the Chancery within the Castle was ' no better than a
pigsty,' and orders were given in 1531 ' for the rebuilding of the
Castle Halls where the law is kept, lest the Majesty of ^e Law
should perish, and the Judges be obliged to administer the law on
the hills, as it were Brehons or Wild Irishmen.'^ In 1548 the
courts were transferred for a brief period to St. Patrick's,^ during
the suppression of the cathedral chapter. But on the reconstitu-
tion of the Cathedral they were restored to the Castle, where they
occupied the great Hall or Parliament Chamber. This arrange-
ment, however, was not found convenient, and Elizabeth
' frequently desired that the terms should be removed out of the
Casde,' ^ where the situation of the courts over the powder maga-
zine was in her time a source of natural apprehension to the
justices. Instructions to this effect were given in 1586 to Sir
John Perrot, who may have desired to utilise the hall in which the
courts sat for the Parliament summoned in that year. Neverthe-
less, it was not until 1607 that the removal of the courts from the
Castle was finally ordered. In that year James I. directed that
they should be held in the deserted Monastery of the Black Friars ; ^
the site of the old King's Inns, and of the modem Four Courts.
But, frightened no doubt by the estimate of the cost of equipping
the old Dominican Abbey for the purpose designed, his Ministers
* State Papers of Henry VIII., Foreign and Dom. Series, v. 198 p. 468.
* See Mason's 8t. Patrick^a, p. 154 ; Morrin's Patent Bolls of Elisabeth^
i. p. 541.
* Col. 8, P. (Ireland), 1598-9, p. 472. * Ibid. 1605-6, p. 460.
80 ILLD8TRATI0NS OF IBI8H HI8T0EY
were unable to carry out this order. Though made use of as the
King's Inns and the headquarters of the Bar, it was not until after
a li^se of close on two centuries that the Black Friars site was
appropriated to the full use for which Eang James had designed
it ; and, meantime, his Majesty's Four Courts found accommo-
dation in a * sumptuous fabric ' ^ in the precincts of Christ Church,^
to which they were transferred in 1610.
NoU C
THE CASTLE AS EXCHEQUEB AND MINT
We have seen that the Castle was from the first intended to be
the stronghold in which the King's treasure should be guarded, and
that in general it was the actual seat of the Exchequer and of the
Mint. The Court of Exchequer, however, and perhaps the Treasury
itself, was not originally within the Castle precincts. ' Among other
monuments,' says Stanihurst, ' there is a place in that lane, called
now Collets Inn, which in old time was the Exaxar, or Exchequer.''
And the chronicler goes on to tell in a familiar paragraph the story
of a raid by the Irish, in the course of which * they ransacked the
prince his treasure, upon which mishap the Exchequer was from
thence removed.' The separate Exchequer building can be traced
back at least as far as Henry III.'s time, and the Pipe Boll for the
thirteenth year of that reign has an entry of the expenditure of
ten shillings * in glass for windows of the Exchequer.' ^ It may
perhaps have been during the Bruce trouble that the incident
commemorated by Stanihurst occurred, for from a direction to
the Treasurer in 1313 to 'reside in Dublin Castle with the
treasure,' and from the fact that the Castle was in that year re-
paired and strengthened, it would seem as though the Treasury had
previously been situate without the precincts. Thenceforward, at
any rate, the Exchequer remained within the walls, though John
de Wilton is mentioned as late as 1345 as guardian of the works
of Dublin Castle and of the houses of the Exchequer.^
The Castle was also long the seat of the Boyal Mint. From
the first establishment of an Irish Mint by Eang John in 1210,
* Camden's BrUanmaj p. 1367.
* The foUowio^ desoription of the Four Courts about the close of James's
reign ooours in (demon's Diacourae of Ireland : * The Courts of Justice are
kept in a large stone building, parish of Christ Church, which is built in form
of a cross. At the four ends are the Four Courts, well adorned. The middle
is to walk in.' See Part II. infra.
■ Holinshed's Chronicles, v'u p. 27.
* 36ih Bepori of Deputy Keeper Irish Record Ojfice, p. 81.
* Close Boll, 17 A 18 Ed. HI., Irish Record Ofiice.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 31
when mints were fonnded not only in Dublin but in Waterford
and Limerick, to their abolition in Elizabeth's reign, the Dublin
coinage seems to have been usually struck within the Castle.
Several Acts of Parliament in the reigns of Henry YI. and Edward
IV. contain enactments affecting the coinage, and direct the coins
to be made in the Castle of Dublin. In 1425 John Cobham was
granted the ofBoe of Master of the Coinage to be made in Dublin
Castle, with the provision that ' all the money to be made there
should be of the same weight, alloy and assay as the silver money
which is made in London.' ^ An Act of Edward lY., passed at
Wexford in 1463, recites the appointment of one Germyn Lynch, of
London, goldsmith, to be 'Warden and Master of our moneys
and coins within our Castle of Dublin and within our Castle of
Trym,' and authorises him to make all the royal coinage. Lynch,
who was no doubt a Galway man, had previously been permitted
to make coins in that city as well as in Beginald's Tower at
Waterford. Drogheda and Carlingford were also the seats of
Boyal Mints at this period.^ By an Act passed in 1473 Lynch
was formally appointed Master of the Mint, and it was ordered
that ' the Kbig's coin be struck for the time to come within the
Castle of Dublin only and in no other place in Ireland.' A later
Act, passed in 1475, while ordering that coins made in Cork,
Yooghal and Limerick ' be utterly damned and taken in no pay-
ment,' recognised the Drogheda and Waterford Mints as still
legitimate. Lynch's appointment was however revoked, and the
profits of the Mint granted to Cerald, Earl of Eildare. Coins were
still struck in the Castle Mint as late as Edward YI.'s time, and
Elizabeth certainly intended to reopen the Dublin Mint. In 1661
directions were given to the Lords Justices for the erection of a mint
in Dublin, which is perhaps the ' Irish Mint House ' ' referred to
by Fynes Moryson.^ If so, the Mint in Moryson's time still occu-
pied its old quarters, the Lords Justices designating ' the Castle
of Dublin, with the help of the chapel next without the gate'
(St. Andrew's) as the fittest place for the Mint. But, though the pro-
spect of reviving the Dublin Mint was still entertained in Sidney's
time, nothing was done to give effect to it either by Elizabeth in
the remainder of her reign or by her successor. There is some
evidence that Charles I. intended to restore the Mint, and
Charles II., at the instance of the Duke of Ormond,^ certainly gave
a patent to coin silver in Ireland. But the Irish Mint was never
» Pat. BoU, S Hen. VI.
* 8imon*8 E$aay on Irish CoinSt p. 23, and App. pp. 82 and 85.
» Col. 8, P. (Ireland), 1509-1578, p. 167. * See Part U. mfra.
* Ormonde Papers, New Series, iii p. 802.
32 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IRISH HI8T0BY
re-established, and except for the familiar brass money of James II.
no coins have ever issued from a royal mint in Ireland since the
time of Edward YI.
NoteD
THE C/ISTLB AS A STATE PRISON
The most characteristic feature of the Castle as a medieval
fortress was that it served as the State prison. From the days of
Strongbow to those of Strafford, what is now called Cork Hill was
the Tyburn of the Irish capital, and the Bermingham Tower was
its Tower prison from an early date. It cannot have been from the
Castle, but was perhaps from some city gate, that the body of
Donnell, son of Annad, was suspended with his feet upwards, and
his head placed over the door in 1172, ' as a miserable spectacle for
the Gaedhill.* ^ But from the first building of the Castle its battle-
ments were utilised to strike terror into the enemies of the State by
the exhibition of the heads of traitors from above its walls. Of this
barbarous practice of the Middle Ages there are plenty of examples
in the history of the Castle. In 1358 one William Yale, having
slain several Irish chieftains in Carlow and its neighbouring
districts, ' brought their heads to the Castle of Dublin to be there
put up ' ; ' and in the picture of the Castle in the illustrations to
Derrioke's ' Image of Ireland ' the heads of decapitated chieftains
appear suspended from the battlements of the Gate Tower.
In early times the prison within the Castle was in the lower
rooms of the Bermingham Tower, and so continued till the
seventeenth century, when it was transferred to the Gate House.
The prisons were of course in the immediate custody of the
Constable, who, like the Constable of the Tower of London, had
the privilege of charging for the keep of provisions and hostages
at a higher rate than the Constables of other castles. The earliest
mention of the Castle prison to be met with in the State Papers
is in 1282, when a sum of two shillings was paid for gyves ; ' but
no doubt the Castle was from the first the State prison, and in
general it seems to have also been the gaol for ordinary
malefactors.
The inconvenience of making the Castle the common gaol was
the subject of frequent remonstrances on the part of the represen-
tatives of the Crown during the sixteenth century. For notwith-
standing that the new gate of the city had been equipped as a
* Annals of Lough C4, i. p. 147 (BoUs Series).
' Close Boll, S2 Ed. m. No. 6. See Hardiman's * Statute of Kilkenny/
Tracts BelcUing to Ireland^ ii. p. 85.
» Cal. 6'. P. (Ireland), 1262-1284. p. 428.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 38
prison in Biohard III/s time,^ the Castle seems to have remained
the chief plaoe of detention, and it was not until the reign of
James I. that any steps were taken to alter this arrangement. In
that year the King, <in consideration of divers inconveniences
attendant on the keeping of the oonmion gaol within the Castle of
Dublin/ * directed that it should be removed to some other suit-
able place in the city. But it was judged desirable that the Castle
should still be used for the custody of State prisoners, and
accordingly, to lessen the inconvenience to the Deputies, it was
ordered that a wall should be built ' separating such persons from
the part reserved for the lodging of the Lord Deputy.' But the
cost of making these alterations was tound too heavy for the
grudging treasury of James to sanction, and though the prisoners
were transferred to apartments in the Gate Tower, the work was
badly done, and the inconvenience was soon as great as ever. It
does not indeed appear precisely at what period the Castle ceased
to be regarded as a fitting ward for offenders against the State.
As lately as 1715 the Gkbte Tower of the Castle seems still to have
been used for the custody of prisoners. But no doubt, after
the erection of the eighteenth century Newgate built in 1773 on
the Little Green on the north side of the city, it was no longer
found necessary to trespass on the scanty accommodation of the
Castle for this purpose.'
NoUE
THE CASTLE AS BECOBD OFFICE
No more interesting associations are attached to the Castle
than those which connect it with the guardianship of the records
of the State. From very early times, and probably from its
foundation, the Castle was utilised for this purpose. In 1304 the
Treasury accounts record that the sum of four pence was paid for
< mending the lock and key of the great vault in the Castle of
Dublin where the rolls are preserved.' ^ Ten years or so later,
in the height of the Bruce scare, anxiety seems to have been felt
for the safety of the archives. Directions were issued to Walter
de Islip, the Treasurer of Ireland, ' to observe the ordinance made
by the Bang's Council, whilst the King's clerk John de Hotham
was in Ireland, that the Treasurer should reside in Dublin Castle
with the rolls and other memoranda touching his office.' ^
> See Gilbert's History of Dublin, i. p. 257.
« Col. S, P. (Ireland), 1608-10, p. 176.
> Harris's History of Dublin, p. 48.
* CcU. S. P. (Ireland), 1302-1307, p. 107.
» Cal of Close Bolls, 1813, p. 293.
P
34 ILLUSTEATI0N8 OF lEISH HISTORY
Of the exact date of the transference of the records from the
great vault just mentioned to the Bermingham Tower there is no
precise evidence ; but it is certain that they were kept in the last-
named place from the middle of the sixteenth century at least. An
elaborate memorandum, drawn up by John Alan, Master of the
BoUs,' not long after the suppression of the rebellion of Silken
Thomas, contains an unportant recommendation in regard to the
safe-keeping of the records ; and shows that the most culpable
laxity had previously prevailed with regard to them : ' And, for
conclusion, because there is no place so meet to keep the King's
treasure as is His Grace's Castle of Dublin in the tower called
Brymmyniames Tower — and where in times past the negligent
keeping of the King's records hath grown to great losses to His
Highness, as well concerning his lands as his laws, for that
every keeper for his time, as he favoured, so did either embezzle,
or suffered to be embezzled, such muniments as should make
against them or their friends, so that we have little to show for
any of the King's lands or profits in these parts ; it is therefore
necessary that from henceforth all the rolls and muniments to be
had be put in good order in the aforesaid tower, and the door
thereof to have two looks . . . and that no man be suffered to
have loan of any of the said muniments from the said place, nor
to search, view or read any of them there, but in the presence of
one of the keepers aforesaid.' ^
No attention seems to have been paid to Alan's recom-
mendation, for in 1551 the law courts having been removed, as
already stated, to St. Patrick's, an order was made by the Privy
Council for the transference 'to the late library of the late
i^athodral Church of St. Patrick's ' of ' the records and muniments
v\t his Highness's Chancery,' * on the ground that the tower within
hill Majesty's Castle of Dublin was both ruinous and too distant
» 8taU Papers of Henry VHL vol. ii. pt. iii. p. 486 (1884).
• In medieval times there appear to have been two distinct record repoai-
isv^liNi, viz. : the Chancery and the Treasury of the Exchequer. The Ezoheqaer
U^tuments included not only Exchequer records proper, but the rolls of all the
||ki\^K*s Justices at Common Law, and were kept at Uie Castle. The Chancery
lyvikrds consisted of Patent and Close Bolls, Bills or Warrants of the Justiciary
U |v«Und, Writs of various kinds, Injunctions, (ftc., and were kept in St. Bfary's
\^b4^y. In 1800, however, almost the entire contents of the Chancery were
UiMiivyed in the fire which burnt the Abbey in that year, and thereafter the
Cftwku««ry documents seem to have been kept for a considerable period in the
liitMury of Trim Castle, and later, as Alan's memorandum suggests, in the
luU*l« bouses of the successive Masters of the Rolls.
* Kiuyth's Law Officers of Ireland, p. 56. Mason's History of 8t. PaMch*8
^'lii/ivUra/, p. 155.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OP DUBLIN 36
from the ooorts. What effect was given to this order we have no
means of knowing. Bat from the brief stay of the ooorts in
St. Patrick's it is unlikely that it was acted on. And it would
seem from the terms of the order that in any case only legal
records were intended to follow the courts. At any rate the Order
in Council specifically directed that the tower should remain the
general State Paper repository.
No adequate arrangements were made under Edward VI. or
Queen Mary for the protection of the docviments in the tower ;
and the only effect of the order just referred to seems to have
been that the records were disturbed and disordered, and their
safety imperilled. When Sir Henry Sidney entered on his
government he found them, according to Collins, 'in an open
place, subject to wind, rain, and all weather, and so neglected that
they were taken for common uses.' ^ It is to Sidney's admirably
efficient administration that we are principally indebted for the
preservation of a great portion of the State Papers, and we un-
questionably owe to him the establishment of the earliest Irish
Becord Office. In 1566 he directed Henry Draycott, then Master
of the Bolls and Chancellor of the Exchequer, to undertake the
' perusing, sorting and calendaring ' of her Majesty's records,
which he had previously 'well laid up in a strong chamber of
one of the towers of Dublin Castle.' ' He also appointed, as
Stanihurst remarks, 'a special officer with a yearly fee for the
keeping of them.' Thomas Cotton, the Deputy Auditor-General,
was the first to hold this office.^ The salary of this earliest
Deputy Keeper of the Becords was fixed at lOZ. per annum. At
this modest figure it remained down to the year 1715, when it was
enlarged to the more substantial figure of 5002. a year for the benefit
of no less distinguished a personage than Joseph 'Addison, then
Chief Secretary to the Lord-Lieutenant, and it so continued down
to the constitution of a Public Becord Office by Statute in 1817.^
In 1636 Strafford drew attention to ' the want of Treasuries
for His Majesty's Becords of his Four Courts,' and his recommen-
dation that a proper office should be built resulted in the provision
of a Bolls Office.^ In a vigorous minute Strafford pointed out
that the legal records having been latterly kept for want of proper
custody in the house of the Master of the Bolls, many records had
been lost, and more recently burned in a fire which had consumed
* Collins's Sydney State Papers, Memoir , i. p. 90.
« Cal 8. P. (Ireland), 1609-78, p. 295.
* Fuuits, EUz. No8. 8320 and 8614, Irish Becord Office.
* Liber Mwnerum HibemuB, II. vi. 205, ^ Strafford's Letters, i. p. 527.
D2
36 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
that offioial's residenoe. From this time probably dates the
definite separation of the legal records of the country from the
State Papers properly so called.^
NoteF
THE OFFICE OF CONSTABLE OF DUBLIN CASTLE
From the very earliest times until late in the eighteenth
century the Castle was governed by a Constable, an officer of
considerable dignity, who was responsible for the security of its
defences, and for the safe custody of the prisoners committed to
the Grate. The office appears to have been at all times one of
high consideration. Like the Con&table of the Tower of London,
its holder was entitled, as already noted, to demand higher fees for
the maintenance of prisoners and hostages than were chargeable in
other castles in the kingdom. The earliest express mention of a
Constable by name is that of Simon Muredoc,^ who in 1245 was
directed to give formal possession of the Castle to Henry III. 'a
newly appointed Justiciary, John Fitz-Geoffirey. But it would
appear that, in 1226, Theobald Walter,' the ancestor of the Ormond
family, had the custody of the Castle, and may have been its first
Constable. One Hugo de Lega was Keeper of the Castle in 1285,
but the office of Keeper was then, as well as in later times, distinct
from that of Constable. The salary of the Constable, exclusive of
fees, was twenty pounds Irish, and it seems to have remained at
this modest figure as late as the Restoration, when an allowance
of ten shillings a day was added.^ At the accession of George II.
it was again raised, the ' ancient fee of twenty pounds ' being
augmented by an addition of 345Z., thus bringing up the full
emoluments to a pound a day. But the perquisites must at all
times have been valuable. The privilege of residence within the
Castle seems to have been highly valued, if we may judge from
the petition of Jaques Wingfield, who, about 1560, 'bilded an
handsome lodging for himself at his own proper charge.' ^ And
the Ormonde Papers contain an agreement for the sale of beer
* For Infonnation on the state of the Irish records generally prior to the
nineteenth century see the prefaces to the three volumes of Morrin's Calendar
of the Patent and Close Rolls of Chancery in Ireland.
« Cal 8. P. {Ireland), 1172-1251, p. 417. « Ibid. p. 217.
* Ormonde Papers, New Series, vol. iii.
* State Papers (Ireland), Record Office, vol. xvi. p. 25. Wingfield was ordered
by the Deputy, Fitzwilliams, to quit his lodging. In a petition to Cecil, Wing-
field describes the residence as ' my cottage in the Castle that standeth on the
North Wall of the Castle joined to the Constable's prison.' The Constable*
lodgings had previously been on the opposite side, but were moved when Sidney
built the Viceregal lodgings on the south side.
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 37
within the Castle on terms which must have been very profitable
to the Constable.^
The defensive establishment of the Castle seems to have varied
from time to time, bat four gunners and fourteen warders seem to
have been the normal complement. The city in early times seems
to have been called on to contribute to the cost of defending the
Castle, as appears from a fine inflicted in 1312 on John le Usher,
then Constable, who, having been allowed the cost of maintaining
twelve extra men, over and above the ordinary garrison, who
were to receive their pay out of the city dues, neglected, ' con-
trary to his oath and in deceit of the King and Court,' to maintain
the additional men. The city was likewise called upon about
this time to supply the Constable of Dublin Castle with ' twelve
good arbalists, with fitting gear and ten thousand bolts ' ; and in
1315 the Mayor and Sheriffs provided a quantity of munition for
defence of the Castle.^ In 1537, Alan, the Master of the Bolls, in
calling attention to the necessity for the repair of the Castle, re-
commended that ' for the custody thereof, and many other dangers,
the Constable of the same be an Englishman of England bom,
whose dwelling shall be continually within the said Castle with-
out appointing of a deputy, and he to be associated with four
gunners, of the which number two shall always be present.' '
A LIST OF THE CONSTABLES OF DUBLIN CASTLE
{Compiled from the Liber Munervm HibemicB, the State Paper
Calendars, and other sources.)
1226. Theobald Walter, 1377. John Davenport and
1245. Simon Muredoc.
1276. Henry de Ponte.
1278. Peter de Condon.
1280. William Bumel.
1285. Philip Eeling, Junior.
1293. John Wodelok.
1296. Henry le Waleys.
1302. Simon de Ludgate.
1302. John le Usher.
1325. Henry de Badowe.
1352. James, Earl of
Ormond.
1371. Boger Ocley.
* Agreement of Dudley Mainwaring with Nioholas Buck, Ormonde Papers^
N.S. ill. ' Historic and Municipal Documents^ pp. 802, 327
• State Papers of Henry VIII. vol. ii. pt iii. p. 486 (1834).
Bichard Ocley.
1381. Boger de Levenes.
1383. John Bamolby.
1399. William le Scrope.
1399. William Bye.
1401. Jenico Dartas.
1427. Christopher Plunkett.
1450. Giles Thomdon.
1453. Sir Henry Bruen.
1454. John Bennet.
1467. Thomas Alfray.
1474. Gerald Fitzgerrot.
1486. Bichard Archbold.
38
ILLUSTRATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
1633. Sir John White.
1543. John Parker.
1661. Robert Tucker.
1666. John Bettes.
1666. William Denham.
1666. Jaques Wingfield.
1676. Silvester Cooley.
1687. Stephen Segur or
Segrave.
1688. John Maplesden.
1691. Miohael Eettlewell.
1600. Tristram Ecoleston.
1607. Henry Piers or Persse.
1611. Roger Davys.
1617. Roger Davys and
Robert Branthwaite.
1628. Roger Davys and
Samuel Dargas.
1636. Mathew Mainwaring.
1644. Mathew and Dudley
Mainwaring.
1660. Sir John Stephens.
1673. Col. John Jeffreys.
1680. Arthur Turner.
1681. James Clarke.
1684. James and William
Clarke.
1708. John and William
Pratt.
1727. Thomas Hatton.
1767. Henry Seymour
Conway.'
!i
APPENDIX II
A SURVEY OF DUBLIN CASTLE IN 1624.«
May it please yo' Most Hono'***® LLps, — I longe since repre-
sented unto yo' Up" the pticuler surveyes of the severall forts of
most importance in this kingdom, taken by S^ Thomas Botherham
and Capten Pinner, togeather w^^ an Estimat of the chardge vr^
the repayre of them would amount unto ; And lately by my Ires of
the ix^^ of the last Monneth, I was bould to offer the consideracon
thereof againe unto your lip": Since that tyme having^ heard
somthing® of the proceedinges in Parliament, & not knowing*
what alteracons the constitutions of these tymes may produce, I
have caused Capten Pinner to take an exact survey of this Castle
of Dublin, and to certefy the ruins of it, togeather w^ the chardge
that the repayre of it, shall com to, w^ I heere inclosed present
unto your Up", and doe humbly desyre, that as it is my duty to
acquaint your lip* w^ these pticulers, soe yow wilbee pleased to
dirreot mee in due tyme what course to houlde in them, that
I may resolve accordingly.
Yo' most Hono'We LLp" Most humbly at Commaund,
FaLKEiAND.
Addressed : To the Bight Hono'^'" my very good Lordes
the Lordes of his Ma** Most Honorable Privy Councell.
Endorsed : jo? Aprilis 1624, from y® Lo : Deputie of Irelande,
concerning a survey of y® Castle of Dublin.
* Ck>nway was the last Constable. The office was abolished by the Statute
67 George lU. cap. 62. « 5. P. (Ireland), vol. coxxxviu. pt. i. No. 87, L
HIS MAJESTY'S CASTLE OF DUBLIN 39
Dublin Castle : An Estimacon made the 5^ of Aprill 1624 by
Thomas Pymiook and Thomas Gray Masons, for the
Palling downe of the greate Towar standing West North
West being 63 foote high w<^ maketh 3 perohes at 21^«
foote the perohe, and the Gompasse ther of being taken
in the myddell of the walle is 124 foote making 6 perches
for the Qrcumferenoe. And the thicknes of the walle is
Tenn foote.
u
For the Palling downe of the Tower and lainge the
Stones in place may cost by Estimacon . 080 00 00
The Tower will conteine 1600 perches, w^''* for the
Workmanship only at 2s. 6d. the pche will cost . 200 00 00
Every perch of work wUl require 2 barrells of roache
lyme, w^ at 9d. the barrell being 3200 barrells
wiU cost 120 00 00
Every Barrell of lyme will require 2 barrells of
sand yr^ at 3d. the barrell to be layd in the place
to be wrought, being 6400 barrells will cost . 080 00 00
For Diging of stone sufficient for this worke may
cost by Estimacon 045
For the Stone it self and bringing it home may cost 090
For ScafiFoling 025
For Ankers, Dogges and Spikes may cost . 025
For 100 stone stayres ruff hewed at 38. 4d. the pece 016
For Tymber and planks for one platf orme and fyve
floores may cost by Estimacon .... 100 00 00
For taking up of the lead, w°^ must be all newe cast
and wrought, may cost by Estimacon . . 050 00 00
For Clensing the Moate from all Bubbish and the
Mudd yr^^ in greate aboimdance, may cost . . 060 00 00
Suma . 891 00 00
Niolio Pynnar
T. P. Thomas Graye . Masons.
u
Ther is also in diuers of the Towers (w«*» because
the names of them are not knowne, we doe sett
downe in generall their defects) a greate deale of
walle, and parapet that is fallen downe, and som
so ryven that it must be taken downe, w^ wilbe
in iJl 213 perohes and for the Workmanship of
all this w^ stone, l3ane, and sand will cost Ss.
each perche as is here under specified, and this
will amount unto by estimacon . . . . 85 8 0
00
00
00
00
00
00
00
00
00
00
40 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
li
There is a greate deale of stone work must be palled
downe, and the stones to be saued and layd m
place may cost by Estimacon . . . .500
The Tower called Bremagems Tower wanteth no
stonework but it hath no platforme, w^^ is a
place fitt for a peece of Artillery, this is 41 foote
long and 24 foote wide, and this may cost by
Estimacon 24 0 0
The leade of this Tower must be taken up and new
wrought w^ may cost by Estimacon . . . 30 00 0
Ihor is a litle Tower standing South w<^^ also hath
no platforme and is very needefull to have a
peece of Artillery and this may cost by Estimacon 14 00 0
The lead also of this must be taken up and newe
wrought, w<^^ may cost by estimacon . . 25 00 00
For Ankers, Dogg^* and Spikes to fasten in the
walles, w^'^ for want of theise formerly hath bene
the cause of the Ruin of theise walles, and this
may Ck>st by estimacon 25 00 00
All the out side of the Castle walle towards the
South and the west is weather beaten, and in the
West end iher is a crack from one tower to the
other and must be pynned, both in that place
and 8om others, and this may cost by estimacon 250 00 00
Suma .458 8 00
Ther must be for every pch of work 2 Cart load of
stone w«^ doih cost Ss.
For 'J barrolls of Roach lyme ISc^.
For 4 barrens of Sand ' 12d.
Fc^r workmanship each perche at ... . 2s. 6(2.
Soma . 8f.
Nicvho FS-nnar
T. l\ Thomas Grave . llaBCMos.
XNm.v:m : A Sun^T of tb« CksUe of I>ubUii. April ^ IQM.
II
THE PHCENIX PABK
The Phoenix Park is the greatest and most abiding monu-
ment of that extraordinary revival and extension of the
Irish capital which followed the Eestoration, and which in
the space of a few years transformed Dublin from a mediaeval
city into a modem metropolis. Down to the era of the Com-
monwealth Dublin had remained a walled town, within
the ambit of whose fortifications little or no change affecting
its general appearance had taken place for a couple of
centuries. From the days of the later Plantagenets to
those of the later Stuarts, it may almost be said, no scenic
transformation on a large scale was effected in the aspect of
the capital, save what was involved in the suppression of the
monasteries and the conversion of the Abbey of St. Mary's
and the Priory of All Hallows from religious to civil uses.
The disturbed. condition of Ireland throughout the whole
Tudor period sufficiently engaged the attention of successive
Deputies from Poynings to Essex ; and when the compara-
tive calm that followed the Plantation of Ulster left leisure
to such liberal-minded rulers as Chichester, St. John, and
Falkland to contemplate the improvement of the capital,
even the expenditure which was found to be indispensable
to make Dublin Castle habitable was with difficulty sanc-
tioned by the parsimony of James I.^ Such extensions of
the city as took place in the early years of the seventeenth
century lay in a south-easterly direction, some part of the
empty space between Dublin Castle and Trinity College
being appropriated to Chichester House. But no attempt
was made to enlarge the bounds of the metropolis to the
* See pp. 21-22, supra.
42 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
west, where on the north the meadows and green of Oxman-
town lost themselves in the vagae hinterland of Grangegor-
man, and on the south fresh meadows ronning down to the
banks of the Liffey extended from James's Street to the old
priory of Kilmainham.^
The all-pervading energy of Strafford would probably
have undertaken the adornment of the capital had time and
fate permitted. His letters are not without evidence that the
subject was in his thoughts. But the dread Viceroy passed to
his doom on Tower Hill, leaving no visible memorial nearer
Dublin of his long tenure of uncontrolled authority than the
crumbling walls of his unfinished edifice near the Naas road.
After Strafford's departure ensued the terrible epoch that
followed the Rebellion of 1641.
Fire and sword,
Bed ruin and the breaking ap of laws,
laid hold of Ireland for a full decade. And the war and waste
which devastated the whole country nowhere left ruder
traces than in the streets and fortifications of Dublin and in
the fortunes of its hapless citizens. It is difficult to picture
a scene of greater desolation, indigence, and even famine
than is painted in the letters of the Irish Lords. Justices in
the years immediately following the Rebellion and in those
of the Viceroy, afterwards the first Duke of Ormond,' in the
disastrous years that preceded his abandonment of Ireland
to the Roundheads. The decade 1651 to 1660 viras one of
less disturbance. But a military government seldom en-
courages municipal prosperity, and the general sense of the
insecurity of the Cromwellian regime was unfavourable to
private enterprise. Thus it was not until the Bestoration
that any effort was made to rescue the city from the decay
into which it had fallen. Then, indeed, was witnessed a
marveUous change.
' As Ut« as the end of the seTenteenth eentoiy Spensar's line stiU rwnaimid
pboiographioallj descripiiTe of the flow of the Liffej ri^t iqp to the eity :~
* There was the Liffy rolling downe the lea.*
Faery Qmtme. Book IV. eanto xL
* Letkan of the Irish Lords Jostioes, 1641-44. Onmmde Paftn, New
Seriea, vol. iL
THE PHCENIX PARK 43
In the year 1661 the Duke of Ormond, sharing the
happier fortunes of the cause to which he had clung in
adversity, and returning from exile with his master, was
appointed Lord-Lieutenant of Lreland, or, to use the pictur-
esque phrase of the time, 'came to the sword/ A great
nobleman, possessed of a stake in the country greater than
that of any other subject of the Crown, Ormond was in the
fullest sense a resident Viceroy. Having held the sword in
the evil days of rebellion and civil war, he knew, as no one
else could, all that the country and the capital had suffered,
and he returned to Ireland animated with a desire to do all
that in him lay to give back prosperity to both. How far
he succeeded in the poUtical sphere in fulfilling expecta-
tions of which, as he remarked, it would have required
another and a larger Ireland to satisfy them all, need not be
discussed here. But of the efficacy of his plan for the reno-
vation of Dublin there can be no sort of question. If the
exile of the Boyalists to Paris, Brussels, Amsterdam, and
wherever else the scattered followers of Charles 11. found a
refuge in Continental centres, did nothing else for them,
adversity was not without its uses in enlarging their
experience of men and cities. Ormond and his adJierents
returned with new and liberal ideas of what a capital ought
to be, and to these they speedily gave effect. Houses every-
where sprang up without the walls of Dublin. The space from
Cork Hill to College Green previously but sparsely occupied
was quickly filled up. Oxmantown Green became so built
upon that, in less than eight years, Ormond was obliged to
requisition St. Stephen's Green, then lately walled in, as an
exercise ground for his garrison, and the northern quays
began to be formed as we now know them.* So rapid was
the extension that the citizens, mindful of their past troubles,
called the attention of the Viceroy to the difficulties likely to
be occasioned in time of war by reason of the large number
of dwellings which now lay without the fortifications ; and
* See the Desoription of England and Ireland by Mons. Jorevin de Booheford,
Paris, 1672, Part II. vnfra.
44 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
Arthur Capel, Earl of Essex,' one of Ormond's successors in
the Viceroyalty, writing in 1673, observes that * the city of
Dublin is now very near, if not altogether, twice as big as it
was at his Majesty's restoration, and did, till the Dutch war
began, every day increase in building.' But of all the adorn-
ments and additions then planned and accomplished, by far
the greatest was the formation and enclosure of 'his
Majesty's Park of the Phoenix.'
Although the Phoenix Park, as it now is, and as it has
been known to the citizens of Dublin for above two centuries,
has for its southern boundary the road running by the north
bank of the Liffey from Dublin to Chapelizod, it originally
embraced both sides of the river, and included the land on
which the Boyal Hospital, Eilmainham, now stands. Here
it was that the Duke of Ormond found the nucleus of the
Park. At the time of his return from exile the lands of
Eilmainham had been for exactly a century in the undis-
turbed possession of the Crown. Originally granted by
Strongbow to the Enights Hospitallers in 1174, they had
remained until the Beformation the appanage of what Ware
calls 'the most noble Priory of St. John's of Jerusalem
in Ireland.' ^ But they had been surrendered to Henry Vlll.
in the thirty-third year of that monarch's reign by the
then prior. Sir John Bawson.^ The Hospital and its lands
remained in the possession of the Crown from 1542 onwards,
during the reigns of Edward VI. and Queen Mary, and the
priory appears even thus early to have been utilised as a
Viceregal residence. In Ware's * Annals ' * the Lord Deputy,
> Essex Papers, Camden Soc., New Series, vol. xlyii.
' Ware*8 Annals, p. 259. On the suppression of the Knights Tonplara bj
Edward II. in 1313, their lands in Ireland were given to the Knights of St. John.
Hence the mistake of Arohdall, who, in his Monasticon, erroneously states that
the lands of Kilniainham were granted by Strongbow to the Knights TemplAis.
ArchdaU's Monasticon Hibemicunit edition of 1876, ii. p. 92.
' 1542. A Statute (34 Henry VIII.) passed in this year at Dublin enacted
* that the King our Sovereign Lord shall have, hold, possess, and enjoy to him,
his heirs and successors for ever, the said late dissolved Hospital of St. John's
of Jerusalem in this realm, and all and singular its possessions, lands, appnrte-
nanceo,' Ac.
* Ware's AnnaU, p. 142.
THE PHCENIX PABK 46
Thomas Badcliffe, Viscount Fitzwalter, is described as
marching in 1557 with his forces * from the Hall of Eilmain-
ham, being the Lord-Lieutenant's place of retire.' But at
the close of the same year the priory was restored by Queen
Mary, at the instance of Cardinal Pole, to the Knights of
St. John, one Oswald Massingberd being installed as prior.
Massingberd's tenure was necessarily brief. On the accession
of EUzabeth in the year following he fled overseas, and
Fitzwalter, returning to the Viceroyalty as Earl of Sussex,
resumed possession of the priory. Thereupon it was found
expedient to settle the title of the Grown on a clear basis ;
and, accordingly, by ' An Act for the restitution of the late
priory or hospital of St. John's of Jerusalem,' the house and
lands were declared to be ' annexed to the Lnperial Crown of
this realm in the Queen's most royal person ' in as full a
manner as before the patent to Sir Oswald Massingberd.^
The priory, or as it now began to be called, the Castle of
TTilTniKiTiliATn, having considerably decayed since the original
suppression of the Knights of St. John by Henry VIII.,*
Elizabeth, deeming it a fit place for the residence of the Chief
Qovemors of Ireland, gave order for its repair. For the
next thirty years it was so used by successive deputies from
Sir Henry Sidney ' to Sir William Fitzwilliam, though the
former, on his first arrival, finding the repairs inadequate,
was obliged to take refuge in the archiepiscopal palace of
St. Sepulchre's.^ But after Fitzwilliam's departure in 1688,
the hall or principal building was suffered to fall into woeful
dilapidation, whilst its appurtenant premises had already
degenerated into hopeless ruin. A memorandum drawn up
* statute 2 Elizabeth, cap. vii.
' MS. Annals of Dudley Loftus in Arohbishop Marsh's Library, Dublin.
* * In the Christmas holidays, 1666, 1 visited him [O'Neill] in the heart of his
country . . . and when word was brought him that I was so near him — " That is
not possible," quoth he, " for the day before yesterday I know he dined and
sate under his cloth of estate in his hall of Kilmainham." ' Sir H. Sidney's
Journeys, Uhter JounuU of Archeology, iii. p. 42. Sidney during his residence
caused Island Bridge to be built on the site of a structure built of stone in the
middle of the fifteenth century, but swept away by a flood in 1546. The bridge
was long known as Kilmainham Bridge.
* Col, 5. P. (Ireland), 1609-1678. And see p. 16, supra.
46 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTOBY
in 1572 of ' the decays of the Manor place of Eilmainham/
and of the mills and weirs there/ shows the extent to
which decay had even then spread ; St. John's Church
being roofless, St. Mary's chapel being utilised as a stable
and its steeple broken down, and the fort by which the
whole was defended presenting a complete wreck. The mills
and weirs of Kilmainham had also fallen into ruin, Hhe
pound by which the waters of a swift-running river named
the Liffey' had course to the former having two great
breaches or gaps in it, and the weirs 'for the taking of
samon ' urgently needing repair. But sorry as was the
spectacle thus presented by her Majesty's House of Kil-
mainham, no attention whatever was paid by Ehzabeth to
the frequent remonstrances of her representatives in Ireland
at the neglect of the place. After Fitzwilliam's departure
the ancient priory was degraded to a granary, though many
years were still to elapse ere it ceased to be officially
regarded as a possible Viceregal habitation. In 1599, when
the favourite Essex was about to come over on the luckless
mission which was to lead him to the scaffold, orders were
given for the putting in readiness of her Majesty's House
of Ealmainham for the Lord Lieutenant's reception ; but a
simi of 153Z., expended by the Lords Justices in repairs
pursuant to this order, incurred the disapproval of the
Treasury, who endorsed the item in the accounts ' a house of
pleasure without Dublin, and therefore a superfluous charge.' '
The later Elizabethan Viceroys, exercising their office
for the most part through Lords Justices, were little incon-
venienced by the loss of their only official residence outside
Dublin Castle. But early in the reign of James I. that
vigorous administrator Sir Arthur Chichester, who was Lord
Deputy for twelve years, of which eight were spent in
Ireland, did his best to get the place put into order. In 1605,
he applied for ' 1,000Z. harpe, making 750Z. sterling for the
repair of the house at Kilmainham, as a residence for the Lord
* * Decays of the Manor Plaoe of Kilmainham,* Irish State Papers, Ells,
vol. xiv. p. 67, ii., Record Office.
» Col, 8. P. (Ireland), 1599-1600, p. 240.
THE PHCENIX PABK 47
Deputy in the summer months, when the castle is somewhat
noisome by reason of the prison.' ^ Four years later he was
obliged to name 3,000Z. as the sum necessary, describing the
place as ' a goodly vast building, but like to be utterly ruined
and blown down the next winter.' Chichester plaintively
added that he made this representation only in discharge of
his duty, ' Kilmainham being his Majesty's only house in
this kingdom meet for the deputy to reside in,' but not expect-
ing that any attention would be paid to his remonstrance.
It being plain that King James and his Ministers cared
nothing for the place, and were only desirous of getting rid
of the cost of keeping it from further dilapidation, divers
of his officers in Ireland began to set covetous eyes on
•KilTTiainhftTn Memorials were addressed to the King
pointing out its ruinous condition and the valuelessness of
the lands attached to it, and expressing a loyal readiness to
relieve the Crown of the whole. In 1609, Sir Richard
Button,' his Majesty's Auditor of Imprests, proposed to
take a grant of all the lands on the north side of the
Liffey in fee-farm for ever, with the reservation of only
2DL a year to the Grown, in consideration of his surrender
of certain lands in Cornwall. A King's letter directing a
patent to issue was accordingly sent over to Chichester, from
whom it drew a vigorous protest. The Lord Deputy sus-
pended the grant till his objections could be considered by
the Privy Council, pointing out the desirability of restoring
the house as a Viceregal residence, and observing that if the
lands were alienated the deputies would be ' without any place
either of pleasure or help towards housekeeping.' He con-
cluded by expressing his opinion that if the grant should be
made the Crown would ere long be coerced either to largely
increase the Viceregal allowances or to buy back Kilmainham.
Chichester's protest, however, fell on deaf ears. In the
following year the patent issued to Sutton, and the Deputy,
despairing of procuring its revocation, proposed to build an
official country seat at Drogheda, where the Irish Primates,
» Col. S, P. (JreZafkf), 1608-6, p. 881.
* Ibid. 1608-10, p. 882.
48 ILLDSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
who were frequently made responsible for the government
of the country in the absence of the Deputy from Ireland,
had their principal residence. The priory of Kilmainham
was left derelict. No attempt was ever thereafter made to
restore the building, of which half a century later little or
nothing remained.^ In the Down Survey, the remnants are
described as the ruins of a large castle ; and when in 1680
directions were given to clear the site for the erection of the
Boyal Hospital, there only remained part of the walls of the
chapel, the stones of which were carefully taken down and
used in building the chapel of the Hospital.
But the disappointed Deputy had not to wait long for
the fulfilment of his prophecy. Sir Bichard Sutton never
took possession of the lands of Kilmainham, but assigned
his grant in 1611 to Sir Edward Fisher,' to whom, in the same
year, a fresh grant was issued confirming his title to all the
lands on the north side of the Liffey and Kilmainham Bridge,
extending from Oxmantown Green to Chapelizod and to the
river Liflfey, and including 330 acres, part of the demesne of
the late Hospital of Kilmainham, and 60 acres known as Kil-
mainham Wood. On the property thus granted, Fisher, who
acquired at the same time the sole right of fishing in the
Liffey, erected a country house. But in 1618 he surrendered
his patent to the King ^ for a sum of 2,500Z., whereupon the
' See also Careto CcU. (1603-24), p. 80. * I have caused an exact view to be
taken of the house at Killmainham, and appraise most of the materials to be
made by skilful men, which amounteth not to 800Z., leaving the stable, a garden,
and the walls of a garden standing.' Answer^ * Lord Carew is directed to view
the place, and on conference with you to direct what is necessary to be done.'
' The grant to Sir E. Fisher included : * All the lands lying on the northern
side of the Liffey and Kilmainham Bridge, 880 acres ; being part of the demesne
of the late Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem ; a parcel of underwood called
Trnm^in>ift.m Wood, 60 acres ; all bounding and extending to the high-road
leading from Oxmantown Oreen near Dublin, to Chapel Izod, and to the river
Liffey, South ; to the lands of Newtowne, East ; to the hedge and lands of
Newtown, Ashtown, and Mainham's Bush, North ; to the plowlands in or near
Chapel Izod in the tenor of Sir Henry Power, West ; a parcel of meadow 10
acres extending to Kilmainham Bridge, East ; to the road. North ; to the lands
of Chapel Izod, West ; and to the Liffey, South, parcel of the estate of the said
Hospital.' Total rent 102. English. To hold for ever as of the Castle of Dublin
in common socage. Patent Roll of James 1. 1611.
• Ibid. pt. ii.
THE PHCENIX PARK 49
lands with the house thereon were, by special direction of
the King, converted to the use of the Chief Governor of
Ireland for the time being.
This repurchase of the lands of Kilmainham was effected
by Sir Oliver 8t. John, afterwards Lord Grandison, who in
1616 had succeeded Chichester as Deputy, and who, almost
inmiediately after Fisher's surrender, took up his abode at
' his Majesty's House at Kilmainham called the Phenix.' ^
The house is first described by that name in an order for
payment of moneys disbursed in repairs in February 1619,
and thenceforward it is constantly used. With respect to
the origin and derivation of this name, I cannot presume to
meddle in Gaelic etymology. The explanation o£Eered by
most local historians, and expanded by Dr. Joyce, refers the
name to a corruption of the word Fionn (or Phion) uisg\
signifying clear, or limpid, water. According to this sugges-
tion the name denotes a spring well of singular transparency
situate within the park.'
It was in the time of St. John's successor, the first Lord
Falkland, that the notion, not carried out till forty years
later, of turning the lands into a deer park seems to have
been first entertained. In 1623 a King's letter directed that
one William Moore should be employed about his Majesty's
park, which was to be enclosed near Dublin for the breeding
of deer and the maintenance of game. But although the
office of Master of the Hawks and Game had been constituted
in 1605, and was at the time held by the Vice-Treasurer,
Sir Thomas Bidgeway, afterwards Earl of Londonderry,
it does not appear that anything was done to enclose any
part of the lands of the Phoenix or to stock it with game.
> Col. 8. P. {Ireland), 1615-1626, p. 246.
' Iriah Names of Places, i* p* 24. It ia not certain that Dr. Joyce is
correct in fixing the site of this spring as close to the Phoonix Pillar and the
entrance to the Viceregal grounds. The spring at that spot would not have
been on the lands originally held with the Phceniz house. Assuming the sug-
gested etymology to be correct, it seems more probable that the name derives
from a spring in the vicinity of the Magazine, perhaps the rivulet that runs
along the valley on the north side of the Magazine Hill. It may be noted
that the river Finisk which joins the Blackwater below Cappoquin is called
the ' Phoenix ' by Charles Smith in his History of Waterford.
£
50 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
At any rate no new Master was appointed on Bidgeway*B
death in 1631.
For forty years from the time of its acquisition by the
Crown * the House of the Phoenix ' remained the principal
residence of the rulers of Ireland and their favourite resort.
After Falkland's time it was occupied by the Lords Justices
in the absence of the Viceroy, and the well-known Earl of
Cork notes in his diary how * I and mine were this day feasted
at the Phenix by the Lord of Banelagh.' * Strafford and
Ormond, Fleetwood and Henry Cromwell, were among its
successive occupants in the thirty troubled years that preceded
the Bestoration. Situated on the eminence now occupied by
the magazine fort, commanding the fine prospect of the
Dublin hills and of the valley of the Liffey in one direction,
and a far-stretching expanse of almost entirely unoccupied
land in another, it was an almost ideal spot for the recreation
of jaded statesmen in the intervals that great affairs afforded.
Here Strafford, in the earlier years of his rule, diverted him-
self vdth hawking, or with such substitute for his favourite
sport as he was forced to improvise in a country seat in which,
as he laments to his friend Gottington, * there hath not been
a partridge within the memory of man.' * To-morrow,' he
writes, ' I purpose with a cast or two of spar-hawks to take
myself to fly at blackbirds, ever and anon taking them on
the pates with a trench. It is excellent sport, there being
sometimes two hundred horse on the field looking on at us.' *
Strafford however was not contented with the Phoenix, either
as a residence or for the sport its neighbourhood afforded.
He defends himself, in a letter to Laud, against a charge of
extravagant expenditure on his mansion near Naas, and his
park at Shillelagh, on the plea that it was ' uncomely ' that
his Majesty should not have a house in Ireland capable to
lodge him with moderate conveniency.* On Ormond's sur-
render of Dublin to the Parliament in 1647, the Phoenix
passed into the hands of the Parliamentarians, but on the
Viceroy's return in June 1649, when he lay before Dublin
* Lismore Papers^ let Ser. iii. p. 60.
' Straiford's Letters^ i. p 162. * Ibid, ii. p. 105.
THE PHOENIX PARK 51
prior to the disaBtroos battle of Bathmines, he snminoned
the House to surrender, and it was delivered up, but only
to be "reoccupied a few weeks later by the victorious forces
of the Parliamentary General, Michael Jones.^ In 1652 Sir
Jerome Sankey, one of the most acquisitive of the Crom-
weUians, seems to have secured a promise of the place.
A survey of the manor of Ejilmainham was ordered by the
Parliamentary Commissioners. But it does not appear how
far this affiEkir proceeded.* Later, the Phoenix was the con-
stant abode of Henry Cromwell,^ many of whose letters are
dated from thence.^ He appears to have been fond of the
place and to have added considerably to the building, which,
even before his improvements, was described by Sir William
Petty as a very stately house and in good repair.^ Ormond,
on being reinstated as Viceroy, gave order for the building
of a hall and stables ; and Lord Orrery,^ who, as one of the
Lords Justices pending Ormond's arrival, had charge of
the improvements, suggested the addition of a chapel. But
except as to the stables, these designs were not proceeded
with, the larger schemes involved in the formation of the
Park rendering them in part unnecessary.
' Jones is stated in a pamphlet of the day to haye taken ' the Phoenix, the
strong house of the Earl of Strafford near the city of Dablin ' on August 13, 1649.
' Hardinge, * On Surveys in Ireland,' Travu. BJ.A, yol. xxiy. ; AntiquUieSt
p. 5.
* * 36 May, 1657. We all dined yesterday and took leaye at the Phenix,
where we found much freedom and welcome.*— Major Geo. Hawdon to Lord
Conway. Col. fif. P. {Ireland^, 1647-1660.
* ' When Sir H. Waller surprised the Castle of Dublin Henry Cromwell
retired to a house in the Phoenix Park.*— Leland's History of Ireland, iil. p. 400.
* Down Suryey.
* * I am now building a house for myself in Munster, of which I am the
arohiteet, and therefore pretend something to eDgineership, by yirtue of which I
spent an hour yesterday in designing what you command should be further
done at the Phoenix, which is a hall and a stable. I proposed to the Council
that, to make the house uniform, the hall should be built as a room answerable
to the new building Col. Harry Cromwell made ; and that to make it of even
length thereunto a chapel should be added, without which your grace's family
will not be a little disaccommodated. Both these will make the house uniform,
and because this must be done forthwith, I proposed that the walls might
be so thick as hereafter on the hall and the chapel other stories might be raised
to the height of Colonel Harry's building, to which this will be opposite, and in
the meantime to terrace this. This the Council approved.' — Orrery to Ormond,
December 28, 1601, Orrery's State Letters, p. 81.
■ 2
52 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTOEY
We have now reached the time of the making of the Park.
Bat before proceeding with the story it may be convenient
to trace the subsequent history of the old Phoenix House.
The Duke of Ormond was the last Viceroy to utilise it as a
residence. His occupation of the dwelling must have termi-
nated about 1665, when the Viceregal seat was moved, as will
shortly be seen, to Ghapelizod ; but the gardens and stables
were maintained for many years. The house itself seems to
have been given up to members of the Lord-Lieutenant's
stafi^ and in 1719 was in the occupation of an official caUed
the Gentleman of the Horse.^ It was still standing when,
in 1734, the Duke of Dorset directed the provision of a
powder magazine in such part of the Phoenix Park as might
seem most proper for the purpose, and the Lords Justices,
with that carelessness of historical associations by which the
eighteenth century is unhappily distinguished, having fixed
on the ground occupied by the old Phoenix House and stables
as the most suitable spot, the Viceroy gave orders for the
demolition of the buildings.^ Thus the handsome Jacobean
mansion became a thing of the past, and the magazine and
fort, whose erection evoked the last satiric spark emitted by
Swift's expiring intellect, has ever since occupied the site of
his Majesty's House of the Phoenix.'
The Duke of Ormond was appointed Lord-Lieutenant in
November of 1661, the administration having been pre-
viously confided to Lords Justices. But the interminable
difficulties besetting the impossible task of devising an act
of settlement which should reconcile the contending claims
of the successive grantees of the forfeited lands of Ireland
delayed his arrival in Ireland until the following July.
Immediately on his appointment Ormond communicated
with Sir Maurice Eustace, the Irish Chancellor and one of
the Lords Justices, as to the most fitting place for the
1 Estimate of repairs, 1719, British Departmental Gorr., Irish Becord Office.
* Duke of Dorset to the Lords Justices, 8th Oot., 1734, ibid.
' * Behold a proof of Irish sense,
Here Irish wit is seen ;
When nothing's left that's worth defence
They build— a magazine 1 '
THE PHCENIX PARK 63
Viceregal abode. Eustace recommended the Phoenix as a
pleasant summer dwelling-house, which, moreover, was in
the near neighbourhood of his own seat at Ghapelizod. The
Viceroy accordingly gave directions for its enlargement, and
on his arrival took up his residence there.^
Preoccupied with weightier matters, Ormond's corre-
spondence in 1662 throws no light on the circumstances in
which the project for forming the Park originated, but there
can be little doubt that it was in the neighbourly intercourse
between Viceroy and Chancellor that the suggestion of -a
deer-park near the Viceregal residence was first mooted.
Eustace had already spent a long life mostly in official
harness. Appointed Speaker of the Irish House of Com-
mons, with the approval of Strafford, in 1634, he had the
address to hold that office through the stormy times that
followed, until the advent of Cromwell involved him in
misfortunes which culminated in a seven years' captivity at
Chester. Liberated in 1658, Eustace returned to Ireland,
but was forbidden the exercise of his profession at the bar,
at which, prior to these troubles, he had reached the rank
of Prime Serjeant. At the Restoration, his sufferings were
held to have earned his advancement to the highest judicial
office in Ireland.^ Eustace was old enough to remember
the unfulfilled plans of Falkland for the enclosure of the
Crown lands of Eilmainham, and Ormond, full of schemes
for the improvement of Dublin, had a ready ally in the Chan-
ceUor, whose own seat at Harristown was reckoned among
the stateliest homes in Ireland. It is, perhaps, doing the
old gentleman no injustice to surmise that his satisfaction
in the laying out of his Majesty's deer-park was not
diminished by the circumstances that the scheme could
not be effectually carried out without his own consent and
co-operation, and that it presented an opportunity for the
advantageous disposal of his property at Chapelizod. Be
this as it may, it is certain that the first official mention of
' Orrery's St€Ue Letters, p. 81.
* For a detailed notice of Sir Maurice Eastaoe, see Some NoUs on the Irish
Judiciary tn the reig^i of Charles IJ., by Francis Elrin^n Ball.
54 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
the Phoenix Park occnrs in a King's letter, dated December
1, 1662, directed to the Lord-Lieutenant, which ratifies the
purchase from Eustace of lands contiguous to the Phoenix
demesne, and forming part of the manor or lordship of
Chapelizod, which the Chancellor had recently acquired.
The original extent of the Crown lands held with the
Manor House of the Phoenix cannot have been much above
four hundred acres. But by an agreement entered into at
the same time as the arrangement with Eusta.ce, about a
hundred acres lying to the north-west of the Phoenix de-
mesne, and known as the lands of Newtown, were acquired
for a sum of 3,000i.^ This purchase was not completed
until 1671, but the lands, which included the site of the
present Viceregal Lodge, were at once taken over and walled
in. Thus the Park, as at first contemplated, comprised
little more than a thousand acres. This was speedily found
to be insufficient, and in May 1663 a further King's letter*
* Howard's Exchequer tmd Revenue of Ireland^ ii. p. 261.
* The foUowing is the full text of the King's letter to the Doke of Ormond,
giving authority for the purohase of further lands for the Phoenix Park :
* Charles B. 1663, May 26. Whitehall.— Eight trusty and right entirely
beloved Cousin and Counsellor, We greet you well ; whereas by our letters
under our privy signet and sign manual, bearing date the first day of Deoember
last, We did authorise you to satisfy unto Sir Maurice Eustace, knight, our
Chancellor of Ireland, for the purchase of four hundred forty-one acres of the
land of Chappell Izard, to be laid unto our manor house of the Phenix, as by
the said letter doth appear, and whereas the quantity of lands designed to make
a park for our use near the Phenix do amount to a larger quantity, and will
cost more money than we were informed of at the passing our said letter, and
that we are now resolved to buy the whole manor and house of Chappell Izard,
with the town and lands thereunto belonging, and several other lands which be
most convenient to enclose for a park : We do therefore very well approve of
your proceedings herein already made, and do by these our letters authorise
you to purchase from our said Chancellor, and any other persons having title
thereunto, such lands, tenements, and hereditaments for our use as you shaU
think fit, and to give order to our right trusty and right well-beloved Coosin
and Counsellor, Arthur, Earl of Anglesey, or any other Vice-Treasurer for the
time being, for satisfaction of the purchase money that shall be agreed to be
paid, so as the same amount not in the whole to above the sum of ten thousand
pounds, and also to enclose or impark with a stone wall, in such manner as
you have already begun, such lands of our ancient inheritance, or new purohase,
as you shall judge fit for that use, and to store the same with deer, giving order
to our said Vice -Treasurer or any other Vice-Treasurer for the time being, to
make payment of such sums of money from time to time as shall be requisite
THE PHGBNIX PABK 55
aathorifled the purchase from Eustace of ' the whole manor
and house of Chappell Izard with the town and lands there-
tmto belonging, and several other lands which be most con-
venient to enclose for a park.' ' The purchase-money was
fixed at a maximum of 10,000;., the precise sum being left to
arbitration. By the same authority the Lord-Lieutenant
was farther directed ' to enclose or impark with a stone wall,
in such manner as you have already begun, such lands of
our ancient inheritance, or new purchase, as you shall judge
fit for that use, and to store the same with deer.'
Pursuant to these instruotions, lands were accordingly ac-
quired from various persons in Grangegorman and Castle-
knock ; but it was soon evident that the Park was likely to
prove far more costly than had been anticipated. Chapel-
izod alone absorbed the whole of the original 10,000Z. : '
a sum much in excess of its value, if, as Lord Essex subse-
quently reported, the lands had never been worth more than
330Z. a year in the best times.^ By 1665 it had become
necessary to provide a further sum of 10,000Z. to satisfy the
other proprietors.* Between 1665 and 1669 there were
lor doing the said work, and for so doing this shall be a soffioient warrant to
yoa and to oar said Vioe-Treasorer and to all whom it may concern ; Given at
our Court at Whitehall, the xzyith day of May, 1663, in the fifteenth year of
our reign. By His Majesty's commands, Henry Bennet.* — Ormonde Papers,
New Series, iii. p. 55.
* The viears of the parishes affected as to tithes or otherwise by the making
of the Park were compensated in varioas degrees. Thus by grant from Charles H.
to Dr. James Hierome, Vicar of Chapelizod, dated July 14, 1668, the vicar for
the time being for 99 years from that date was entitled to graze two horses and
ei^t cows in the Phoenix Park. See Erok's Ecclesiastical Register, pp. 85-90,
as to the rights of the vicars of Castleknock and St. James's respectively.
' King's Letter, 11th May, 1665, Ormonde Papers, New Ser. iii.
' Ghristie's Life of Shaftesbury, ii. App. p. 53.
* In the wiU of Sir Maurice Eustace, made on June 20, 1665, and proved
Sept 20, 1670, occurs the following passage :— * I give to my nephew. Sir Maurice
Eustace, all my lands in the county of Dublin, except my manor of Chapel Izod,
which I give to his Majesty King Charles the Second for ever, according to an
agreement entered into with him, he paying such money as remains due according
to the said agreement.' — Orig. Will, Irish Becord Office. The act of settlement
and explanation (17 and 18 Charles II.) (1664) contained a provision for payment
of the balance due to the executors of the late Sir Maurice Eustace, Knt., and
for vesting the lands of Chapel Izod in his Majesty, his heirs and successors for
66 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
several further purchases, of which the most considerable
was the acquisition at a cost of 2,270^. of the lands of Ash-
town with the castle thereon, being the site of the lodge and
grounds now occupied by the Under-Secretary. An account
presented in 1669 of the expenditure in respect of the Phoenix
Park shows an actual outlay at that date of upwards of
18,000;., and a liability of 12,0002., making a total of above
31,0001.^ Provision was made accordingly; but even this
large amount did not suffice, the total cost ultimately
exceeding 40,000!.'
As a result of these various additions, the area enclosed
in the Park, inclusive of Eilmainham, amounted to above
2,000 acres, or considerably more than its present extent.
Ormond had meanwhile lost no time in proceeding with his
plans. A contract, which was speedily, if not very effectually,
carried out, was entered into for building a wall. The
lands on both sides of the river were enclosed by a stone
wall which ran down to the river at each side at a point just
west of the covered portion of the modem Eingsbridge
Station. Those on the south bank of the Liffey embraced
the whole space now comprised in the grounds of the Boyal
Hospital, the boundary running southwards from the Liffiey
by the present Military Boad, turning westward near Bow
Bridge and following the course of Kilmainham Lane as far
as St. John's Boad, whence it ran northwards again to
Island Bridge.
The contract for building the Park wall was given to one
Dodson. Many of the accounts of this worthy are extant,
together with the reports of the officials to whom they were
referred by the Irish Privy Council. They make decidedly
piquant reading, and suffice to prove that our much-abuaed
Board of Works is after all an improvement on sevoiteenth-
century methods. Dodson for years enjoyed a free hand and
a most desirable job. His original estimate amounted to
above 4,000/., and specified a wall 10 feet high and 2 teeA
' Aeeooni of moneyt paid for Und in Phoenix Pii^rk. Onmmdt Pmfmt^ Xcv
Ser. iii SStS-S. Tlie pnem nun was 31.49$:. Is. Bd.
« iCxsiLuk- i Magatvm. 177^ p. 21J, and Pwmms JomnuML Fek. 7. 1775.
THE PHCBNIX PARK ' 57
6 inohes thick ; and by 1667 Dodson had executed, without
demur by the Paymaster, work to the nominal value of
6,000Z. This, one would suppose, should have provided a
sufficiently secure enclosure. The contractor was injudi-
cious enough, however, to demand 1002. a year for keeping
his own work in repair. This led to investigation. A
committee of inquiry reported that the 6,0002. expended
should have sufficed to erect a wall durable enough to
obviate such early need of repair, and certified that the walls
were for the most part so badly executed that they could
not be repaired without being taken down and relaid. These
defects, which they attributed as well to the badness of the
material as to the incompetence of the workmen employed,
could scarcely be surprising if, as reported by the com-
mittee, Dodson had agreed with his sub-contractors to do
for 301. that for which he was being paid lOOZ.^
As erected by Dodson, the wall, foUowing the exact
bounds of the lands, ran in a somewhat irregular course ;
following on the north the old Castleknock road, and
embracing on the south the meadows by the Liffey on
which the Eingsbridge Terminus now stands.' In 1671 it
> Beport of Sir Wm. Flower and others, Oct. 27, 1668, Ormonde Papers, New
Ser. iii. p. 291.
* A Survey of part of Newtown and Kilmainham left out of Phoenix Park
by making the wall straight, by Thomas Taylor, 1671. Irish Record Office.
Boundary of the lands of Kilmainham and Newtown. The demesne lands
of Kilmainham and Newtown, which were vested in the Crown, and which were
granted by King James I. to Sir Edward Fisher, in the year 1611, and again
repurchased by the same King in 1617, were bounded as follows :— On the south
by the river Liffey from the weir at Island Bridge, eastward to Ellen Hore*s
meadow, now part of Conyngham Boad, and Parkgate Street ; east by the rivulet
dividing the said lands of Newtown from Oxmantown lands, which rivulet still
forms the boundary between the People's Gardens and the Boyal Military
Infirmary ; west and south-west by the lands of Ashtown, Oastleknock, and
Ghapelizod, by an imaginary line from a point in the Viceregal demesne nearly
opposite the entrance gate into the Phcsnix Park from Blackhorse Lane, almost
dividing the Viceregal lodge into two ; thence westward to about 80 yards east of
the Phoenix Column ; thence southward and eastward to a point about 100 yards
west of the Magazine Fort ; thence south to the weir at Island Bridge. This
boundary line may be seen on the Ordnance map (sheet 18) of the county of
Dublin, and still forms the boundary line dividing the parish of St. James (the
original parish of Kilmainham) from the parishes of Castleknock and Chapel-
izod. —Evans, The information in this note is taken from a manuscript on
58 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
was resolved to straighten the walls, and several smaU lots
on each side of the river, inclusive of these meadows and
amounting to some six acres, were left out. As thus modi-
fied, the Park remained unchanged for the next ten years,
until, in consequence of the assignment by the king of sixty-
four acres on the south side for the use of the newly foimded
Boyal Hospital, the whole of the lands lying south of the
Liffey were alienated from the Park. Advantage was taken
of this circumstance to obviate the inconvenience caused by
the public road to Chapelizod running through the Park : an
arrangement which, coupled with Dodson's sorry boundary
walls, had been found to lead to the frequent injury and loss
of the deer. It was accordingly determined to limit the
Park to the lands on the north side of the Liffey, taking the
Chapelizod road as the boundary. Dodson being by this
time discredited, it was necessary to find a fresh contractor,
and for the construction of the new wall a curious arrange-
ment was entered into with a public servant of high distinc-
tion. Sir John Temple, who held the ofl&ce of Solicitor-
General from the Bestoration to the Revolution, had
inherited from his father, the well-known author of a
history of the Rebellion, and long the Master of the Bolls in
Ireland, large interests in the neighbourhood of the Park
which he was desirous of increasing. He now added to his
eminent legal functions the rdle of builder and contractor,
and undertook to build a wall eight feet high from the Park
Gate to Chapelizod, in consideration of the sum of 200Z., and
of a grant of the lands thus omitted from the Park between
the road and the river. The contract was duly carried out.
The Park assumed the shape it has ever since substantially
retained,^ and the strip of land lying along the river bank
the Phoenix Park by the late well-known Dublin antiqoftry, Mr. Evans, who was
working at the sabjeot shortly before his lamented death, and whose notes on
the Park were subsequently acquired by the writer at the sale of his books.
Subsequent notes from this source are marked Evans.
* So far as the writer is aware, no alteration in the line of the boundary
walls seems to have taken place from the erection of Temple's wall until 1786,
when the limits of the Park were slightly curtailed at the eastern boundary,
near Park Gate, to enable the Wide Street Commissioners to widen the road
leading from Barrack Street to Island Bridge.
THE PHCENIX PARK 59
from Kingsbridge to Ghapelizod was added to the possessions
of the Temples of Pahnerstown.*
Meantime neither the dehnquencies of Dodson nor the
subsequent alteration in the scope of the Park had been
allowed to delay the equipment of the lands as a deer-park.
Deer were brought from England ; ' and Marcus Trevor,
Viscount Dungannon, who had already received a patent
as Master of his Majesty's Game and Parks in Ireland,
was designated as Banger in 1668. Two keepers were
at the same time appointed. There appears also to have
been an intention to create an office higher than either of
these, that of Lieutenant of the Park, which was intended by
Ormond to be held by his son, the gifted Earl of Ossory,
in conjunction with the bouse at Chapehzod acquired
from Sir Maurice Eustace.^ This idea, which was taken
from the constitution of the Boyal Park at Woodstock, as well
as a proposed designation of the Park as Eingsborough
Park, was abandoned, and the offices created were confined
to those of the Banger, who was also keeper of the walk of
Newtown, with a residence on the site of the present Vice-
legsl Lodge, and of two keepers, one for what was called
Kilmainham walk, and the other for the lodge and walk of
Ashtown. The Eilmainham keepership was apparently
abolished when the lands south of the Liffey were assigned
to the Boyal Hospital. But another was established at
* The foUowing lands and buildings left outside by the new walls were
omitted from the grant to Temple :— * Neither the house at Chapel Izard, nor
the courtyards or gardens thereunto belonging, nor the bleaohing-yard there,
nor tilie mills or weirs of Kilmainham, or the washhouse there, nor Uie sixty -four
•eres of land by oure letters set apart for the new hospital there be contained in
such grant.* See the patent at Irish Record Office.
* Lord Dungannon in his capacity of Banger lost no time in storing the
park with deer. The account of expenditure already cited includes two items
of 200L each in successive years for his purchase of deer stock ; and sums of
HL and 69/. for bringing them over. The deer came mostly from the south of
England, and some not improbably from Woodstock, which in the patent
appointing Dungannon is quoted as the model of a royal park, and was then
well stocked with deer. See, as to the stocking of the deer, Kussell and Pren-
dergast's Beport on the Carte Papera^ pp. 191-2 ; and, as to Deer Parks in
Ireland, an excellent paper by Mr. T. P. Le Fanu on ' The Boyal Forest of
Qleneree,* Journal of the Royal Society of Antiqiiaries of Ireland, 1898, p. 268.
* Draft King's Letter to Attorney-General, Ormonde MSS., undated.
60 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTOEY
Gastleknock Gate, with a residence on the site of Monnt-
joy Barracks. The separate establishment of Banger and
keeper lasted far into the eighteenth centnry ; the last to hold
the Bangership as a separate office being Nathaniel Clements,
the builder of the Viceregal Lodge. In 1785 the two offices
were amalgamated in the person of Sackville Hamilton,
then Under-Secretary, and thenceforward were held for
many years, together with the Lodge of Ashtown, by the
Under-Secretary for the time being. This latter arrange-
ment lasted without interruption down to 1830, when the
control of the Park was handed over to the Gonmiissioners
of Woods and Forests,^ the predecessors of the Board of
Works. Ten years later, on the death of Thomas Drum-
mond, who was the last Under-Secretary to hold the
position, the office of Banger of the Phoenix Park was
finally abolished.' But the charming residence in the Park,
formerly Ashtown Castle, and certain delectable perquisites
in the shape of venison from the Park preserves, survive
to remind the present occupant of the ancient glories of his
office.*
A public improvement on a scale so magnificent naturally
attracted attention, and the opulent possibilities of a demesne
so close to the capital to which Ormond had successfully
attracted the Irish nobihty as a place of residence soon ex-
cited the cupidity of the rapacious favourites who thronged
the Court of St. James. Ormond, entangled in the same
web of intrigue which had procured the disgrace of his old
friend Clarendon, was removed from his post in 1668.
* statute 10 Geo. IV., cap. 60.
' Letter from the CommiBsioners of Woods, ^to., to Lord Morpeth, Irish State
Paper OiBce. The writer has to thank Sir David Barrel, late Under-Seeretary
at Dablin Castle, for this referenoe. For a list of the Bangers see p. 73
* Varioos official notabilities seem to have enjoyed these perquisites in the
eighteenth century. The following were among the regular recipients between
1765 and 1777 : The Lord Mayor of Dublin, the Sheriffs, the Lord Primate, the
Lord Chancellor, the Attomey-Qeneral,the Solioitor>Qeneral,the Prime Serjeant,
and the Commissioner of Bevenua. The Master of the Onild of Merohanta
receifed a brace of bucks * e?ery third year when the franehlaei are ridden.'
.Brit I>fp. OftT^ Irish Baooid Office.
THE PHCENIX PARK 61
With the withdrawal of his authority, the future of the Park
he had been at such pains to form was soon endangered.^
It was first promised to the ill-starred Duke of Monmouth,
who, however, withdrew his request for it in deference to the
remonstrances evoked from Ireland by the proposal. But
ere long the Park became the subject of a more serious
intrigue. On the death of Lord Dungannon in 1672, the
Bangership was bestowed on Sir Henry, afterwards Lord
Brouncker, a Court favourite with a shady reputation,
whose sufficient epitaph is an unsavoury paragraph in
Pepys's ' Diary,' but who should be mentioned with charity
as the brother of the first President of the Boyal Society.^
Brouncker belonged to the section of Charles 11. 's Court
which, before she had been superseded in the royal graces
by younger rivals, revolved in the brilliant orbit of Barbara
Villiers, Duchess of Cleveland. To her the new Banger
suggested that a grant of the Phoenix Park would be a
fruitful source of enrichment, and this was readily accorded
by the easy Sovereign. Instructions to pass the patent were
sent to Arthur Capel, Lord Essex, who had shortly before
entered on a Yiceroyalty still commemorated in Dublin by
Capel Street and, until recently, by Essex Bridge.' The action
of Essex on the occasion was worthy of a statesman who has
left a name among the most honourable in the eminent roll
of Irish Viceroys. Like Chichester sixty-six years earlier, in
the case of Sir Bichard Sutton, he suspended the patent till
the Sing could be brought to consider his objections ; and
he wrote energetically to Arlington, Shaftesbury, and other
Ministers, desiring them to exert their influence to procure a
revocation of the grant. The Duchess, however, though past
* Esaex Papersy ed. Osmund Airy, Camden Society's Publications, i. p. 59.
' ' Henry Brouncker erected a large brick house on that portion of Ozman-
town hill which was added to the Newtown lands, overlooking the pond, which
he named Newtown Lodge, and which was the first official residence (other than
the PhoBnix House built by Fisher) erected within the Park ; and so continued
till abool 1760. Thenceforth it was the residence of the deer keepers till 1885,
when all the land enclosed with it was granted to the Zoological Society and
Mewfcown Lodge was demolished. This lodge was long known as the Ivy
House.' — Evans.
* Benamed Grattan Bridge in 1875.
62 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
the aenith cvf her channs, still retained much of her influence
with diaries, and not many were willing to peril their own
pcfiiliotis by thwarting so powerful a personage. It took two
mcnlhs of incessant remonstrance to prevail with the King
to cancel his gift, and even then Charles only did so upon a
|Mtomise that lands to the value of 1,000Z. a year should be
found for the disappointed lady.^ Essex was much assisted
in his representations by his predecessor, who was keenly
desiious of preserving the Park to the Crown and the
capital. It was on this occasion that Ormond met the angry
and unmannerly reproaches of the Duchess of Cleveland with
the admirable example of the retort-courteous recorded by
C-arto. Meeting the Duke at Court her Grace publicly up-
braided him with his opposition to her interests, conclud-
ing an animated tirade with the expression of her hope that
Hho might live to see him hanged. To all which Ormond,
having heaird the frail beauty out, only replied that he was
not in so much haste to put an end to her Grace's days, for
all he wished in regard to her was that he might live to see
her old.^ A further attempt to procure a grant of the
Park seems to have been made in 1679 by Sir James
Edwardes, but this also was defeated by the intervention
of Ormond.'
We have already seen that the lands acquired from Sir
Maurice Eustace included the mansion-house of Chapelizod,
which had been occupied for some time by the Chancellor as
his residence. How Eustace had become possessed of this
property does not precisely appear, but in 1657 the house had
been in the occupation of Colonel Theophilus Jones, a soldier
who, alike under protectorate and monarchy, succeeded in
securing his full share of the good things that were going in
* Essex Letters from Ireland in 1675. And see ihe Essex Papers,
i. p. 68. Several letters of Essex on the same subject not printed by Mr. Airy
are in the British Masemn (Stowe MSS. vol. coi.).
* The date— 1664— Assigned by Carte to this incident is manifestly in-
correct. There wore other and potent causes for Barbara ViUiers's dislike of
Ormond. It is recorded of his Duchess that ' she was very stiff with regard to
the King's mistresses ; and would never wait on the Duchess of Cleveland, who
in return never forgave the slight.'— Car(6, ii. pp. 276, 637.
* Russell and Prendergast's Report ati tJte Carte Papers, p. 184.
THE PHCENIX PABK 63
an era of confiscatdon. Jones had, however, incurred the
suspicion of the Parliamentary leaders in 1659, and had quitted
Dublin for a time, and it was, perhaps, from David Edwards,
who appears in the Census of 1659 as among the three
'tituladoes' of Chapelizod, that Eustace had purchased it
in the following year. The house with its garden stood
between the river and the Chapelizod road, a little beyond
the present Boman Catholic church. The green meadows,
margined by a few decaying remnants of formerly abundant
timber, which run down to the north bank of the Liffey, a
little westward of the new University Boat Club premises on
the opposite side, still reveal to a careful survey some traces of
their former stateliness. When first taken over by Ormond,
the house and grounds lay within the Park. Though excluded
from its precincts by Sir John Temple's wall, they were
excepted from the grant of severed land by which Temple
was remunerated, and preserved as the Viceregal residence,
a character which they retained for a full century from their
first acquisition by the Crown.
Here a succession of Viceroys and Deputies, including
Ormond himself ^ his sons Lords Ossory and Arran,^ Essex,
Clarendon, and Tyrconnel, constantly resided down to the
Bevolution ; and though the straitened finances of the times
could not afford any large expenditure on the place, the
King's House was evidently regarded by its tenants as a
desirable abode. Essex, in the correspondence already re-
ferred to, dwells with animation on the importance of the
Park residence as an alternative to the unwholesomeness of
the Castle, and from the correspondence of Henry, Lord
Clarendon, who preceded Tyrconnel as Viceroy, some idea
of its character may be gleaned. Both Clarendon and his
wife were correspondents of the accomplished Eveljm. The
Countess — ' a blue who looked like a madwoman and talked
like a scholar ' — writes to the author of * Sylva,' lamenting
her coming to a country which he had not cultivated,
but with evident enjoyment of her surroundings, though
> Lord Arran*B first wife, Lady Mary Stewart, died at the King's House,
July 4, 1668.
64 ILLUSTEATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
she deplored a deficiency of trees and shrubs. Clarendon
himself describes to the same friend the fertility of the
extensive kitchen gardens attached to the place, dwell-
ing with the gusto of a gourmand on the excellence
of the asparagus.^ Clarendon was followed at Chapelizod
by Tyrconnel, who lay iU there before joining James II.
in the decisive struggle for the crown of the Three King-
doms. The next occupant of ' the King's House ' was the
victor of the Boyne. William III., the only Sovereign
prior to George IV. who at any time dwelt in any of the
residences attached to the Park, came to Chapelizod at
the end of the stirring month which witnessed the defeat of
his rival. Three royal proclamations, one of them ordain-
ing a day of humiliation and prayer ' for the future progress
of our arms and a speedy enjoyment of peace and quietness
in the land,' are dated from * Our Court at Chapelizod.' ^
After William's departure the King's House continued
to be utilised by his representatives; but from the death of
Henry, Lord Capel, which unfortunately occurred there in
1701, the place seems to have had no attraction for succeed-
ing Governors. The Viceroys of the eighteenth century were,
in any case, for the most part absentees, and from the accession
of George I. it does not appear that many of them resided at
Chapelizod. Deserted by the Viceroys, the house was given
over to the Lords Justices, and was allowed to fall into con-
siderable decay. But the Duke of Grafton and Lord Galway,
who governed Ireland as Lords Justices during the Vice-
royalty of the Duke of Shrewsbury, effected some improve-
ments. Lord Galway erected a pigeon-house which still stands
in the grounds. Primate Boulter,^ who obtained leave from
Lord Carteret to occupy the pla>ce, made some attempt towards
restoring it in 1726, and for some years the King's House
seems to have recovered its former glory. The Duke of Dorset,
whose Court was of exceptional brilliancy, resided there in
1731, and it is at this date that we find the entertaining
* See also Clarendon's SkUe Letters, ii. p. 100, both as to the maintenanoe
of Chapelizod and the condition of DabUn Castle.
' Ormonde Papers, ii. pp. 443, 445.
* Primate Boulter's Letters, i. pp. 116-122 ; ii. pp. 139, 140. Dublin edition.
THE PHCENIX PABK 65
Mrs. Delany, then Mrs. Pendarves, describing the attractions
of the Park with her usual sprightliness. ' It is/ she writes,
* a large extent of ground, very fine turf, agreeable prospects,
and a delightful wood, in the midst of which is a ring where the
beaux and belles resort in fair weather. Indeed, I never saw a
spot of ground more to my taste : it is far beyond St. James's
or Hyde Park.' ^ The ring referred to was the open space
in which the Phoenix Column now stands, and was at that
time entirely, as it is still in part, surrounded by trees.'
The latest reference to the King's House as an official
residence occurs in another letter from the same accom-
plished lady, who in May 1750 dined at Chapelizod, 'a
sweet place about two miles from Dublin, belonging to the
Government,' then lent to William Barnard, the Bishop of
Derry, who doubtless owed the privilege to his connection
with the most eminent of the then Lords Justices, the
masterful Primate Stone. In 1743 the house was put in
order for the reception of Lord Chesterfield, but that noble-
man, though he greatly admired the Park and exerted
himself to improve it, seems to have resided at the Castle
during his stay in Dublin.
From this time forward the place ceased to be valued
except for the extensive gardens attached to it, which were
abundantly stocked with fruit trees and vegetables. The
house fell year by year into ever-increasing decay ; and the
State records contain many piteous appeals from its
custodians for the execution of the repairs necessary to
prevent absolute dilapidation.' Ultimately, on the arrival
of the Duke of Bedford in 1758, it was determined to
dispense with the residence, and the King's House was two
years later given over to his Majesty's Begiment of
Artillery as quarters for the officers of that corps. As such
Correspondence of Mrs, Delany t i. p. 294, and v. p. 547.
* ' About ten acres of the land adjacent to the Phcenix Column was beaati-
fnlly laid oat in square plots, planted with flowering shrubs and evergreens and
graTel walks by Lord Chesterfield (or the benefit and enjoyment of the citizens
of Dablin. All these improvements are still to be seen laid down on Bocque's
Map of the County of Dublin, 1756.*— ^vans.
* British Departmental Correspondencet Irish Beoord Office.
P
66 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
it continned to be utilised for the next sixty years or so, and
readers of Le Fanu's tale of ' The House by the Churchyard '
will remember references to the King's House in this
capacity. In 1832 the place with its adjoining ground was
sold by the Government. Thenceforward the very name of
the King's House was lost save as a local tradition, though
it is still retained on the maps of the Ordnance Survey.
The building itself was destroyed by fire and replaced by a
modem house. Only some out-houses, the pigeon-house
already referred to, and an ornamental pond in the grounds
survive to mark the site of the last royal residence in
Ireland.
Though Chapelizod as a residence began to go oat of
fashion with the opening of George II.'s reign, the Park,
as a place of resort, continued popular, and efforts were
made by more than one Lord-Lieutenant to contribute
to its improvement. In the public mind no name is so
closely associated with the Phoenix Park as that of the fourth
Earl of Chesterfield. But curiously little evidence remains
to attest that viceroy's share in its improvement and the
interest he undoubtedly took in it, beyond the substantial
memorial which the Phoenix Pillar still affords, and in which
he embalmed that misconception of the origin of the name
of the Park which he was the first to consecrate with
official authority. The tradition of the probable origin of
the name, already mentioned, was doubtless lost tlm>ugh
the transference of the Viceregal seat from the Phoenix
House to Chapelizod, and the non-residence of the Viceroys
for a long period. The Irish Court of the first half of the
eighteenth century knew little and, if possible, cared less about
Irish etymology, and the confusion of the name with the
mythical bird was a natural one in a nobleman who affected
a classical elegance in his correspondence. Even before
Chesterfield's time, Mrs. Delany, in the letter already quoted,
displayed the same misapprehension of the meaning of the
name, and wrote of ' the Park, justly called the Phoenix,' as
though the title had been chosen in boastful assertion of the
superiority of the Park to all other places of the kind. Lord
THE PHCENIX PABK 67
Chesterfield undonbtedly did a good deal to improve the
appearance of the Park by judicions planting, and greatly
increased its attraction to the citizens of Dublin by forming a
road planted with elms on either side, which was long known
as, and still deserves to be denominated, the Chesterfield
Bead. But neither his pubUshed letters nor those still ex-
tant in manuscript in the Newcastle Papers at the British
Mnseom * contain any references to the improvements he
effected.^
For many years after the abandonment of the King's
House the representatives of the Crown in Ireland remained
without any official residence, and the improvidence which
had surrendered Chapelizod must have been lamented by
liord Townshend and his successors when, in 1767, Chatham
cnrdained that the King's Lieutenants should reside in
Ireland. Townshend apparently entertained some idea of
building a mansion in the Park, but did not remain in the
Government long enough to give effect to it.' His successor,
liOrd Harcourt, lived at St. Wolfstan's, near Lucan. It
was not until 1781 that steps were taken by tbe then Vice-
roy, Lord Carlisle, and his Chief Secretary, William Eden,
afterwards Lord Auckland, towards acquiring the resi-
dences of the Park officials for the use of the Government.
* * Lord Chesterfield oonstrocted a new road through the Park from the Dablin
g»le to Castleknock. On either side of this road he planted elm trees in clamps
of wreii or eight each, many of which are yet standing. . . . This old road
made bj Lord Cheeterlield is yet to be seen, together with the olmnps of old
dmt which ornamented it, viz. : from the road leading to the Zoological
Qaidens at the Googh Statue, along through the nine acres, now the polo
ground, (dose to the Viceregal demesne and out at the Phoenix Column ; thence
in a loiitherly ooorae intersecting the roads leading to Knockmaroon and to the
Moonijoy Barracks, now the Ordnance Survey Office, and again taking a
northerly bend terminated at Castleknook Gate ; but outside that gate it was
oootinoed to Castleknook, as at present. The whole extent of this old road
from Park Gate Street to Castleknook Gate appears on Sheet 18 of the early
Ordnance Map of Dublin, on which the proposed new road (made in 1805 by
the Board of Woods and Forests) is marked with dotted lines.' — Evans,
* Jost before this date the Hibernian School was founded. The original
gnmt of land by the Crown in 1766 was ' a piece of land, part of our Phoenix
Park, next adjoining to our Garden at Chapelizod containing 8 acres Irish
measore.' Bat a year later, it being pointed out that the low situation selected
wu unwholesome, the present site of the School was granted instead.
F 2
68 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTOBY
Of these there were then four : — the lodges respectively
belonging to the Banger, the Bailiff, the Keeper, and Charles
Gardiner, afterwards Lord Mount joy. The third of these
was then occupied, as already explained, by the Under-
Secretary, in his capacity of Keeper, while the fourth was in
the possession of Gardiner, by whom it had been built, and
who had retained it as private property after the surrender
of a patent as Keeper which he had obtained in 1756. The
Banger at this time was the Bight Hon. Nathaniel Clements,
father of the first Lord Leitrim, who, shortly after his
appointment in 1751, had built the present Viceregal Lodge
on the site of the old lodge of Newtown. Negotiations
for the acquisition of this house for the use of the Lord-
Lieutenant were entered into in 1781, and in July of the
following year were completed by the payment to Mr. Bobert
Clements of a sum of 10,000Z.^
The Park appears to have been well cared for by the
Banger and other officials responsible for it down to the
accession of George II. ; and in the departmental corre-
spondence at the Irish Becord Office down to that date are
frequent references to expenditure on drainage and repairs
to roads.' A very considerable part of the Park, especially
that in the neighbourhood of the Phoenix Pillar and Vice-
regal Lodge, is naturally of a very swampy and boggy char-
acter ; and large sums were required to drain the surface
and make the roads sound. In the middle of the eighteenth
century much less attention seems to have been bestowed
* Letter from Sackville Hamilton, July 13, 1782. Irish Becord Offioe.
< « November, 1782— Phoenix Park— I saw with Mr. Clements a plan of
improvements proposed to be made in the Phoenix Park bj James DonnelL He
therein proposes to plant it in many plaoes, to remove some of the clamps of
trees planted by Lord Chesterfield in order to abolish regularity ; to drain and
make new roads, to build a masked bridge across the pond next Dublin Gate ; to
build a triangular tower or observatory, with round towers at each comer ; but
where this should be erected he does not mention. This man lately lived with
Lady Massereene at Leixlip as gardener, Ac, but from his map, he must have
some knowledge of surveying, as well as that of gardening and improvement.
He was last year employed by Mr. Eden, Secretary to Lord Carlisle, to drain
the S. side of the 15 acres, and level all the small ditches about it ; also to
make several additional plantations, as at the wall behind Chapelizod, the Ring,
Ac, Ao,*— Diary of Austin Cooper,
THE PHCENIX PABK 69
on these matters, and the soil relapsed, as boggy land is apt
to do, to its original character. At the time when the
Viceregal Lodge was acquired by the Government, dete-
rioration had spread to a very serious extent. ' The roads
and surface of this Park continue in a damned state,' wrote
Eden to Sir John Blaquiere in 1781.^ Owing, as the Chief
Secretary complained, to the number of the 'co-existing
potentates of the Park,' it was difficult to fix responsibility
on anyone; so that between Banger, Keeper, and Bailiffs
what was everyone's business was nobody's business, and
the due care of the place was scandalously neglected.' In
another letter, Eden called the Bailiff's attention to the
grievous results of this carelessness. ' Two or three hundred
tents/ he wrote, ' for the sale of whisky were permitted to
be established in the beginning of last week, and are still
standing in full vigour, to the great detriment of the trees
and turf, and the destruction of the cows, sheep, and deer.' '
> Auckland MSS., Ang. 25, 1781 ; Addit. MS. Brit. Mus. 34418, f. 60.
' Jane 6, 1781, Addit. MS. 34417.
' It would appear from the following extract from the Life of Thomas
Drummondt the well-known Under Secretary for Ireland under Lord Melbourne's
administration, that this nuisance remained unabated for something like half a
eentory : — * The foUowing account of the suppression bj Mr. Drummond of the
furs that formerly used to be held on Sundays in the Phcenix Park is supplied by
his sister : — " On the Sunda afternoons and evenings crowds used to assemble
in the Phoenix Park. Drinking booths were opened, and few Sundays passed
without riot and mischief ensuing. My brother talked over the matter with some
friends, who told him he must not dream of interfering, because it was a very
oid enstom, and it would not do to attempt to put it down. He resolved, how-
ever, that he would make the attempt ; so one Sunday afternoon, the people
having assembled as usual, and the booths being erected, he rode out unattended
among the crowd. To the keeper of the nearest booth he represented the con-
sequences of the meetings — drunkenness, brawls, fighting, and then punishment.
He said these things were to him very painful, and that it would give him great
satisfaction could the meetings be altogether given up. The man immediately,
wilhoot a word of remonstrance, complaint, or even a show of sullenness, set
about packing up. He quickly left the grounds, and never returned again.
The same result followed at other booths, and in a short time the Park was
cleared, and the *old custom* given up for ever." There is evidence that he
did not leave the result to depend altogether on moral suasion. As Ranger of
the Park, he issued placards prohibiting the meetings ; and for several succes-
nve Sundays he massed the police in considerable force in the neighbourhood of
the Park, to make effectual the prohibition.' — M'Lennan*s Memoirs of Thomas
Drummond, p. 404.
70 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
It appears from other sources that Blaquiere had given
disgracefully little attention to the proper keeping of the
Park, and that in his anxiety to make a profit out of the
right of grazing which was a part of his patent he had
greatly injured the deer.*
The Government appears to have quickly repented of its
purchase of the Lodge ; tor it was no sooner acquired by
Lord Carlisle than his successor, the Duke of Portland,
sought to get rid of it, and the political circumstances of the
moment suggested a graceful occasion for disposing of what
the new Viceroy evidently regarded as a white elephant. It
was proposed to present the Lodge and grounds to Henry
Grattan, and thus to associate the Crown with the people in
doing honour to the illustrious author of the legislative
liberties which had just been conceded to Ireland. Mr.
Connolly was accordingly deputed to assure the House of
Conunons ' that the Duke of Portland felt equally with the
Irish people the high value of Mr. Grattan's services to
Ireland, and that, as the highest proof he could give of his
admiration and respect, the Lord-Lieutenant begged to offer,
as part of the intended grant to Mr. Grattan, the Viceregal
Palace in the Phoenix Park, to be settled on Mr. Grattan
and his heirs for ever as a suitable residence for so meritorious
a person.' So flattering an offer, conveyed in a manner so
gracious, as the gift of the King's only palace in Ireland,
seemed likely for a moment to achieve the impossible, and to
unite the Government and people of Ireland in the person of
Grattan. But it was only for a moment. The Opposition
soon affected to discover that the Viceregal compliment was
no better than a base attempt to divide the merit of the
nation's gift to its liberator between the people and the Mini-
stry. As Sir Jonah Barrington puts it, 'this magnificent
and unexampled offer, at first view, appeared flattering and
showy, at the second it appeared deceptions, and at the third
inadmissible ' ; and the offer was eventually declined.^
' Wm. Low to Nathaniel Clements, March 23, 1778, Brit. Dep. Corr., 1760-
1789, Irish Record Office.
' Sir Jonah Barrington's Historic Memoirs of Ireland^ ii. p. 34. See also as
to this episode Lecky*s History of England, vr. p. 559.
THE PHCENIX PARK 71
The Lodge now known as the Chief Secretary's was
acquired from Sir John Blaquiere at the same time.^ It is
the latest in date of the existing Lodges in the Park, and
the circmnstances in which it originated deserve to be
noticed. The patents of appointment of the Keepers of
the Park required the holders ' faithfully and diligently to
discharge and execute the office and trust of keeper, and
either in person or by some trusty servant, constantly to
walk the round of the said Park.' ' The patentees, being
gentlemen of position, invariably discharged their duties
through a deputy known as the bailiff. For this functionary
a salary of 9Z., with living allowances and a small residence,
was provided in the estimates, and the office became in time
the subject of an eminently characteristic eighteenth-century
job. On the death, in 1774, of one Crosthwaite, who had
for many years filled the office of bailiff, the well-known
politician, Sir John Blaquiere,' then Irish Secretary in Lord
Harcourt's administration, had procured for himself the
appointment to this humble berth. He had at the same time
obtained a lease of a plot of land adjacent to the bailiff's
lodge, which he proceeded to enclose, and on which a hand-
some house was thereupon erected at the public expense.
Blaquiere being at the time unpopular, the job created a
great outcry; and the Opposition, fastening on the trans-
action as a convenient weapon for attacking the Gk)vemment,
the enclosure of the ground granted to Blaquiere was
represented as an alienation to private aggrandisement of
lands dedicated to the public use. Proceedings were taken
to test his title,* and the Grand Jury of the County Dublin
presented for the removal of the wall round the ground of
the new Lodge ' as an encroachment on the public and a
nuisance to his Majesty's subjects, who have been
accustomed to pass on horseback from time whereof the
memory of man is not to the contrary.' Thereupon the
* Gonntrj Letters, Irish Record Office.
' Ormond to Flower, May 28, 1664. Carte Papers, Bodleian Library.
' Howard's Parliamentary History of Ireland, 3rd Bep. of Eiat, MS 8. Comm.
App. p. 488. See also Walker's Hibernian MagaMtne for 1775.
* Affidavit of John Morrison, Dec. 19, 1774, Crown Office, King's Bench.
72 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
Crown was obliged to defend the exercise of the prerogative
in the grant to Blaqniere, and application was made to the
King's Bench to quash the presentment.^ The application
was at first refused by the Court, but an issue being directed
to ascertain the question of the title of the Crown, a trial at
bar ensued at Green Street in which the circumstances under
which the Park was formed were put in evidence. The jury,
finding in favour of the traverser, the character of the Park
as the property of the Crown was thereby established, and the
presentment was quashed.' Sir John Blaquiere remained in
the enjoyment of the Lodge until 1782, several years after
he had ceased to be Secretary, when he was so fortunate as
to receive 7,000Z. from the Government, as the price of the
surrender of a lease for three lives, under which he held the
house which the State had built for him. Yelverton, who
was one of the counsel in support of the presentment, made
the capture by Blaquiere of the petty employment of Bailiff
the target for. much forensic ridicule, and the nickname of
* the King's Cowboy,' which the great advocate applied to
him, stuck to the Secretary for a long time. Some mock-
heroic verses, entitled, ' Blaquiere's Triumph,' appeared in
the Freeman's Jounftal? and a less ephemeral memorial of
an incident which furnished much amusement to the wits
of Dublin is preserved in * Pranceriana.' *
The more recent history of the Phoenix Park, considered
topographically, has been quite uneventful ; and with the
final acquisition by the Crown of the various residences
within its boundaries this record of its origin and formation
may fairly close.
* The King v. BracUhaw, Grown Office Becords, King's Bench, Feb. 6, 1775,
Exahaw's Monthly Chronologer for 1775, p. 213.
» The Freeman's Journal, Feb. 7, 1776.
« Feb. 10. 1776.
* 2nd edition, i. p. 137. See also MoDoagalPs Irish Political Characters,
p. 150.
THE PHCENIX PARK 73
APPENDIX
A list of the Bangers of the Phcmix Park, from the institution of
the office in 1661 to its abolition in 1840.
{Compiled from tJte Liber Munerum Hibemia and other Sources.)
1661. Marcus Trevor, Viscount Dungannon.
1672. Sir Henry Brouncker, afterwards 2nd Lord Brouncker.
1674. Adam Loftus, afterwards Viscount Lisbume.
1676. Edward Brabazon, afterwards Ist Earl of Meath.
1677. July 2. William Ryder.
1677. September 13. William Ryder and Edward Richbell.
1698. Sir William Fownes, Bart., and Henry Petty, Ist Earl of
Shelbume.
1704. Sir Thomas Smith, Bart.
1736. Sir John Ligonier, afterwards Viscount Ligonier.
1751. Right Hon. Nathaniel Clements.
1761. Lord George Sackville.
1785. Sackville Hamilton.
1795. Lodge Morris.
1796. Edward Cooke.
1801. Alexander Marsden.
1806. James Trail.
1808. Sir Charles Saxton.
1812. Sir William Gregory.
1830. Sir William Gossett.
1835-40. Thomas Drummond.
Ill
HIS MAJESTT8 BEGIMENT OF GUARDS IN IRELAND
1661-1798
The addition to the strength of the British army, in the
last year of Queen Victoria's reign, of a regiment of Irish
Guards was hailed with acclamation at the time as an appro-
priate compliment to the soldierly qualities of Irishmen, and
as a graceful recognition of the valour displayed by Irish
troops on the battle-fields of South Africa. But the innova-
tion was also criticised, on the other hand, as a somewhat
tardy recognition of the claims of Ireland to a share in the
honour of furnishing those regiments which are most closely
associated with the personal service of the Sovereign, and
which have enjoyed for centuries a traditional precedence in
the regimental roll. It is not a little curious that an episode
so interesting in the history of Irish arms as the raising of
the first regiment of Irish Guards should have been so
completely forgotten. Yet it is a fact that what was
greeted as a belated innovation was really only a revival
of a corps which is coeval in antiquity with the institu-
tion of the standing army, and which, under the title of
' His Majesty's Eegiment of Guards in Ireland,' enjoyed a
distinguished reputation for valour and military efficiency at
a most interesting period of Irish history.
An attempt is here made to trace the record of a regi-
ment which anciently held a distinguished place at the head
of the military establishment of Ireland, and to recall the
history of the remarkable corps which constituted the flower
of the Irish army from the Eestoration to the Eevolution.
And the inquiry is not the less interesting because it is in
this Bestoration Begiment of Irish Guards that we shall
find the origin of one of the most eminent of the distin-
THE lEISH GDABDS 76
gaished coips which subsequently constituted the Irish
Brigade abroad. It may, indeed, be doubted whether the
history of any regiment displays a more varied career. For dis-
banded after the Bojme, the units of the regiment took service
abroad, and achieved under a succession of brilliant officers
an honourable place in the military history of eighteenth-
century France. And preserving in exile that fealty to the
principle of hereditary right which, combined with devotion
to the Boman Catholic faith, had led its officers to adhere
through evil days to the fallen fortunes of James II., the
renmant renewed, on the fall of Louis XVI., their allegi-
ance to the sovereign of the Three Kingdoms, and were re-
enrolled for a brief period in the ranks of the British army.
The oblivion into which the origin of the regiment has
fallen is, however, explained in great part by the circumstance
that the compilers of Irish military history have given but
scanty attention to the records of Irish regiments at home.
For example, O'Conor's * Military Memoirs of the Irish
Nation,' useful as an account of the exploits of the Irish
Brigade abroad, is absolutely silent on the military establish-
ment of Ireland at the Bestoration. D'Alton, again, in his
' Historical and Genealogical Illustrations of King James's
Army List,' begins, as is natural, only with Tyrconnel's Vice-
royalty. And though O'Callaghan, in his admirably minute
and exhaustive ' History of the Irish Brigade in the service
of France,' does not omit all notice of the origin of the dis-
tinguished regiments whose subsequent careers he traces in
so much detail, his references to their pre-Bevolution story
are brief and parenthetic. To this explanation of our
Ignorance of the earliest records of the first regiment of
Irish Guards it may be added that it is only in years com-
paratively recent that the materials for tracing the origin of
the regiment with any semblance of completeness have
become available.^
* No inyestigator in this field of our seventeenth-oentory history can faU to
acknowledge a large debt to the late Sir John Gilbert, who, by his labours as
editor of the Ormonde Manuscripts and of the Becords of the Corporation of
Dablin, has thrown open to the students of seventeenth-century Ireland two
splendid treasuries of historical, topographical, and antiquarian lore. And from
both of these sources much light is to be derived concerning the Irish Guards.
76 ILLUSTEATIONS OP IBISH HISTOBY
The process by which the regiments raised by various
Boyalist officers became the parents of several of the most
distinguished of existing regiments has its best known
examples in the Grenadier Guards and the Coldstream
Guards, and need not be delineated here. And the circum-
stances which, immediately following on the Bestoration,
led to the institution of a standing army, and laid the
foundations of the existing military system of the United
Kingdom, are familiar to every student of our political and
constitutional history. But it may be well to glance at the
beginning of the system in Great Britain, since it was there
that the model was provided for the military establishment
which, on the appointment of the Duke of Ormond to the
Viceroyalty, was at once instituted in Ireland. Especially
is this necessary to the elucidation of the origin of the Irish
Guards, because the conception of a regiment directly
associated with the Crown, a regiment formed to be, in fact
as well as in name, * His Majesty's Guards,' goes back to
a period prior to the Bestoration.
Four years before his return to England, Charles II., hope-
less of the renewal of even such ineffectual and half-hearted
succour as had been extended to him at the beginning
of his exile by the French Court, imagined that he had
found in Spain the assistance necessary to regain his throne.
Under the inspiration of Mazarin, Louis XIV. had become
convinced of the permanence of the Cromwellian rSgitne,
and had ceased to give any serious encouragement to the
English Eoyalists. Charles had therefore turned for aid
from Paris to Madrid. In connection with a project for the
invasion of England by a Spanish expedition, it was resolved
to organise, for service with the Spanish forces in the Low
Countries, the considerable soldiery which had accompanied
their Sovereign abroad, and had earned distinction in the
armies conmianded by Turenne.^ Accordingly, several
' * The Spanish army, after being near Tarenne at Quesnoy (or some days,
has now gone to besiege the town of Cond6. Many of the Irish in the Regiment
of Guards are said to be killed. Ormondes nephew Mnskery, with his regiment,
was on Turenne's side.'— Peter Talbot to Ormond, from Brossels, July 24, 1656.
Maoray's Cal. of Clarendon State PtyperSt ilL p. 148.
THE IRISH GUABDS 77
regiments, both British and Irish, were gathered together
into a division, and placed under the Spanish commander in
Flanders. The English officers, by whom Charles was more
immediately surromided, were formed into what was called
a Boyal Begiment of Guards under Lord Wentworth, and
some regiments of Irish were organised at the same time.^
The command of the largest of these, a corps seven hundred
strong, was assigned to the Marquis of Ormond ; it was quar-
tered near Bruges, and ultimately took part in the unsuccess-
ful operations at Dunkirk. The officers included many of
the Confederate Catholic officers who had fled from Ireland.'
Wentworth's Begiment of Guards survived the ill-
success of Charles II.'s negotiations for aid from Spain.
Bemaining abroad at the Bestoration as part of the
garrison of Dunkirk, it escaped inclusion in that general
disbandment of the army of the Commonwealth, in Septem-
> Clarendon's account of the matter is as follows : ' The King resolved to
raise one regiment of Guards, the command whereof he gave to the Lord Went-
worth, which was to do duty in the army as common men till his Majesty
should be in such a posture that they might be brought about his person. The
ICajqois of Ormond had a regiment in order to be commanded by his lieutenant-
colonel, that the Irish might be tempted to come ower.*— History of ths Rebellion,
XV. p. 68.
* Sir F. Hamilton, in his History of the Grenadier Guards, mentions that
Charles I., during his stay at Oxtord in 1642-8, had raised a regiment which
was known as ' The King's Guards,' and states that ' the Regiment of King's
Guards, as weU as all the rest of the Royalist troops in England, ceased to
exist as regiments in 1646-7 ; and the English troops raised subsequently by
Charles II., with which he endeavoured to recover the Crown of his ancestors,
were disbanded after the battle of Worcester in 1651 ; so that though we trace
among the officers of the Regiment of Guards which Charles II. raised in
Flanders many Royalists who had either served in the King's Guards or in
other corps during the Civil War, both in the time of Charles I. and II., there
is no connection as a regiment between these two corps of Guards ' (vol. i. p. 8).
It appears, however, from a letter published in the Ormonde Papers (vol. i.
p. 97), that Wentworth's regiment existed in some form in 1649 : — ' Thomas
Wentworth to Edward Brougbton. Breda, June 24, 1649. You are to receive
such men as shall be delivered you on shipboard as part of a regiment to (sic)
the King's Guards, and you to command them as sergeant-major to the said
regiment, and at your landing in Ireland you are to obey such orders and
directions as you shall receive from the Marquis of Ormond, the Lieutenant-
Oeneral of the kingdom of Ireland.' It is noticeable that this letter is addressed
by the subsequent colonel of Charles U.'s post-Restoration Guards to an officer
who afterwards held a commission in that regiment. The letter is addressed,
* For Major Edward Brougbton, Major to the King's Guard of Foot.'
78 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
ber 1660, which was among the first acts of the restored
monarchy. The young Sovereign, however, whose whole
conception of the kingly dignity was coloured by his
familiarity with continental courts, had no intention of re-
maining without a personal guard ; and at the very moment
which witnessed the dispersion of the remnant of Cromwell's
Ironsides, he entrusted Colonel John Bassell, a brother of
the Duke of Bedford, with a commission to raise a regiment
of Foot Guards, twelve hundred strong, under the title of
the King's Eoyal Begiment of Guards. Lord Wentworth's
earlier formed regiment remained abroad until the sale of
Dunkirk, when it came to England, where it was maintained
as a distinct corps during Wentworth's life. But on the
death of its colonel, three years lat^, on the eve of the
outbreak of the Dutch War, Wentworth's was merged in
Colonel Bussell's regiment, to which the existing regiment
of Grenadier Guards proudly traces its origin.*
No one who has had occasion to consider the character
of the arrangements made upon the Bestoration for the
machinery of the constitution and the equipment of the public
service can have failed to be struck by the closeness with
which the institutions of every sort set up in Great Britain
were followed in the organisation of the Irish Government.
The formal constitution of a standing army by Charles II.,
and the formation of his Majesty's Begiment of Guards,
took place early in 1661. It does not appear how far, if at
all, the King's advisers then contemplated the provision of a
separate military establishment for Ireland. It is probable
that the question remained in abeyance until after the
selection of the first Bestoration Viceroy, an appointment
which was delayed until the autumn of that year. But when
the Duke of Ormond was appointed to the Viceroyalty, he
was careful to imitate in all respects, as far as possible, the
model provided in England. The establishment for Ireland,
both civil and military, followed closely upon the Hues
laid down by Clarendon and the other advisers of Charles
II. Ormond was given a free hand in Ireland, * the places,
^ Sir F. Hamilton's HUtory of the Qrenadier Quarda, pp. 80-84.
THE IBISH GUABDS 79
as well in the martial as civil list, being left freely to his
disposing.' He at once proceeded to exercise his authority,
by providing for the civil and military needs of Ireland
iqM>n a scale of great magnificence. And as a means both
of emphasising the dignity of the Viceregal office, and of
supplying an efficient force for service in emergency, one
of his first steps was to procure a commission to raise a
raiment of Guards for service in Ireland.^ Accordingly,
on April 23, 1662, a commission for this purpose was issued
to the Viceroy.*
The Duke of Ormond having received his commission
he lost no time in acting on the authority thus given to
him. On the following day the regiment was formally
' The earliest reference to the intended regiment I have seen is in Orrery's
State Letters, and is as follows :—
*A8to what yonr Grace mentions of his Majesty's thoughts of raising a
ragiment of Gotfds to lie still at Dublin, I think it not fit on many accoonta.
Tour Grace's words *' provided they be raised and supported at least one year
oat of Bngland " are very wise and necessary ; to which I will presume to add,
whBi will there be to maintain them after that year ? And therefore I shall
lay before your Grace my poor thoughts upon that thing. My Lord of Mount-
nUh had a regiment of horse in this his Majesty's army, which by his death
18 void. I think, as partial as you can be against your own family, your Grace
oaanot but acknowledge that it is but mere justice my Lord Ossory being general
of the horse should have that regiment. Then the regiment of foot his lord-
ship now has may be the King's Guards in this kingdom ; whereby your end
win be answered without a penny charge in the raising it, or additional charge
in the maintaining it. I hope on this regiment your Grace will pardon me, if I
presume to mention Jack Stephens for an employment suitable to his fidelity
and merit. I have made inquiry whether the regiment may be clothed here
with red cassocks lined with green and with green buttons, and at what rates
the piOTiaion of cloth and linings of this colour will be had here : Cassocks,
breeches, a shirt, and one pair of stockings will cost about 38 shillings.' — Orrery
to Ormond, Dec. 28, 1661.
* The following is the text of this commission : —
'Whereas we have already constituted and appointed James, Duke of
Ormond, to be Governor of our Kingdom of Ireland, and of all our armies there
raised and to be raised : And whereas we have thought fit to raise within this
oor kingdom of Ireland, a regiment of 1,200 foot to be our Regiment of Guards
in our said Kingdom of Ireland : We do give and grant to our said Lieutenant
and Chief Governor full power, liberty and authority, by beat of drums, pro-
clamations, or otherwise, to raise the said number of men in England, and to
conduct, lead and transport them into Ireland, with power and authority to
him to give and grant commissions under his hand and seal to such persons as
he shall think fit to be officers and commanders of the said regiment.' — Carte
Papers.
80 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
constituted, and provision at once made for the enrol-
ment of twelve companies of one hundred men each.
The Viceroy's second son, Lord Kichard Butler, who was
immediately afterwards created Earl of Arran, was gazetted
colonel of the regiment with the captaincy of a company ;
and eleven other officers were appointed to the remaining
companies.^ The establishment of the regiment was calcu-
lated on a generous scale, no less a sum than 24,5182. 8s. 8d.
per annum being allocated to its maintenance. Its roll
included, in addition to the colonel, a lieutenant-colonel, a
major and nine captains of companies, twelve lieutenants,
twelve ensigns, forty sergeants, thirty-six corporals, a
drum-major with twenty-four drummers, a piper to the
King's company, and twelve hundred soldiers. In addition
to the fighting strength of the regiment, there were attached
a chaplain, an adjutant quartermaster, a surgeon, and a
surgeon's mate.*
It does not appear from any document from what district
the rank and file of the regiment was recruited ; but it is
evident that at the date of the commission to Ormond con-
siderable progress had been akeady made in finding the men
and arranging for their equipment, and the original list of
officers included some who had served in the regiment
conmianded by Ormond in Flanders. On April 14, 1662,
the Vice-Treasurer received orders to pay to Lieutenant-
Colonel Sir William Flower, the sum of 1,897Z. Ss. 8d.,
* towards the raising, sending to the sea-side, and transporting
into Ireland of the officers and soldiers of the said regiment.' ^
Two days later a similar sum, * being one month's pay of
the Regiment of Guards for Ireland,' was ordered to be paid
to the same officer. On April 21 orders were given for
66SI. 14«. to be paid to John Wall, ' for 600 scarlet coats,
bought of him for his Majesty's Regiment of Guards for
Ireland, and 7551. 12s. to be paid to Henry Prescott for 661
red coats, and embroidering twenty-four drummers' coats,
1 Ormonde Papers, i. p. 289.
« Sir William Petty's PoUHeal Anatomy of Ireland.
* Carte Papers, clxv. p. 8.
THE IBISH GUARDS 81
with sacks to pack them up in.' ^ This uniform is identical
with that prescribed for Colonel Bussell's Begiment of Guards
in England. A little later Alderman Daniel Bellingham,
afterwards the first Lord Mayor of Dublin, received an order
to famish all the non-commissioned officers and men with a
red ' cassock/ a term not as yet appropriated by the clergy,
together with ' cloth breeches, two shirts, one pair of stock-
ings, and one pair of shoes.' The cassock was lined with
green.'
No time was lost in transferring the newly raised regi-
ment to its destination. As early as May, the news-letters
of the day chronicled the embarkation of the Guards for
Ireland.' 'On the 9th instant,' according to the Chester
correspondent of * Mercurius Publicus,' * Sir William Flower,
who had the conduct of his Majesty's Begiment of Guards
for Ireland, under the command of the Earl of Arran,
arrived here with that regiment, in order to their transporta-
tion for Ireland,' and on May 14 it was reported that ' Sir
William commenced to ship twelve companies in eleven
ships at Neston.' We are further informed that * during
the march from London with this regiment, Sir William
himself constantly marched with the men. Sir William
Flower, my Lord Callan, and other chief officers in the
regiment were entertained by the Mayor at Chester.' They
reached Dublin safely before the end of May ; and on the
28th of that month, the same journal announced that ' the
King's Regiment of Foot, under the command of th,e Earl
of Arran, consisting of twelve companies, that came this
week from England, marched this day, completely armed
and clothed, through the city, and are all quartered in and
about it for the Guards.'
The conception of the regiment being that of a body-
guard for the person of the Lord-Lieutenant as the
representative of the King, it was not contemplated that
the corps should serve, in time of peace at least, outside the
■ See Sir F. Hamilton's History of the Grenadier Guards,
' Orrery's State LetterSt p. 58, and see the letter of Orrery already given.
' Mercurius Publicus^ May 9 and 28, 1662. See also M'Kinnon's History
of the Coldstream Guards, i. p. 109, note.
O
82 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
capital. Accordingly arrangements were at once made for
quartering the soldiers in Dublin, and for this purpose
communications passed between the Government and the
City Corporation. Between the Court and the City the
liveliest accord existed throughout Ormond's Viceroyalty, the
Duke having, as one of his first acts, secured a pa3nnent of
500L a year from the exchequer to the Mayor, in consideration
of the loyalty of the city in the years following the Bebellion
of 1641, and of the civic poverty resulting from the civil wars,
and having exerted himself to the utmost at the Restoration
for the protection and enlargement of the liberties of Dublin.
And it was to Ormond's intervention that the dignity of
Lord Mayor, shortly afterwards conferred on the head of the
Corporation, as well as the royal gift of a collar of SS. and
cap of maintenance, and other marks of royal favour, were
directly due.^
The City Assembly was therefore prepared to comply
with a loyal alacrity with the direction of the Viceroy to
provide quarters for the Guards. On May 28 the Lords
Justices and the Council, by direction from the Lord-
Lieutenant, ordered the sheriffs of Dublin and seneschals
of the Liberties ' to provide lodging for the officers and
soldiers of his Majesty's Begiment of Guards lately arrived
out of England, in inns, wine-taverns, ale-houses, or
victualling houses.* ^ The officers were likewise quartered on
the city. On June 14 Ormond wrote to the Mayor and
sheriffs requiring them 'forthwith to appoint convenient
quarters as near the Castle of Dublin as may be for our son
Bichard, Earl of Arran, Colonel of his Majesty's Begiment
of Guards, and his servants ' ; ^ and shortly afterwards pro-
vision was made by the city, pursuant to his Excellency's
warrant, for the quartering of the commissioned officers of
the King's Begiment in the city and suburbs. Thence-
forward and down to the Bevolution, Dublin appears to have
^ Speech of Sir W. Davys, the Beoorder, Calendar of Ditblin Records^ iv.
p. 679, and see vol. i. p. 42.
' Carte Papers, Bodleian Library, xxxvii. p. 228.
* Calendar of Dublin Records, iv. p. 278.
THE IRISH OUABDS 83
oontmnoosly repiained the headqaarters of the Guards ; and
althongh the arrangements for their lodging appear to have
involyed some burthen on the city, the best relations seem,
in general, to have been maintained between the citizens and
the soldiery. The troops seem to have been quartered partly
in the Castle, partly through the city, especially at the city
gate-houses, which, at that time, were still utilised for
residential purposes. This appears from the complaint of one
John Eastwood, who had contracted to pay 4Z. per annum to
the city for St. Nicholas Gate, but represented that 'the
said gate was taken up from him by the soldiers, by special
orders from the Lord-Lieutenant, to his very great damage.' ^
The provision of fire and candlelight for the Guards was
also constituted a charge upon the city, and assessments
were annually made for this purpose on a warrant from the
Viceroy, this being, in the language of a resolution of 1665,
' required to be done by act of State and a business of public
concernment to this city.' ^ The amount of the assessment
for this purpose was usually from 150Z. to 200Z. a year. The
tax appears to have, in general, been readily contributed,
though in June 1667 one John Quelch, a freeman of the
city and member of the Corporation, refused ' in violation of
his oath as freeman to pay his portion of the charge amount-
ing to half-a-crown ' on the ground that such a levy was
unlawful and unwarrantable.^
In addition to the occasional restiveness excited by the
tax for their maintenance, the Guards appear to have pro-
voked some unpopularity by their demeanour towards the
citizens. In August 1667 a petition was presented to the
Liord-Lieutenant by the City Council ' for a redress against
the several oppressions of the officers and soldiers on the
inhabitants of the city under the pretence of quartering.'
This, however, was resented by the Colonel, Lord Arran,
and the officers of the regiment, who, in a counter-petition,
demanded an inquiry into the matters complained of, averring
their indignation at aspersions which they stigmatised as ' a
' Calendar of Dublin Rtcorda, iv. p. 299.
« Ibid. p. 847. ■ Ibid, p. 485.
• 2
84 ILLUSTRATIONS OP lEISH HISTORY
high reflection on the officers and soldiers of the said Guards
either in committing or suflfering such oppressions to be
committed by those under their command.' ^ But in general
the relations between soldiery and civilians were harmonious,
and Dublin was proud of the regiment. In 1666 * ' his Grace
the Duke of Ormond, taking notice of the many buildings
lately made on Oxmantown Green, which have taken up so
much room there that his Majesty's Horse and Foot Guards
and the City Militia have not conveniency to exercise as
formerly,* and ' recommending the city to take present orders
that the groimds upon St. Stephen's Green, lately walled in,
be forthwith made fit for that purpose,' the City Assembly
cheerfully ordered that the ground should be levelled and
made smooth with that object. This was accordingly done,
and thenceforth St. Stephen's Green became the parade-
ground of the Guards. A review of the regiment on this
ground twenty years later is described in Clarendon's * State
Letters.' ^
A further memorial of the connection of the Irish Guards
with Dublin is supplied in the records of two Dublin parishes.
The regiment appears to have attended Divine Service
regularly every Friday, sometimes in St. Michael's and some-
times in St. Audoen's, and in 1671 Lord Arran contributed
a sum of 1501. towards the re-building of the latter church.
In requital of his liberahty it was ordered * that the arms
and supporters of the said Earl of Arran be fairly presented
and erected in the said church ' ; * and further, that every
conmiissioned officer of the Eoyal regiment, from the said
Earl to the ensign, should henceforth enjoy all privileges
and indenmities of parishioners in regard to marriages,
christenings, and burials. The parish of St. Michael was
less fortunate when two years later it solicited a like con-
tribution, notwithstanding that it was averred that *for
several years past the several companies of the Eoyal regi-
ment quartered in this city have made use of the Church of
* Calendar of DubUn Records, iv. p. 428. * Ibid. p. 383.
^ Glareodon's State Letters, i. p. 484.
* Gilbert's History of Dublin, i. p. 281.
THE IBI8H GUAEDS 86
St. Michael, but in all that time nothing hath been contri-
buted towards the reparation of the said church or the seats
thereof.'
Mention has just been made of the City Militia, and
some confusion might easily occar between the two bodies,
which in the Assembly rolls are sometimes referred to
indifferently as the Guards of the city. The two forces
were, however, entirely distinct, and had no relation to each
other, save in so far as each was in its degree responsible for
the defence of the city. A militia, 24,000 strong, was raised
to supplement the regular army ; and in 1660 two foot
regiments of city militia had been formed, one for
service within, the other without the city; the Mayor for
the time being acting as Commander-in-Chief. The Mayor
was likewise designated commander of a foot company
through the good offices of Sir Theophilus Jones, the Scout-
master-General of the army, a distinction which was so
much appreciated by the city dignitary that the City
Assembly voted a sum of 501. for a piece of plate to be pre-
sented to Lady Jones in recognition of her husband's
exertions.^ Some friction seems occasionally to have been
provoked between the City Guards and the Eing*s regiment.
The author of ' Ireland's Sad Lamentation ' ^ imputes
to the latter a slackness little creditable to the gallantry
of the corps, alleging that the militia would not be suffered
to guard within the city, the King's Guard being ap-
pointed to defend the same, and were obliged to serve
outside the walls, ' so that upon any attempt, our volunteer
inhabitants might certainly have perished before the King's
soldiery who received pay had entered into any dangerous
engagement.' But this innuendo, with the rest of the
publication in which it appeared, was declared by the City
Assembly to be ' a black and ugly libel.'
Another force not to be confounded with his Majesty's
Eegiment of Guards was the Lord-Lieutenant's Guard of
Halbertiers or Battle-axes, which, during the reign of
> Calendar of Dublin RecordSy iv. p. 221.
' * Ireland's Sad Lamentation,' 1681. Ibid. v. Preface.
86 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
Charles 11., from the opening of Ormond's Viceroyalty^ in
1661 down to 1665, was maintained as part of the Military
Establishment. This body, which was known sometimes
as the Company of Battle-axes, sometimes as the Guard of
Halbertiers, consisted of a captain, lieutenant, two sergeants,
and sixty men, dressed in buff coats, and was modelled on
the Yeomen of the Guurd.^ The provision made at the
Restoration for such a retinue to attend the Viceroy was
in accordance with the ancient traditions of the Viceregal
office, for as early as the reign of Henry VIII., when the
Earl of Surrey came over as Deputy, one hundred Yeomen
of the Guard were sent to Ireland vrith him to serve as his
body-guard.^ It would appear that, at this time, in their
uniform and accoutrements this Guard closely followed
its English prototype. On April 2, 1662, Colonel, after-
wards Sir Daniel, Treswell, who was appointed to the
command of the Battle-axes, received from Ormond a
warrant for 27 51. 4s. towards buying * 64 buff coats and 64
belts at 42. Gs, for each coat and belt for our guard of foot.'^
The force having been equipped in England came to
Ireland in that year, and * for the more convenient perform-
ance of their duty ' ^ were ordered to be quartered as near to
Dublin Castle as possible. Treswell, their commander, who
had come to Ireland in 1641 in command of a troop of
horse, had ' faithfully served his Majesty in honourable em-
ployment during the whole war in England and Ireland,'
> Ormonde Papers, i. T^, iOQ.
* Sir W. Petty's PolUical Anatomy of Ireland,
' Preston's Yeomen of the Ouard, p. 100. See also Sir John Davies'
Dieeovery : ' In the time of Henry VIII. the Earl of Surrey, Lord Admiral, was
made Lieutenant ; and though he were the greatest captain of the English
nation then living, yet brought he with him rather an honourable guard for his
person than a competent army to recover Ireland. For he had in his retinue
two hundred tall yeomen of the King's Guard.'
* Carte Papers, The uniform must, however, have been materially altered
in the course of the next century if a plate in Walker's Hibernian Magazine
for Nov. 1787 may be depended on. In this drawing the * Battle-axes ' are
depicted as guarding the remains of the Viceroy, the Duke of Butland, at his
lying in State in the Irish House of Lords.
* Order for quartering the Battle-axes, Deo. 8, 1662, Ormonde MSS. ; Calen-
dar of Dublin BecordSy iv. p. 545. The guard at this time was sixty strong.
THE IRISH GUABDS 87
in the course of which he had commanded the Lord-
liieutenant's regiment of horse. Ormond, loyal in pro-
sperity to his friends in adversity, not only rewarded his
fidelity with the conmiand of his Battle-axes,^ bat procured
him, in 1665, the honour of a baronetcy, and reconmiended
him in the same year to the burgesses of Downpatrick, by
whom he was returned to Parliament.^
In addition to the City Guard the Lord Mayor, in emula-
tion of the Lord-Lieutenant, seems also to have instituted a
small body-guard of halbertiers ; but it is not surprising to
learn that this force, six in number, was ' not found so useful
as it was expected,' or that it was in consequence ordered
that as many of them as the Lord Mayor and SherifEs should
think fit to be officers at mace should be so appointed, and
discharged from their place of bearing halberts.
That his Majesty's Begiment of Guards was from the
first intended to hold the highest place in the regimental roll
in Ireland there can be no manner of doubt. When, during
the Yiceroyalty of Lord Clarendon, at the opening of the
reign of James II., several of the officers of the Guards were
displaced by Tyrconnel in pursuance of his programme to
new-model the Irish army on a Boman Catholic basis, Major
Billingsley, one of the displaced officers, in protesting against
his removal, averred that 'to be a Major of the Boyal
Begiment of Guards is better and more honourable than to
be Lieutenant-Colonel of any other regiment.' . The prestige
of the regiment derived Sclat at the outset from the fact that
the commission for the raising of the regiment was given
to the Viceroy. The Duke of Ormond was not alone the
King's representative and the General-in-Chief of the army
in Ireland, but was the first of his Irish subjects in rank, fame,
and fortune. He had held the post of Lieutenant-General
or Commander-in-Chief of the army formed by Strafford as
* Ormonde Papers^ vols. i. and ii.
The following inscription appears apon a tomb in the ohanoel of the old
ebnroh at Finglas, near Dublin : — ' Heere under lyeth the body of Sir Daniel
Treswell knight and baronett who faithfully served his Majesty in honourable
employment during the whole war in England and Ireland and dyed the 24th
day of May, 1670.'
88 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
far back as 1640; and his association with the regiment
would have been sufficient of itself to stamp the corps with
peculiar distinction. Ormond was careful to secure that
its honour should undergo no diminution in the persons of
its officers, who were selected largely from the ranks of the
Irish nobility, and included several who had followed his
fortimes through the whole course of the civil war and
foreign exile.
Unable himself, with the multifarious duties of the Vice-
royalty, to assume the direct command, Ormond asserted in
the most marked way his personal interest in the fortunes
of the regiment by nominating to the colonelcy, as already
stated, his second son Eichard, Earl of Arran, a nobleman
who, if less distinguished than his gallant brother. Lord
Ossory, was yet a man of considerable ability, who on more
than one occasion during Ormond's absence in England filled
the office of Lord Deputy. Arran gave proofs of considerable
miUtary capacity in command of his regiment, first in sup-
pressing a formidable mutiny of the soldiers of other regi-
ments at Carrickfergus in 1666, and later, in 1673, by his
distinguished conduct under the Duke of York, in the sea-
fight with the Dutch in that year, in which, after the manner
of those days, the Guards took a part, serving on board ship.*
For his services on this occasion, Arran was rewarded with
an English peerage. ' No man,' says Carte, * was more
active, more eager, and more intrepid in danger.' During
his tenure of the office of Deputy in 1684, he exhibited great
personal gallantry in dealing with a very serious fire in
Dublin Castle, by which a great part of the Castle buildings
was destroyed.^ An address of congratulation was presented
on this occasion by the citizens of Dublin, in which Arran's
energy is eulogised in glowing terms: *By your Excel-
lency's presence of mind, care, and conduct, in the midst of
the devouring flames which encompassed you, not only the
remaining part of the buildings of the Castle, but the great
magazine of powder to which the fire had within a few steps
' Carte's Ormonde^ ii. p. 544.
* Calendar of Ihiblin Records, v. p. 312, and see p. 24 supra.
THE IBISH GUARDS 89
approached, was wonderfully preserved, and the ancient
records of this Kingdom, then also in the Castle, rescued from
those flames.' On Lord Arran's premature death, early in
1686, shortly after his father had been recalled from the
Irish Government by James II., the direct association of the
Ormond family with the Guards was maintained by the
bestowal of the command of the regiment on Lord Ossory,
son of the distinguished soldier-statesman of that name, and
afterwards second Duke of Ormond : a selection which, as
the new Viceroy, Clarendon, reported to Sunderland, gave aa
lively a satisfaction in Ireland as could be imagined.^
At the time of his original appointment. Lord Arran
was too junior to have acquired the military knowledge
necessary to the commander of the regiment in the field ;
and for the lieutenant-colonelcy Ormond selected, as we
have seen, Sir WilUam Flower, an officer who was well
qualified by his experience to undertake the effective control
of the newly enrolled corps.* Flower, whose father had
come to Ireland towards the close of Queen Elizabeth's
reign, and had served in James I.'s time as Governor of
Waterford, had been one of Ormond's officers in the troubled
years that followed the rebellion. As early as 1641 he had
held a captain's commission in Ormond's own regiment of foot,
which had its quarters in Christchurch Yard, and had formed
part of the garrison of Dublin down to 1648 ; and he had
risen to its command. He had suffered imprisonment at the
hands of the Parliamentary party on Ormond's departure
from Ireland in 1648. At the Bestoration he was at once
raised to eminence by his old patron, becoming a member of
the Privy Council, with a seat in the Irish Parliament as
member for St. Canice, and being appointed one of the
trustees for satisfying the arrears of the '49 officers. He re-
ceived considerable grants of land ; and his son extending
the family influence by a matrimonial alliance with the
daughter of Sir John Temple, the family became important
enough to win, in the person of Sir William Flower's
' Clarendon's StaU Letters, i. p. 229.
' Arohdall'B Lodge's Peerage, v. p. 283.
90 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
grandson, the peerage of Castle Durrow, a rank which, in
the generation following, was merged in the still existing
dignity of the Viscounty of Ashbrook.^
The other officers appointed to the conunand of companies
at the institution of the regiment were likewise persons of
distinction. The King's company was given to Sir Nicholas
Armorer, who had acted as equerry to the King in exile, and
was a close friend of the Duke of Ormond, by whose influence
he was returned to Parliament as member for the county
^icklow, and appointed Governor of Cork.^ Sir John
Stephens, who, like Sir William Flower, had held a com-
mission in Ormond's old regiment as far back as 1643, and
who, after the Bestoration, represented Fethard in the Irish
Parliament — ^he had married a sister of Flower's, and held
the office of Constable of DubUn Castle — was appointed
major ; and the other officers included Lord Callan, after-
wards the third Earl of Denbigh, Lord John Butler —
Ormond's youngest son, and Colonel Francis Willoughby,
well known in the ten years' warfare in Ireland, from 1641
to 1651. It is thus evident that the note of pre-eminence
and distinction which has ever been associated with the
Guards in England was characteristic of the Irish regiment
from the date of its institution.
A corps, whose sphere of service was restricted in time
of peace to the capital, and which even in war was likely
to be actively employed only in circumstances of emer-
* There is some reason to suspect that daring the eclipse of the Boyalist
fortunes Flower, like not a few of Ormondes Irish adherents, was among those
who conformed to the government of Commonwealth, and that he held a com-
mand in Fleetwood's Regiment. See the Leybame-Popbam Papers, Hist, MSS.
Commissionera* Beport, p. 153. The following inscription still remains on a
tablet in Finglas Church, co. Dublin : — * Oulielmi Flower, equitis aurati, qui
tribunus militum sub Garolo Primo partes Regis et fortunas labantes fide illibata,
infracta virtute, ad ultimum propugnavit. Restaorata regia familia Ormonius
coeptorum ejus testis, nee immemor illi, si non quod meruit, quod tamen ipse
enpivit virtutis preomium PrsBtorianorum militum pro-pnefectus dedit ut fidei
etiam speetatissimaB uberior esset honos, eum in sanctions oonoilii album ascrip-
sit et copiarum in Ultoniam pridem missarum cum a faotione Monumethensi
pericula in Scotia gliscemnt, sub Oranardis comite prsBfectum fecit. Mortem
obiit 10 die Junii a.d. 1681.' See Journal of R.S,A.L 1897, p. 454.
< Cholmondeley Papers, Hist. MSS, Com. 6th Rep.
THE IBISH GUAEDS 91
gency, was naturally deprived for some years of maay oppor-
tunities of distinguishing itself, and it is not very easy to
trace the record of the raiment in the first few years of its
existence. Its earliest active service appears to have been
in suppressing the mutiny at Carrickfergus in 1666, already
noted/ but down to 1673 such mention of it as we find
is chiefly in connection with ceremonial display. On the
occasion of the Duke of Ormond's State entry into Dublin,
in 1665, a pageant of unusual magnificence, the regiment
formed the guard of honour from St. James's Gate to the
Castle, the King's company being in close attendance on the
Viceroy, and following immediately the Guard of Battle-
axes. In 1672 they were ordered for service with the fleet
on the outbreak of the Dutch War, and two companies, of
which Lord Arran's was one, were sent to Chester, and
appear to have taken part in the action in Solebay.'
The military annals of the Bestoration still remain very
scrappy and imperfect. Even the achievements of the
British Guards have been insufficiently recorded. Little or
nothing is known of the career of the Irish Guards from 1675
to 1685, when, as already mentioned, the colonelcy passed
to the young Lord Ossory on the death of his uncle Lord
Arran, although very full lists of its officers for several years
of this obscure decade are still extant. The changes in the
regiment within this period do not seem to have been many ;
the most important being the appointment of Sir Charles
Feilding — a member of the ancient family of which the
Earl of Denbigh is the head — to be lieutenant-colonel
' ' 1666, about the beginning of May, the garrison, consisting of about 200
men, mntinied for want of their pay, and, choosing Corporal Dillon for their
commander, seized the town and castle. On the 25th of the same month, the
Earl of Arran, son to the Duke of Ormond, arrived by sea in the Dartmouth
frigate, with four companies of Guards, and he assaulting the town by sea, and
Sir William Flower by land, the mutineers were forced to retreat into the castle,
with the loss of Dillon their commander, and two others. The Earl also lost
two soldiers. Next day the Duke of Ormond arrived from Dublin with the
Horse Guards, and the mutineers surrendered at discretion. The Corporation
(of Carrickfergus) received thanks from the Government for their loyalty on
this occasion, and gave a splendid entertainment to the Earl of Arran.' —
McSkimin's History of Carrickfergus, pp. 18, 19.
' Sir F. Hamilton's History of the Grenadier Quards, i. p. 168.
92 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
on the death, in 1681, of Sir William Flower. The Guards
appear, however, to have been maintained in vigorous
efficiency. On April 23, 1685, Major Billingsley reported
to his colonel, that he ' drew out the regiment to solemnise
the coronation, which was performed after the usual way
on State days.' * Lord Clarendon, who superseded Ormond
in the Irish Government in 1685, reported very favourably of
their appearance in a letter to James II. : — * The other day,*
he wrote, *I saw your Majesty's Regiment of Guards
drawn out ; and though I am no soldier, yet I may assure
your Majesty they exercise and perform all their duty as
well as your Guards in England can do. If they had the
honour to be in your presence you would have no cause to
be ashamed of them.' '
But the regiment was now about to become involved in
those far-reaching changes which shortly after the accession
of James II. became so universal in every department of the
public service, and were ere long to lead to such startling
results. The King resolved on a drastic reform of the
personnel of the army, and Tyrconnel came to Ireland to
superintend and carry out the changes which had been
resolved upon. This is not the occasion on which to discuss
the policy of James II. in dealing with his Irish forces prior
to the events which obhged him to rely upon their services
in his unsuccessful effort to retain his Crown. It must
suffice here to observe that, under Tyrconnel's direction, a
sweeping reform was rapidly and even violently carried out.
The process may be traced in the correspondence of Lord
Clarendon, who, though unquestionably loyal to his Sove-
reign, was alarmed at the vehemence of the subordinate
who was so shortly to be his successor. Clarendon's
letters written during the period of his Viceroyalty
shed a flood of clear light on events in Ireland in the
years immediately preceding the Eevolution. Though of
hberal opinions on the Eoman Catholic question, he was,
despite his close family connection with King James, far
from endorsing every item in the policy of his royal master,
* Ormonde MSS, ' Clarendon's State Letters, i. p. 281.
THE IBISH GDAEDS 93
disliking the rapidity and violence with which changes were
introduced into the system of government he was adminis-
tering, and particularly resenting the interference of Tyr-
connel, who, as Lieutenant-General of the army in Ireland,
exercised plenary powers independently of the Viceroy. His
correspondence relating to Tyrconnel's proceedings contains
several references to the Guards.' In letter after letter he
represented to James and to his ministers his disapproval of
proceedings which, apart from their unfortunate effect in
alienating a large section of the Irish population, he con-
sidered injurious to the efficiency of the army in Ireland,
and especially to the Begiment of Guards.
Pursuant, however, to the commands of the King, who,
as he told Clarendon, was ' resolved to employ his subjects
of the Boman Catholic religion,' and ' not to keep one man
in his service who ever served under the usurpers,' ^ Tyrconnel
proceeded to put out of the regiment such of the officers as
were unlikely to lend themselves to the new order of things,
and at the same time to make large changes in the personnel
of the rank and file. The true reasons for these alterations
were not of course publicly avowed, the ostensible ground
being that, in the language of Tyrconnel, ' the Scotch
battalion, which is newly come into England, has undone
us ; the King is so pleased with it that he will have all his
forces in the same posture. We have here a great many old
men, and of different statures : ^ they must be all turned out,
for the King would have all his men young and of one size.'
This, however, was only a pretext, for, according to Clarendon,
the new men were ' full as little ' as those who were turned
out.
On June 8 the Guards were reviewed in St. Stephen's
Green by Tyrconnel, who owned to Clarendon that ' it was
a much better regiment than he could have imagined,
and that the men did their exercises as well as any regi-
ment in England ' ; * but this did not prevent Tyrconnel
from proceeding with his reforms. The new officers were
1 Clarondon'8 State Letters, i. p. 433, et uq, ^ Ibid, i. p. 431.
" nrid. t p. 468. * Ibid. i. p. 440.
94 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IEI8H HISTORY
commissioned and presented to the regiment on parade. Sir
Charles Feilding, who had served with the regiment from
its formation, and risen from ensign to be lieutenant-colonel,
was superseded in his command — the King, as Tjrrconnel put
it, * being so well satisfied in the long services of Sir Charles
Feilding that he had removed him to prefer him to a better
post/ ^ Sir William Dorrington, a native of England and
the youngest major in the army, whose subsequent career
evinced considerable military ability, but who was a com-
plete stranger to his new command, was appointed in his
place.^ Other old officers of long standing in the regiment,
such as Major Billingsley and Captain Margetson,^ a son of
the Irish Primate, were likewise superseded. The changes
among the officers were followed by .the dismissal of five
hundred men, two-thirds of whom, according to Clarendon,
were 'able and lusty men,* and a credit to the regiment.
The hardship of their dismissal was aggravated by the fact
that they had just bought fresh uniforms by direction of
their colonel, and were not reimbursed for their expenditure.
To fill the places of these men, Dorrington was ordered to
recruit in such counties as he thought fit ; and accordingly
despatched Arthur, one of his captains, to Connaught to
raise men for the Guards — a proceeding much resented by
Clarendon, who forbade Dorrington to proceed in it.^
So violent an exercise of authority inevitably excited
alarm. ' All men,' wrote Clarendon, ' who have any conside-
ration and care of the King's service are extremely troubled
at the method which is taken of doing things. To turn out,
in one day, 400 men of the Regiment of Guards, 300 of
whom have no visible fault, and many of them cheerfully
went the last year first into the North and afterwards into
England, does put apprehensions into men's heads which
they would otherwise have no cause for, and putting in none
* Clarendon's State Letters^ i. p. 484.
^ Ibid. ii. p. 45. There is no saffident authority for D' Alton's statement,
followed by O'Callaghan, that Dorrington was oonneoted with the regiment
from its formation. His name does not appear in any of the early lists of
officers, which are printed in full in the Ormonde Papers^ vols. i. and ii.
» Ibid. i. p. 486. « Ibid, i. p. 678.
THE IRISH GUARDS 95
but natives in their rooms, who really to the eye, as to
stature and ability, make worse figures than those that are
put out, confirms their jealous apprehensions.' ^ But though
the composition of the corps was largely altered, and the
principal positions confided to officers of Tj^rconnel's way of
thinking, there does not appear to have been any general
surrender of commissions by the old officers who escaped
immediate dismissal. These appear to have remained in the
regiment down to the arrival of William III. in England.
From the sweeping changes inaugurated by Tyrconnel
it resulted that the regiment took part with James II. in
his struggle for the Crown of the Three Kingdoms, though
in numbers considerably short of its proper strength. And
this notwithstanding that the colonel. Lord Ossory, who, in
1688, succeeded to the dukedom of Ormond, and had been
left undisturbed in his nominal command, went over to
William III. as soon as he landed at Torbay. The colonelcy
was given by James to Dorrington, under whose command the
Guards took part in the siege of Derry, and subsequently
fought at the Boyne and Aughrim. In the latter battle
Dorrington was taken prisoner, and Barker, who had been
appointed lieutenant-colonel, was killed; and it does not
appear under what officers the last services of the Irish
Guards on Irish soil were rendered at the defence of Lime-
rick. After the capitulation of that city the Boyal Begi-
ment of Guards was the foremost of those which made
choice of the cause of King James and exile. In that
dramatic scene, so powerfully painted for us by Macaulay,
when the garrison of Limerick was ordered to pass in review
before the rival commanders, Ginkell and Sarsfield, and those
who wished to remain in the Ireland of King William were
directed to file oflf at a particular spot, all but seven of the
Guards, marching fourteen hundred strong, went beyond the
fatal point and embraced the alternative of exile. Not all of
these, however, adhered to their resolution, and only five
hundred appear to have been included in the thousands,
who, in the language of the historian, * departed to learn in
< Clarendon's State Papers, I p. 485, July 6.
96 ILLU8TBATI0NS OF IRISH HISTORY
foreign camps that discipline without which natural courage
is of small avail, and to retrieve, on distant fields of battle,
the honour which had been lost by a long series of defeats
at home/ ^
Beference has been made above to the fact that the
career of the Irish Guards was not closed with the defeat of
the cause with which their last years in Ireland were identi-
fied. After 1690, indeed, they disappeared from the roll of
the regiments in the service of the British Crown, and it is
hardly surprising that William III. made no attempt to
revive a corps which had fought for his opponent. But
though exiled to France for above one hundred years, the
identity of the regiment was never completely lost. It still
continued to be recruited abroad from the ' wild geese * who
flocked in a continuous stream from Ireland to the Continent
through the course of the eighteenth century. Under the
leadership of Dorrington it served with distinction at Loudon
and Charleroy, and though broken up in 1698, after the
Peace of Ryswick, when it ceased to retain its old title, it
was substantially re-embodied under its old chief, and was
known until his death, in 1718, as the Dorrington Begiment.
The regiment continued during this period, by desire of
King James II., to retain the uniform and colours it had
worn in the British Service.' Thenceforward it was dis-
* Maoaalay's History of Engla/ndt ohap. zvii.
* See on this point, Historique du $7^ Rigiment d^In/atUerie de Ligne,
i690-i^9S. Par Capitaine Malaguti. Paris, 1892. From this work the
following extracts are taken : —
* n semble que, d^ cette 6poqne (1698), les regiments irlandais et saisses
^taient distingu^s par Phabit rouge-garance ; tandis que toate I'lnfanterie
fran^aise portait Phabit gris-blano,* p. 16.
* Notes sur VurU/orme du Bigiment de Dillon de 1690 d i79i> — Nous n*avons
pn tronver auoun renseignement sor Puniforme de Dillon pendant les qaarante
premieres ann^es de son s^jonr en France. Le premier oavrage qui noas ait
fonmi mie donn^ precise est la Carte abr^gte da militaire de la France (de
Leman de la Jaise) qui, pour les ann^s 1730 et 1733, attribue k Dillon : habit
rouge et parements bleus,* p. 75. The * habit rooge-garanoe ' was worn con-
tinuously down to 1791 by all the Irish regiments in the French service. The
facings varied in colour, and in the case of the Irish Guards were of St.
Patrick^s blue. A representation of the uniforms of the French army in 1772
shows the Guards or Bosoommon Regiment, as it was then called, to have worn
a red coat or tunic with blue facings, buff breeches, white Hessian boots, and a
THE IBISH QUABDS 97
tinguished by the names of its successive colonels, Counts
Michael de Both and Edward de Both, Bobert Dillon, Lord
Boscommon, and Count Antoine Walsh de Serrant, all of
them representatives of old Irish families, and all of them
soldiers of capacity. In the Marlborough v^ars the regiment
served with the army of Flanders, and was present at
Malplaquet under Count Michael de Both ; it served with
the Duke of Berwick in Spain, and during the colonelcy of
his son took part in the battles of Dettingen and Fontenoy.
Finally under Count Walsh de Serrant the regiment main-
tained its old traditions down to the Bevolution, when it
merged in the 92nd Begiment of the Army of France. But
its officers were still, for the most part, Irishmen, and on the
fall of the Bourbons it was natural that the representatives
of a traditional loyalty to hereditary right should prefer the
Fleur-de-lys to the Tricolour. The successors of those who
had refused to concur in the English Bevolution were too
proud of their consistent loyalty to be content to accept the
French one. Almost veithout exception its officers followed
their colonel, Count Walsh, in his refusal to serve under the
banner of the Bepublic, and were among those who, in 1794,
accepted with alacrity the invitation conveyed to the colonels
of the three surviving regiments of Dillon, Berwick, and
Walsh by the Duke of Portland, to take service under the
British Crown under the title of the Irish Brigade.^ It was
intended that the regiment should be placed upon the Irish
Establishment, and recruited exclusively in Ireland for
service abroad ; and its officers came over to raise a fresh
corps in Ireland. But the times were out of joint for such
an enterprise. The emigrant officers found Ireland in a
turmoil of agitation, which had much more in common ynth
the France of the Bevolution than with that of the ancien
rSgime, and their efforts were almost entirely unsuccessful.
The Bebellion of 1798, quickly following, put a final end to
whatever hopes might have previously been entertained, by
pltuned helmet. The colours of the regiment at this time showed a white cross
on a ground of St. Patrick's blue.
> See p. 99 infra.
H
98 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTOEY
filling the English Goyemment with misgivings as to the
use to which an Irish Catholic Brigade might possibly be
turned in spite of the unquestioned loyalty of its leaders.
Becruits being forthcoming in quite insufficient numbers, it
was found necessary to amalgamate the regiments forming
the brigade, with the result that no place remained for many
of the returned officers. Weak and insufficient in numbers,
the corps was sent to North America and the West Indies,
but it was found impossible to maintain the brigade as an
independent organisation, and within a few years it ceased
to exist.
This last chapter in the history of the regiment is a sad
one. Making every allowance for the exacerbation of feeling
at the time, the treatment accorded to the returned officers
was little creditable to Irishmen of any shade of opinion ;
whilst the conduct of the War Office in regard to their pay
and allowances was equally deserving of disapproval. Wolfe
Tone, in his Journal for 1796, describes how the officers,
intending to go to Mass on Christmas Day in full uniform,
were obliged to give up the idea for fear of being hustled by
the populace of Dublin. On the other hand, the Duke of
FitzJames, the descendant of the great soldier Berwick, and
the principal personage among those to whom the invitation
to join the British army had been addressed, was insulted by
some observations from Lord Blaney in the Irish House of
Lords, and fought a duel with that nobleman in the Phoenix
Park in assertion of the honour of his confreres} The un-
employed officers were treated with so little consideration by
the military authorities that some of them were reduced to
a half-starving condition, and had to wait several years for
arrears of pay ; while the colonels, on the final disbandment
of the brigade, were refused the rank as half -pay officers for
which they had stipulated when entering the British Service.
Thus the closing chapter in a story that had extended over
a space of above one hundred and thirty years was one of
misfortune, and even humiliation. But none the less the
record of the Irish Guards, from their formation in 1662 to
> Annual Begiiter, 1797.
THE IRISH GUARDS 99
the final dispersal of the last remnant of the regiment, is one
in ever^ respect creditable to the martial traditions of Ireland.
Booted in the history of its country, whether as Jacobite
or Williamite, as loyalist or rebel, as fighting for or against
the Crown to which it owed its origin, the career of this
distingnished corps was one in which were exhibited at
every stage the stainless honour of Irish gentlemen, and
the indomitable valour of the Irish race.
APPENDIX
Mr. Lecky, in his 'History of England in the Eighteenth
Century,' vol. vii. p. 254, has given some account of that final
chapter in the history of the Irish Brigade, to which O'Callaghan
in his otherwise exhaustive narrative pays but scant attention.
Beference is also made to the episode in Mrs. M. A. O'Gonnell's
'Last Colonel of the Irish Brigade.' But much the fullest
authority for the later histoid of the Irish Guards is to be found
in a volume entitled : ' Une Famille Boyaliste, Irlandaise et
Fran9aise, et Le Prince Charles-Edouard 1689-1799,' privately
printed at Nantes in 1901 by the Duo de la Trdmoille.* In this
work several documents relating to the regiment under the
colonelcy of Antoine Count Walsh de Serrant are reproduced.
From it are extracted the documents following, viz. : the letter
of the Duke of Portland above referred to, and the Commission of
Greorge III. to the Comte de Serrant as a colonel of Infantry
in the Irish Brigade^ : —
Letter of the Duke of Portland to Count Walsh de Serrant.*
X Whiteha]!. ce SO Sept. 1794.
Monsieur, — Le Boi d^sirant remplir les intentions de la
legislature d'Irlande, et de donner k ses sujets catholiques de ce
royaume un prompte t^moignage de son affection et de sa con-
fiwce, s'est determine k r^tablir le corps connu cy-devant sous
le nom de la brigade irlandoise, et comme vous etiez colonel d'un
des regiments dont elle ^toit compos^e, Sa Majesty m'a donn^
* A translAtion of this work by Miss A. G. Marray MaoGregor has recently
been publiahed in Edinburgh. For farther information as to Count Walsh de
Serrant, and incidentally of his regiment, see the sumptuous work by the same
writer, Souvenirs de la Involution : Mes Parents, Deuxi^me Partie. Paris, 1902.
* Une Famille Boyaliste, Appendix, pp. 93-96.
b2
100 ILLUSTRATIONS OP lEISH HISTORY
I'ordre de vous ofbnx dans oe Douveau corps le m^me rang de
oolonel que vous teniez dans Tanoien.
L'intention de Sa Majest6 est, que cette brigade soit maintenant
compost de quatre regiments, le commandement de trois desquels
elle m'a ordonn6 d'offrir aux colonels (ou k leurs repr^sentans)
qui ont command^ les trois corps qui composoient la brigade
lorsqu'elle 6toit au service de Sa Majesty tr^s chretienne, et celui
du quatri^me k Monsieur O'Gonnell, cy-devant officier g^n^ral au
service de France, et certainement bien connu de vous et de tons
les gentilshommes iriandois qui ont servi dans ce corps.
II a aussi plu k Sa Majesty de determiner que tous les
officiers, tant de T^tat major que les autres, excepts vous, Monsieur
le comte et Monsieur le due de Fitz James, seront pris d'entre ceux
de ses sujets qui sont n6s en Irlande, et qui se seront distingu^s
par leurs services dans les m6mes grades dans la brigade, et
que si Ton manque d'officiers (comme il y a toute apparence)
pour remplir les grades inUrieurs, on les choisisse dans les families
des gentilshommes dela mdme religion, dont la demeure a toujours
6te en Irlande.
L'intention de Sa Majesty est de plus, que cette brigade soit
mise, du moment qu'elle sera complette, sur T^tat militaire de ce
royaume, ou de celui d'Irlande, en sorte que, d^s ce moment-Id.,
les officiers qui y tiendront des places prendront rang avec les
autres officiers des armies de Sa Majesty, et en cas que le corps
soit reform^, lis auront droit k la derni^re paye.
Sa Majesty recevra aussi la recommandation des colonels dans
le choix des officiers, et cela surtout, quand ces recommandations
seront faites en faveur de ceux qui ont servi cy-devant dans la
brigade irlandoise. Mais elle ne permettra pas qu'aucune con-
sideration p^cuniere [sic] soit donn^e pour obtenir aucun rang dans
oe corps ; et en consequence, comme il n'aura ete permis k aucun
officier, de quelque rang qu'il soit, de rien payer pour sa place, il
doit comprendre dairement, que sous aucun pr^texte il ne lui sera
permis de la vendre.
Sa Majeste m'a command^ aussi de vous informer qu'elle est
determin6e k ce que ce corps soit spdcialement affect^ au service
des colonies de Sa Majesty dans les Antilles, ou dans telle autre
possession de Sa Majesty, hors de ces deux royaumes de la Grande*
Bretagne et dlrlande, qu'il lui plaira de les employer ; et que Sa
Majeste s'attendra k ce que tout officier de quelque rang qu'il soit,
qui a rhonneur d'avoir un brevet dans ces corps, se tiendra comme
indispensablement oblige de venir avec son regiment dans quelque
partie du monde que ce soit.
THE IRISH GUARDS 101
Sans entrer dans de plus grands details sur ce sujet, j'ajoutend
seolement, k {'occasion de votre quality de colonel proprietaire d'on
des regiments de Tancienne brigade iriandaise, qu'il est tr^
essentiel que je vous rappelle, Monsieur le Gomte, que la constitu-
tion de ce pays-ci n'admet aucune propri^td semblable, attendu,
oomme vous devez vous le rappeler, que les fonds pour
r^tablissement militaire ne sont accord^ que pour Tannic, et que
par cons^uent il ne peut avoir qu'une existence annuelle.
Gependant, quoique place ne vous soit confine par la legislature
que pour un an, on doit en considirer la possession comme vous
^tant assure durant votre bonne conduite, terme que je ne puis
regarder de moindre dur^ que celui de votre vie.
Je vous ai maintenant expose toutes les circonstances qui m'ont
paru nicessaires pour vous aider k determiner si vous deves
accepter les offires gracieuses de Sa Majesty ; je n'ai qu'ajouter,
que si, aprds m^e consideration, il vous paralt plus convenable de
ne pas vous en privaloir, la bonte naturelle de Sa Majesty la
disposera k interpreter les motifs qui vous auront determine, de la
mauiere la plus favorable pour vous ; et je puis mdme vous
assurer, que dans le cas mdme oA vous accepteriez la proposition
que je suis charge de vous faire, et que la guerre finie, ou m^me
pendant sa durie, vous avez Tavis de quitter le service de Sa
Majeste, et de rentrer k celui de Sa Majeste tres Chretienne, que
vous trouverez le Boi dispose de meme de vous accorder votre
conge, et de considerer cette mesure avec sa bonte accoutumee.
Je ne s^aurois douter, que vous n'ayez la bonte d'informer les
officiers de la brigade, qui ont eu I'honneur de servir sous vos
ordres, des intentions du Boi, k lour egard, selon la forme et les
conditions que je vous ai specifiees cy-dessus; et que vous
voudrez bien aussi leur recommander, le plut6t possible, k quelque
endroit convenable d'oii ils pourront le plus commodemeut se rendre
en Irlande, et se mettre en etat de remplir les devoirs qui leur seront
oonsignes de la part du Boi.
Je n*ai pas besoin de vous dire, que dans le cas oik vous vous
decideriez k accepter la proposition que Sa Majeste m'a autorise k
vous faire, il n'y aura pas un moment k perdre pour vous rendre
ici, afin de regler tout ce qui a rapport k la levee des corps le plus
promptement possible.
II ne me reste qu'd. vous prier d'etre assure, que je m'estime tres
heureux d'avoir ete autorise k vous donner ce temoignage, non
equivoque, de la bonne opinion et I'estime de Sa Majeste.
J'ai I'honneur d'etre, Monsieur le Comte, votre tr^s humble et
tres obeissant semteur,
POBTLAND.
102 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
Brevet de colonel d*infanterie (dam la brigade irlandaisc) pour
Anioine Walsh, Comte de Serrant, au nom du Boi Georges III.
sous la signature de lord Portland.^
Palace de 8*. James, I*' Oct. 1794.
George the Third, by the Grace of God, Emg of Great Britain,
France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c., to our tmsty and
well beloved Antony, Count Walsh de Berrant, greeting: We
reposing especial trust and confidence in your loyalty, courage,
and good conduct, do by these presents constitute and appoint you
to be Colonel of a Regiment of Foot, forming part of the corps
known by the name of the Irish Brigade, and likewise to be a
Captain of a company in our said regiment. You are therefore to
take our said regiment as Colonel, and the said company as
Captain into your care and charge, and duly to exercise as well
the ofiGicers as soldiers thereof in arms, and to use your best
endeavours to keep them in good order and discipline ; and we do
hereby command them to obey you as their Colonel and Captain
respectively ; and you are to observe and follow such orders and
directions from time to time as you shall receive from us, or any
other your superior officers, according to the rules and discipline
of war, in pursuance of the trust we hereby repose in you.
Given at our Court at St. James's, the first day of October,
1794 in the thirty-fourth year of our reign,
By his Majesty's command.
Portland.
Anthony Coont Walsh de Serrant,
Colonel of a Regiment of Foot
' Une FamiUe Boyali§te, Appendix, p. 95.
I
IV
THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND: THEIR ORIGIN,
CONSTITUTION, AND GRADUAL DELIMITATION
The dominating influence upon the development of any
given race or people of the main physical characteristics of
the land in which their lot is cast has long been understood
by historians ; and the efifects produced on the history of the
world, in modem times by the insular position of Great
Britain, or in the world of the ancients by the peninsular
position of Greece, are among the commonplaces of histori-
cal criticism. What is not so much a commonplace is the
extent of the influence exerted upon the domestic history of
any conmiunity by the accidents of its eaxly local history,
and the degree in which archaic conditions of tribal division
may survive in the modem organisation. For these divi-
sions often continue for long centuries after their origin has
passed into the partial oblivion of unexplained tradition, to
mould the shape and form of a more advanced civilisation.
The application of this principle to the case of Ireland
is direct and obvious. For the local history of Ireland is, as
has been acutely observed, in a special degree the backbone
and foundation of its general history.^ Owing to what may
be described as the inorganic character of the social structure
in the Ireland of the Middle Ages, to the absence of a strong
central government or settled constitution, capable of giving
to the country and the people the impress of its own uni-
formity, it is almost exclusively to clan or sept history, and
' See on this point the yalaable essay by lir. Bobert Dtinlop on * Some
Aspects of Henry VIH/s Irish Policy,' pablished in Owen9 College Historical
Essays, p. 279.
104 ILLUSTRATIONS OP lEISH HISTORY
to the history of the particular areas with which the septs
were associated, that we must chiefly look if we would seek
to realise the body politic of the Ireland of a not very remote
past. If this statement should appear at all exaggerated, let
it suffice to note two simple but striking illustrations. As
late as the reign of Henry VIII., in a memorandum on the
State of Ireland, which is among the most instructive docu-
ments in the Tudor State Papers, the names of the 'Irish
regions,* and not the territorial divisions to which we are
accustomed, are the units employed by the writer to describe
by far the greater portion of the country.^ And in the
Elizabethan Map of Ireland, drawn by Dean Nowel, in the
third quarter of the sixteenth century, division by territories
or ' chieferies,' and not that by counties, is the method
adopted.' For down to the reign of Philip and Mary, as Sir
John Davies observes in the lucid paragraphs devoted to the
history of the shiring of Ireland in his well-known work : —
* The provinces of Connaught and Ulster, and a good part of
Leinster, were not reduced to shire ground. And though
Munster were anciently divided into counties, the people
were so degenerate as no justice durst execute his commission
among them.*' To indicate the process by which these
large districts were gradually brought within the ambit
of English administration, and by which the counties of
* * Who list make surmise to the King for the reformation of his land of
Ireland, it is necessary to show him the estate of all the noble folk of the same,
as well of the King's sabjeots and English rebels, as of the Irish enemies. And
first of all to make his Grace understand that there may be more than 60
countries, called regions in Ireland, inhabited with the King's Irish enemies ;
some regions as big as a shire, some more, some less, unto a little ; some as big
as half a shire and some a little less; where reigneth more than 60 chief
captains . . . that Uveth only by the sword and obeyeth to no other temporal
persons, but only to himself that is strong . . . also there is no folk daily subject
to the King's laws but half the county of Uriel, half the county of Meath, half
the county of Dublin, and half the county of Kildare.'— * The State of Ire-
land and Plan for its Beformation.' State Pampers of Henry VIIL ii. part iii.
p. 1 (1S34).
* Copy of an ancient map in the British Museum by Laurence Nowel, Dean
of Lichfield, ob. 1676. Printed by the Ordnance Survey Department.
' Discovery of the True Causes why Ireland was never entirely Sub-
duedt &o.
THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND 106
Ireland, as we now know them, came to be formed, is no
easy task ; but the attempt is worth making.
' The civil distribution of Ireland/ to quote Bishop
Eeeves's most valuable paper on ' The Townland Distribu-
tion of Ireland,* ' in the descending scale, is into Provinces,
Counties, Baronies, Parishes, and Townlands.'* But this
highly convenient division of the surface of Ireland, as the
bishop goes on to say, is characterised neither by unity of
design nor by chronological order in its development. ' The
provinces, subject to one suppression and some inter-
change of adjacent territories, represent a very ancient
native partition which in the twelfth century was adopted
for ecclesiastical purposes. The counties and baronies,
though principally based on groupings of native lordships,
are of Anglo-Norman origin, and range, in the date of their
creation, from the reign of King John to that of James I.
The parochial division is entirely borrowed from the Church,
under which it was matured probably about the middle of
the twelfth century ; while the townlands, the in/{ma species,
may reasonably be considered, at least in part, the earliest
allotment in the scale.'
With the two last of these grades of classification we
have nothing to do here. But a word must be said regarding
the third. The baronial division does not indeed present
any very difficult problem. For though it be not easy to
account for the adoption of the term ' barony ' as signifying
the division of a county,' seeing that it has no such meaning
in the territorial classification of Great Britain, there is no
doubt that in general the baronies were successively formed
on the submission of the Irish chiefs, the lands of each
chieftain constituting a barony, and that they thus repre-
' Proceedings o the Royal Irish Academy, vii. p. 478.
' ' The cause of the difference in name between the Irish baronies and
English handreds has been thus accounted for : When the kingdom of Meath
was granted to the elder De Lacy, shortly after the arrival of the English, he
portioned it out among his inferior barons, to hold onder him by feadal
service, and henoe their estates naturally took the name of baronies, whioh
gradually extended itself to similar subdivisions of other counties.' Hardl-
man's * Notes to the Statute of Kilkenny,* in Tracts relating to Ireland,
ii. p. lOS.
106 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
sent more neaorly than any other unit the ancient tribal
territories.'
The limits of the five kingdoms of what has been called
the Irish Pentarchy, into which Ireland was anciently
divided, correspond closely to those of the provincial divi-
sions, as the latter were maintained down to the seventeenth
century. They represent, as already noted, ' a very ancient
native partition,* the adoption of which in the twelfth century,
for ecclesiastical purposes, served to embalm a division of the
island which, being purely artificial and based on no great
physical boundaries, must otherwise have perished. The five
provinces are shown separately as late as 1610 in Speed's
map. For it was not until late in the reign of James I. that
Meath ceased to be generally reckoned a separate province.
In popular usage it long retained its provincial identity;
and Boate, writing under the Commonwealth, mentions
the province as but lately merged in Leinster. The Ulster
of unsubdued Ireland was conterminous with the modem
province of that name, save that it included Louth — a fact
commemorated in the still existing incorporation of that
county in the see of Armagh and the northern ecclesiastical
province — and that it did not include Cavan. Ancient
Munster differed from the modem only by including within
its bounds the territory of Ely (the O'CarroU country), which,
represented by two baronies of the King's County, now forms
a part of Leinster. Connaught included, in addition to its
present territories, the county of Cavan, and a part of
Longford ; while during the sixteenth century the earldom
of Thomond or county of Clare oscillated, at the pleasure
of successive deputies, between Munster and Connaught,
giving to the latter, in the periods of its association with it,
a predominance which the western province has long ceased
to enjoy. Meath is substantially identical with the modem
counties of Meath and Westmeath, and is practically con-
* The origin of the paroohial syfliem is much less easily traced ; and the
relation between the diocesan areas and the prorincial and county diyisions is
a subject which might well engage the attention of some of our ecclesiastical
antiquaries.
THE COUNTIES OF lEELAND 107
terminous with the diocese of Meath, though it seems to
have also embraced a considerable portion of Longford ;
while Leinster comprised the modem Leinster counties, less
Louth, Meath, Westmeath, Longford, and the part of the
King's County specified above.
The first attempt at a division of Ireland into counties
was, of course, subsequent to the Anglo-Norman conquest,
and is commonly dated from the reign of King John. It is
generally ascribed to the tenth year of that monarch's reign ;
but it does not appear that this ascription, though doubtless
substantially correct, rests upon any extant documentary
authority of ancient date. It has been adopted, however,
by every writer. Sir John Davies's account is as succinct
and accurate as any other: 'True it is that King John
made twelve shires in Leinster and Munster — namely,
Dublin, Kildare, Meath, Urial or Louth, Catherlogh, Kil-
kenny, Wexford, Waterford, Cork, Limerick, Kerry, and
Tipperary. Yet these counties did stretch no further than
the lands of the English colonies did extend.' Harris, in his
additions to Ware's account of the division of Lreland,^
asserts and, indeed, elaborately argues, that the twelve
counties attributed to King John were really of earlier origin,
and were, in fact, part of an earlier division efiTected by
Henry II. Without a division into shires and the
appointment of sheriff, Henry's grant to Lreland of the
laws of England would, in his opinion, have been no better
than a mockery : * For without sheriffs, law would be a dead
letter ; ' and without a shire there could be no sheriff. That
there were sheriffs in Henry's reign Harris considers proved
by the language of a patent to one Nicholas de Benchi,
directed to all archbishops, bishops, sheriffs, &c. ; and that
shires were known in Ireland prior to the tenth year of King
John is shown by a patent of the seventh of that reign, in
which the county of Waterford is distinguished from the
city of that name. In further support of his thesis, Harris
also argues that the division of Connaught into the two
counties of Connaught and Boscommon is of earlier date
' AfUiquities of Ireland^ ohap. y.
108 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
than King John's counties; that, prior to the reign of
Philip and Mary, Leix and Ofialy were reckoned in Kildare,
and other portions of the Queen's County in Carlow ;
and that there were unquestionably sheriffs of Down and
Newtownards, of Carrickfergus and Antrim, and of Coleraine,
long prior to the division of Ulster into counties under
Elizabeth. But though he would be a bold antiquary who
would venture to controvert a proposition maintained by the
erudition of Ware, the authority of Ware's laborious editor
is hardly so formidable. It may at least be said that if the
shiring of Ireland was really accomplished by Henry II., all
substantial traces of that sovereign's work have perished ;
and the historian must be content to start with King John.
As has just been noted, there is no conclusive evidence
now extant of the formation by King John of the twelve
counties traditionally ascribed to him. And it is certain
that though these divisions were probably known as separate
geographical areas, they cannot in several instances, if in
any, have formed counties in the modem administrative
sense till a date considerably later than King John's reign.^
For it must be remembered that the earliest grants of terri-
tory by Henry II. were in the nature of counties palatine
rather than of ordinary counties, though the term * palatine '
nowhere occurs in any early instrument. And of the twelve
counties imputed to King John, five formed part of the
single liberty or palatine county of Leinster. In order to
follow the process of the development of the Irish counties,
it is essential to have regard to this fact and to the conse-
quences flowing from it. It is therefore necessary to digress
here to give a brief account of the origin of the institu-
tion of counties, and of the difference, in the extent and
nature of their respective jurisdictions, between simple and
palatine counties.
The name and office of Count were derived from the
Court of Charlemagne, and the institution of counties in
* See Hardiman*8 * Notes to the Statute of Kilkenny ' in Tracts relating to
Ireland, ii. p. 102.
THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND 109
England is of earlier date than the Norman Conquest.^ The
creation of a count involved from the first a delegation of
royal authority for legal and administrative purposes, and
the ordinary county had two courts — the King's Court for
criminal business, and the Earl's Court for civil causes. But
the judicial officers and sheriffs were in all cases appointed
by the Crown. Between a county palatine and an ordinary
county the distinction was broad and well defined. Accord-
ing to Blackstone, ' counties palatine ' — of which there were
in England the three great examples of Chester, Durham,
and Lancaster, besides the smaller ones of Hexham and
Pembroke — * are so called a palatio, because the owners of
them had formerly in those counties jura regalia as fully as
the King in his palace.' ^ The Earl of a county was Lord of
all the land in his shire that was not Church land ; and
his jurisdiction was equivalent in all essential points to the
jurisdiction of the King in an ordinary county.' The jura
regalia included a royal jurisdiction and a royal seignory.
By virtue of the first the Earl Palatine had the same high
courts and officers of justice as the King ; by virtue of the
second he had the same royal services and escheats, and
could even create barons, as waa certainly done in Chester.
Included in the power to appoint officers of justice was the
appointment of the sheriff ; and with the functions of the
sheriff in the palatinate no King's sheriff might interfere.
And, therefore, says Sir John Davies, ' such county is merely
[absolutely] disjoined and separated from the Crown, so that
no King's writ runs there, except a writ of error, which
being the last resort and appeal is excepted out of all their
charters.'^
The origin of these immense delegations of royal power
was of course the inability of the Sovereign in early times
to establish an efficient administrative system throughout
his realm; and the same considerations which compelled
resort to the palatine system in England by the early
' Selden's TitUs of H<mour, p. 694. ' Stephen's BlacksU/M, i. p. 181.
* Stubbs's Constituticnal History, i. p. 863.
* Sir J. Davies's * Reports des cases et matters en Ley/ Le Ccue del Countie
Palatine de Weiaford, p. 62.
no ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
Norman kings, rendered necessary the application of an
analogous method of administration in Ireland by Henry II.
In the case of England, where the central authority was
strong, the palatinates were limited to the march or border
districts, as Chester on the Welsh, and Durham on the
Scottish or Northumbrian borders. In the case of Ireland,
the Crown having practically no authority in the interior of
the island, the policy of Henry II. was to hand over the
country to Strongbow and his followers, with powers practi-
cally co-extensive with the powers of the Crown, but subject
to and excepting any grants of Church lands. Only the
sea-coast towns and the territories immediately adjacent
were reserved to the Sovereign. And it was in these latter
districts only that for a long period the authority of the
English kings had any direct force in Ireland.
Accordingly, as Sir John Davies, with his usual insight,
observes, all Ireland was ' cantonised ' by Henry II. among
persons of the English nation, who, ' though they had not
gained the possession of one-third part of the whole king-
dom, yet in title they were owners and lords of all, so as
nothing was left to be granted to the natives.' Of these
grants at least three — those of Leinster to Strongbow, of
Meath to De Lacy, and of Ulster to De Courcy — were
grants of royal jurisdiction equivalent to palatinates; and
most probably all were intended to be such. It is clear
at all events that the liberty of Leinster was confirmed
by King John in right of Strongbow's daughter to William
Marshal, Earl of Pembroke, and that, on the division of
Leinster among the five co-heiresses of the latter, the five
divisions of Carlow, Kilkenny, Wexford, Kildare, and Leix
were regarded as separately enjoying, within their respective
territories, the same palatine privileges which had appertained
to the undivided liberty of Leinster. That Leinster was
long considered as preserving its palatine privileges may be
seen by the statute 25 Edward I., in which * the whole com-
munity of Leinster ' is referred to as * lately but one liberty.'
Of the remaining palatinates or liberties, Meath was
divided between Matilda and Margaret, granddaughters of
THE COUNTIES OP IRELAND 111
that Hugo de Lacy to whom its territories had originally
been granted. Of these ladies Matilda married QteoStey de
Gteneville or Joinville, a brother of the famous crusader and
author of the ' Vie de St. Louis/ while Margaret married John
de Verdon. The moiety known as the liberty of Trim passed to
the Crown through the marriage of a descendant of Matilda
de Lacy with Mortimer, Earl of March ; while the second
half, descending to the Talbots, Earls of Shrewsbury, was
resumed by Henry VIII. under the Statute of Absentees.^
Ulster, originally granted to De Courcy, was re-granted by
John to the De Lacys, and descending through a daughter
to the De Burghs, and thence to the Mortimers, ultimately
became vested in the Crown in the person of Edward IV.,
as the descendant of Lionel, Duke of Clarence. Connaught,
granted to the De Burghs, also passed technically with
Ulster to the Crown ; though the rebeUion of the younger
branch of the Burkes, on the failure of heirs male of the
elder, deprived the legal title of the Crown of all its
effective force. The union of all these territories in the
Crown of England is incidentally recognised in an Act of
Parliament of Henry VII/s reign,' which, reciting that * the
Earldoms of March, Ulster, the Lordships of Trim and Con-
naught, bin annexed to our sovereign lord the King's most
noble Crown,' makes provision for the better keeping of the
records of those ancient dignities, the title to which had been
jeopardised by the loss of the muniments. This Act expressly
refers to ' Eichard, late Duke of York,' as lord of Trim.*
The extent and character of the privileges of a county
> Stat. 28 Henry VIII. oap. iii.
' An Act touching the keeping of Records of the Earldomes of Marche^
Connaughtf Trym, and Ulster^ 15 Henry VII. c. 16.
" Selden, in his Titles of Honour (third edition, p. 694), has a reference to
the ase of the name and office of Palatine Earl in Ireland, which seems to state
the facts with the nearest possible approach to accuracy :— * The title of local
Earl Palatine, as well as of other Earls, occurs in the Records of that Kingdom.
But I do not believe that any roan was ever created into the title of Count
Palatine there, or the County expressly made a County Palatine by Patent ;
but as in other countries, so here, the enjoying of the title of earl (and some-
times of lord), together with a territory annexed te that title, wherein all royal
jorisdiotion might be exercised, was the original whence in speech and writing
the title of Earl Palatine or Count Palatine grew.* This was written in 1614 ;
112 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
palatine or liberty of England appear by the Charter of
Edward III. to John of Gaunt for the palatinate of Lan-
caster— a dignity which, owing to the pradent sagacity of
Henry IV., has been preserved in its ancient independence
and prerogatives almost down to the present day. Anxious
that the hereditary honours of his dukedom should be secured
to him, even should fortune deprive him of a usurped crown,
Henry, on attaining to the throne, had an Act passed pro-
viding that the duchy of Lancaster should remain in
himself and his heirs in like manner as though he had never
acceded to the royal dignity. But the precise character of
the jurisdiction conferred by King John on the early
palatine counties of Ireland does not appear from any extant
documents. If, however, as it seems reasonable to suppose,
the later jurisdictions conferred by Edward III. were similar
in their general scope, its nature may be gathered from the
records of the palatinate of Tipperary. The process of Quo
Warranto by which James I. resumed possession of Tipperary
enumerates the courts and offices which existed at the
beginning of the sixteenth century, and which, doubtless,
represented in all essentials the palatine constitution of
earlier times. The jurisdiction, authorities, and liberties set
out in the Qtu> Warranto of James I. were restored on the
reconstitution of the palatinate in 1662 in favour of James,
first Duke of Ormond, with the exception (which appears
to have been a reservation common to all palatine grants)
of the four pleas of arson, rape, forestalling, and treasure
trove, as originally reserved in the grant of Edward III ^ in
1328 to James le Botiller, first earl of Ormond.
and it ia noteworthy that Selden's view as to the title of palatine is confirmed
by the Patent of Charles n. to the Doke of Ormond in 1660 for the county
Tipperary. Tipperary was an undoabted palatinate ; yet neither the Patent
nor the Act of 2 George I. cap. 8, by which it was revoked, contains the term
* Palatine ' ; bat speak only of the regalities and liberties of Tipperary.
* The following are among the more important of the privileges vested in
the Earls of Ormond within their palatinate : —
1. To have and to hold within the county of Tipperary one Curia Cancel-
lari€B, commonly called a Chancery Court, and to make, appoint, and constitute
one Cancellarius, or officer of the same Court, commonly called a Chancellor,
which Chancellor, under colour of such his office, makes and causes to be made all
THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND 113
In tracing the position of the Irish counties through the
obacnre complexity of Irish administration under the Planta-
genet kings, the only guide whom we may follow with any
degree of confidence is the Sheriff. The whole machinery
of local or county administration in Plantagenet times
practically centred in the sheriff, who united the threefold
functions of a civil officer in relation to the courts of law ;
of returning officer in relation to the election of parliament-
ary representatives ; and of revenue collector in relation to
the royal exchequer. Owing to the destruction in the reigns
of the first two Edwards of most of the early records of the
kingdom of Ireland, the materials available in regard to
Plantagenet sherifib are unhappily meagre ; and the Act of
Henry VII. already referred to indicates the paucity of the
kinds of origiiuJ writs and other processes in aD actions, as well real as personal
and mixed, within the aforesaid coonty arising, occorring, or happening. . . .
8. And also to have and to hold within the aforesaid county one other Court
ci PlsM of the Crown of the said Lord the now King, and to make, appoint,
and constitute one other officer or Seneschallus, commonly called a Seneschal,
and one other officer or Justiciarius, commonly called a Justice, to hold Pleas
of the Crown of the said Lord the King. . . .
8. And also to have and to hold within the aforesaid county one other Court
of Ckmimon Pleas held before the aforesaid Seneschal and Justice. . . .
4. And also yearly to nominate, appoint, make, and constitute in the same
eonnty one other officer, yis., one Vioeoamest commonly called a Sheriff, for the
oostody of the same county, which sheriff makes execution of all writs, Ao,
issuing and directed to the same sheriff from the four courts of the said Lord
the King held at the King's Courts in the county of the City of Dublin also
tram the Justices assigned ... to take the assizes in the county of Tipperary
aforesaid, as well as from the aforesaid Chancellor, Justice, and Seneschal in the
same county. . . . And he holds in the same county divers Courts of Turn
Leet, and CuruB Comitattu, called County Courts. . . .
6. And moreover to have and appropriate to themselves the power of grant-
ing charters of Pardon, and ckd pardonandum^Anglici, to pardon — whatsoever
persons are suspected, accused, convicted, outlawed, condemned, or attainted of
any transgressions, felonies and treasons, and misprisions of felonies or treasons
by them within the aforesaid county in any wise done, committed, or per-
petrated. . . . And further to do and execute within the aforesaid county all
other things whatsoever which appertain to any Earl of any County Palatine
to be done or executed.
6. And also to make, appoint, and constitute in the aforesaid county
Tipperary divers other officers, vis., one or more Coroners, and one Escheator
and one Feodary • . . and one Clerk of the Markets. . . . and one Sub-vicecomes,
commonly called a Sub-sheriff. . . .—Fifth Report of the Deputy Keeper of the
PubUe Records of Ireland, pp. 34-86.
I
THE COUNTIES OP IRELAND 116
sheriff; bat in the county palatine he is uniformly referred
to as ' the seneschal of the liberty.' The distinction is clearly
marked in a mandate of Edward III. to the Treasury of
Ireland, which directs that ' because the liberty of Carlow
has been taken into the King's hands *' the writs of the
King for execution should be directed to the sheriff of
Carlow, in place of the late seneschal of that Uberty.' It
appears, however, that a general jurisdiction lay in the
sheriff of Dublin for districts not clearly belonging to a
specific county or Uberty, or wherever the seneschal of the
latter should be found in default, as in the case of Kildare
prior to the Statute of 25 Edward I. In 18 Edward II.
precepts were issued to the sheriff of Dublin and Meath to
execute writs * in spite of the liberties of Kildare and Louth ' ;
but this interference with the general principle of palatine
independence was doubtless exceptional, and probably due to
the disorganisation resulting from the Bruce invasion. For
so extensive were the privileges of the liberties that, though
the King might and did appoint sheriff within their limits,
the authority of the royal officers extended only to the Church
lands, whence they were known as sheriffs of the County of
the Cross. Of such counties there must originally have been
as many in Ireland as there were counties palatine ; ' but
with the gradual absorption of the palatinates in the Crown,
either by inheritance, as in the case of Ulster, or by forfeiture,
as in that of Wexford, they had all ceased to exist before the
reign of Henry VIII., except the county of the Cross of
Tipperary, which being within the great Ormond palatinate,
created by Edward III., survived tiU Stuart times.
Whatever the precise origin of the counties so generally
ascribed to King John, there appears to be no doubt that the
' This had been done by virtue of Edward III.'b arbitrary but temporary
revocation of all franohises, liberties, and grants formerly made in the kingdom
of Ireland— a measure doubtless Intended primarily as an answer to the renun-
ciation by the Bourkes of Connaught of their allegiance to the Crown, and to
the general disorganisation which had followed the wars of the Braces.
* Cal Patent and Close RolU. No. 2 Close Boll. 17 A 18 Edward lU.
* In the list of Proffers and Fines of Sheriffs and Seneschals in the time of
Edward III., Sheriffs of the Cross are mentioned for the Crosses of Kilkenny,
Tipperary, Carlow, Wexford, Kerry, Kildare, Meath, and Ulster.
114 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
records of several of the greater earldoms. But a study of
the Plea Bolls, Pipe Bolls, and Patent Bolls, as well as of
the Plantagenet Statutes, so far as these survive, is not wholly
fruitless; and the last-mentioned source is fairly rich in
references to the functions and office of the sheriff. An ex-
amination of these sources establishes, at least negatively,
the fact that from the time of King John to. that of the
Tudors no new county was formed, or if formed that it did not
survive. It also shows that no sheriff was created for any new
district, with the single exception caused by the subdivision
of the great territory of Connaught into the separate dis-
tricts of Connaught and Bosconunon.^ It is impossible to
say how much or how little of Connaught was intended to
be included in Bosconunon, or precisely when the division
was made. But the separation is certainly as old as the
thirteenth century, and Boscommon is among the counties
and liberties whose respective sheriffs and seneschals were
directed by the Statute 25 Ed. I. (1296) to return to the
* general parUament ' held in Dublin in that year ' two of
the most honest and discreet knights of each county or
liberty.' ' This vagueness of the territorial divisions and of
the shrievalties associated with them was not confined to the
western province, but was characteristic of all the so-called
counties of King John. And this was especially so in the
case of the Leinster counties, whose south-western borders
were probably in a state of continuous flux. Thus in 1297
a list of coroners of Kildare shows that county to have
included Offaly, Leix, and Arklow, and therefore to have
extended far over its present borders into the modem
counties of King's County, Queen's County, and Wicklow.
The broad distinction which was drawn between counties
ordinary and counties palatine was reflected in the designa-
tion of the most important office in their respective jurisdic-
tions. In the county proper that officer is invariably styled
* S«e Hardiman*s * Statute of Kilkenny ' in TracU relating to Irelandy ii. p. 106.
' The following is the enumeration in the Statute : — ' Likewise the Sheriffs
of Dublin, Louth, Kildare, Waterford, Tipperary, Cork, Limerick, Kerry, Con-
naught, and Boscommon ; and also the Seneschals of the liberties of Meath,
Weysford, Katherlagh, SUlkenny, and Ulster.' See Betham's History of the
CamUttUion o/ England and Irslandt p. 262.
THE COUNTIES OP IRELAND 116
sheriff; but in the county palatine he is uniformly referred
to ae ' the seneschal of the Uberty.' The distinction is clearly
marked in a mandate of Edward III. to the Treasury of
Ireland, which directs that * because the liberty of Carlow
has been taken into the King's hands ' ' the writs of the
£ing for execution should be directed to the sheriff of
Carlow, in place of the late seneschal of that liberty.' It
appears, however, that a general jurisdiction lay in the
sheriff of Dublin for districts not clearly belonging to a
specific county or liberty, or wherever the seneschal of the
latter should be found in default, as in the case of Kildare
prior to the Statute of 25 Edward I. In 18 Edward II.
precepts were issued to the sheriffs of Dublin and Meath to
execute writs ' in spite of the liberties of Kildare and Louth ' ;
but this interference with the general principle of palatine
independence was doubtless exceptional, and probably due to
the disorganisation resulting from the Bruce invasion. For
so extensive were the privileges of the liberties that, though
the King might and did appoint sheriffs within their limits,
the authority of the royal officers extended only to the Church
lands, whence they were known as sheriffs of the County of
the Cross. Of such counties there must originally have been
as many in Ireland as there were counties palatine ; ' but
with the gradual absorption of the palatinates in the Crown,
either by inheritance, as in the case of Ulster, or by forfeiture,
as in that of Wexford, they had all ceased to exist before the
reign of Henry VIII., except the county of the Cross of
Tipperary, which being within the great Ormond palatinate,
created by Edward III., survived till Stuart times.
Whatever the precise origin of the counties so generally
ascribed to King John, there appears to be no doubt that the
* This had been done by virtue of Edward III.'b arbitrary but temporary
revocation of all franchises, liberties, and grants formerly made in the kingdom
of Ireland— a measure doubtless Intended primarily as an answer to the renun-
ciation by the Bourkes of Ck)nnaught of their allegiance to the Crown, and to
the general disorganisation which had followed the wars of the Braces.
« Cal Patent and Close RolU. No. 2 Close Boll, 17 A 18 Edward lU.
' In the list of Proffers and Fines of Sheriffs and Seneschals in the time of
Edward III., Sheriffs of the Cross are mentioned for the Crosses of Kilkenny,
Tipperary, Carlow, Wexford, Kerry. Kildare, Meath, and Ulster.
116 ILLOSTBATIONS OP IRISH HI8T0BY
writs, either of the King or of his palatines, ran in all of them
for a fall century from John's time, and that these counties
represent the extent of the effective predominance of English
power down to the invasion of Edward Bruce in 1315.
Prior to that event some efforts seem to have been made to
extend the counties to Ulster, and to define more accurately
the limits of the Leinster counties. An Act of 25 Edward I.
(1296), for the settlement of Ireland, enacted that ' hence-
forward there shall be a certain sheriff in Ulster, and that
the sheriff of Dublin shall not intermeddle henceforth in
Ulster.' Meath was declared to be a county by itself;
and Eildare, which had been regarded as a liberty of Dublin,
was discharged from the jurisdiction of the Dublin sheriff,
and given an independent position. But from the wars of
the Braces the English colony received a blow from which
it did not recover until the Plantagenets had been replaced
by the Tudors. The authority of the State, so far as it was
effective in the interior of the island, was only exerted through
the medium of the three great earldoms of Ormond, Des-
mond, and Eildare, all of which dated from the fourteenth
century. The area under the direct control of the Crown
was narrowed continually, until after a lapse of precisely two
centuries more the boundaries of the English Pale had shrank
to its lowest limits, and, in the quaint language of Stani-
hurst, were ' cramperned and crouched into an odd corner of
the country named Fingal, with a parcel of the King's land
of Meath and the counties of Eildare and Louth.' Thus
from the reign of Edward 11. to that of Henry YUI. the
extension of the Irish counties was politically impossible.^
' The Pale at this period is thus desoribed in the State Paper of Henry
VIII. ahready referred to :—
* Also the English Pale doth stretch and extend from the town of Dondalk
to the town of Derver, to the town of Ardee, alway on the left side leaving the
march on the right side, and so to the town of Sydan, to the town of Kenlys,*
to the town of Dangle,t to Kiloook, to the town of Olane, to the town of Naas,
to the bridge of Caonllyn4 to the town of Ballymore,§ and so backward to the
town of Bamore,! and to the town of Bathcoole, to the town of Tallaght, to the
town of Dalkey, leaving alway the march on the right hand from the said
Dondalk following the said coarse to the said town of Dalkey.' — State Papers
of Henry VIII. ii. part iii. p. 22.
* Kells. t Dangan. % Kiloollen. § Ballymore-Eastace. || Rathmore.
THE COUNTIES OP lEELAND 117
That the shrinking of the English Pale had been
accompanied by a parallel diminution of the interest in and
knowlege of the country possessed by the English sovereigns
may be sufficiently inferred from the language used in 1537
in a ' Memorial for the Winning of Leinster/ addressed by
the Irish to the English Council, which begins by reciting
that * Because the country called Leinster and the situation
thereof is unknown to the King and his Council, it is to be
understood that Leinster is the fifth part of Lreland/ ^ But
from this period, nevertheless, may properly be dated the
revival of EngUsh authority. Li 1541 the resolution of the
Sovereign himself to convert his long nominal lordship of
Ireland into an effective supremacy was shown by the Act
constituting Henry VIII. King of Ireland. This was the pre-
lude to the adoption of that policy of converting the chiefs
of the Irish septs into the immediate feudatories of the Crown
which led directly to the conversion of the lands without the
Pale into districts cognisable by English law, and ultimately
to their formation into modem counties. Little, indeed,
was done under Henry VIII. towards defining the county
boundaries, the only actual change in the map being the
severance of Westmeath from Meath by an Act of Henry
Vm.* But though the proverb quoted by Sir John Davies
continued to hold good during the reign of Henry VIU.,
that ' whoso lives by west of the Barrow, lives west of the
law,* the area of the anglicised districts steadily increased.
The greater part of Leinster was in this and the succeeding
reign gradually won back to what was called ' civility ' ;
tiU towards the close of Elizabeth's reign the Pale was un-
derstood to extend through all Leinster, Meath, and Louth.'
The first step in this process of restoration, and the
first real addition to the list of Irish counties made since
King John's time, was the formation of the King's and
' StaU Papers of Henry VIII, ii. part iii.
' 34 Henry VIII. cap. i. An Act for the dtvwion of Methe into two Shire*.
' See A Perambulation of Leinster, Meath, and Louth, of V)hich oonaiet the
English Pale in 1596. Carew Cal. iii. p. 188. See Appendix I. to this paper,
for particulars of boundaries of counties not printed in the Carets Calendar.
118 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
Queen's Counties in the time of Philip and Mary. The
districts of Leix and Offaly, the territories of the powerful
septs of the O'Moores and O'Connors, were in that reign
reduced to subjection, during the Viceroyalty of the Earl of
Sussex, who, in the words of Sir John Davies, * took a
resolution to reduce all the rest of the Irish counties unre-
duced into several shires.' Sussex was the first of the Tudor
Deputies to acquire a really systematic personal acquaintance
with the country he was sent to govern ; and the accounts of
his journeys through the provinces,^ between the years 1556
and 1563, together with his reports to Mary and Elizabeth
of the results of his observations, are among the most valu-
able of the Irish State Papers of that age. Sussex proposed
to divide Ireland into six parts, viz. Ulster, Connaught,
Upper Munster, Nether Munster, Leinster, and Meath ; and
he enumerates in his report the countries which these
divisions respectively comprised. But though he appears
to have been the first Viceroy to ccmceive any large plan
for an efficient administrative settlement of Ireland, Sussex
was rwalled before he had had time to grapple efifecdvely
with that problem of the shinny of Ireland which he saw
lay at the root of all nesU admini$lxative reform. But at
least be made a beginniu^. It i$ worthy of remark, too,
that Sussex is the only IVpuiy whcv in addition to creating
tiv^ counties, gave to his ox>^ti\\ns names not bonowed
from the Mnritoiiei^i bv whi^^h tbev WMn? constituted.*
In 1556 thei^ was pas^s^ed the statute ^ * whereby the King^s
and Qu^idn's Maj^stwis^ and the hetr$ and socxr^^ssocs of the
QueeiL* w«» deciaxed entitled to the coor^tries ci Leix. Slew-
Hiawnr. Irrr, Gleomalirr, aaad OS^. acd rcorssscc was made
for makis$thdse cocmtries shir^ gtocai After reciiiiig that
tbe« vvcntzKs lad fc«e 5;iKiaed in tb^ pn? ^x^^ r^igia^ but
SfiiS. 3T4. jan stfL
pggZMXXi K "Sin lAAOtrx dz«zai^
THE COUNTIES OP IRELAND 119
had lebelled and been again reduced by the Qtieen's Deputy,
Thomas Badcli£Ee Fitzwalter, Earl of Sussex, the statute pro-
ceeds thus : — ' And for that neither of the said countries is
known to be within the limits of any shires or counties of
this realm, be it enacted that the King and Queen, and the
heirs and successors of the Queen, shall have, hold, and
possess for ever, as in the right of the Crown of England
and Ireland, the said countries of Leiz, Slewmargy, Irry,
Glenmaliry, and Offaly/ A further section provided that
* to the end that the same countries may be from hence-
forth the better conserved and kept in civil government, the
new fort in Leix be from henceforth for ever called and
named Maryborough, and the countries of Leix, Slewmargy»
Lry, and part of Glenmaliry be one shire and county named
the Queen's County ' ; and, similarly, that the new fort in
OiBhly should be named Philipstown, and the country of
Offaly and part of Glenmaliry be called the King's County.
That the Government of the Earl of Sussex contemplated
a further extension of the policy embodied in this Act appears
from the statute immediately succeeding it, ' to convert and
turn divers and sundry waste grounds into shire ground/ ^
This act provided for the appointment of commissioners
' to view, survey, and make inquiry of all the towns, villages,
and waste grounds of the realm now being no shire grounds,'
with power to the commissioners to erect such districts into
counties. Little was done in this short reign, or for some
years afterwards, to give effect to this enactment. But
widely as the general policy of Elizabeth differed from that of
her predecessor, her attitude towards Ireland was in principle
the same as Mary's. A statute passed in 1569 ' for turning of
countries that be not yet shire grounds into shire grounds,'
substantially re-enacted the earlier legislation.* And the task
* 3 & A Philip and Mary, cap. iii.
' 11 Elizabeth, cap. iz. The preamble, which is the same in both statnteB,
is worth quoting as showing the principle on which this policy of shiring was
based :— * Whereas divers and sundry robberies, murders, felonies, and other
heinous offences be daily committed and done within the sundry countries,
territories, oantreds, towns, and villages of this realm being no shire ground, to
the great loss both of the (Queen's Majesty and of divers and sundry her Highness
190 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
of giving effect to these provisioDS was confided by Elizabeth
in a great measure to the same statesmen who had devised
them nnder Mary.
Though the actual delimitation of the counties was not
finally settled until, in the reign of James I., it was accom-
plished by Sir Arthur Chichester with the assistance of Sir
John Davies, the business of shiring Ireland, in the sense of
formally naming and constituting the county divisions of
Connaught, Ulster, and part of Leinster under their modem
designations, was practically the work of the last two Tudor
Sovereigns. Their policy was carried out by three states-
men of eminence — the Earl of Sussex, Sir Henry Sidney,
and Sir John Perrot. And as in the case of the final
measures taken in the reign of James I. to perfect the
county system we have been provided by the chief agent of
the work, Sir John Davies, with a vivid description of the
proceedings, so in the case of the earlier and more tentative
steps taken under Elizabeth, we have the advantage of an
authentic narrative by one of the principal actors. The part
played by the Earl of Sussex has just been noticed.^ Sussex
true subjects of this realm, and to the boldening and encouraging of many
offenders.'
^ The amorphous state of the county system prior to Sidney's time is
sufficiently illustrated by the report of Sussex to Elizabeth in 1562.
Report of Earl of Sussex to Eligabeth, Carew CaL i. 330.
Ulster. — * The county of Lowthe, O'Donell's country, O'Cane's, McGwyre's,
McMahon's, Femes O'Hanlon's, Clandonell's, McGenysse's, Tirone, McWylli's,
the Glynnes,Clandeboye, Kylwowltoughe, Arde, McArtan's, Le Cayle, Eywarlyne«
the Duffeme.
Connaught,—* The Earl of Clanricarde's country, McWylliam Burke, O'Conor
Slego, O'Connor Donne, O'Conor Roe, MoDermote, O'Eelly, O'Madden, O'Flarty,
the Annaly, O'Mayle, O'Rwrerke.
*0'Baili's country is taken to be within Connanght, but because it lieth
fitter for another government, and bordereth upon the English Pale, I leave it
out of the government of Connaught.'
Muiister,—* The Nether Munster on the south and east side of the Biver of
Shanon is all shire ground, saving O'Caroll's country, which I leave to the
government of the Captain of the King and Queen's counties and marches ad-
joining, for that it bordereth upon them, and upon the north and west side on
the Earl of Thomond's country called Thomond, who seeketh to bring his people
to live under the obedience of the law.
' In this Munster be the counties of Cork, Kerry, Limerick, Tipperary, Water-
ford.'
THE COUNTIES OP lEELAND 121
was followed by the gifted and valiant Sir Henry Sidney.
Not only has that ablest of Elizabethan Deputies left
detailed accounts of his progress through the provinces, but
he has given in a memoir of his services in Ireland, drawn
up in 1583, a striking statement of the Irish policy of Eliza-
beth in the first half of her reign, and a full summary of
the proceedings taken by him to reduce the back woods of
Ireland to shire ground. The circumstances in which this
memoir was written add to its intrinsic value the piquancy
of an interesting historical association. For the occasion of
the narrative was the then approaching marriage of the
writer's son. Sir Philip Sidney, the chivalrous author of the
* Arcadia,' to the daughter of Sir Francis Walsingham, a
lady whose fate it was to be successively the wife of Philip
Sidbey, of Bobert Devereux, the unfortunate Earl of Essex,
and of the third Earl of Clanricarde. The memoir, which
was written primarily as an apology for Sidney's inability
to make a sufficient settlement on his son, explains how
his expenses as the representative of the Queen in Ireland,
and the neglect of the Sovereign to relieve his impoverished
fortune, had reduced him to a position of * biting necessity,'
which prevented him from making such provision as he
desired for his much-loved son. * Three times,' wrote Sidney
to Walsingham, 'her Majesty hath sent me her Deputy
into Ireland, and in every of the three times I sustained
a great and violent rebellion, every one of which I sub-
dued, and with honourable peace left the country in quiet.
I returned from each of those deputations three thousand
pounds worse than I went.' ^
Leinster and Meath, — ' Leinster has within it these countries : the counties
of Dublin, Kildare, Catherlawgh, Wexford, and Kilkenny : the Byrnes Irish and
within the county of Dublin, the Tooles, Irish and within the county of Dublin ;
the Kavenawghes, Irish and within the County of Catherlowgh, the lord of Upper
Ossory, Irish, but holdeth his land by state tayly ; O'Dunne, Irish, 0*Mawher,
Irish, the Queen's and the King's counties lately conquered.
* Meath has in it these countries : the counties of Meath and Westmeath ;
O'Mulloy and the Fox, supposed to be in Westmeath ; McGohegan, McCowghlan
and O'Mullawhlen, supposed to be in Westmeath.'
' The accounts of Sidney's provincial journeys have been printed in the
UUter Archaological Society*: Journal (Original Series), toL iiL §t $eq.
122 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
Sidney's contribution to the formation of the Irish
counties consisted in the main in the shiring of Connaught.
In 1566, in the first of his three Viceroyalties, he took the
first step in this undertaking by providing efficient and
permanent means of communication between Dublin and
the western province. *I gave order,' he writes, 'for the
making of the bridge of Athlone, which I finished, a piece
found serviceable; I am sure durable it is, and I think
memorable.' A few years later a bridge over the Suck at
Ballinasloe, ' being in the conmion passage to Glalway,' was
constructed by Sir Nicholas Malby at Sidney's direction.
This was the necessary preliminary to any effective assertion
of English law in the remoter parts of the country. It was
followed by the division of Connaught into four of the five
counties of which it now consists, viz. Sligo, Mayo, Gal-
way, and Eoscommon. With these Clare was temporarily
associated. In his ' orders to be observed by Sir Nicholas
Malby for the better government of the province of Con-
naught,' issued in 1579, Sidney's reasons for this arrange-
ment are thus given : — ' Also, we think it convenient that
Connaught be restored to the ancient bounds, and that the
Government thereof be under you, especially all the lands
of Connaught and Thomond, being within the waters of
Shannon, Lough Eee, and Lough Erne.' In the same
document suggestions are made for the appointment of * safe
places for the keeping of the Ajssizes and Cessions.' Sligo,
Bures (Burris hoole), Roscommon, and Ballinasloe are
respectively designated as suitable county towns. ^
Leitrim comprising O'Rorke's country was for the present
excluded. It was not reduced to a county until Perrot's time
in 1583. But the country of the O'Ferralls, called the Annaly,
and the territory of the O'Eeillys, or East Breny, both of
which, as already noted, were then reckoned in Connaught,
were formed into the modem counties of Longford and
Cavan.* East Breny was described at the time by Sir
> See OTlaherty's Chorographical DescripUan of West or H-Iar Connaught,
ed. Hardiman, p. 805.
' Sossex appears to have designed to add Cayan to Leinster rather than
THE COUNTIES OP IBELAND 123
Nicholas Bagnal as 'a territory where never writ was cur-
rent/ and which it was aknost sacrilege for any Governor of
Ireland to look into. The precise allotment of these counties
among the provinces seems to have been left open, for
Sidney, as will appear in a moment, was solicitous lest
Gonnaught, which he had already extended in another
direction, should become disproportionately large.
The district of Thomond had always been reckoned a
part of the southern province. Indeed, the name signified
North Munster, and its people were a Munster people. But
Munster was a troublesome responsibility in Sidney's time ;
and the Deputy, who was then forming the system of Presi-
dencies by which for the next seventy years the provinces of
Munster and Connaught were to be administered, desired to
reduce its importance.^ He therefore ignored this ancient
division, and taking the Shannon as a natural boundary (the
province, if we exclude Leitrim, being thus, as the author
of the ' Description of Ireland in 1598 ' has it, * in manner
an island'), he added this large territory to Connaught.
' Thomond, a limb of Munster, I annexed to the President of
Connaught by the name of the County of Clare,' is Sidney's
concise summary of this important transsiction.' In his
instructions to Malby, already cited, the north part of the
city of Limerick was suggested as the ' shire town,' ' because
a jury may be had there for the orderly trial of all country
causes.' But the President was directed to choose some
apt place in Thomond ; and Quin, Eillaloe, and Ennis were
suggested as suitable.
We may pause at this point to consider the subsequent
administrative history of Thomond. It continued to be in-
cluded under its new designation of Clare in the government
of Connaught almost to the end of Elizabeth's reign. It
was then erected into an entirely distinct division, and
governed as a separate entity under a separate commission,
Ulster. * O'Beilly,' he writes, * bordering upon Meath, and lying by situation of
his country unfit for any of the other Governments, is to be under the order of
the principal governor.' — Careto Calendar^ i. 888.
* * Reasons for retaining Thomond in Connaught.'— i&u2. iv. p. 471.
• CJoUins's Sydney Papers, i. p. 76.
124 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
by Donagh, Henry, and Bamaby, succesBive Earls of
Thomond.^ In 1639, however, under StraflEbrd's govern-
ment, it was arranged that on the death of the last-mentioned
earl the territory should be re-annexed to Munster; and
though the ensuing disturbances delayed the fulfilment of
this intention, the county of Clare was finally reunited to
Munster at the Bestoration.
But to revert to Sir Henry Sidney. If he was successful
in his operations in the distant province of Connaught, he
was less fortunate, not only in the north, where, indeed, the
conditions were hardly ripe for such work, but in a district
much nearer to the seat of his government. It is certain
that the county of Dublin was originally much larger than
its present area indicates; and it appears probable that it
anciently extended from Skerries, in the north, to Arklow,
in the south. It had been conterminous, in fact, as has
been pointed out, with the ancient Scandinavian kingdom of
Dublin— a territory still marked for us by the ecclesiastical
division of the United Dioceses of Dublin and Glenda-
lough.' But the Danish rulers of Dublin troubled them-
selves little about the interior of the country,' and it is
doubtful whether at any time prior to Henry VIII. the
wild septs of the Byrnes and Tooles, whose incursions in
the neighbourhood of the city Stanihurst describes so
graphically, had given even a nominal recognition to the
Norman or English power. In the thirty-fourth year of
that monarch's reign these septs are said to have petitioned
the Lord Deputy and Council to make their country shire
ground, and to call it the county of Wicklow ; but nothing
came of the proposal.* Be that as it may, the sway of
these Wicklow chieftains was exercised without dispute
down to Sidney's day right up to the near neighbourhood of
Dublin, and the inhabitants were ever, as Davies observes,
• thorns in the side of the Pale.' Indeed it may be said that
* Liber Munerum Hibemus, pt. ii. p. 185.
* Haliday's Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, pp. 189 and 246.
' Stokes's Ireland and the Celtic Churcfi, p. 277.
* Book of Howth, Carew Cal. p. 454.
THE COUNTIES OF IBELAND 125
the whole country south-west of Dublin, including large
portions of Eildare, Garlow, and Wexford, as well as the
modem Wicklow, long remained a rude ' hinterland ' into
which law and order seldom penetrated. The State Papers
are full of such entries as this of 1537— * Devices for the
ordering of the Eavanaghes, the Byrnes, Tooles, and
O'Mayles for such lands as they shall have within the
County of Carlow and the marches of the same county, and
also of the marches of the County Dublin/ — ^which plainly
show the unsettled state of the boundaries of these districts.
In 1578, however, a commission issued under the Act of 11th
Elizabeth and ' the Bims' and Tooles' country with the glens
that lie by south and by east of the County of Dublin was
bounded out into a shire, to be named and called the County
of Wicklow.'^ But though this commission was carried
out, and the boundaries of the counties defined by Sir
William Drury, who succeeded Sidney in the Irish govern-
ment, the troubles of Elizabeth's later years in Munster
and Ulster left little leisure to her Deputies to attend to
the Wicklow septs. The Byrnes and Tooles resumed their
independence; and in 1590, as Sir Q^orge Carew wrote,
* those that dwell within sight of the smoke of Dublin ' were
not subject to the laws.' When Sir Arthur Chichester
came to complete the work Sidney had begun a generation
earlier, of * adding or reducing to a county certain, every
bordering territory whereof doubt was made in what
county the same should lie,' ^ he found that the mountains
and glens of Dublin were almost as far as ever from
* civiUty,' and contained such a multitude of untutored
natives that it seemed strange that 'so many souls should
be nourished in these wild and barren mountains.' The
shiring of Wicklow was finally accomplished only in 1606,
and it thus fell out that the county nearest to the
metropolis was of all the last to be brought effectively
within the scope of English government.
In connection with this attempt towards the formation of
* Fiant of Elizabeth, No. 3603, Irish Beoord Offioe.
' Carew Cal. iii. p. 44. » Sir J. Daviea'B Diaeovery
126 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
the county Wicklow, Sidney had also a project for dividing
Wexford into two shires, of which the northern part should
be called Perns. This county, severed by the Wicklow
mountains from the metropolis, had, though less disturbed
than its neighbours, been practically outside the Pale.^ The
southern part of it, indeed, according to a ' Description of
the Provinces of Ireland,' vmtten about the year 1580, was
' civil,' that part contained within a river called Pill (a name
given to the estuary of the Bannow) being inhabited by ' the
ancientest gentleman descended of the first conquerors.'
But this district was connected with the capital by sea only,
and the rest of the county was inaccessible. Sidney and Sir
William Drury, finding ' that there were no sufficient and sure
gentlemen to be sheriffs, nor freeholders to make a jury, for
her Majesty,' the project was let drop. Their successor. Sir
John Perrot, had the same object in view, and in a report
to Elizabeth, ' how the natives of Ireland might with least
charge be reclaimed from barbarism to a godly govern-
ment,' ^ he gives a picturesque account of the condition of
the south-eastern counties and the need which existed for
providing a proper system of administration. * The Bimes,
Tooles, and Kavanaghs must be reduced.' They are 'ready
firebrands of rebellion to the O'Moores and O'Connors, and
till they be brought under or extirped, Dublin, Kildare, Meath,
Westmeath, and the King's and Queen's County cannot be
clear either of them or of the O'Moores or O'Connors, or of the
incursions and spoils of the McGeoghegans, O'Molloys, and
other Irish borderers.' But though he stated the difficulty
thus vigorously, Perrot, like Sidney, left Ireland without
doing anything effective to remedy it. Sir Henry Sidney's
last tenure of the office of Lord Deputy had closed in 1578, and
for the next few years the Desmond rebellion perforce put a
stop to the work he had set himself to accomplish. It was
not until the southern rising had been crushed that Sir
John Perrot, who, in 1584, succeeded to the Irish Govem-
> See Hore and Graveii's Social State of tJte South-Eastern Counties in the
Sixteenth Century, p. 27.
* Sloane MS. 3200 Brit Mas.
THE COUNTIES OP IBELAND 127
ment, was able to resume the work. Though this statesman
is best remembered in our history in connection with the
composition of Connaught, which was effected during his
administration, it is in relation to Ulster that his proceedings
have most interest in the present connection. To Perrot
belongs the honour of having divided the northern province
into divisions substantially corresponding to its modem
counties, though twenty years were to elapse before these
divisions were generally recognised, or before they became
effective portions of the administrative machinery of the
country.
The story of the Anglo-Norman colonies of Ulster and
the settlements of Lecale, the Ards, and Carrickfergus, has
never been fully analysed, and to tell it is outside our present
purpose.^ Here it must suffice to observe that the only
counties in the modem sense of the term which can be
recognised as existing in Ulster before the time of Elizabeth
were Louth, which, as already noted, was anciently accounted
part of that province, and the counties of Antrim and Down.
The precise date at which the two last were constituted is
unknown ; but it appears by the * Black Book of Christ
Church ' that they, or at least certain districts bearing these
names, had existed prior to the reign of Edward II. From
that time down to the settlement in Antrim of the McDon-
nells of the Isles, under Henry VHI., little is known of
them ; but the two counties had been recognised as settled
districts by Perrot's time, and as such were distinguished by
that Deputy from the 'unreformed' parts of Ulster. In
1575 Sir Henry Sidney had made a journey to Ulster with
a view to dividing the province into shires, but had failed to
effect anything — an effort which was referred to by Sir John
Davies in his address as Speaker of the Irish Parliament in
1613 ; when, congratulating the Commons on the complete-
ness of its representation, he observed, * How glad would Sir
Henry Sidney have been to see this day, he that so much
desired to reform Ulster, but never could perfectly perform it.'
' A good deal of information on this topic is given in a series of papers by
Bev. A. Hume in the UUter Journal of Archcsology vol. h
128 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBI8H HISTORY
•
Perrot's contribution to the shiring of Ulster was little
more than a settlement on paper of the boundaries of the
new counties he desired to create. It is best described in
the language of Sir John Davies : — * After him [Sidney] Sir
John Perrot . . . reduced the unreformed parts of Ulster
into seven shires, namely, Armagh, Monaghan, Tyrone,
Coleraine, Donegal, Fermanagh, and Cavan, though in his
time the law was never executed in these new counties by
any Sheriff or Justices of Assize ; but the people left to be
ruled still by their own barbarous lords and laws.' Perrot's
work was of course interrupted, and for the time rendered
nugatory, by the rising of Hugh O'Neill ; but it was so far
effective that his division became the basis of the subsequent
allocation of the northern territories, which, a few years later,
followed the Flight of the Earls and the Plantation of Ulster.
Had afihirs in England permitted the Government to
give steady and continuous attention to the government of
Ireland, it is probable that the work initiated by Sussex and
Sidney, and so largely extended by Sir John Perrot, would
have been completed before the close of Elizabeth's reign.
But Perrot was recalled in disgrace in 1588, and the business
of shiring Ireland was arrested for nearly twenty years.
With O'Neill taking full advantage of the difficulties in
which England was involved by the struggle with Spain,
and asserting his power effectively throughout Ulster, the
subdivision of the northern province remained purely
nominal. Even in the more settled districts much con-
fusion reigned. The result is seen in the discrepancies which
appear between the various accounts which remain to us of
the division of Ireland at this time. These exhibit consider-
able confusion, not only as to the counties of which each
province was made up, but even as to the provinces them-
selves. Thus Haynes, in his * Description of Ireland,' ^ in
1598, states that Ireland is divided into five parts. He
includes Meath among the provinces, mentioning it as con-
taining four counties, viz. East Meath, Westmeath, Long-
1 See Haynes's Description of Ir^nd in 1598. Edited by Bev. Edmund
Haynes, 8.J., F.R.U.I.
THE COUNTIES OP IRELAND 129
ford, and Cavan, though he adds that the last is by some
' esteemed part of Ulster.' On the other hand, in a survey
printed in the ' Carew Calendar/ ^ revised to the year 1602,
Longford is included in Connaught, while Cavan is not
mentioned, and the completeness of the relapse of Ulster
from * civility ' is shown by the description of that province
as containing three counties and four ' Seignories.'
Thus it was not until after the accession of James I., in
the time of Sir Arthur Chichester, that, in the words of Sir
John Davies, 'the whole realm being divided into shires,
every bordering territory whereof doubt was made in what
county the same should lie was added or reduced to a county
certain.' The boundaries of the counties forming the
provinces of Connaught and Ulster were ascertained one
after another by a series of Inquisitions between the years
1606 and 1610, which confirmed in the main the arrange-
ments tentatively made by Perrot, though in the case of
Ulster these were necessarily varied in some important
respects, particularly as regards Londonderry, by the changes
resulting from the Flight of the Earls and the Plantation of
the northern province. The enumeration of counties and
provinces in Speed's ' Description of the Kingdom of Ireland,'
in 1610, shows, as already noted, that in that year the precise
allocation of counties among the provinces still remained
vague and indeterminate in the popular estimation. But
Meath had by that time disappeared from the list of
provinces; and though some years were to elapse ere all
the countied could be finally deUmited, this process had
been practically completed when Sir John Davies finally
left Ireland in 1619, except in the case of Tipperary,
where the exceptional conditions created by the existence
of the Ormoiid palatinate long retarded the final settle-
ment.
Although Munster is of all the great divisions that
which, if compared with the original distribution imputed to
King John, shows the least alteration in its county system,
the southern province has not been without its vicissitudes
* Carew CaL iv. pp. 446-54.
K
186
ILLU8TEATI0NS OF IRISH HISTORY
Name of Ooanty
Kerry .
Kildaie
Kilkenny
King's Coonty
Leifcrim
Limeriok * .
Londondeny *
Longford
Louth .
Hayo .
Ifonaghan .
Queen's County
Boscommon.
Sligo* .
Tipperary .
Tyrone.
Waterford
Wexford
Wioklow
Irlih BqainOeDt
Oiarraide (i. 127) .
CUl-dara (i. 115) .
Cill-Cainneaoh
See p. 119 wujpra
Liath-dhruim (L 526)
A corrupted form of
Luimneaoh (i. 49)
Derry ....
Longphort (i. 800) .
Lughmhagh
Magh-eo (i. 510) .
Meidhe ....
Muineohin
See p. 119 supra
Bo6-coman
Sligeach
Tobar or TiobraidAraun
(i. 458)
Tir-Eoghain .
Meaning
The race of Oiar
The church of the oak
The church of St. Canice
Orey ridge
A barren spot of land
Oak wood
A fortress or encampment
Lug (?) Magh = a plain
The plain of the yews
A neck
A little shrubbery
The Wood of St. Ck>man
River
The Well of Ara
The territory of Owen
In the case of these three counties the names given by the
Danes to their towns have completely superseded the ancient
Irish designations of the adjacent districts.
APPENDIX II
THB BNOLISH PALE IN 1596.>
A Peran^lation of Leinster, Meath and Louth, of which consist
the English Pale (1596).
I. County op Dublin.
The Barony of Cowlock lyeth North & by East from Dublin. . .
The Barony of Babx)ddry lyeth Nortft from Dublin ...
' As applied to the fair and fertile lands of Limerick, this derivation seems
singularly unhappy. Its original application was, however, confined to a
portion of the estuary of the Shannon. See also Joyce's Social History of
Ancient Ireland, ii. p. 194.
' Prior to the plantation of Ulster, Londonderry was known as Derry
Columbkille, from the Monastery of St. Golumba. In pagan times it was
called Derry-Calgach, or the Oakwood of Oalgeach, or fierce warrior.
' According to Dr. Joyce, the province of Meath was so called from being
formed by cutting a meidhe, or neck, from each of the other provinces. The
four pieces met at Aiall-na-Meeran, or the Stone of the Divisions, at Ushnagh
in CO. Westmeath. See Joyce's Child*8 Hiatcry of Ireland, p. 68.
* The name was originally applied to the river at Sligo.
* The date is supplied by Oarew himself in the margin of the original in
Careu) MSS, vol. 600, p. 148. The dots represent the names of the principal
residents in each barony, with their places of residence, which are given in the
abstract of this document printed in Carew Cal. iii. pp. 188-9. The abstract
does not give the particulars here printed.
THE GODNTIBS OF IBBLAND 131
appointed in 1570, was for six years a strenuous representa-
tive of the Crown in that province.^
It is a matter for great regret that the records of these
Presidencies have long since perished.' They seem to have
been lost in the troubled times succeeding the rebellion of
1641, and the presidential institution itself did not long
survive that cataclysm. Though they lingered beyond the
Bestoration, the Presidencies were not regarded by the Duke
of Ormond as necessary or efficient instruments of govern-
ment ; and in 1672, during the viceroyalty of Lord Essex,
they were finally abolished. But though the presidential
system was not destined to remain a permanent feature in
the administrative system of Ireland, its operation during
the years first following its institution was unquestionably
efiiective. In Perrot*s hands, both as President of Munster,
and later when as Deputy that statesman became responsible
for the whole country, it was largely utilised to effect what
was practically a fresh delimitation of the old counties of
Munster. In an old ' note,' probably dating back to the fif-
teenth century, quoted by Perrot in his Eeport to Elizabeth,
already cited, the Munster counties are thus enumerated:
' The following is the suocession of the Presidents of If unster and Connan^t
respectively, as given in Liber Munerum HtbemioB :—
Presidenia of Munster : 1568, Sir John Pollard (never acted) ; 1570, Sir
John Perrot ; 1576, Sir William Dmry ; 1579, Thomas, 10th Earl of Ormond;
1584, Sir John Norris ; 1597, Sir Thos. Norris ; 1600, Sir George Garew ; 1603,
Sir Henry Brouncker ; 1607, Henry, Lord Danvers ; 1614, Donatas, Earl of
Thomond; 1625, Sir Edward Villiers; 1627, Sir William St. Leger; 1643,
Jerome, Earl of Portland ; 1660, Roger, Earl of Orrery.
Presidents of CowiaugU: 1569, Sir Edward Fitton; 1579, Sir Nicholas
Malby ; 1584, Sir Richard Bingham ; 1597, Sir Gonyers Clifford ; 1604, Richard,
Earl of Clanricarde; 1616, Sir Charles Wilmott; 1630, Charles, Viscount
Wilmott, and Roger, Viscount Ranelagh ; 1644, Thomas, Viscount Dillon, and
Henry, Viscount Wilmott ; 1645, Sir Charles Coote, Earl of Mountrath ; 1661,
John, Lord Berkeley of Stratton ; 1665, John, Lord Berkeley, and John, Lord
Kingston. Both Presidencies were abolished in 1672.
» See Prendergast'a Introduction to Cat. S, P. Ireland^ James L, 1606-8,
pp. xx-xxxv. A volume called Tlie Council Book of Munster survives in
the Harleian Collection at the British Museum (Harl. Coll. No. 697) ; but it
only extends from 1601 to 1617. The Instructions of the Deputy and Council
to Sir George Garew as President of Munster in 1599-1600 will be found in
Pacata Hibemia, p. 6 et seq. The Instructions for 1615 have been printed
in Desiderata Curiosa Ilihemica, ii. p. 1.
k2
132 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
* In Munster there be five English shires — Cork,' Limerick,
Waterford, Kerry, Tipperary; and three Irish shires —
Desmond, Ormond, and Thomond.' It will be noted that
the five former of these comities, with Thomond or Clare,
nominally make up the modem province of Munster.
Ormond represents Tipperary, less the county of Cross
Tipperary, and as such still possesses a well-defined meaning.
Desmond is a district perhaps less clearly defined in the
popular mind. It embraced a large portion of East Kerry
and West Cork, and at one time was actually erected into a
separate county. In 1571 a Commission issued to Sir John
Perrot and others, under the Statute 11 Elizabeth,^ for the
counties of Wltterford, Tipperary, Cork, Limerick, and
Kerry, and the countries of Desmond, Bantry, and Carbery,
and all countries south of the Shannon in Munster, to make
the country of Desmond one county, and to divide the rest
into such counties as may be convenient. As a result of
this Commission, Desmond became and was long regarded
as a distinct county, and its boundaries appear from an
Inquisition of 1606. But though Fynes Moryson places
Desmond on the list of the Munster counties, stating it to
have been lately added, its separate identity is not invariably
recognised, though for a time it boasted that essential note
of independence, a separate sheriff. This, however, had
disappeared before the close of Elizabeth's reign, for Haynes
writes in his account of Cork that that county,^ * being
the greatest in the realm, have been tolerated to have two
sheriffs — the one particular in Desmond, the other in the
rest of the county — and this without any ground of law, but
by discretion of the L. Deputies ; the inconvenience thereof
being espied, it had been of late thought good that one
* It appears from a doonment among the Carte Papers that as late as 1606
a proposal was entertained at the instance of the people of Toaghal to divide
the county of Cork into separate shires, owing to the impossibility of including
so large a territory in the bailiwick of a single sheriff. An Order in Council to
this effect seems actually to have been made, the eastern district being
designated the county of Youghal, with Yooghal as its ooanty town.— Carte
Papers, Ixi. p. 337.
"> Fiant, Eliz. No. 1486, Irish Record Office,
' Tlie Deacriptum of Ireland in l69&,Gd.hj Bey. Edmund Uosaj[i,S.J., p. 1^9 .
THE COUNTIES OF IBELAND 133
sheriff should be for Kerry and Desmond, and so two sheriffs
in one county against law taken away.' The amalgamation
with Kerry appears to have been completed by 1606,' when
Mr. Justice Walshe, in describing to Salisbury the Munster
Circuit of that year, mentions particularly the successful
onion of Desmond and Kerry.
The dual representation of Tipperary in the list of Irish
counties was long a puzzle to antiquaries, and even an
inquirer so diligent and in general so accurate as Sir John
Davies was misinformed on the subject, notwithstanding the
minute inquiries he appears to have instituted into the origin
of what struck him as a curious administrative anomaly.
' At Cashel,' he writes in his account of the Munster Circuit
of 1606,* * we held the Sessions for the County of the Cross.
It hath been anciently called *' the Cross " (for it had been a
cotmty above 300 years ; and was, indeed, one of the first
that ever was made in this kingdom) because all the lands
within the precincts thereof were either the demesnes of the
Archbishop of Cashel, or holden of that See, or else belonging
to Abbeys or houses of religion, and so the land as it were
dedicated to the Cross of Christ. The scope or latitude of
this county, though it were never great, yet now is drawn
into so narrow a compass that it doth not deserve the name
of shire.'
Davies' confusion as to the two counties of Tipperary,
which continued to be separately represented in the Irish
House of Commons down to Strafford's ParUament of 1634,
was extremely natural in view of the limited information
available when he thus accounted for the anomalous existence
of the county of Cross Tipperary. But, in fact, the duplica-
tion had really originated in the palatine system. To the
accident which preserved Tipperary as the last of the pala-
tinates was due the survival of Cross Tipperary as the last of
the counties of the Cross. The county palatine of Tipperary
was originally created by letters patent, granted in 1328
by Edward III. to James le Botiller, Earl of Ormond, and
* Cat. 8. Papers (Ireland)^ 1G03-0, p. 573. See AppendixIU. to this paper,
p. 141 infra, « Ibid. 1606-8.
184 ILLUSTBATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY
confirmed by successive monarchs to that nobleman's suc-
cessors in the honours of the Butler family. The jurisdic-
tion thus granted embraced the whole county of Tipperary,
with the exception of certain Church lands, which constituted,
as was usual with Church land in palatine counties, a distinct
shrievalty under the ordinary jurisdiction of the Eling's Courts.
In addition to these districts of the Cross, there was also
excepted from the palatine grant the district of Dough Axra,
or MacBrien*s country, adjacent to Killaloe, which, long a
debatable land on the borders of the three counties of Clare,
Limerick, and Tipperary, was in 1606 joined by Chichester
to the county of the Cross of Tipperary.
In 1621, during the wardship of the daughter and heiress
of Thomas, tenth Earl of Ormond, the palatinate of Tipperary
was seized into the Crown by James I. But the county of the
Cross apparently remained unaffected by this exertion of the
royal prerogative, and, as already noted, it was represented
in the Parliament of 1634, though the county proper appears
to have returned no members to that assembly. The
palatinate remained in abeyance for a period of forty years,
till, after the Bestoration, it was reconstituted by Charles II.
in 1664, in favour of the first Duke of Ormond. The grant
on this occasion included both the old territory of the Cross,
which never thereafter returned members to Parliament, and
the district of Dough Arra, formerly excepted from the
palatine county.^ The liberties and royalties of the whole
county of Tipperary were enjoyed by the Butlers until the
attainder in 1715 of the second Duke put an end to the last
Irish example of these great mediaeval jurisdictions.^ The
Statute 2nd George I., cap. 8, * An Act for extinguishing the
royalties and liberties of the County of Tipperary,* by its
second section enacted, 'that whatsoever hath been deno-
minated or called Tipperary or Cross Tipperary, shall hence-
forth be and remain one county for ever, under the name
of the County of Tipperary.*
* See p. 142, infra,
^ See 6//i Report of the Deputy Keeper of Public Records of Ireland, p. 7,
and Appendix III. pp. 33-38.
THE CX)UNTIBS OP IRELAND
136
APPENDIX I
THE NOMBNGLATUBE OF THB IRISH OOUNTIBS.
It may, perhaps, be justly expeoted that in any attempt to
sketch the origin of the Irish counties some explanation of their
names should be given. The nomenclature of the counties has
nowhere been made the subject of a specific inquiry, nor is it
certain that the derivations commonly accepted are in all cases
accurate. But though the subject is not one of which the writer
can treat with independent knowledge, it may be convenient to
give the derivations as stated by Dr. P. W. Joyce in Irish Names
of PlcLces. In the case of those counties which are not mentioned
expressly in that well-known work, I am indebted to Dr. Joyce's
learning and kindness for the means of making the list here given
complete, or nearly so. In several instances, as Mayo and Down,
in which the name is derived from a word indicating a natural
feature which is not characteristic of the general aspect of the
county to which it has been applied, the discrepancy is due to the
county being named from a town within its borders. In such
cases the term will be found fairly descriptive of the town or its
neighbourhood, though not of the county at large.
Unless where otherwise stated, the references given in brackets
in this list are to Joyce's Irish Names of Places.
Name of Ooanty
Iriah Banitalent
Meaning
Antrim *
Aontmibh
—
Armagh
Ard.Bfaoha (i. 77) .
Maoha*s height
Oarlow .
Cetherloch or Catherlough Quadruple lake
(i.448)
Cayan .
Cabhan (i. 401)
A hollow
Clare .
Clar(L427) .
A board: flgoratiTely, a flat
piece of land
Cork . . .
Coroaoh (i. 462)
A march
Donegal
Dunna-nGall (i. 97-8) .
The fort of the foreigners
Down*
Dun (i. 280) .
A fbrtress
Dnblin'
Duibh-Unn (i. 868)
Blackpool
Fermanagh .
FirMonaoh (i. 131)
The men of Monaoh
Galway
Gailleamh (Wilde's
The daughter of Breasil, king
Laugh Corrib, p. 12)
of the Firbolgs
* Dr. Joyce declines to commit himself as to the derivation of Antrim.
Dubourdieu following the editor of Ware says * the name is said to hare been
Andruim or Endruim— that is, the habitation of the waters, from its being ahnost
insulated by sea and lake.
* The name was applied at first only to the county town of Downpatrick,
and the name originates, of course, in the dun near the cathedral of that town.
* See also Haliday's Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin, p. 28.
186
ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBI8H HISTORY
Name of Ooanty
Kerry .
Kildare
Kilkenny .
King's County
Leitrim
Limerick ■ .
Londondeny *
Longford
Loath .
Mayo .
Meath'
Monaghan .
Queen's Coonty .
Bosoommon .
Sligo* .
Tipperazy .
Tyrone.
Waterford
Wexford
Wioklow
Iriflb BqniTaleot
Giarraide (i. 127) .
CiU-dara (i. 115) .
Oill-Cainneaoh
See p. 119 supra
Liath-dhruim (i. 626)
A oorrapted form of
Luimneaoh (i. 49)
Derry
Longphort (i. 800)
Loghmhagh .
Magh-eo (i. 510)
Meidhe .
Maineoh4n
See p. 119 supra
BoB-coman
Sligeach
Tobar or Tiobraid-Arann
(i. 468)
Tir-Eoghain .
Meaning
The race of Oiar
The church of the oak
The church of St. Canice
Orey ridge
A barren spot of land
Oak wood
A fortress or encampment
Lug (?) Magh = a plain
The plain of the yews
A neck
A little shrubbezy
The Wood of St. Ooman
Riyer
The Well of Ara
The territory of Owen
In the case of these three counties the names given by the
Danes to their towns have completely superseded the ancient
Irish designations of the adjacent districts.
APPENDIX II
THB ENGLISH PALE IN 1696.'
A Perambulation of Lemster, Meath and Louth, of which consist
the English Pale (1596).
I. County op Dublin.
The Barony of Cowlock lyeth North & by East from Dublin. . .
The Barony of Balroddry lyeth NortK from Dublin ...
' As applied to the fair and fertile lands of Limerick, this derivation seems
singularly unhappy. Its original application was, however, confined to a
portion of the estuary of the Shannon. See also Joyce's Social History of
Andmt Ireland, u. p. 194.
' Prior to the plantation of Ulster, Londonderry was known as Derry
Columbkille, from the Monastery of St. C!olumba. In pagan times it was
called Derry-Oalgach, or the Oakwood of Galgeach, or fierce warrior.
' According to Dr. Joyce, the province of Meath was so called from being
formed by cutting a meidhe, or neck, from each of the other provinces. The
four pieces met at Aiall-na-Meeran, or the Stone of the Divisions, at Ushnagh
in CO. Westmeath. See Joyce's Child*s History of Ireland, p. 58.
* The name was originally applied to the river at Sligo.
* The date is supplied by Oarew himself in the margin of the original in
Cairew M8S. vol. 600, p. 143. The dots represent the names of the principal
residents in each barony, with their places of residence, which are given in the
abstract of this document printed in Carew Cal, iii. pp. 188>9. The abstract
does not give the particulars here printed.
THE COUNTIES OP IBBLAND 187
The Barony of Gastleknock lyeth North from Dublin ....
The Barony of Newcastle lyeth South & by West from
Dublm ....
The Barony of Bathdown lyeth East South East from
Dublm ....
The Boundary of this Gountie : —
By East the Mayne Sea :
By North part of the County of Meath & the Nanywater.
By North West part of the Countie of Meath.
By West & by South the Countye of Kildare.
By Sowth the Otooles Cuntry & the Olins.
By Sowth East the Obimes Cuntry.
The Biver of Lythie coming downe thorowe the Cownty of
Kildare falleth eastward into the Sea ij myles from Dublin.
II. County op Wioklow.
The 3ims' & Tooles' Country w^^ the Olins that lie by Sowth
& by East the County of Dublin was by Commission bownded
owte into a Shire to be named & called the Cownty of Wicklowe
& was divided into Baronies as followeth :
The OenercU Bovmdes of the County.
The same to begin to the North East where the Biver of
Delgin falleth into the sea, w^^ Biver divideth the Barony of
Bathdown in the Countie of Dublin from the Bims Cuntrey, &
so the Sea to be the eastern bordre unto the Biver of Arolo, w^^
Biver of Ardo shalbe the Mear on the Sowthe syde, as it falleth
unto the great moore or Bog called Caillimona or the narrow bog,
& so including the territorie called Cosha, untill it come to
Ballishon ais. Johnstowne, leaving the Cowntie of Catherlagh to
the Sowthward to go direct unto a foorde upon the river of Slane
called Ahridlas : from w^ ffoord the same Biver of Slane shalbe
the Meire westward untill it passe to the landes of Bathbranne,
addioning to the sayde Biver, w^^ Towne & landes of Bath-
branne w^ the Towne & landes of Tenoran, Bathtoole, Oriffins-
towne & so muche of Colvinstowne as is nowe supposed of the
County of Dublin, & also the Townes & landes of Bathsallagh &
Whitstowne & the bowndes to the North Westward untill it
come to Aghcarrigord : from whence leaving suche of the Lo :
Arch-bisshop of Dublin's landes as beareth w^^ the Barony of
Newcastle to the Northward to passe unto the foorde called
188 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
Anaoassan & so compassing in Rassells Towne and the landes
of the Borbage to passe onto the orosse of Ballyoomyn : from
whence leaving that part of the Bishops lands w<^ beareth w^*^ the
Barony of Nuecastle, as is also aforesayde, w^^ the parishe of
Ballimoore, & the Gomitie of Eildare to the Northward, The way
w^^ leadeth from thence eastwarde, & divideth the Barony of
Nuecastle from the Cowillagh onto Agherillin to be the mear or
boundes, and so from thence as the Barony of Rathdown passeth
unto Eilmasanton, from whence passing over the mountaignes
Eastward and towardes the Sowth, & leaving FaroUin and
Olancapp to the Northwardes, the River of Delgin that falleth
from thence to be the meare to the Sea, as first above sayde,
w^^ oonteyneth in length abowte xxij myles & in breadth xx
myles.
The spedall boundes of it divided into vj severall Baronies,
NuecaBtell Maghenegan. — So muche of the Birnes Gmitrey as
lyeth betwixt the water of Delgin & Barnesketh in length from
North to the Sowth, and so from the Sea on the East to the
Fertrye on the ^est conteyning abowt x myles in length k iiij
myles in breadth, to be called the Baronny of Nuecastle
Maghenegan.
Inishhoghin.—ThQ Birnes Cuntry from Barneskeagh unto
Toerulcomyn k from thence to the water of Avilo in length from
the North to the Sowth leaving Golrenell to the west & the sea
to be East bordre contayning xij myles in length k iiij myles in
breadth to be named the Barony of Inishboghin.
BalUnicor, — Golranell & as muche of Gossha as is w^in the
generall mean streching westwarde to the landes of the Toreboy
in length from the Northwarde to the Southwarde having the
Birnes Guntry on the East & Omaly on the West conteining in
length viij myles & in bredth vij myles to be called the Barony of
Ballinicore.
TalbotS'Towne, — The Torboy Omayle & as muche landes as
is compassed w4n the river of Slane from Aghridlas to Roods
towne conteytiig in length abowt vj myles & in breadth iiij
myles to be named the Barony of Talbots-town.
Holywood.— From the landes of Roodestowne, the townes &
landes of Rathbrane, Rathtoola, Tenoran, Oriffiths-towne & as
muche of Golvinstowne as was supposed to be of the Gountie of
Dublin, Rathsallagh, Trenistowne, Ballyhooke, Marga, Etterely,
Whitstowne, DoWarde, Hollywood, the parish of Boystowne, the
Ladin, KiltagarQln, Russelstowne, Burge the three-Gastles Kil-
THE CX)UNTIBS OP IBBLAND 189
bryde, & the Brittas ooniayning xij myles in length & iij myles
in bredth to be the Barony of Hollywood.
Castle Kevin.— The territories called the Fertrye & Salkye
vij myles long and iiij myles broad to be called the Barony of
Castle Eevyn.
Thb Coumtt op Wbxforob.
The Biver of Slane roons from the west to the east or rath'^
from the north west to the Sowth east, dividing the whole Gantry
in a maner in the midest, & hathe the Towne of Wexford situat
at the mowth of it hard by the Sea : That Towne lyeth from
Dublin Sowth sowth west & is distant from it Ix myles : viz. :
from Dublin to Nueoastle-Mageneghan xviij myles: thence to
Ardo the Erl of Ormondes Mano' & Castle xviij more & so to
Wexforde by Olascarrike along the Sea xxiiij.
This Countie is bounden by east w^ the sea: By Sowth &
Sowth West w^ the Cownty of Waterforde : By West w"» the
Cownty of Kilkexmy : By Northwest w^ the Countie of Catherlagh
the river of the Barrowe dividing of them : And by north w***
Cownty of Wicklo or the Cuntreys before specified whereof that
County should have been made.
Thb County of Kilkenny.
It is bounded : East the Cowntie of Wexforde. Southeast ft
Sowth the County of Waterforde. West the Cownty of the
Crosse of Tipperary : Northwest upj^ Ossory : North Leix or the
Queen's Cownty & Idough. North east the Cavenaghes of
Idron in the Cownty of Catherlagh.
The Towne (? County) op Carlo alb. Catherlaqh.
From Dublin to the Naas xij myles To Kilcullen v 1 xxxij
to Castles Dermood x to Catherlogh v all west j myles.
It is bounded :
By East the Cownty of Kildare.
By Sowth East the Mountaignes of Eildare.
By Sowth the County of Wexforde.
By Sowth east the Cavenaghs.
By Sowth west the Cownty of Kilkenny.
By West the Queenes Cownty in the furth' syde the Barrowe.
By North part of the Queens Cownty & of the County of
Eildare.
140 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
The County op Eildabe.
The boundes.
On the East the Cownty. On the Sowth east the marches of
the Gownty of Dublin. On the Sowth the Otooles & County of
Catherlagh. On the Sowth by west the Q : Cownty ; on the west
the King's Cownty. On the North & northwest the Countye of
Meath.
The Qubbnb Gowmty aIb. Lbtx.
The Bowndes.
By East : the Cownty of Keldare & the river of the Barrowe.
By North : The King's Cownty als. Offally ; & Odoynes Cuntrye.
By West : The Lo : of Upper ossories Cuntry ;
By Sowth : Idough part of the Cownty of Kilkenny.
.... From Mariburgh to Catherlagh Castle whereof Harpoole
is Constable & w^ lyeth from Mariborough Sowth by East circa
xiiij myles.
The Queens Cownty is in length xxij myles. In breadth from
the Barrowe east, to the water of Neon west, xij myles.
The Kings Cownty alb. Oppaly.
The Boundes.
By East the County of Kildare. By Southest the River of
the Barrowe. By Sowthe the Queens Cownty. By Sowthwest
Odoynes Cuntiy.
By West the Shennon. By northwest the Cownty of
Westmeath. By North & by northeast the Cownty of Meath.
Tlie Boundes of Westmeath.
By east the County of Meath. By Sowtheast, a nook of the
Cownty of Kildare. By Sowth the Kings Cownty ats Ofifaly.
By Southwest part of Maroghlands Cuntry & the Shennon.
By West, the Shennon & Athloan, where Conaghe begins.
By West, & by North, the Cownty of Longford ats the Annly.
By North the Gownty of Cavan ais the Brenny. By Northeast
part of the Cavan & part of Meath.
The Boundes of Meath,
By East the Cownty of Dublin. By North the river of the
Slann pt of the Cownty of Lowth & the Brenny. By north east
part or a nooke of Dublin. By West the Cownty of West Meath.
By northwest the Brenny. By Sowth & south west part of the
Kings Cownty. By Sowth & Sowtheastthe Cownty of Kildare.
THE COUNTIES OF IRELAND 141
The Bounds of Lowth,
By east the Sea.
By Sowth the Cownty of Meath.
By West part of the Brenny.
By Northwest Famey and Glanoarvile.
By North the fues & O hanlons Gantry.
APPENDIX III
REPORT BY MB. JUSTICE WALSHE ' TO THE EARL OF SALISBUBY,
ON HIS CmCUIT IN MUNSTEB IN 1606.
Jtistice Walshc to the Earl of ScUislmry.
Bight honourable my humble duty premised. I am obliged (by
my promise last in my letters sent to your lordship in July last) to
certify your lordship of the success of the last circuit in Munster,
wherein the third baron of the Exchequer and myself were em-
ployed. Our beginning was at Cork, where some sharp executions
hadi been of relievers of the late slain rebel Maurice McOibbon, of
the White Knights' country. Thence we passed into Kerry, where
no sessions were holden this last seven years. And although that
county be yet unpeopled and poor, yet we found by their frequent
resort unto us that they thirsted much after justice. We have
there by special commission united Desmond, a wild Irish country,
unto the county of Kerry. The Lord President did forbear to go
to that county, because (as his lordship said) he feared there
would not be sufficient victuals to be had there. All the churches
in that county are ruined and uncovered ; and therefore a great
part of our care was to procure the re-edifying of them ; and I
fear it will not be oflfected very suddenly because there are but few
hands that can give help thereunto. Thence we passed over the
river of Shannon to the county of Glare and sat at Innis (Ennis),
* Sir Nicholas Walshe had a distinguished judicial career. In a letter of the
Irish Privy Council in 1606 he is described as * one who hath with good credit
and sufficiency very faithfully & painfully served in office here above thirty
years.'— Cai. S. P. {Ireland), 1603-6, p. 484. He had held the office of Chief
Justice of Munster prior to 1584, when he was appointed second Justice of the
King's Bench. In 1597 he was promoted to the Chief Justiceship of the
Common Pleas, in succession to Sir Robert Dillon, and he held this post until
his death in 1615, when he was succeeded by Sir Dominick Sarsfield. In 1587
Walshe was sworn of the Irish Privy Council. The letters patent authorising
his admission to this honour testify to the high opinion entertained of him.
See Smyth's Law Otficers of Irelaiid, p. 102. The report here printed inexteMO
is very briefly summarised in Cal, S. P. (IrelaTtd), 1603-6, p. 573.
142 ILLDBTBATIONB OP IBI8H HISTORY
where we found that country far better inhabited, and we cannot
but attribute the chief cause thereof to the Earl of Thomond, who
hath well defended the inhabitants of that county from the rage
of rebels in the war time and from foreign thieves since the re-
bellion ended. And assuredly there is not much stealing among
themselves. We saw two bridges newly erected there, the one
betwixt the Shannon and Glare, the other betwixt Bunratty and
Limerick. When we came to Limerick we met with the Lord
President, where sharp punishment was inflicted upon relievers of
rebels, which I assure myself will be for a long time to their good
remembered in that county. From thence our remove was to the
Gross of Tipperary, and at Gashel some few but special offenders
were executed. And there also we have by special commission
united the country of Arra, or McBrien Arra's country, to the said
county, because the Gross is a very small county, and the other
was wont to be a receptacle of offenders obeying the officers of no
county. And lastly we ended at Glonmel, for the exempted points
of the liberties of Tipperary, where some six notable offenders
were executed for treason, viz., murder of malice prepense, which
is in this land made treason, and for the procurement and relieving
of murderers. In all these counties we have by ordinary course of
law indicted most of the townsmen for not coming to their parish
churches in service time, according to the statute made in 2 Eliz.,
which course is far loss irksome to the people than to draw
them in by mandate or other means consisting upon the King's
mere prerogative. Before this circuit began I was specially
charged to deliver a great gaol at Kilkenny, and after the end of
our circuit at Munster I came to Sir James Ley and to Sir John
Davies to Waterford, betwixt whom and the Mayor of that city
there was some difference for their sittings as Justices of the
county of the city of Waterford, and I gave some help to appease
their variance by joining with them in assistance of the Mayor
and sherifiis to inquire of recusancies, and by an inquest of
citizens had the greatest part of the inhabitants indicted, which
was the thing they desired most to effect, and thus having
summarily related our travel in Munster, etc., I humbly take
leave. From Waterford, this 18th of September, 1606.
Your honourable lordship's most humbly at commandment,
NiOHOLAB WaLSUE.
Endorsed : To the right Honourable my singular good lord the
Earl of Salisbury, these, &c.
V
THE WOODS OP IRELAND
That the climate and soil of Ireland are naturally suited to
the growth of timber of nearly every useful kind indigenous
to Europe, and that the island was anciently stored with
woods and forests of vast extent, is proved not only by the
testimony of all who have considered its physical and
geological formation, but by the express statement of his-
torians and chroniclers, and the convincing implication of
our topographical nomenclature. The woods of Ireland,
and especially those formerly adjacent to our capital, were
famous even before the coming of the English. It was
from the fair green of Oxmantown, once covered with woods
that extended westward over the whole of what is now the
Phoenix Park, that William Bufus drew the timber for the
roof of Westminster Hall, where, as the chronicle of Dr.
Hanmer has it, ' no English spider webbeth or breedeth to
this day.' ^ And, as tradition avers, it was from Gullens-
wood that, only a generation after the coming of the Normans,
the Byrnes and Tooles made the descent upon the Bristol-
men who had settled in Dublin for which Easter Monday
was long had in remembrance in Dublin as * Black
Monday.* ^
Giraldus Cambrensis states in his ' Topographia Hiber-
nica ' that the woodlands of Ireland exceeded in his day the
plains or cleared and open land. And not even the zealous
> * Meredith Hanmer's Chronicle/ Ancient Irish Hiaiories, ii. p. 194. The
praciioe of usiDg Irish timber for buildings intended to be durable seems to have
been usual in England in early times. The spire of the thirteenth century bell-
tower of Worcester Cathedral, taken down in 1647, was of * massive timber, Irieh
and unsawed/— Jofirna^ of Kilkenny, Arohsological Society, 1856-7, p. 286.
< * Meredith Hanmer's Chronicle,' Ancient Irish Historieat li. p. 370.
144 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
fervour of the author of ' Cambrensis Eversus * has seriously
endeavoured to refute this assertion of our earliest descriptive
chronicler.' Anyone who looks into Dr. Joyce's suggestive
book on Irish names of places will be astonished to note the
extent to which the root words expressive of woods, forests,
and trees are found in the names of hills and valleys, town-
lands, and districts which are now bare of every vestige of
the abundant timber of which these names have long been
the only memory. For example : — The barony of Eilmore,
necu: Charleville, gets its name from the great wood which
in the sixteenth century formed, as the * Pacata Hibemia *
tells us, one of the strongest barriers against the soldiers of
Elizabeth. Dr. Joyce has calculated that in at least seven
hundred cases the * kils ' and ' kills ' so numerous in the place
names of Ireland really represent the word < coill,' and are wit-
nesses to woods no longer visible ; while ' coillte,* the plural,
and ' coillin,' the diminutive of ' coill,' account for many more.
* Fidh,' or fioth [fih], another term for wood, also occurs fre-
quently, and the two baronies of Armagh, called the Fews,
are of this origin. ' Bos,' too, occasionally stands for wood,
as in the Abbey of Bosserk in Mayo, Boscrea, New Boss,
and best known of all, Boscommon. * Fasach ' (faussagh), a
wilderness, ' Scairt ' (scart), a thicket of scrub, and ' Muine '
(munny), a shrubbery, are a few among many arboreal terms
which abound in the index locoruniy and contribute to justify
the term ' Inis-na-veevy,' or woody island, which is among the
bardic names of Ireland. Over and above the terms signify-
ing woods, are those which denote particular trees, of which
Daire (Derry), an oakwood, with its many variations, is the
most important.' The 'Annals of the Four Masters'
abound in references to the ancient woods of Ireland, which
prove that in a great part of the country a dominant charac-
teristic of the social system of ancient Ireland was the forest
life of the people. And if we may accept as accurate a
passage in the ' Annals of Ulster,' for the year 835 a.d.,^ the
* Celtio Society's Edition, ii. p. 110.
' Joyce's Irish Names of PlaoeSt i. pp. 491-522.
» Ibid. i. p. 837.
THE WOODS OP IBBLAND 146
acorn and nut crop was so large in that year as to close up
the streams, so that they ceased to flow in their usual course.
That this state of things survived to an era well within
historical memory is abundantly demonstrated by many
authorities. Sir John Davies, a writer whose observations
and conclusions, even when we disagree with them, are
always suggestive, has noted the degree in which the politi-
cal system adopted by the Norman colonists of Ireland, and
pursued, whether by choice or necessity, by the English
Government for many centuries, had the effect of preserving
this feature. That system was to drive the native popula-
tion from the plains to the woods ; with the result that the
Irish territories tended to become ever more and more a
succession of forest fastnesses. Had a different plan been
adopted, the woods, as Davies points out, would have been
wasted by English habitations, as had happened just before
his own time in the territories of Leix and Offaly, round the
new-made forts of Maryborough and Philipstown.
The early Plantagenets made some attempt to establish
the forest laws in Ireland. In the neighbourhood of Dublin,
at all events, a considerable tract must have been brought
within their operations, for in 1229 Henry III. granted
permission to Luke, Archbishop of Dublin, to carry out the
disafforesting of certain lands formerly belonging to the
see of Glendalough. It is certain that a royal forest was
formed at Glencree, in the county Wicklow. In 1244 sixty
does and twenty bucks were ordered to be ' taken alive in the
king's parks nearest to the port of Chester to be sent to the
port of Dalkey, Ireland, and delivered to the king's Treasurer
of Dublin to stock the king's Park of Glencry ' ; and that
the King's lands were not limited to a mere park, but
included a forest properly so called, may be inferred from
the language of a mandate of Edward I. permitting William
Bumel, constable of the Castle of Dublin, * to have in the
king's forest of Glencry twelve oak trees fit for timber of
the king's gift to construct his house of Glenecapyn.' '
' Col. 8. P. (Ireland), 1171-1251, p. 898.
» Ibid. 128&-92, p. 881.
146 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTOBY
A reference to the misconduct of the Abbot and monks of
St. Mary's, Dublin, in hunting in the King's forest without
license supports the same conclusion.' But the royal forest
of Glencree disappears from view, like so much else, amid the
confusion that followed the wars of the Bruces. No mention
of it is to be found subsequent to the reign of Edward I.
The whole district comprised in the modem county of
Wicklow relapsed after the Bruce disturbance into the con-
trol of the Irish septs of the Bsrmes and Tooles ; nor was
it eflfectively redeemed by the Crown until the opening of
the seventeenth century.*
Apart, however, from this formation of the royal forest
of Glencree, no attempt was made for above three centuries
after the arrival of the English in Ireland to encroach
to any serious extent upon the native reserves of the
Irish inhabitants, though a Statute of Edward I., passed
in 1296, contained a clause which was designed to pro-
vide highways through the country.' But the wars of the
Bruces which followed within a few years of this enactment,
and the subsequent decadence of English power, prevented
the taking of any effective steps under this Statute.
Down to the middle of the sixteenth century, it may
fairly be said, no substantial alteration took place in the face
of Ireland in this regard. In Chief Justice Finglas's < Breviate
of the Getting of Ireland and of the Decay of the Same,'
written about 1629, occurs a passage which shows that well
on into the reign of Henry VIII., the period, indeed, at
which the English Pale had shrunk to its narrowest limits,
> Chartulary of 8t. Mory*8 Abbey (Rolls Series), i. p. 4.
' For an excellent aoconnt of the Forest of Olenoree see a paper by Mr.
T. P. Le Fann, M.B.IJL, in the Journal of the Royal Society of Antiquaries of
JraZand for 1898, p. 268.
' The claose ran as follows: *The Irish enemy, by the density of the
woods and the depths of the adjacent morasses, assume a confident boldness ;
the King's highways are in places so overgrown with wood, and so thick and
difficult, that even a foot passenger can hardly pass. Upon which it is ordained
that every lord of a wood, with his tenants, through which the highway was
anciently, shall clear a passage where the way ought to be, and remove all
standing timber as weU as underwood.*— Betham's Origvn and History of the
Constitution of England and of the Early Parliaments of Ireland.
THE WOODS OF IBELAND 147
the districts in which English law remained supreme were
everywhere hedged round by impassable forests. Finglas pre-
scribed a remedy very similar to that enforced by Edward I.,
more than two centuries earlier : — * Item — ^That the deputy
be eight days in every summer cutting passes of the woods
next adjoining to the king's subjects, which shall be
thought most needful/ — and he enumerates above thirty
passes, most of them adjacent to the Pale, which required to
be made or maintained.^ The numerous writers to whom
we owe our knowledge of Elizabethan Ireland and of the
age immediately succeeding, concur in representing the
great forests as having survived in most places to the
middle of the sixteenth century, and in many till well into
the seventeenth.* Sir Henry Piers, in his 'History of
Westmeath,'^ designed to illustrate the Down Survey,
speaks of that county as deficient in nothing, ' except only
timber of bulk, with which it was anciently well stored.'
Yet barely a century before this was written, Westmeath
had been one of the most secure fortresses of 'the king's
Irish enemies,' as the native septs were called ; and it was
for this reason that under Henry VIII. the county was
* The following are the names of the passes as given by Finglas :— * The
Passes names here ensueth, Downe, Callibre, the Newe Ditoh, the Passes to
Powersooort, Olankry, Ballamore in Foderth, going to Eeames (or Ferns), Le
Boge, Strenanloragh, Pollemounty, Branwallehangry, Morterston, two passes in
Feemore in O'Morye's country, the passes of Femeynobegane, KiUemark, Kelly,
Ballenower, Taghemefine, two passes in Beymalagh, the passes going to MoiU,
two in Ealry, the passes of Brahon Juryne, Eilkorky, the Lagha and Ballatra,
Karryconnell and Eillaghmore, three passes in Oriore : one by Donegall, another
by Faghert, and the third by Omere ; Ballaghkine, and Ballaghner.' — Harris's
Hibemica, p. 51.
It is not now possible to identify all the coanties in which these passes were
sitaate.
^ In Payne's Brief Description of Ireland, written in 1690, there occurs a
passage illustrative of the agricultural value of the forests. * I find by experi-
ence,' wrote Payne, * that a man may store 1,000 acres of woodland there (in
Ireland) for dOL bestowed in draining, which being well husbanded, will yield
more profit than so much like ground in England of 10s. the acre and 600/.
stock, for in the Irish woodlands there is great store of very good pasture, and
there mast doth not lightly fail ; there swine will feed very fat without any
meat by hand.'^-Payne's * Brief Description of Ireland,' ed. Aquila Smith;
Tracts Relating to Ireland, i. p. 13.
» Printed by Vallancey in 1774.
l2
148 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IBISH HISTOBY
severed from Meath to which it had anciently belonged.^
During the wars of Elizabeth it was still a proverb that
' The Irish will never be tamed while the leaves are on
the trees/ meaning that the winter was the only time
in which the woods could be entered by an army with
any hope of success ; and the system of ^ plashing/ by
which the forest paths were rendered impassable through
the interlacing of the boughs of the great trees with the
abundant imderwood, was the obstacle accounted by most
of Elizabeth's soldiers the most dangerous with which they
were confronted. Derricke, in his ' Image of Ireland/ written
in 1581, gives a description of the woods which, even if
we discount the figures on the score of poetic licence, must
be held to show that in his day the forests still covered
enormous areas. He speaks of them as often twenty miles
long.*
The adoption of a resolute policy in Ireland by the
Tudor sovereigns was the first step towards the reduction
of these immense woodland areas. The gradual extension
throughout the country of the measures first applied to
Westmeath led, under the reigns of Mary and Elizabeth,
to a rapid clearance of large tracts of the country. Fynes
Moryson, in the closing years of EUzabeth, found the central
plain of Ireland nearly destitute of trees. ' I confess myself,'
he writes, ' to have been deceived in the common fame
that all Ireland is woody, having found in my long journey
from Armagh to Einsale few or no woods by the way,
excepting the great woods of Ophalia;' and some low,
shrubby places which they call glens.^ The Pale had, of
course, for centuries been denuded of its woods, if it ever
> By the Stotnte 84 Henry VIII. cap. i.
* * The woodee above and 'neath those hills,
Some twentie miles in length :
Bound oompaote with a shakynge bodye,
A forte of passyng strength.'
Derricke's Image of Ireland, Small's Edition, 1888, p. 28.
* * A por£on of the county of Ophaly is called Fergall, a place so strongs as
nature could desire to make yt by wood and bogge, with which yt is environed.'
^Dymmok's ' Treatise of Ireland in 1699 ' ; Tracts Relating to Ireland, ii. p. 43.
« See also Part II. p. 228 infra.
THE WOODS OP IBBLAND 149
possessed them on a large scale, and as early as 1534 an
ordinance of Henry VIII. had directed every husbandman
to plant twelve ashes within the ditches and closes of his
farm. With the disappearance, in the person of Tyrone, of
the last Irish chieftain powerful enough to hold independent
sway in the island, this clearance was extended towards
Ulster. By Strafford's time Wicklow, Wexford, and Garlow,
and the Queen's County were the only districts in which the
forests were still extensive. And even here they had begun
to decline. Sir William Brereton noted in 1635 that in the
neighbourhood of Camew, in Sir Morgan Eavanagh's once
thick woods, there remained 'little timber useful save to
bum, and such as cumbreth the ground.' He adds that wood
is ' a commodity which will be much wanting in this king-
dom, and is now very dear at Dublin.* ^ The civil war which
followed the Bebellion of 1641 doubtless tended largely in
the same direction, and by the time of the Commonwealth
Boate noted in his ' Natural History of Ireland ' that in some
parts you might travel whole days without seeing any trees
save a few about gentlemen's houses. This was especially
so on the northern road, where for a distance of sixty miles
from the capital not a wood worth speaking of was to be
seen. ' For,' he adds, ' the great woods which the maps do
represent to us upon the mountains between Dundalk and
the Newry are quite vanished, there being nothing left of
them these many years since, but only one tree standing
close by the highway, at the very top of one of the moun-
tains, so as it may be seen a great way off, and therefore
serveth travellers for a mark.' *
The destruction of the woods, due in the first place to
deliberate policy and in the next to the accidents of war,
was accelerated both during the long peace that preceded
the Bebellion, and afterwards in the years following the
Eestoration, by the progress of the arts of peace. The
revival of Irish industries was nearly as fashionable a
shibboleth in the middle of the sixteenth century as it has
' See Brereton*8 Travels, Part II. infra,
^ Boate's Ireland's NaturcUl History, ohapt^ xv.
150 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HI8T0BY
been at intervals in later ages. In those days the favourite
objects of solicitude were the manufacture of pipe-staves,
and the development of the iron-works which were then
supposed to be the true El Dorado of Irish enterprise — most
people holding with Bacon that ' Iron is a brave commodity
where wood aboundeth.* Both industries depended for their
success upon the woods, which were accordingly drawn upon
regardless of the consequences. From Munster whole ship-
loads of pipe-staves were exported, to the great profit of the
proprietors and the great destruction of the woods ; and Boate
says, ' it is incredible what quantity of charcoal is consumed
by one iron- work in a year.' ^ Bichard Boyle, the well-known
Earl of Cork, was reputed to have made 100,000Z. by his
iron-works, and the sale of timber must have brought him
almost as much again. Sir William Petty's was another of
the great fortunes in part accumulated by the destruction of
the woods of Ireland. But that Petty, undoubtedly one of
the most large-minded Englishmen whom the confiscations
of the seventeenth century attracted to Ireland, was not
unmindful of the need for maintaining the timber supplies
of the country, may be inferred from the fact that in his
* Political Anatomy of Ireland,' he recommends the * planting '
of * three millions of timber trees upon the bounds and mears
of every denomination of lands ' in the country.* So rapid
was the consumption, however, that the want of fuel, formerly
abundant, began to make itself felt. Thomas Dinely writing
in his Journal,' about the year 1681, remarks on the con-
sequent substitution for the first time of turf for wood firing.
* The wars,* he says, * and their rebellions having destroyed
almost all their woods both for timber and firing, their want
is supplyed by the bogs.' A century later Arthur Young
noted that in the neighbourhood of Mitchelstown there were
* a hundred thousand acres in which you might take a
breathing gallop to find a stick large enough to beat a dog.
' Boate's Ireland's Naturall History, ohapter z?i.
' Petty*8 Political Anatomy of Ireland, ohapter ii.
' Reprinted from Kilkenny Archcdological Society^s Journal, Second
Series.
THE WOODS OF IBBLAND 151
yet is there not an enclosoie without the remnants of trees,
many of them large.' ^
The troubles of the Revolution and the succeeding
changes were also injurious to the woods. The Gonmiis-
sioners of Forfeited Estates conmient severely on the general
waste conmiitted by the grantees of these properties, in-
stancing in particular the woods round Eillamey, where
trees to the value of 20,0002. were cut down, and the
Muskery district, where the destruction was almost as
great.^ That this reckless dealing with the timber supply
of the country was continued for the best part of a genera-
tion may be inferred from a passage in the seventh Drapier's
Letter, in which Swift asserts his belief ' that there is not
another example in Europe of such a prodigious quantity of
excellent timber cut down in so short a time with so little
advantage to the country either in shipping or building.' '
This process of rapid consumption of the anciently abundant
woods of Ireland continued far into the eighteenth century,
and notwithstanding a succession of enactments designed to
encourage planting, the woodland areas diminished so rapidly
that, to quote Arthur Young once more, * the greatest part
of the country continues to exhibit a naked, bleak, dreary
view for want of wood, which has been destroyed for a
century past with the most thoughtless prodigality, and still
continues to be cut and wasted as if it was not worth the
cultivation.' *
Although some maps of the time of Henry VIII. are
extant which indicate very roughly the wooded districts,
nothing approaching to a statistical record of the distribu-
tion of the woods of Ireland is available for an earlier date
than the seventeenth century. Baron Finglas's rough list of
passes has already been referred to, and is the earliest specific
' Yoang*8 Tour in Ireland, ii. p. 62. The olearanoe at Mitohelstown
deplored by Young has been largely made good by plantations within the last
century.
^ Lecky*8 History of England, ii. p. 330.
* Swift's Warks.edi, Sir W. Scott, vii.p. 62; Prose Works, ed. Temple Scott
(Bohn's Library), vi. p. 200.
* Young's Tour in Ireland, ii. p. 62.
152 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IBISH fflSTORY
notice on the subject. In Dymmok's ' Treatise of Ireland/
1599, is given * A particular of such strengths and fastnesses
of wood and bog as are in every province in Ireland/ ^ in
which the principal forest districts are set out by name. It
is evident, however, that Dymmok derived his information
not from any first-hand acquaintance with the whole country,
but from the notes of one of the most diligent inquirers into
the condition and resources of Ireland who had ever visited
the country, the well-known Sir George Carew. In the
Lambeth Manuscripts, which bear his name, are to be found
Garew's observations on the subject.' They are much fuller
than Dymmok's list. Half a century after Garew's time, the
Books of Survey and Distribution, compiled in 1657, and
preserved in the Irish Becord Office, show the dimensions
of the woodlands throughout the country as ascertained at
that date. The maps of the Down Survey also indicate in a
rough way the distribution of the woods. And a list of the
iron- works through the country in the seventeenth century
would indicate as many places in which substantial woods
still existed at that period.
It appears from these and other sources, that at about
the close of the seventeenth century the woods or forests of
importance were distributed roughly, thus :
1. Leinster: In the counties of Wicklow, Wexford,
Carlow, and Kilkenny, and in the great territories of Leix
and Offaly, covering the greater portion of Queen's and part
of King's County.
2. Ulster: In the counties of Tyrone, Londonderry,
Antrim, and Down, particularly on the east and west shores
of Lough Neagh, and the territories adjacent.
3. Munster : In Cork, Kerry, and Limerick, the southern
borders of Tipperary, and East Waterford.
4. Connaught : In the barony of Tyrawly, in Mayo
and North Sligo, in Boscommon, and along the course of the
Shannon.
It is obvious, however, that the rapid diminution of the
* Irish Arohttologioal Booiety'i Tracts Relating to Ireland, ii. p. 86.
* Lambeth MB. 635.
THE WOODS OF IBELAND 168
woodland area daring the seventeenth century was not an
absolutely unmitigated misfortune. It was the natural con-
sequence of that social transformation which necessarily fol-
lowed the effective assertion of the authority of the English
Crown throughout the island in the reign of James I.
Apart from all questions between the races, it was as desir-
able as it was natural that large districts formerly usurped
by the forest should be restored to agriculture. Had the
clearances effected, first by the soldiers of Elizabeth and next
by the planters of James, ended with those which followed
the Restoration, there would have been no great reason to
complain. But an era of confiscation was necessarily un-
favourable to the development of the resources of the land ;
and successive owners, threatened with the early deter-
mination of their interest in their estates, utilised the
short period of possession to turn their timber into gold.
Thus the woods that had survived fell at an alarm-
ing rate, and the Government were obliged to intervene.
Accordingly, the Irish statute-book, from the Bestora-
tion to the middle of the eighteenth century, contains
many measures which had for their object the encourage-
ment of planting, and the replacing of the timber in
districts from which it had disappeared. Some of these are
of great interest, and well deserve attention.
The earliest instance of legislation for the protection of
trees was the application to Ireland by Strafford of an
English statute of Elizabeth ' to avoid and prevent divers
misdemeanours of idle and lewd persons in barking of
trees.' An Act of 10th Charles I. (chapter 23) gave
this measure force in Ireland ; but it appears to have been
designed mainly for the protection of the orchards and
young trees in the plantation districts, and not to have been
directed to the conservation of the larger woods. The
seventeenth century had almost run its course before any
further statute was passed. In 1698, however, the ministers
of William III. felt it was time to intervene. 'An Act
for Planting and Preserving Timber Trees and Woods '
recognises in its preamble the operation of the causes
154 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY
which had led to the too rapid destruction of the old
woods. It runs thus : — ' Forasmuch as by the late re-
bellion in the Kingdom and the several iron-works formerly
here, the timber is utterly destroyed, so as that at present
there is not sufficient for the repairing the houses destroyed,
much less a prospect of building and improving in after
times, unless some means be used for the planting and
increase of timber trees.*
The remedies prescribed by this act were threefold :
I. All resident freeholders, having estates to the value
of lOL yearly and upwards, and all tenants for years at a
rent exceeding that sum, having an unexpired term of ten
years, were required, under a penalty from and after March 25,
1703, to plant every year, for thirty-one years, ten plants of
five years* growth of oak, fir, elm, ash, or other timber.
Owners of iron-works were required to plant five hundred
such trees annually, so long as the iron- works were going.
II. Every occupier of above five hundred Irish acres was
required to plant and enclose, within seven years of the
passing of the Act, one acre thereof, and to preserve the same
as a plantation for at least twenty years.
III. All persons and corporations seized of lands of
inheritance were charged with the planting of their respec-
tive proportions of 260,600 trees yearly of oak, elm, or fir
for a period of thirty-one years. The proportions in which
these trees were to be planted in each county is set out in a
list in the fourth section of the act, and the proportion in
which each coimty should be planted was to be apportioned
by the grand juries, by baronies, and parishes at each
summer assizes.*
A further provision gave tenants planting pursuant to the
statute a right to one-third of the timber so planted. This
was increased by a later Act to one-half.
The legislation of William III. was followed by several
acts passed in succeeding reigns with the same object. An
* lOth Wm. III. cap. 12. As the list given in Section 4 throws some light
on the relative needs of each county in regard to timber at the time, it is printed
in Appendix II. to this paper.
THE WOODS OF IRELAND 155
Act of Queen Anne abolished the duties on un wrought iron,
bark, hoops, staves and timber, and forbade exportation of
these commodities except to England. And a further Act
forbade the use of home-grown gads or withes, or the erection
of May-poles of home-growth. These Acts, however, failed
to produce the desired effect.^ Thomas Prior, in the ap-
pendix to his List of Absentees, attributed this failure to
the insufficient interest given to tenants in the trees planted
by them, and suggested that planting should be encouraged
by obliging owners, on the fall of leases, to pay their tenants
the timber value of all trees planted by the latter. An Act
of George III. passed in 1775 expressly recognised in its
preamble the failure of the earlier legislation, which it
accordingly repealed. It made fresh provision for the
preservation of trees, and did something to carry out Prior's
views, which were zealously supported by the Boyal Dublin
Society, an institution of which Prior was one of the
founders, and which has always been honourably distin-
guished by the interest it has displayed in the preservation
of the woods of Ireland.
The stimulating criticism and suggestions of Arthur
Young, who, as already noted, visited Ireland just at this
time, undoubtedly had much to do with the more enlightened
views on the subject which, towards the close of the eigh-
teenth century, began to characterise the majority of Irish
landowners. One or two of his observations on this subject
are worth quoting. * I have made,* says Young, * many very
minute calculations of the expense, growth, and value of trees
in Ireland, and am convinced from them that there is no
application of the best land of the kingdom will equal the
profit of planting the worst of it.'* The remark savours,
perhaps, of the accustomed optimism of the reforming
^ Swift, in his seventh Drapier*8 Letter, already qaoted, recommended 'that
the defeots in those Acts for planting forest-trees might be fully supplied, since
they have hitherto been wholly ineffectual, except about the demesnes of a
few gentlemen,* and recommended that owners should be restrained from * that
unlimited liberty of cutting down their woods before their proper time * • to
supply expenses in England,' as he puts it elsewhere in the same letter.
' Young's Tour in Ireland^ ii. p. 64.
166 ILLU8TBATI0NS OF IBISH HISTOEY
stranger who has never submitted his theories to the test of
practice, and is ready to sell wisdom before he has bought
experience. But no more competent observer idian Arthur
Young has ever applied a trained and cautious intelligence to
the consideration of the economic problems of Ireland. It
is certain that, however wisely we may hesitate to adopt
literally this epigrammatic summary of his views on planting,
Young's opinions were based on an unusually thorough
statistical investigation of the country, coupled with an ex-
ceptionally wide knowledge of agricultural conditions in other
European countries. Young's observations on the subject are
the more worth noting in view of modern conditions because
he bestowed much attention on the means of enlisting the
peasantry in the cause of planting, and displayed a firm
confidence that 'instead of being the destroyers of trees
they might be made preservers of them.' With this view
he recommends in his ' Observations ' that premiums should
be given to farmers who planted and preserved trees, and
suggested that the tenantry should be obliged to plant under
a special clause in their leases, requiring them to plant a
given number of trees per annum in proportion to the size
of their holdings.
THE WOODS OF IBBLAND 157
APPENDIX I
WOODS AND FASTNESSES IN ULSTEB.
Glenbrasell, by Lough Eaugh (Loogh Neagh), a great boggy and
wooddy faelnes.
Olenoan, a boggy and wooddy country enyironed with two rivers
viz. : the Blaokwater and the Ban.
Killultagh, a safe boggy and wooddy country, upon Lough Eaugh.
Kilwarlen, the like bounden together.
Kilautry, lying between Kilwarlen and Lecale.
Olenconkeyn,' on the river Ban's side, in O'Ghane's country, the
chief fastnes and refuge of the Sootts.
THE LENGTH AND BBEADTH OF THE WOODS AND FASTNESSES
IN IfUNSTEB.
Olengaruf, in O'Sullivan More's country, 4 miles long and 2
broad.
Olanroght, in Desmond, 3 long and 2 broad.
Leanmore, in Desmond, 3 long and 3 broad.
Qlenglas and Eilmore in the Co. Limerick, 12 long and 7 broad.
Dromfynine, in the County Cork, on the Blackwater, 6 long and
2 broad.
Arlo and Muskryquirke, in Tipperary, 9 long and 3 broad.
Kilhnggy, in Tipperary, bordering on Limerick, 10 long and 7
broad.
Qienflesk, 4 long and 2 broad.
WOODS AND FASTNESSES IN OONNAUGHT.
The woods and bogs of Kilbigher.
Killcallon, in Mao William's county.
Killaloa, in county of Leitrim.
The woods and boggs near the Corleus.
WOODS AND FASTNESSES IN LBINSTEB.
Qlandilour, a fastness in Pheagh M'Hu^'s oountrie.
Shilelagh, Sir Henry Harrington's, in the county of Dublin.
* Sir John Daviee described Glanoonkeyn in 1608 aa * the great forest of
Qlenconkeyn, well nigh as hurge as the New F6i«8t in Hampshire, and stored
with the best timber.' He suggested that the timber should be need for the
royal navy, but it was eventually devoted to the building of Londonderry. —
Ulster Archaological Joumai, vi. p. 15S.
158 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY
The Daffiries, in the County of Wexford.
The Drones and Leverocke, in the county of Gatherlogh.
The great bog in the Queen's County, which reacheth to Limerick.
The Fuse in the County of Eildare.
The woodland bogs of Monaster-Evan, Oallin and Slievemargy in
the Queen's County.
The Rowry, near St. Mullins, where the Nur and Barrow unite
together, and makes yt halfe an island.
Part of Coulbraoke, joyning upon the County of Kilkenny.*
APPENDIX II
STATUTE 18TB WILLUM UI. GAP. I. SECTION 4.
And be it further enacted, that the proportion of each county,
county of a city, and county of a town of the said two hundred
and sixty thousand six hundred trees aforesaid, is and shall be as
hereinafter is declared.
1. Antrim county and Carrickfergus, nine thousand seven
hundred and fifty.
2. Ardmagh county, four thousand seven hundred and fifty.
3. Catherlagh county, three thousand two hundred and fifty.
4. Cavan county, four thousand six hundred.
5. Clare county, seven thousand eight hundred.
6. Cork county and city, twenty-six thousand six hundred.
7. Donegal county, eight thousand three hundred and fifty.
8. Down county, eight thousand four hundred.
9. Dublin county (whereof the city and its liberties, twenty-one
thousand five hundred) thirty-one thousand nine hundred.
10. Fermanagh county, four thousand five htindred and fifty.
11. Oallway county (whereof on Gallway town and liberties,
one thousand three hundred) eleven thousand eight hundred.
12. Kerry county, four thousand six hundred.
13. Kildare county, seven thousand one hundred and fifty.
14. Kilkenny county (whereof on Kilkenny city and liberties,
seven hundred) nine thousand.
' Of the places enamerated which are not sufficiently indicated in Carew's
note have been thus identified :
Eilwarlen, in the co. Down, was the fastness of the Magenis sept in the co.
Down.
Glenroght or Olenroghty is now Eenmare.
Leanmore is the modem Killamey.
Glenglas is Clonlish in co. Limerick.
Arlo is the Arlo Hill of Spenser.
THE WOODS OP IBELAND 159
15. King's county, three thousand nine hundred.
16. Leitrim county, three thousand two hundred and fifty.
17. liimerick county (whereof on Limerick city and liherties,
one thousand three hundred) nine thousand six hundred.
18. Londonderry county, city and barony of Colerain, six thou-
sand five hundred.
19. Longford county, two thousand six hundred.
20. Lowth county (whereof Drogheda and liberties, six hundred
and fifty) five thousand two hundred.
21. Mayo county, six thousand five hundred.
22. Meath county, twelve thousand three hundred and fifty.
23. Monaghan county, four thousand five hundred.
24. Queen's county, three thousand nine hundred and fifty.
25. Bosoommon county, six thousand five hundred.
26. Sligo county, five thousand two hundred.
27. Tipperary and Holy-Gross, eighteen thousand two hundred.
28. Tyrone county, six thousand five hundred.
29. Waterford county (whereof on Waterford city and liberties,
one thousand and fifty) six thousand five hundred and fifty.
SO. Westmeath county, six thousand six hundred.
31. Wexford county, six thousand five hundred.
32. Wicklow county, three thousand two hundred and fifty.
VI
THE PARISH OHUBCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT
HoNOURABLB as is the antiquity of the parish of St. Andrew's,
and varied as are the sources of interest from which it derives
its importance in the history of the Irish capital, it is not
primarily upon its priority in the roll of Dublin parishes
that its attraction depends. Indeed, notwithstanding that
the precise date of its origin, running back to the days of
the Scandinavian kingdom of Dublin, is lost in the haze
of history, it may be doubted whether the strictness of
antiquarian pedantry would class St. Andrew's among the
ancient metropolitan parishes at all. For, lying outside the
walls, neither the church itself nor any part of the parish
could at any time have been reckoned as part of the mediaeval
city, whose eastern boundary terminated at Dammas Gate,
just below the Castle Yard. It is in fact as the first of
suburban, rather than as among the most ancient of city
parishes that St. Andrew's claims pre-eminence. This fact
is sufficiently emphasised by the language of an Act of
Parliament so modem as the statute under which the
parish was reconstituted after the Restoration, in which the
church of St. Andrew's is still described as ' in the suburbs
of the city of Dublin.' It requires, indeed, no inconsiderable
effort of the imagination to picture the parish to which the
church of St. Andrew's originally ministered in the days
when all Dublin lay within the walls, when green fields
stretched right up to the Castle and down to the banks of
the LiiBfey, and when only the village of Hogges, or Hoggen
Green, lying on the eminence on which the modem church
now stands, and the monastery of All Hallows, intervened
between the City and Bingsend.
PABISH CHURCH OF THE IBISH PABLIAMBNT 161
The erection of a church outside the city walls, yet
immediately adjacent to them, was almost certainly due to the
Danish occupation of Dublin. And it may even be that the
parish is older than the walls. As in the case of St. Bride's
and St. Michan's, the earhest associations of St. Andrew's
parish are connected with the Danes. Almost the first docu-
mentary mention of St. Andrew's itself suggests this. It
occurs in the register of the Priory of All HaUows, which re-
cords a grant in the year 1241 of land, described as situate in
* Thingmotha, in the parish of St. Andrew's, Dublin.' ^ Now
the Thingmotha, or Thingmount, was a conical hill some
fifty feet high, used as the meeting place of the Danes of
Dublin. Mr. Haliday has conclusively located its site as
immediately adjacent to that of the present church, where
indeed it remained down to the year 1685. It was hard by
this spot, but a little to the west, that Henry II. was lodged
on his arrival in Dublin in the palace of earth roofed with
wattles which the old chronicler, Boger de Hoveden,
describes ? as having been * built near the church of St. An-
drew's the apostle, without the walls of the city of Dublin.'
The church thus referred to lay westward of the present
edifice, and there it remained down to the close of the
sixteenth century.^ Concerning the appearance the ancient
church presented there is now no sort of record ; but of its
importance among DubUn churches as early as the thirteenth
century there is some evidence. The charter granted by
Henri de Londres, Archbishop of Dublin, to the Dean and
Chapter of St. Patrick's in 1219, assigned the church of
St. Andrew's to the support of the precentor. This was
the commencement of an enduring connection between
the parish and the cathedral. But it is not certain that
the connection was altogether to the advantage of the
former, since the duties of their parochial incumbency not
unnaturally sat lightly on the cathedral dignitaries. The
parish remained in the charge of the precentor for a space of
' Haliday's Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin^ p. 162.
^ Roger de Hoveden, oh. ii. p. 32 (Bolls Series). See p. 4 supra,
* It occapied with its churchyard a plot of grouod on the sooth side of
Dame Street, about where the Munster and Leinster Bank now stands.
M
162 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
some three centuries, during which history is ahnost silent.
It is more than probable that the union of the living of St.
Andrew's with the cathedral precentorship was due to the
decline in the importance of the parish as a residential
suburb. According to Stanihurst, who wrote late in the
sixteenth century, St. George's Lane, the modem South
Great George's Street, which is shown in Speed's map of
1610 as practically the only inhabited street in the parish,
was anciently a place of more consequence. To use his
own words, *An insearcher of antiquities may (by the
view there to be taken) conjecture the better part of the
suburbs of Dublin should seem to have stretched that
way. But the inhabitants being daily and hourly molested
and preided on by their prolling mountain neighbours were
forced to suffer their buildings to fall in decay, and embaied
themselves within the city walls.' Stanihurst narrates in
proof of this assertion a striking incident, which vividly
recalls the dangers of Dublin life in these early times ; and
indicates the origin of an important thoroughfare in St.
Andrew's parish. ' Among other monuments there is a place
in that lane called now Collet's Inns, which in old time was
the Escaxor or Exchecker, which should imply that the
princes court would not have been kept there unless the
place had been taken to be cocksure. But in fine it fell out
contrarie. For the baron sitting there solemnlie and as
it seemed retchleslie [recklessly]; the Irish espying the
opportunity, rushed into the Court in plumps, where surpris-
ing the unweaponed multitude, they committed terrible
slaughters by sparing none that came under their dint, and
withal, as far as their Scarborogh leisure would serve them,
they ransacked the princes treasure, upon which mishap the
Exchecker was from thence removed.' *
Whether or not the allocation of its revenues to the
* Description of Ireland^ Holinshed, p. 27. Sianihorst's account of the
sitaation of the Exchequer as originally outside the Castle is confirmed by
entries in the Pipe Boll of 28 Edward I. which speak of mending ' the great
gate of the Castle towards the Exchequer.*
The expression ' Scarborough leisure,* as an equivalent to no leisure at all,
is believed to be derived from a salutary habit of ' hasty hanging for rank
robbery * anciently in vogue in Scarborough. See Nares's Glossary.
PAEISH CHURCH OP THE IBISH PABLIAMENT 168
precentor indicates that the declension of the church of St.
Andrew's in the scale of importance had began so early as
the time of Henri de Iiondres^ it is certain that the parish
fell gradually into decay. By the middle of the sixteenth
century it had ceased to justify its continued independent
existence. Accordingly in the administrative readjustment
which followed the Reformation, Archbishop George Browne
united the parish of St. Andrew's to that of St. Werburgh's,
' in regard there are so few parishioners, and the income so
small that there is not sufficient to maintain a clergyman.' ^
Thenceforward the church ceased to be maintained as such.
In the same year which witnessed its amalgamation with
St. Werburgh's, one John Byan, a merchant, obtained a
lease for twenty-one years of the rectory of St. Andrew the
Apostle and also the chapel of St. Andrew and the cemetery
of said chapel, ' together with a garden, three orchards and
a dove house, for the yearly rent of 24$. 4dJ ' Such was the
value of Dublin ground rents three centuries and a half ago.
A few years later, in 1561, the church was given up, almost
literally, to the tables of the money-changers ; for the Lords
Justices recommended, as the fittest place for the mint,
'the Castle of Dublin with the help of the chapel next
without the Gate ' ; ' and in the catalogue of churches in the
city and suburbs of Dublin, given by Stanihurst in 1586,
' St. Andrews — now profaned ' is the last on the list.
Thirty years or so after the suppression, of the parish
the ancient edifice suffered a still more marked degradation.
The precentorship of St. Patrick's had fallen into the hands
of one Sir Arthur Athy, who had been presented to it by the
patron Robert, Earl of Leicester, the husband of Amy Rob-
sart.'* Athy appears to have been a soldier ; but otherwise
he had nothing to do with the Church militant, for he was
not even in orders. Notwithstanding this he was by special
letters from Queen Elizabeth preferred to the dignity,* and
granted a dispensation to hold it. On May 31, 1581, Athy
» D'Alton*8 Archbishopa of Dublin, p. 230. * Mason's St. Patrick* s, p. 32.
• Col. Stale Papers, 1509-73, p. 171. * Morrin'a Cal. of Patent Bolls, p. 17.
' CaL Irish S» P. 1603-6, p. 169 ; Mason, App. p. 71.
K 2
164 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
demised his chantership to Leicester, ' the Chanter's House
only excepted/ for a term of fifty years at the yearly rent of
60Z. Irish. Thereupon the church was turned into a stable
and yard for the Viceroy, its situation in the immediate
vicinity of the Castle rendering it extremely convenient for
this purpose.
With the sacrilege of Precentor Sir Arthur Athy — for the
transaction deserves no better name — the history of the
ancient church of St. Andrew's terminates. For close upon
three-quarters of a century nothing was done to restore or
replace it. But the conversion of the edifice to these base
uses led to not the least interesting episode in the history of
the parish. Whatever the verdict of history on the errors and
imprudences of Archbishop Laud, the sincerity of his zeal
for the orderly government of the Church according to his
conception of it, and his resolution to repress and correct
ecclesiastical scandals and abuses, have never been called in
question. The debasement of the church of St. Andrew's
to profane uses affords an instance of the thoroughness of
his supervision of Church affairs. From the year 1603
to 1635 the precentorship of St. Patrick's was held by
Athy's successor. Dr. George Andrews, who joined with
this dignity the deanery of Limerick. Andrews appears to
have asserted his rights as incumbent, and in 1631 obtained
a decree in the Chancery of the Court of Exchequer in a suit
against the Crown for the recovery of his church, averring
that ' the parishioners were ready and willing to be at great
charges in re-edifying, building, and beautifying the said
church.' ^ An injunction issued accordingly to Lord Chan-
cellor Loftus, sbs one of the Lords Justices of Ireland in the
absence of the Deputy, to deliver up possession to Andrews
as rector. Loftus, however, did not immediately obey.
For though he wrote to the Lord Deputy, Sir Thomas
Wentworth, then on the eve of entering on his momentous
Viceroyalty, that ' the church may not therefore any longer
be continued in its former use ; so as it will be fit that some
of your servants do think of providing you another stable,'
' Strafford's Ijetten, i. p. 68 ; CaL 8. P. {Irelcmd), March 26, 1632.
PARISH CHURCH OP THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 166
steps were taken to render the decree of the Exchequer
abortive. By the procurement either of Loftus or of Straf-
ford himself, a King's Letter issued, staying the injunction
and continuing the Crown in possession till the new Lord
Deputy should arrive. Hereupon Andrews, who was evi-
dently a man of resolution, laid the matter before Laud, who,
though not yet Archbishop of Canterbury, was known to be
the guiding spirit of the ecclesiastical policy of Charles I.
as well as the firm ally of the new Lord Deputy. 'The
Church of St. Andrew's in Dublin,' Andrews wrote on
March 26, 1632, ' was 460 years ago annexed to the Chanter-
ship of St. Patrick's, Dublin, of which I am the incumbent.
About fifty years ago the incumbent (Sir George Athy,
Knt.) being absent, it was {horresco ref evens) turned into a
stable for the Deputy's horses, it being close to the walls of
Dublin Castle.' Laud lost no time in laying the complaint
before Strafford, and received from the latter an undertaking
to investigate the scandal. Nor was he content to leave the
matter here, for Strafford had scarcely seated himself in
the Irish government than he received a lengthy letter from
the Bishop of London on questions affecting the Church of
Ireland, the very first paragraph of which was devoted to the
affairs of St. Andrew's.
* I humbly pray your Lordship,' Laud wrote, * to remem-
ber what you have promised me concerning the church at
Dublin, which hath for divers years been used as a stable by
your predecessors, and to vindicate it to God's service as you
shall there examine and find the merits of the cause.' ^
Strafford, it is evident, lent a friendly ear to Laud's repre-
sentations, for shortly afterwards in an official letter to
England, in which he made complaint of the ruinous con-
dition of Dublin Castle, he observes that * there is not any
stable but a poor mean one, and that made of a decayed
church, which is such a profanation as I am sure his
Majesty would not allow of ; besides there is a decree in the
Exchequer for restoring it to the parish whence it was taken ;
I have therefore got a piece of ground whereon to build a
* April 30, 1633, Strafford's Letters^ i. p. 81.
166 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
new one/ And a little later he wrote to Laud, ' For the
stable to be restored I have already given order for bounder-
ing out the Church Yard, and will have another built by
June next, and then, God willing, turn back to His Church
all which the King's Deputies formerly had from it.' *
Dean Andrews, who had thus the merit of instituting
the movement for a restoration, did not long remain in the
precentorship. Having earned the disfavour both of Straf-
ford and Laud by endeavouring to procure the insertion
of certain Irish articles in the Articles of the Church of
England, he was kicked upstairs into the pauper bishopric of
Ferns and Leighlin.* Whether in consequence of Andrews'
removal from the charge of the parish or owing to the
troubles of the times, no effective steps were taken for the
restoration of the old church, which, though it ceased to be
used as a stable, was suffered to fall into ruin, notwith-
standing that an assessment seems to have been levied at
this time to provide funds for rebuilding. In 1644 Sir
George Wentworth, a brother of Strafford's, obtained a lease
of the glebe, which had been excepted from Athy's lease to
Leicester, for forty years, at a rent of 402. per annum. On
the ground so obtained he built a house at a cost of 600/.^
The glebe had stood on the south side of Dame Street,
which by Strafford's day had at length begun to be uti-
lised for building purposes.
Prior to Strafford's time the only residence in this direc-
tion was Chichester House, formerly Cary's Hospital, which
Sir Arthur Chichester, the well-known Deputy of James I.,
had made his home in consequence of the pestilential
condition of the official residence at Dublin Castle. The
intervening space between Chichester House and the city
> Strafford's Letters, i. pp. 131, 173.
' See Appendix I., Dean Andrews. Strafford's references to this oontroversy
illustrate his extraordinary interest in the details of his work in Ireland. They
make excellent reading, though they are somewhat hard on Dean Andrews.
Indeed, no better example can be found of the masterful vigour with which the
great Deputy crushed all opposition to his will, or of the utter lack of considera-
tion for the feelings of his opponents which was a principal cause of his own
undoing.
' Mason's History of St P(Urick*8 CcUhedral, p. 34.
PABISH CHUBCH OP ^THE IBISH PABLIAMENT 167
walls now began to be occupied by a succession of stately
mansions, which, with their spacious grounds stretching to
the river, covered the whole area from the northern front of
what are now Dame Street and College Green back to the
Liffey, whose southern bank must at that time have fol-
lowed the line of the modem Fleet Street. Of these, the
first was built by Sir Christopher Wandesford, Master of the
Bolls during Straflford's tenure of the Viceroyalty, who had
led the way in the movement of fashionable Dublin in an
easterly direction, by setting up his abode in the same
street, in a house near the modem Grattan Bridge,
'with a good orchard and gardens leading down to the
water-side, where might be seen the ships from the
Bingsend coming from any part of the kingdom, from
England, Scotland, or any other country, before they went
up to the bridge.' At the time of the Bestoration the
chief of these houses were inhabited by Arthur Annesley,
Earl of Anglesey and Lord Treasurer of Ireland, by one John
Crow, an eminent citizen of the day, and by Sir Maurice
Eustace, the Lord Chancellor. Their memory is preserved
for us in Anglesea Street, Crow Street, and Eustace Street,
which were formed along their respective sites on the demo-
lition of these mansions a generation later. The extension
of the city was, however, by no means confined to College
Green. It included the district of the Stane or Lazy Hill,
the name then applied to what are now College Street and
Brunswick Street.
To the growth of Dublin without its eastern wall, and
the covering of Hoggen Green and its vicinity with houses,
is due the revival of St. Andrew's as an effective parish. A
residential district so fashionable as the neighbourhood had
become could not but need a church in its midst, and the
accommodation at St. Werburgh's was probably inadequate to
the demand. Accordingly, in an Act passed in 1665 ' for the
provision of ministers in cities,' several sections were devoted
to the revival of ' the Church of St. Andrews in the suburbs
of Dublin,' and the incorporation with it of Lazy Hill.^
* Statute 17 & 18 Charles II. cap. 7, sections 8, 4, 5, and 6.
168 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
The third section of this statute sets forth the state of the
case in the following terms :
Whereas the parish church of St. Andrews in the county
of the city of Dublin hath been wholly demolished for these
many years past, and no effectual care taken for the rebuild-
ing thereof, whereby the inhabitants of the said parish and of
Lazars, alias Lazy-hill, have had no place within themselves
for the public service of God, to the great dishonour of God
and the discomfort of the people, may it therefore be enacted
— that the ambite and tract of ground conmionly called the
Stane, alias Lazar, alias Lazy-hill be constituted and made
part of the parish of St. Andrews aforesaid.
Thus the whole district of what is now the parish of St.
Mark's was added to St. Andrew's, and so remained for above
forty years, until it was severed, as will be seen later on,
by a Statute of Queen Anne. The Act proceeded to provide
for the rebuilding of the parish church by the voluntary con-
tributions of the inhabitants ; to ordain that it should be
presentative as a vicarage; to nominate as the first vicar
Dr. Bichard Lingard, a distinguished fellow of Trinity
College, and to appoint Arthur, Earl of Anglesey, his
Majesty's Vice-Treasurer, Sir John Temple, Master of the
Bolls, whose former residence in the parish is commemorated
by Temple-Bar, and Sir Maurice Eustace, Knight, a nephew
of the Lord Chancellor of that name, to be churchwardens
of the parish 'for the first two years. Power was given to
these officers to make an assessment upon the inhabitants
for the building of the church, and the relief of the poor of
the parish. The ancient rights of the precentor of St.
Patrick's were specially recognised in the sixth section of the
Act, which, after reciting that * the rectory of the church of
St. Andrews together with certain houses and their back sides
enclosed within the churchyard have anciently belonged to
the precentor of the Cathedral Church of St. Patrick,
enacted that the precentor for the time being should con-
tinue to be rector of the parish, and appropriated the sum
of 10/. per annum to be paid to him by the vicar.
Thus far the description here given of the ancient history
PARISH CHURCH OP THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 169
of the parish of St. Andrew's has been based upon such
scattered fragments of information as can be culled from
various extraneous sources. But in the post-Bestoration
history we tread on firmer ground. From the date of the
reconstitution of the parish under the Act just cited, we have
the invaluable assistance of the admirably complete records
which, despite the demoUtion of the church erected in I6.7O,
and the destruction by fire of its successor, have been
fortunately preserved in complete sequence from that date.
The vestry books commence with the year 1670, and the
first of them, which embraces a period of thirty-six years,
throws much light not only on the rebuilding of the church,
but on the social condition of this important Dublin parish
in the last quarter of the seventeenth century. The minutes
of the first vestry meeting record a resolution passed on
April 5, 1670, 'that according to the tenor of our Act of
Parliament the church shall forthwith be built on the place
agreed upon, being a certain parcel of land l}ring within
the said parish commonly called the old Bowling-Green,
given unto the said parish by the Lord Bishop of Meath
for the foresaid use so far as his interest is therein.'
The site so chosen was considerably eastward of the site
of the former church, and immediately adjacent to the
ancient Thingmount, which had been preserved as public
ground for the recreation of the citizens down to the year
1661. The Bowling Green very probably occupied the site
formerly devoted to the grounds round Tib and Tom, a small
range of buildings adjacent to the Mount, where (according
to the historian Harris) the citizens amused themselves at
leisure times by playing at keals or ninepins— a pastime
which has left its record in an old Dublin proverb, • he struck
at Tib and down fell Tom.'> In 1661 this ground had
been leased by the city authorities to Dr. Henry Jones,
Bishop of Meath, at a small rent, but with a proviso that ' a
passage six feet wide and thirty feet square from the top to
the bottom of the hill should be preserved to the city for
* See Haliday's Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin^ p. 163, where an old
WQodoat of the Thingmount is reproduced.
170 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
their common prospect, and that no building or other thing
should be erected on the premises for obstructing of the said
prospect.' But by 1670 this reservation had been so far
ignored as to be no longer worth insisting on. No objection
was taken by the Corporation to the erection of the church,
and a few years later the Thingmount, which by that time
had become entirely surrounded by buildings, was utterly
demolished.
No time was lost in proceeding with the building of the
new church. From the first it was modelled upon the plan
which, though rebuilt at the end of the eighteenth century,
it retained down to 1860. The vestry book records a
resolution passed on April 18, 1670, ' that the oval model
drawn by Mr. William Dodson shall be the model according
to which the parish church of St. Andrews shall be built.'
Dodson appears to have been at the head of his profession
in the Dublin of his day, and to have been much employed
by the Government, under whose auspices he was responsible
for the laying out of the Phoenix Park, as at first designed.^
It does not appear whence he drew his inspiration in choos-
ing the oval design, nor has any sketch of the seventeenth
century church come down to us. But inasmuch as the
foundations were utilised in the rebuilding more than
one hundred years later, and its old shape substantially
preserved, its form cannot have differed materially from
that of the later edifice so well known to the citizens
of Dublin a generation ago by the name of the Bound
Church.^
Before entering on the history of the revived parish it
may be convenient to trace the subsequent fate of the earlier
church and its cemetery. For some time the ruins remained
derelict and unsaleable on the hands of the parish, which
made more than one abortive attempt to dispose of them.
On September 2, 1673, the vestry, considering that ' the old
' See p. 56 sifpra.
* Descriptions of the Bound Church are to be found in Brewer's Beauties
of Ireland, i. p. 123; and in Cromwell's Excursions through Ireland,
i. p. 70.
PARISH CHUBCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 171
Churchyard in Dammas Street was waste and of no advantage
to the inhabitants/ ordered ' that it be exposed to sale on the
fourth day of November next, ai^d that publicly in the Church
in the afternoon to all such persons whether strangers or
parishioners as shall bid most for the same.' But there was
no bidder. Three years later it was arranged that Captain
John Nicholas, ' a worthy benefactor of the Church/ should
have the use of the old churchyard in satisfaction for ISO^.
due to him for materials supplied for the building of the new
church, ' provided always that he do not stir the corpses nor
dig the ground otherwise than to level it.' ^ Nicholas sub-
sequently ^ obtained a formal lease of the ground, which was
described as ' all that piece or plot of ground lying and being
in Dames Street in the parish of St. Andrews called the
old Churchyard, being by computation one hundred and
twenty feet in length fronting to the said street, and about
one hundred and twenty-one feet backward.' The lease
then given to Nicholas was some years later assigned to
Alderman Sir William Fownes, an eminent citizen whose
memory is preserved in the street which bears his name.
To him the parish made a fresh lease for forty-one years from
December 25, 1698, on the understanding that he was about
to carry out large improvements. These improvements
consisted in the formation of the Castle Market, which
covered a part of the cemetery, and was opened in 1704. In
1717 Sir William Fownes, ' finding little advantage in his
lease which obliged him not to dig any cellars or build great
dwelling houses,' applied for a new lease, and having obtained
one on favourable terms, erected on the remainder a number
of houses in Castle Lane, now known as Palace Street.' The
Castle Market was removed in 1782, when the Wide Streets
Commissioners began their operations, and a portion of the
old cemetery is now daily trodden by the trafi&c of one of the
busiest thoroughfares in Dublin.
The succession of the clergy of St. Andrew's during the
whole of its recorded history down to the Bestoration is, as
' Oct. 4, 1676. « Jan. 1678.
' Harris's History of Dublin^ p. 108.
172 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTOEY
already noted, identical with the succession of the pre-
centors of St. Patrick's ; and even under the Statute recon-
stituting the parish^ the precentors retained the title and
some of the emoluments of rector. Their names may be
found by the curious in Mason's ' History of St. Patrick's.' ^
But with the building of the church there opened a new,
and on the whole distinguished, line of vicars, in whose
persons it will be convenient to trace the later history of
the parish. Of these the first was Dr. Eichard Lingard,
sometime Dean of Lismore, and Professor of Divinity in the
University of Dublin, whose memory and virtues have been
recalled in one of the late Professor Stokes's charming
lectures.'
Lingard, who was a Cambridge Don, selected by the
first Duke of Ormond as one of the Fellows of Trinity
College on its reconstitution after the Restoration, was
named in the Act of Parliament as the first Vicar of the
revived parish. His selection may perhaps be held to
indicate a desire on the part of the ecclesiastical authorities
to associate Trinity College with the parish in which it lay.
Bat Lingard can have had little active connection with
St. Andrew's. Though designated as vicar in the Act of
Parliament of 1665, Lingard's name appears but once in
the vestry book ; and he died in November of 1670, long
before the completion of the church, which was not opened
for worship until some years later.
Lingard was succeeded by perhaps the most celebrated
divine on the roll of the vicars of St. Andrew's, the well-
known Anthony Dopping, successively Bishop of Kildare
and Meath : a prelate remarkable not only for the in-
dependence he exhibited in the troubled period of the Bevo-
lution, but for his once well-known theological writings.
From the date of his appointment in 1670 to his elevation
to the episcopate, Dopping proved a vigorous parish clergy-
man. He evinced the keenest interest in the affairs of his
charge, advancing money from his own purse for the build-
* Mason, Notes, p. Ixx.
» Worthies of the Irish Church, pp. 3-^1.
PABISH CHUBCH OF THE IBISH PABLIAMBNT 173
ing fond, and zealously upholding the rights of the parish.
Of his energy in this respect, as well as of his antiquarian
knowledge, the vestry books contain an interesting illustra-
tion, which incidentally throws valuable light on the ancient
state of the parish.
St. Andrew's had been amalgamated at the Beformation,
as already stated, with the adjacent parish of St. Werburgh's,
a church like itself of great antiquity and of Danish origin.
It is scarcely surprising that when, after the lapse of above
a century, St. Andrew's regained its independence, some
difficulty should have been experienced in determining the
bounds of the two parishes. A somewhat angry contro-
versy arose upon the claim of St. Werburgh's that the
bounds of St. Werburgh's parish *do extend without the
Danmias Gate on both sides of the way unto the water-
course that runs through the Castle yard (the Poddle) and
so along by the Horse Guard, and then empties itself at the
end of Essex Street into the Lififey.' The claim of St
Werburgh's, which, on reference to the arbitration of the
Archbishop of Dublin, was ultimately substantiated, rested
upon an order of vestry,^ dated just a century earlier, which
established, with the concurrence of the parishioners of St.
Andrew's, that the watercourse just mentioned formed the
boundary of the parishes.* Dr. Dopping, however, strenu-
ously resisted the claim. In an elaborate ' Account of the
Bights of St. Andrew's Parish ' he adduced a variety of
testimony in support of his side of the question, in the
course of which he made the following interesting assertions
as regards the topography of this part of Dublin, which
though not, perhaps, capable of being sustained, are certainly
suggestive.*^
' Aug. 22, 1574.
* See Gilbert^s History of Dublin, iii. p. 355.
' ' Supposing it to be true that the watercourse was the boundary, the
query still remains, whether the watercourse be not altered, and the current
directed another way, since it appears out of the Chronicles and history of
Ireland : 1. That the sea did anciently flow up as far as Ship Street, where it
met with the stream that came down under Powle-Qate Bridge ; 2. That boats
have passed about the city walls as far as Newgate ; 3. That it is not so very
long ago since the ground (where now the Council Chamber and Essex Street
17d ILLUSTRATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
In 1674, daring Dr. Dopping's incumbency, the new
church was completed and opened for public worship. The
pewholders included, as appears from the vestry books, a
number of the most influential residents in Dublin. Among
them were the Lord Mayor of the city, who had a seat
allotted to him ofiGicially;' Primate Margetson ; the Coun-
tesses of Clancarty and Mountrath ; Dr. Jones, Bishop of
Meath, by whom the site had been presented, and to whom
a burial vault had been allotted ; and Sir James Ware, the
Auditor-General, and son of the well-known antiquary and
historian.
Dopping was elevated to the episcopal bench in 1678,
and was succeeded in the vicarage by Michael Hewetson,
subsequently Archdeacon of Armagh, and author of a curious
little work entitled ' A Description of St. Patrick's Purgatory
in Lough Derg, and an Account of the Pilgrim's Business
there.' ^ Hewetson's tenure of the incumbency lasted for
fifteen years, and covered the troublous period of James II. 's
reign and deposition. An entry in the vestry books in Dr.
Hewetson's handwriting indicates the apprehensions felt for
the safety of the church while King James's Parliament sat.
It relates to the church plate, and sets forth how ' the silver
plate belonging to St. Andrew's Church, consisting of eight
pieces, were in the late troublesome time ' committed to the
rector's care. Two of these pieces, a pair of patens, still
form part of the church plate, and bear the inscription, ' pre-
served in '89 '90.' ^
Dr. Hewetson's successor was Dr. John Travers, who
stand) was a perfeot strand, and recovered from the sea by Jacob Newman
from whom the Earl of Strafford after bought it for the King's use ; 4. That
the watercourse did anciently run dose to the town and castle walls, and from
thence it passed under Danmias Bridge, and so emptied itself into the Liffey ;
5. I do find further by perusal of ancient history that, before the city walls
were built, and for some time after, the water ran round the city of Dublin, and
it had large trenches about twenty yards broad; 6. The plot of ground on
which the Dammes Mills now stands was anciently called "Insula de le
Dames," which supposed a double watercourse encompassing it.' Bishop
Dopping was writing as an advocate, in which capacity even a bishop cannot
always be reckoned trustworthy. Certainly his advocacy of the case for St.
Werburgh's is more adroit than his antiquarian statements are accurate.
> Dublin, 1727. * See Appendix U. to this paper.
PARISH CHDBCH OF THE IBISH PARLIAMENT 176
corioosly enough had occupied the position to which his
predecessor at St. Andrew's succeeded, of Archdeacon of
Armagh. During the space of thirty-four years he ministered
in this parish, to which he was a generous benefactor, and
the period was signalised by important changes. Dr. Travers
built at his own expense an almshouse for widows, and a
girls' school, which he erected on a site between Trinity
Street and Exchequer Street, purchased from Trinity
College, on which Trinity Hall, the original College of
Physicians, had formerly stood. He was also a generous
benefactor of the parish in his will, and he manifestly en-
joyed the warm affection of his flock. The minutes of the
vestry for February 25, 1694, the year following Dr. Travers'
appointment, contain a curious entry, which proves that
this seventeenth century vicar was not untroubled by ritual-
istic controversies. It sets forth ' a complaint against Mr.
Travers, malitiously forged and delivered to His Grace the
Archbishop of Dublin,' of which the principal allegations
were that Divine ofl&ces were not performed, nor the Sacra-
ments administered with sufficient diligence, that sermons
were not preached on holy days, nor a surplice worn by the
minister on such days, and that several rubrics formerly
observed were neglected by Dr. Travers. These charges,
which appear to have been instigated by Dr. Hewetson,
were indignantly repudiated by the vestry, who, after
eulogising Dr. Travers' * reverent, decent, and diligent per-
formance of his ministerial duties,' proceeded to evince the
evangelical colour of their Protestantism by this uncom-
promising declaration: — 'The aforesaid information is for
the most part false, and in whatever instance 'tis true, we
are much better pleased with the alleged omissions than
we were with the unnecessary overdoings in the late Vicar's
time.'
But by far the most important, event in Dr. Travers'
incumbency was the severance of what is now St. Mark's
from its parent parish. It has been seen how in 1665 the
district of the Stane or Lazar's Hill had been formally
added to St. Andrew's. At that time it was but thinly
176 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY
populated^ and made no extravagant demand cm the energies
of the minister. But, as a glance at Brooking's map is
sufficient to show, it had undergone in the interval a great
expansion, and houses had everjrwhere sprung up. Accord-
ingly it was thought desirable to relieve the old church of
this charge, and by an Act of Parliament passed in 1708,^
which recited that the vicarage or parish of St. Andrew's
was too large for its church, it was enacted that after the
death, surrender, or promotion of Dr. Travers the parish
should be divided, and that a parish to be called the parish
of St. Mark's should be constituted, and a church erected on
a site presented by one John Hansard, of Lazy Hill. Thus
the parish of St. Andrew's reverted to its original dimensions,
and from that time its limits have undergone no change.'
Dr. Travers survived this partition by twenty years, dying
in 1727, and leaving by his will substantial bequests to the
parish. He had held in addition to the vicarage the
Chancellorship of Christ Church Cathedral.
Dr. Travers' successor, the Eev. Robert Dougatt, was a
nephew of Archbishop King, by whom he had been appointed
Archdeacon of Dublin, and through whose influence he was
afterwards nominated to the precentorship of St. Patrick's,
and the keepership of Marsh's library. Dr. Dougatt's
ministry lasted only three years, and is noticeable chiefly as
reviving the former connection between St. Andrew's and
the cathedral in the person of its minister. It is curious
that he was also appointed vicar of St. Mark's, notwith-
standing the manifest intention of the recent Act of Parlia-
ment to separate the cures. On Dr. Dougatt's death, in
1730, the Rev. Alexander Bradford commenced an incum-
bency of thirty years, which, although the new vicar was
not a man of special distinction, is remarkable from our
present point of view as having witnessed the first formal
acknowledgment of the existence of close official relations
* 6th Anne, cap. 21.
' It is a curious circumstance that the Roman Catholic parish of St.
Andrew's was oonstituted in the same year, 1708, which witnessed the severance
of the district comprised in it from what still remains for civil purposes the
parish of St. Andrew's.
PABISH CHURCH OF THE IBISH PABLIAMENT 177
between the parish of St. Andrew's and the Irish Parlia-
ment.
Neither the journals of Parliament nor the records of
the parish inform us at what period the practice grew up
under which the church of St. Andrew's came to be used as
the place of worship of the Houses of Parliament on impor-
tant public anniversaries. The Irish Parliament first met
within the limits of the parish in 1661, when the first of
the post-Bestoration Parliaments was opened at Chichester
House. That building was in 1674 leased to the Crown by its
then owner, Dr. John Parry, Bishop of Ossory, for the use of
the Parliament. But inasmuch as the Viceroys of Charles II.
summoned no second Parliament, from the dissolution of
the first one in 1666 to the end of the reign, it is impossible
that the church, which was not completely built till 1673,
could have been so utilised prior to the Bevolution.
William III.'s Parliament of 1692 lasted for seven years,
during all which time it continued to sit at Chichester
House. But there is no evidence that the church was
used for State purposes either during this Parliament,
or during those called by Queen Anne and George I. ; and
it is possible that the practice did not begin until after the
demolition of Chichester House in 1728, and the erection of
the new Parliament House. But, at whatever precise date
the custom originated, there is no doubt that for years before
the first half of the eighteenth century had run its course,
St. Andrew's had become the recognised place of worship of
the two Houses, and that it had become customary for the
House of Commons to attend in State on certain anniver-
saries.
The earliest recorded mention of such attendance is
in 1733, when the Commons' Journal contains the entry,
under date November 5, * The House met in order to go
to Church, and then adjourned till next day,' the occasion
being of course the commemoration of Gunpowder Plot.
The entry does not mention St. Andrew's but it was almost
certainly the scene of the service ; for in the same month
official recognition was given to the claims of St. Andrew's
N
178 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
to be the parish church of Parliament, in connection
with a petition by Dr. Bradford to be compensated for
the loss of minister's money through the rebuilding of the
Parliament House, and the consequent removal of several
houses which were cleared for the purpose, and which had
formerly contributed to the parochial assessment. At the
instance of Mr. Wesley, afterwards the first Lord Morning-
ton and grandfather of the Duke of WeUington,^ Parliament
undertook to make good these losses, and to pay the assess-
ment to the parish for the future. From this period allusions
to the attendance of the House of Commons at St. Andrew's
are frequent in the Journals. In the year 1745 there occur
as many as three entries, in each of which the church is
specially mentioned. On October 9 Eev. Dr. Marmaduke
Phillips was desired to preach before the House of Commons
at St. Andrew's Church, Dublin, on the 23rd of that month,
being the anniversary thanksgiving day ' for the deliverance
from the horrid rebellion which broke out in this kingdom
on the 23rd day of October, 1641 ' ; and on the 24th Mr.
Phillips received the thanks of the House for his excellent
sermon on the occasion, and was requested to print the same.
The Bev. Benjamin Harrington received a like command,
and a like compliment, for a sermon on November 5 follow-
ing. And on November 6, 1746, in a petition to Parliament
for assistance in re-roofing the church, the parishioners
prayed that, ' inasmuch as the House doth on all public
occasions resort to the said Church of St. Andrews, the
House may please to take this Petition into consideration.'
The committee to which the petition was referred held that
the claim of the parish had been proved, and a sum of 500/.
was accordingly voted in aid of the work. This was the
first of a series of contributions by Parliament in aid of the
repair or restoration of the fabric of the church, in all of
which the position of the parish in relation to Parliament
was freely acknowledged. And when in 1793 it was found
' Wesley's Dublin rAsidence, Mornington House, still stood until quite
recently in the parish. He was an active member of St. Andrew's vestry, as
well as of the House of Commons.
PABISH CHDBCH OF THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 179
necessary to rebuild the church, the petition for help from
the Commons besought 'such aid as will enable the
Parishioners to accommodate the House in a manner suited
to its dignity/ inasmuch as * the House of Commons on
public days compose a considerable part of the congregation.'
That the House of Lords also occasionally attended appears
from the language employed in an address presented in the
same year to the Lord Chancellor, Lord FitzGibbon, after-
wards Lord Clare, whose aid was solicited on the ground
of his occasional presence in the church in his capacity as
Speaker of the House of Lords.
The closeness of the connection between Parliament and
the parish is traced with great fulness in a petition presented
to the House of Commons of the United Parliament on
January 22, 1805, by Mr. Foster, the ex-Speaker of the Irish
House of Commons, in which help was sought to enable the
parish to complete the restoration of the church begun in
1793. This document opens with the assertion that
* Hitherto and until the Act of Union both the Houses of
Parliament of Ireland were situate in the parish, to the
Church of which the Speaker and Members of the House of
Commons always resorted on public and solemn occasions.'
It recalls the instances already enumerated of the extension
of parliamentary patronage to the parish, and cites the reports
of several Committees of the Irish House in 1796, 1798, and
1799, in which financial assistance was rendered on the
express ground that the parish could not by its own exertions
render the church fit for the reception of the parishioners
and members of the House.
The work of rebuilding the church was spread over a
period of fourteen years. Commenced in 1793, the work was
frequently interrupted for want of funds, notwithstanding
contributions of 500Z. and 1,000Z. respectively from Parlia-
ment, and in 1798 was entirely suspended during the period
of the Bebellion. The original intention had been to
rebuild the church de novo from the foundation on an
entirely fresh design, and plans drawn by Mr. George
Hartwell on this understanding were approved by the
vestry. It was soon evident, however, that the funds for
n2
180 ILLU9TBATI0NS OF IBISH HISTOBY
BO extensive an undertaking conld not be raised. It being
ascertained that the old walls from below the level of
the windows were in a perfectly sound condition, it was
decided to retain the original shape ; and the ground plan
of the Bound Church designed by William Dodson a
hundred and thirty years earlier was thus preserved.
Hartwell having resigned his commission as architect, the
work was confided to Francis Johnston,^ by whom the
new front was designed. The interior arrangements, which
all authorities concur in eulogising as extremely handsome
and convenient in all respects, save as to the acoustic
properties of the building, were carried out by the father of
the celebrated novelist, Charles Lever.
But even to this reduced scheme the resources of the
parish were soon found to be inadequate, and it is doubtful
whether the church would ever have been restored but for
the munificence of the Imperial Parliament on the one hand
and a fortunate windfall to the parish on the other. The
petition already referred to, presented to the House of
Commons at Westminster by Mr. Foster, was favourably
entertained, and a sum of 6,000!. voted for the completion of
the church. About the same time a suit which had been
long in progress respecting the allocation of the sum paid
into the hands of the trustees by the Wide Streets Com-
missioners in respect of the old churchyard was brought
to a conclusion, the parish establishing its title through the
lapse of the lease formerly given to Sir William Fownes,
and the funds being divided by decree of the Lord Chancellor
between the vicar and the parish. The money thus made
available was devoted to the building fund. So aided, the
work was at last brought to a completion fourteen years after
its inception, and the church opened for Divine Service on
March 8, 1807, in the presence of the Viceroy and a distin-
guished congregation. The total cost, inclusive of the organ,
and of the fine statue of St. Andrew, which long stood over
* JohDflton was also the architect under whose superintendence the additions
to the Parliament House consequent on its conversion to its present uses were
carried out hy the Bank of Ireland.
PAWSH CHUBCH OP THE IRISH PABLIAMBNT 181
the entrance, but which now in a much battered condition
lies in a comer of the churchyard, amounted to 22,000Z.
Long before the building could be finished the Parliament,
on whose honourable connection with which the parish of
St. Andrew's will always pride itself, had disappeared. But
for many years the church contained a valuable memorial
of the days when it was the parish church of the Irish
Parliament. Throtigh the graceful act of the Viceroy, Lord
Hardwicke, the parish was presented in 1802 with the
handsome gilt candelabrum which had hung in the Irish
House of Commons. This relic now adorns the examination
hall of Trinity College, to which building it was fortunately
transferred in view of some contemplated repairs to the
roof of the church a year or two before the great fire of
January 9, 1860, in which it must otherwise have perished.
Apart from their interest in relation to the Irish Parlia-
ment, the parish records of St. Andrew's illustrate life in
Dublin during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.
Many particulars appear in them which throw light on the
social condition of the city. The parochial regulations for
the relief of the poor, especially a plan for lodging beggars
according to the parishes to which they belonged, which is
the subject of an animated paper in Dean Swift's miscel-
laneous writings,^ occupy several entries. There are also
many references to the mode of lighting the streets,' to the
' * A Proposal for giving Badges to the Beggars in all the Parishes of Dublin.'
Swift's WorkSy ed. Sir Walter Soott, yii. p. 881.
' The said Messrs. Stokes and Gregory did also acquaint the Vestry that in
pursuance of the forementioned printed agreement of the Churchwardens they
had caused between the 19th and 26th days of February last (1726) an ascertain-
ment to be made upon an actual view and measurement of the number, dis-
tances, and proportions of the Public Lamps in this parish, by which it was
found that there was no public lamp erected in the places following, namely,
Dermot's Lane, Lindsay's Bow, St. Mark's Street, the Folly on Lazers Hill ....
and of 165 public lanthoms or lamps in other places of this parish 135 were
then (like as in all probability they had been before from the time of their
erection and have been since) at illegal distances ; that is to say, each of the
said 135 lamps was at a greater distance from y* next lamp than 22 yards in
streets, considerable lanes and broad places, and than 83 yards in narrow bye
lanes, courts and allies, and of the 165 lanthoms about 180 did not project 2^
feet from irons erected for that purpose.'— Extract from report to Select
Vestry, 1726.
182 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IRISH HISTOBY
inefficiency of the watchmen, and the frequency of street
outrages, and other like matters. But these and other
topics, such as the contents of the parish registers, the
eminent persons connected with the parish, and the charity
sermons of Dean Eirwan, who preached some of his most
eloquent sermons in St. Andrew's, are matters too purely
local in their interest to be set forth here. Equally
impossible is it to recall the story of St. Andrew's in the
nineteenth century. But it is the less necessary to do so
from the fact that by the close of the eighteenth century the
parish had assumed very much of the appearance it presents
nowadays. For though a succession of handsome banks
and other buildings have altered the south side of Dame
Street, the thoroughfares are in the main unchanged.
From an archsBological and antiquarian point of view the
more recent history of the parish has no special claim on
our attention ; while the one conspicuous parochial event
for which the nineteenth century is memorable, is the de-
struction of the old Bound Church by fire on the morning
of Sunday, January 9, I860.*
APPENDIX I
DEAN ANDREWS AND STRAFFORD.
Successful as was Dean Andrews in invoking Laud's aid in the
rescue of St. Andrew's from desecration upon this occasion, he
does not appear to have long retained the good opinion of his
Grace of Canterbury. In a letter to Strafford, dated Oct. 20.
1634, on the subject of episcopal promotions, Laud refers to
Andrews as follows : ^ ' I received a letter from the Dean of
Limerick, Mr. George Andrews, that he might now succeed in the
bishopric (of Limerick), but his letters came too late. ... I did
formerly receive a letter from the Lords Justices of that Kingdom
' The existing bailding, which replaced the Round Church, was built at a
cost of above 10,000{. from the design of Messrs. Lanyon, Lyne, and Lanyon, of
Belfast ; its foundation was laid by the Viceroy, Lord Carlisle, on August
11, 1862 ; and it was consecrated on St. Andrew's Day, November 30, 1866,
by Archbishop Trench, in presence of the Lord-Lieutenant, the Duke of
Abercom.
' The oorrespondenoe will be found in Strafford's Letters, i. pp. 330-44.
PARISH CHURCH OP THE IRISH PARLIAMENT 183
in Mr. Andrews' behalf, with a great testimony of his sofBoiency,^
and truly, my Lord, I should have done any reasonable thing for
him upon their testimony, had not the thing been settled upon
another. Now my thoughts do a little stagger, and by the letters
which he hath sent me that staggering is oocasioned ; I send you
herein his letters, that you may see what fustian they are, but
when you have read them, I pray you bum them (for I would not
publicly disgrace him), and send me word in your next what
esteem you have of the roan for honesty and sufficiency.'
The Dean's letters were doubtless duly destroyed ; but some
idea of the nature of his offence may be gathered from a lengthened
reference to his proceedings as chairman of a select committee of
the Lower House of Convocation in Ireland, appointed to consider
the canons of the Church of England, in which the Dean had the
temerity to exhibit an independence of the High Church party
little to the liking either of the imperious prelate or of the masterful
Deputy. Strafford's report of the matter in a letter to Laud is
as follows :
' The Popish Party growing extreme perverse in the Commons
House, and the Parliament thereby in great danger to have been
lost in a storm, had so taken up all my thoughts and endeavours
that for five or six days it was not almost possible for me to take
an account how business went among them of the Clergy.
Besides, I reposed secure upon the Primate (Ussher) who all this
while said not a word to me of the matter. At length I got a little
time, and that most happily too, informed myself of the state of
those affairs, and found that the Lower House of Convocation, had
appointed a select Committee to consider the Canons of the Church
of England, that they did proceed in the examination without con-
ferring at all with their bishops, that they had gone through the
Book of Canons, and noted in the margin such as they allowed
with an A, and on others they had entered a D, which stood for
Deliberandum ; that with the fifth Article they had brought the
Articles of Ireland to be allowed and received under the pain of
excommunication, and that they had drawn up their Canons into
a body, and were ready that afternoon to make report in the
Convocation.
' I instantly sent for Dean Andrews, that reverend clerk, who
sat forsooth in the Chair at their Committee, requiring him to bring
along the said foresaid Book of Canons so noted on the margin,
together with the draught he was to present that afternoon to the
* Andrews had been recommended to Land in 1681 for the bishopric of
Killaloe. -Liamore Paper a^ Ist Ser., lii. p. 111.
184 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
House : this he obeyed, and herewith I send your Grace both the
one and the other.
'But when I oame to open the book, and run over their
Deliberandums in the margin, I confess I was not so much moved
since I came into Ireland. I told him certainly not a Dean of
Limerick, but an Ananias had sate in the chair of that Committee ;
however sure I was Ananias had been there in spirit, if not in
body, with all the fraternities and conventicles of Amsterdam.
That I was ashamed and scandalised with it above measure. I
therefore said he should leave the book and draught with me, and
that I did command him upon his allegiance that he should report
nothing to the House from that Committee till he heard again from
me.'
Strafford goes on to detail how he forthwith summoned a
meeting of the committee together with several of the bishops, at
which, after rebuking with characteristic vehemence ' the spirit of
Brownism and contradiction * he observed in their dcliberandumSy
he forbade all discussion touching the articles of Ireland, and en-
joined them to vote aye or no as to receiving the Articles of the
Church of England. 'This meeting thus broke off/ Strafford
concludes ; ' there were some hot spirits, sons of thunder, amongst
them, who moved that they should petition me for a free Synod,
but in fine they could not agree amongst themselves who should
put the bell about the cat's neck, and so this likewise vanished.'
To cross the Deputy was no light matter, and Andrews' ill-
timed assertion of the independence of the Church of Ireland had
like to have cost him the favour as well of Laud as of Strafford.
His visions of preferment must certainly have faded but for the
support of Ussher, and of Bramhall, then Bishop of Derry and
Laud's chief adviser among the Irish bishops, who wrote recom-
mending Dean Andrews as fit to bo a bishop and ' a grave cathedral
man.' * Yielding to these influences, Strafford characteristically
resolved to give the aspirant a kick upstairs. ' If your lordship
thinks Dean Andrews hath been to blame,' he wrote to Laud,
' and that you would chastise him for it, make him Bishop of Ferns
and Leighlin, to have it without any other commendam than
as the last bishop had it, and then I assure you he shall leave better
behind him than will be recompensed out of that bishopric, which
is one of the meanest of the whole Kingdom . ' *^ Andrews accordingly
received his promotion, and if we may judge by the Deputy's
concluding reference to him all parties were satisfied. ' I con-
» Col. Irish State Papers (1633-47), p. 89.
« Strafiford's Letters, i. p. 378, 18th March, 1634-5.
PARISH CHUBCH OP THE IBISH PARLIAMENT 186
ceive the Primate is well satisfied in Dean Andrews' translation
to the bishoprio of Ferns, and so is the man himself. Never any
so well pleased, or so much desirous, I persuade myself, to take a
rochet to loss as he. Had he not died a bishop he had been
immemorial to posterity, where now he may be reckoned one of the
worthies of his time. But the best jest is, now that he leaves the
Deanery of Limerick, I find he hath let a lease very charitably to
himself, contrary to the Act of State, which I will cause him to
restore, and so make that deanery worth one [? over] three score
pounds a year better than now it is, and furnish his lordship with
an argument to move those to do the like to him that usurp the rights
of the bishopric of Ferns. For he may truly say, " You see, gentle-
men, my lord deputy spares none, he hath made even me myself,
to restore a lease I held of the Deanery of Limerick, and if this be
done to the green, what shall become of the dry ? " ' ^
APPENDIX II
THE SUCCESSION OF THE VICABS OF ST. ANDREW'S. DUBLIN,
FROM THE RESTORATION.
1665. Bichard Lingard, Dean of Lismore.
1670. Anthony Dopping, Bp. Kildare 1679, Meath 1681.
1678. Michael Hewetson, Archdeacon of Armagh 1693.
1693. John Travers.
1727. Robt. Dougatt, Archdeacon of Dublin.
1730. Alexander Bradford.
1760. Isaac Mann, Bp. Cork 1772.
1767. William Browne.
1784. Hon. John Hewitt, Dean of Cloyne.
1794. James Verschoylo, Bp. Killala 1810.
1798. Hon. Rd. Bourke, Bp. Waterford 1813.
1800. Chas. Mongan Warburton, Bp. Limerick 1806, Cloyne 1820.
1806. William Bourne.
1862. Yen. CadwalladerWolseley, Archdeacon of Glendalough.
1866. Wm. Marrable, D.D.
1900. Herbert Kennedy, B.D.
' For a full account of the proceedings of Ck>nvocation in 16S4 in
reference to the adoption of the English canons see Elrington's Life of Arch-
bishop UssJier, pp. 166- 88. See also Vesey's Life of Archbisfwp BramhalL
VII
SOME ILLUSTRATIONS OF THE CIVIC AND COMMERCIAL
HISTORY OF DUBLIN IN THE SEVENTEENTH AND
EIGHTEENTH CENTURIES
I. THE ORIGIN OP THE BALLAST OFFICE AND PORT AND
DOCKS BOARD OP DUBLIN.
Projects for the improvem^it of the harbour of Dublin
and the better regulation of the shipping of the port appear
to have been frequent in the last quarter of the seventeenth
century. The fear lest the audacity of the Dutch and the
defenceless condition of the environs should expose the
capital to attack had led, in 1673, to Sir Bernard de Gomme's
well-known * Survey of the city of Dublin and part of the
harbour below Bingsend ' ; and although this survey was
undertaken from purely military considerations, it naturally
drew the attention of mercantile people to the deficiencies
of the port from a commercial standpoint. The control of
the port of Dublin was vested at this period in the citizens,
by whom it had been exercised from the time of King
John, when a royal charter had endowed the citizens *
with one half of the water of the Liflfey for fishing.' The
Corporation does not appear to have paid close attention
to that part of its responsibilities which concerned the
harbour ; but in the year following De Gomme*s visit their
attention was called to the matter by the visit of Andrew
Yarranton, an expert on harbour improvement.' Yarranton,
' ' Medieiatem aque de Auenelith ad pisoandum ' is the language of the
charter. Historic and Municipal Documents of Irelandy 1172-1320, p. 60.
' The Mayor of Dablin anciently exercised, as Admiral of the Port of Dublin,
a jurisdiction which appears to have extended from Skerries to Arklow, and the
city was entitled to the customs of all merchandise within those limits.— Hali-
day's Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin^ pp. 139 and 246.
■ Ibid, p. 242.
CIVIC AND COMMERCIAL HISTORY OF DUBLIN 187
' acqaainting the Lord Mayor with his thoughts as to the
making a very good harbour at Bingsend/ was ' importuned
to bestow some time in a survey and discovery thereof/ and
devoted three weeks to this task But though the survey
was made no steps were taken by the citizens, and the
first effort towards providing a proper machinery for the
control of the port was left to private enterprise. In 1676
one Thomas Howard petitioned the Irish Privy Council for
a patent for the provision of a Ballast Office in all the ports
of Ireland. Howard's proposal stirred the city fathers to
activity. Protesting against the petition, so far as it related
to Dublin, as an encroachment on their civic rights, they
appointed a committee to consider the erection of a
Ballast Office, ' the profits whereof is intended for the
King's Hospital,' and prayed the Lord-Lieutenant that no
patent should pass to Howard. The protest of the citizens
was effective, and Howard, though he had obtained a
patent in England for the erection of a Ballast Office in
Ireland, was unsuccessful in his application. Accordingly
his next move was to petition the city, in association with
his brother, for a lease of the port of Dublin at fifty pounds a
year, in return for which Howard undertook to surrender his
English patent. A lease for thirty-one years was granted ;
but as the Howards took no step to perfect it, it was three
years later declared void, and formal petition was made by
the citizens for a patent to the city for a Ballast Office.
The activity displayed on this as on the previous occasion
was due to the exertion of a private individual who had
taken up Howard's project.
In the year 1697 one Captain Davison had made a
proposal to the city to erect on or near the bar of Dublin
a Lighthouse^ forty feet above water, which should be
enclosed with a small fort of thirty guns capable of defend-
ing the harbour, and at the same time he proposed a Ballast
Office * by which ships should be supplied with ballast from
such places only as should tend to the bettering the harbour.'
' Memorial about the Light House at Dublin. Brit. Museum, Add. MS.
21186, folio 82. Printed in Calendar of Dublin Records, vi. p. 609.
188 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
In 1700, having obtained the approval of the Dublin
merchants and captains of ships trading there, and being
encouraged by the Irish Government, Davison proceeded
to London, and petitioned William III. for authority to
proceed with the work, and for a grant of the Lighthouse
and Ballast Office. His petition was referred to the Irish
Lords Justices, who reported that the design was useful and
* absolutely necessary for the preserving the trade of the
place ' ; but stated that the ' city desired that the grant
thereof might be made to them.' The Lords Justices
accordingly recommended that, ' lest it should be thought a
business of clamour to grant such a thing away from a
whole city,* the grant should be made to Davison as the
instrument of the citizens.
The matter was then referred to the Gonmiittee of the
Privy Council for the aflfairs of Ireland, * to investigate the
. claim of the several parties pretending to a right in the carry-
ing on of this work,' several other persons having mean-
time sought a patent. The Committee found the claims of
Davison infinitely superior to those of all private rivals. But
the city of Dublin alleging 'several ancient charters by which
they had title to the ground from whence the said ballast
was proposed to be taken,* and having * in the sitting of the
last Parliament obtained a bill to be sent over for the
establishment of a Ballast Office,* they recommended the
claims of the citizens to her Majesty's favour in preference
to those of any private persons. They at the same time
expressed an opinion that, if the authority were given to
the city of Dublin, Captain Davison should be employed on
the work.
No action appears to have been taken upon this report,
and in 1702 Davison renewed his application,^ which was
again opposed by the Dublin civic authorities as highly
prejudicial to the city, and the project seems to have re-
mained in abeyance for some years. In 1707, however, a
petition under the city seal was ordered to be addressed to
his Boyal Highness, Prince George of Denmark, Queen
^ Calendar of Dublin Records, vi. p. 272.
CIVIC AND COMMERCIAL HISTORY OP DUBLIN 189
Anne's Consort, then Lord High Admiral of Great Britain
and Ireland, for erecting a Ballast Office. This petition set
forth that * the port and river of Dublin are almost choked
up, and are very unsafe by the irregular taking in and throw-
ing out of ballast/ and besought favourable consideration
for a fresh bill which had been sent over for erecting a
Ballast Office, the petitioners being advised that without
legislation no duty for the support of such office when
erected could be imposed on shipping. The petition
further averred that ' nothing can contribute more to the
safety of the lives of seafaring men who resort hither than
the mending of one of the most dangerous ports in her
Majesty's dominions ' ; and in order to obviate the possibility
of a grant to any private individual rather than to the city,
it expressed the willingness of the assembly that all profits
arising from the Ballast Office * should be applied towards
the maintenance of the poor boys in the Blue Coat Hospital
in this city, whereby they are instructed in navigation to
qualify them for her Majesty's sea service.' ^ In a letter
from the Lord Mayor to Prince George, in furtherance of
the city claim, it was also stated that the port was so unsafe
that there was scarce depth of water left for a small vessel
to ride, where some years before a man-of-war could safely
anchor.^
These applications were not favourably entertained by the
Admiralty, Prince George of Denmark being of opinion that
the erecting of a Ballast Office by Act of Parliament was a
direct infringement of the rights of his office of Lord High
Admiral. He therefore expressed his intention of opposing
the bill.^ But his Boyal Highness, 'having a particular
regard to the cleansing of the port of Dublin,' was content
' if the Lord Mayor would make proper application to him
and to him only,' to grant a lease of a Ballast Office to the
city of DubHn for a term of years, provided that the surplus
of the port dues should be applied to the benefit of the Blue
» Calendar of Dublin Records, vi. pp. 374-6. « Ibid, p. 616.
* Letter of Josiah Burohett. Secretary to the Admiralty. Calendar of
Dublin RecordSf vi. p. 618.
190 ILLUSTBATIONS OP lEISH HISTOBY
Goat School in the manner ahready mentioned. The objec-
tions thus raised by the Admiralty were combated in a
very vigorous letter addressed to Lord Sunderland, the
Secretary of State, in which it was pointed out that the
sand and soil whence the ballast was to be taken were the
inheritance of the city of Dublin, which by several charters
had the jurisdiction of the Admiralty granted to it. Not-
withstanding this, the city, they added, would be willing to
waive all such rights and take a lease from the Lord High
Admiral, were it not that powers under an Act of Parha-
ment were absolutely necessary, as a means of obviating
the diflSculty raised by Prince George, to enforce payment
of harbour dues. In token of the readiness of the city to
admit the claims of the Admiralty, an offer was made on the
part of the Corporation to add to the bill a clause saving the
Admiralty jurisdiction, by providing in the following quaint
terms for the city's 'yielding and paying therefor and
thereout to his Boyal Highness, Prince George of Denmark,
Lord High Admiral of Great Britain, and to his successors,
Lord High Admirals of the same, one hundred yards of
best Holland duck, that shall be made or manufactured
within the realm of Ireland, at the Admiralty Office of
London on every first day of January for ever hereafter.' ^
The solution thus proposed was accepted by the Admiralty,
and the heads of the bill having been approved in England,
there was passed through the Irish Parliament in 1707 the
Statute of the 6th Anne, chapter 20, entitled, ' An Act for
Cleansing the Port, Harbour, and River of Dublin, and for
erecting a Ballast Office in the said City.''
II. THEOBIOIN OF THE DUBLIN CHAMBER OF COMMERCE.
In the account given by Sir John Gilbert in his * History
of Dublin ' of the origin of the Boyal Exchange (now the City
Hall), mention is made of an association of merchants formed
* Calendar of Dublin Records, vi. p. 621.
* A minute-book acquired in 1909 by the Royal Irish Academy contains the
record of the steps first taken to pat this Act in motion, and must form the
materials for the first chapter in any history of the Ballast OiBce, or of its
successor, the Port and Docks Board.
CIVIC AND COMMEBCIAIi HISTORY OP DUBLIN 191
to resist the exactions of one Thomas Allen, who, having been
appointed in the year 1763 to the office of Taster of Wines,
endeavoured to enforce for his own advantage a fee of two
shillings per ton on all wines and other liquors imported into
Ireland. The struggle against this arbitrary tax did not,
according to the authority quoted by Gilbert, last long ;
' and turning their thoughts to the best mode of applying
the redundant subscriptions raised to conduct the opposi-
tion,' the members unanimously adopted the idea of erecting
a commodious building for the meeting of merchants and
traders. A site having been fixed upon, the purchase-money,
13,O00Z., was obtained from Parliament by the zeal and
activity of Dr. Lucas, then one of the city representatives.
The building so erected was the Boyal Exchange, of which
the foundation stone was laid in 1769. It was opened ten
years later.^ No record exists of the circumstances under
which Dublin Chamber of Commerce was founded, and in-
quiries recently instituted regarding its origin show that,
save in so far as they are contained in the ' Bough Minute-
Book ' of the Committee of Merchants, acquired by the Boyal
Irish Academy in 1902, those circumstances cannot now
be traced. For although the Chamber of Commerce still
possesses among its records the first minute-book of the
Chamber, that volume throws no light upon the mode in
which the Chamber of Commerce was first constituted. It is
to the proceedings of the Committee of Merchants, by whom
the building of the Exchange was promoted and conducted,
that the 'Bough Minute-Book ' relates ; and the record shows
that the committee not only performed for many years
many of the functions now discharged by the Chamber pf
Commerce, but was the actual parent of that institution.^
* Gilbert's History of Dublin, ii. p. 56.
* The Minates of the Chamber begin with an entry dated March 18, ITSS,
which reoorda the calling of a meeting for March 22 ensiling to elect a Pre-
sident, two Vice-Presidents, and a Treasnrer, and to determine on the daties of
a Secretary. And the next entry duly annonnoes the election of those officers,
and the appointment of one William Shannon as Secretary at an annual salary
of 901, But of the circmnstances leading up to these proceedings no trace
remains. The * Bough Minute-Book ' of the Committee of Merchants not only
unexpectedly supplies the lost details, but incidentally gives us a very interest-
ing chapter in the history of the mercantile development of Dublin.
192 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
The minute-book opens with the record of a resolution
* that the ground for building an Exchange be conveyed to
the Corporation of the Guild of Merchants, and the planning
of the building and the carrying into execution of the Ex-
change conducted by a committee of certain citizens therein
named, together with fifteen wholesale merchants, freemen
of the Guild of Merchants to be chosen by the wholesale
freemen of the Guild Merchants from among themselves.'
The earlier entries in the book are concerned with the steps
taken to raise funds for the erection of the Exchange, the
money voted by Parliament being absorbed by the cost of
the site. These funds were for the most part obtained by
means of lotteries. On February 23, 1768, it was resolved
' that a scheme be grafted on the State Lottery now depend-
ing in England in order to raise a further sum towards the ex-
pense of erecting an Exchange on the reserved ground on Cork
Hill, and that an advertisement for that purpose be published
in due time in all the Dublin papers, except the Gazette.'
The minute-book is crowded with entries, between the dates
1768 and 1778, relating to the progress of the building, in-
cluding a resolution of February 24, 1769, for the pa3rment
of the bills * for the expenses of entertaining the Lord-Lieu-
tenant on the occasion of his laying the foundation stone,
notwithstanding the Committee are of opinion they are ex-
ceedingly extravagant.' The bills amounted to 298/. 135. l^d.
But the Committee of Merchants were concerned with
topics more serious than these. They busied themselves
from the first in such matters as the procuring an amend-
ment in the Irish Bankruptcy Laws, in movements for the
direct importation of spirits from the British plantations
without first landing them in Great Britain, and other ques-
tions directly affecting the commercial interests of Ireland.
That they also took a lively interest in the mercantile
development of their own city is evident from the space
devoted in their records to such topics as the building of the
new Custom House, and a proposal for erecting Law Courts
in College Green. Both of these projects were opposed by
the merchants on the ground that they tended to shift the
CIVIC AND COMMEECIAL HISTOBY OP DUBLIN 193
commerce of Dublin from its old centre in the neighbomr-
hood of Essex Quay. The latter scheme was especially
obnoxious as tending *to the erection of a bridge east of
Essex Bridge ' ; and the former was formally condemned as
* extremely injurious to the interests of thousands of
individuals, and highly prejudicial to the commerce of this
city in general.* ^ It is interesting to note that the erection
of the former Custom House had two generations earlier led
to similar complaints. But the objections of the merchants
were, of course, unavailing. The Commissioners of Revenue
pointed out that the increase of building had been of late so
rapid that the town, which formerly terminated to the west
at Essex Bridge, was now divided by that structure into
equal parts, east and west, that the eastern portion had no
communication across the river save by ferries, and that as
the city must naturally continue to develop in an easterly
direction, they would be highly blamable in preventing such
a communication in the future. The merchants, however,
did not surrender without a struggle ; they interviewed the
Viceroy, petitioned Parliament, and invoked the aid of the
merchants of London ; and they voted gold snuff-boxes to
two London merchants who had interested themselves in
promoting opposition among the traders of the English
capital. The result of their efforts was to retard the erection
of the new Custom House for about ten years. But in 1781
the Commissioners of Eevenue were at length empowered
to build the Custom House on the site so much objected
to, and although at a public meeting, summoned by the
merchants under the presidency of the Lord Mayor, a
further petition was ordered to be presented to the Viceroy
by the members for the city, Mr. Clements and Sir Samuel
Bradstreet, the protest was unavailing. The Custom House
was built where it still stands, Carlisle (now O'Connell)
* On Deo. 30, 1773, it was resolved :— ' That the removal of the Cuatom
House below Temple Lane slip will tend to draw the inhabitants of the city
further down the river, and so furnish a pretext for building a bridge to the
east of Essex Bridge, which would be still more injurious to private property,
to trade, and to navigation than even the removal of the Custom House.' —
Extract from MintUe-Book.
O
194 ILLDSTBATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
Bridge became an immediate necessity, and the develop-
ment of the city to the east and south-east at once pro-
ceeded apace.
It was probably a sense of the deficient authority of the
Merchants' Committee, as revealed by the failure of their
opposition to the Custom House scheme, which led to the
institution of the more formal organisation of a Chamber of
Commerce. The change may also have been hastened by an
investigation into the conduct of the lotteries held by the
Committee, which appears to have provoked some scandal,
though no proofs of fraud were established. It is certain, at
all events, that little more than a year later the Committee
was convened to meet at the Boyal Exchange on February
10, 1783, for the special purpose of taking into considera-
tion a ' Plan for instituting a Chamber of Commerce in this
city.' Resolutions affirming this plaji were at once
adopted, and the Conmiittee of Merchants, after a useful
and interesting existence of exactly fifteen years, merged in
the Chamber of Commerce of Dublin.
Although it is not the province of this paper to further
pursue the history of the Chamber of Commerce, it appears
desirable, inasmuch as that history has never been written,
to note the steps which were taken to provide the new
association with a formal; constitution pursuant to the
resolution just chronicled. One month after the final meet-
ing of the Committee of Merchants a ballot was held for the
election of a Council of forty-one members.^ One hundred
and fifty-three persons appear to have voted, and Mr.
Travers Hartley, long the most active member of the old
Committee, who had been for many years a representative
of Dublin in the College Green Parliament as a follower of
Grattan, was returned at the head of the list. At a further
meeting, held on March 22 for the election of officers, Mr.
Hartley was elected President of the Chamber — a position
which he appears to have held continuously down to 1788.
In that year rules were drawn up for the annual election of
officers of the Chamber, but no election under these rules is
• Minutes of Chamber of Ck>mmerce.
OIVIO AND COMMERCIAL HISTORY OP DUBLIN 196
tecorded in the minute-book, which is a blank from March
29, 1788, to 1805, except for a single entry in 1791.
Whether or not the Chamber met daring this long interval
does not certainly appear ; but from the fact that the first
minute-book in the possession of the Chamber of Commerce
is indexed as ' Old Chamber/ and that what is referred to
as the ' second ' Chamber began to sit in 1805, it may be
assumed that the Chamber as originally started failed to
meet for several years, and was, in fact, during a period ol
seventeen years a less efficient guardian of mercantile
interests than the old Committee of Merchants which it had
replaced had proved. The minute-book ends with 1807.
No records exist of any meetings from that year until 1820,
when the Chamber appears to have been reconstituted ; and
it is doubtful for how many years its proceedings were sus-
pended. From 1820 the manuscript records have been
preserved in perfect sequence. The printed reports of the
Chamber date from 1821.
m. THE ALDEBMEN OF SKINNER'S ALLEY.
There have lately been deposited in the National Museum
of Ireland certain of the paraphernalia and other relics of an
ancient Dublin association, which, after an existence of above
two centuries, has practically ceased to exist. Long one of
the most influential of politiced associations in the capital, the
Aldermen of Skinner's Alley have of late years so passed out
of sight as to have become almost unknown, even by name,
to all but the old and grey among the citizens of Dublin.
There is no occasion to lament the disappearance of a society
which, whatever its uses in former ages, was latterly of no
practical significance save as recalling a phase of political
and religious fanaticism which has long become obsolete, or
nearly so. But advantage may be taken of an incident which
may be held to mark the practical demise of this venerable
association to furnish in the form of an obituary notice some
account of the origin and history of the ' Ancient and Loyal
Society of Aldermen of Skinner's Alley.'
Though no formal history of the 'Ancient and Loyal
o 2
196 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
Society of Aldenuen of Skinner's Alley ' has ever been com-
piled, readers of Sir Jonah Barrington's well-known ' Personal
Sketches of my Own Time ' will recollect the chapter devoted
to the Aldermen by that sprightly, if somewhat unveracious,
chronicler of eighteenth century Ireland. Though there
are some passages in Sir Jonah's account of the society, of
which he was himself for many years a member, which are
obviously not meant to be taken seriously, the explanation
there given of the origin of the society is sufficiently accu-
rate for quotation. It runs as follows: 'After William
UI. had mounted the English throne, and King James had
assumed the reins of government in Ireland, the latter
monarch annulled the then existing charter of the Dublin
Corporation, dismissed all the aldermen who had espoused
the revolutionary cause, and replaced them by others
attached to himself. The deposed aldermen, however, had
secreted some little articles of their paraphernalia, and
privately assembled in an alehouse in Skinner's Alley, a very
obscure part of the capital.^ Here they continued to hold
anti-Jacobite meetings ; elected their own lord mayor and
officers, and got a marble bust of King William, which they
regarded as a sort of deity. These meetings were carried on
till the battle of the Boyne put William in possession of
Dublin, when King James's Aldermen were immediately
cashiered, and the Aldermen of Skinner's Alley re-invested
with their mace and other Aldermaaiic glories. To honour
the memory of their restorer, therefore, a permanent associa-
tion was formed, and invested with all the memorials of
their former disgrace and latter reinstatement.' ^
Although the Aldermen at no time in their history had
any direct association with the more modem Orange Society,
Barrington is not far wrong in describing them as in effect
'the first Orange Association ever formed.' They were
organised on a basis exclusively Protestant, and their
primary object .was the promotion of the principles of the
* Glorious Revolution * of 1688 and the perpetuation of the
* Skinner's Alley ran between Weaver's Square and the Coombe.
' Barrington's Personal Sketclies, edited by Townsend Young, i. pp. ia4- 5.
CIVIC AND COMMERCIAL HISTORY OP DUBLIN 197
constitution in church and state as established at the ac-
cession of William III. Their animating principle cannot,
indeed, be better indicated than by quoting the terms of the
charter toast, as published in the rules and regulations of
the society printed in 1871 :
' The glorious, pious, and immortal memory of the Great
and Good King William III., who saved us from Popery,
slavery, arbitrary power, brass money, and wooden shoes, per-
mitted all debtors to walk abroad on Sundays, and left us his
best legacy, "The House of Hanover," which may God in
His great mercy bless and preserve, so long as they will
faithfully maintain and uphold the British Constitution, as
established at the Eevolution of Sixteen Hundred and
Eighty-eight.' Barrington gives a version of this toast more
grotesque in its terms, but not essentially different.'
At the time when Sir Jonah joined the Aldermen this
society had existed for a full century, acquiring, as he states,
considerable influence and importance. It continued to be
recruited from the members of the old corporation and the
Protestant freemen of the city of Dublin. But though
thus Protestant and constitutional in their prejudices, the
Aldermen were not devoid of national sjrmpathies, nor un-
influenced by the ideals to which Grattan appealed. It is
an odd, but striking illustration of the revolution of senti-
ment which a century has witnessed, that a society with
such opinions as are embodied in the toast just quoted
should have numbered amongst its members a patriotic
demagogue so unimpeachably national as the celebrated
Napper Tandy. Though Sir Jonah does not say so, it is
probable that the opinions of the Aldermen in 1800 were
identical with those of Speaker Foster, and other eminent
members of the patriotic party in the Irish Parliament,
who based their opposition to the Union exclusively on
Protestant grounds.
Though most of the relics of this ancient society date
from about the middle of the eighteenth century, the extant
records of the Aldermen of Skinner's Alley, unfortunately,
> Personal Sketches, i. p. 136.
198 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
do not extend further back than the early years of the nme-
teenth.^ The ' Boles and Eegnlations ' akeady referred to
appear, however, to embody the traditional procedure of the
Aldermen at their meetings and festivals. Except that the
chief official is described in the rules as ' His Excellency the
Governor,* instead of the Lord Mayor, the official account of
the society agrees in the main with Harrington's description.
In addition to the governor, the officers comprised a deputy-
governor, a lord high treasurer, a secretary, a sword-bearer,
and a mace-bearer. Meetings were held on the 4th of each
month, and on the 4th of November in each year the
anniversary of the birthday of WilUam III. was invariably
celebrated by a banquet. At this feast the principal dish
was one of sheep's trotters, in allusion, according to Har-
rington, to James II.'s inglorious flight after the Hoyne.
While the general object and ideals of the Aldermen of
Skinner's Alley remained unchanged through the coiurse of
two centuries, the society appears to have assumed, in the
latter half of its existence, political functions of a specific
kind. In the printed rules the Aldermen are represented
as composed of 'em unlimited number of members, being
Protestant, who shall consent to be bound by the rules,
obligations, and qualifications of the society, and who shall
be registered parliamentary electors of the City of Dublin.'
The last clause points to the function which ultimately
gave to the Aldermen their chief importance. The society
became in eflfect an electioneering organisation. Kecruited
in the main from the ranks of the freemen of the city, it
became, under the franchise as it existed after the Beform
Act of 1832, an important factor in all contested elections in
the metropolis, and was a principal prop and pillar of Dublin
Toryism in the now remote days when the members for the
city, county, and university of Dublin were uniformly Con-
servative, and were toasted as *the Dublin Six.*
The surviving records of the AJdermen consist for the
* In Whitelaw and Walsh's History of Dublin, p. 1069, it is stated that a
schism rent the society aboat the close of the eighteenth century, when one
party kept the paraphernalia and the other the records. Hence, no doubt, the
lack of any early minutes.
CIVIC AND COMMEBCIAL HISTORY OP DUBLIN 199
most part of a parchment roll, containing the signatures
of members admitted to the society from the year 1825, and
a minute-book of proceedings, which commences in 1841.
The form of these records, though comparatively modem,
preserves the terms of the impressive exordium which it was
customary for the governor to address to each new member
before signing the roll, wherein the novice was admonished
to declare his allegiance to ' our unequalled constitution in
Church and State/ The roll contains a large number of
names eminent in Dublin annals, and a few of still wider
fame. Among them are those of Sir Edward Grogan and
Sir William Gregory, sometime Conservative members for
the City of Dublin. But its most remarkable curiosity, in
view of subsequent events, quite comparable for the incon-
gruity between the principles of the Aldermen and the
subsequent opinions of the new member to the enrolment of
Napper Tandy half a century earlier, is the signature which
establishes the adhesion of Isaac Butt, the founder of the
Home Bule movement, to the tenets of the Aldeimen of
Skinner's Alley.
The minute-book covers the history of the Aldermen for
a period of about a quarter of a century, commencing on
November 4, 1841. This was a year of much political
excitement in Dublin, and of serious moment to the Alder-
men of Skinner's Alley, as the successors of the ancient
Protestant corporation. The Municipal Corporations Act,
which had just passed, had transformed the city fathers
from a close Protestant and Tory oligarchy to a body largely
Liberal and Boman Catholic, and to the horror of these
staunch upholders of the 'glorious, pious, and immortal
memory,' Daniel O'Connell was placed in the Lord Mayor's
chair. A glance at the minutes of the Aldermen's proceed-
ings in the days immediately succeeding municipal reform
brings home very vividly the immensity of the changes
which have been wrought within a space of no more than
sixty years in the domestic politics of Ireland. An example
may be cited from them which, though not intrinsically
more characteristic than several other illustrations which
200 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
might be selected, has the piquancy which attaches to the
associations of eminent and familiar figures.
The names of Sir William Gregory and Isaac Butt were
mentioned a moment ago as among the signatories to the
roll of Aldermen. Almost the earliest entries in this minute-
book are concerned with the once celebrated Dublin election
of 1842, at which the future Governor of Ceylon was returned
for the city in the Tory interest, largely through the exer-
tions of the future father of the Home Eule movement. Sir
William Gregory, despite his unimpeachably Conservative
antecedents, was, as his memoirs show, very much more of
a Whig than a Tory in his natural proclivities. He has left
in his ' Autobiography * an account of his uncomfortable
sensations while submitting to the aggressively Protestant
championship of some of the more outspoken of his sup-
porters. By none of them was he more severely tried than
by Butt, of whom he has left a reminiscence strangely at
variance with the Irish leader's later career. * Among the
extreme partisans distinguished by the virulence of their
language and uncompromising hostility to Boman Catholics
as well as to their religion, were a Protestant clergyman,
the Eev. Tresham Gregg, and Professor Butt, of Trinity
College. They were both admirable mob orators, and they
got the steam up with a vengeance Butt was at
that time the extreme of the extremes in all religious ques-
tions, the very type of ultra-domineering, narrow-minded
Protestant Ascendancy.' That this is no great exaggeration
of Butt's position and opinions at this time is sufficiently
apparent from the terms of the following resolution, recorded
in the minute-book as having been moved by him at an
' aggregate meeting ' of the Protestant Freemen of Dublin,
convened in support of Gregory's candidature by the
Aldermen of Skinner's Alley :
* That fully satisfied with the Protestant and Constitu-
tional principles of our respected friend, William Gregory,
Esq., and satisfied that he will in Parliament pursue a bold
and uncompromising spirit of Protestant principles in all
their integrity, as well as preserve the Freemen of the City
CIVIC AND COMMEBCIAL HISTORY OF DUBLIN 201
of Dublin in the exercise of their rights handed down to
them for centuries by their forefathers, and assembled under
the auspices of this ancient body, associated with so many
recollections of the perils and fidelities of their ancestors, we
unite, and with one heart and mind resolve to support him
at the next election as a candidate worthy of a cause with
which such recollections are associated.'
Gregory was duly elected on this occasion, but he was
unable to live up to the expectations of his Protestant
sponsors. At the general election of 1847 his Peelita pro-
clivities and obvious lack of zeal on the religious question
lost him the support of the ' Aldermen,' and he was de-
feated by the then well-known demagogue, John Reynolds.
A resolution moved after the election at a meeting of the
Aldermen sufficiently explains his rejection, and indicates
the extraordinary tenacity with which, even as recently as
1847, the principles of the 'Protestant Revolution' were
still cherished in Dublin : ' This ancient Society, the
Aldermen of Skinner's Alley, being an essentially Protestant
Body pledged to maintain the principles of the British
Constitution as settled in 1688, and, consequently, the
ascendancy of Protestant truth and the extirpation of Popish
error, the members being bound in conscience by their
declaration of adherence to its Charter to carry out those
principles as their judgment shall dictate, be it resolved that
our late representative, William Gregory, Esq., having
abandoned those principles of high Protestantism, for the ex-
pression of which he was supported by this Society, it was
competent for any member of this body to oppose to the
utmost the return of that gentleman.'
The successive extensions of the franchise, which first
reduced and ultimately destroyed the once dominant influ-
ence of the Protestant Freemen of Dublin, struck a fatal
blow at the prestige of the Aldermen of Skinner's Alley.
Since 1885 the society has waned to practical extinction,
and though never formally dissolved it is most unlikely
that it will ever be eflfectively revived. Not many citizens
of Dublin would nowadays be found willing to avow the
202 ILLUSTRATIONS OP lEISH HISTORY
perfervid Protestantism of this ancient body, nor would the
most convinced champions of Reformation doctrines now
endeavour to justify them by an appeal to ' Eevolution '
principles. But though its raison d'Stre has long ceased to
exist, the society has a distinct interest for the historian of
the development of opinion in Ireland. And the sidelight
which is tiirown by the episode of Sir William Gregory's
election upon the early career of Isaac Butt is of value as
enabling us to understand the evolutionary process, which
might otherwise appear incomprehensible, by which some of
the most earnest of Irish Conservatives were led to embrace
the notion of an Irish Parliament in Dublin as a protest
against the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland by the
British Parliament at Westminster.
No account of the Aldermen of Skinner's Alley could be
considered complete which omitted to refer to the Charter
Song of the Society, which is accordingly appended. The
authorship is commonly credited to Mr. Hardinge Gififard.
CHABTEB SONG.
Tune—* Maggie Lauder,*
When Tyranny's detested power
Hod leagued with Snperstition,
And bigot James, in evil hour,
Began his luckless mission,
Still here survived the saored flame ;
Here Freedom's Sons did rally,
And consecrate to deathless Fame
The Men of Skinner*s-alley.
When WiLLiAii came to set them free
From famine, fire, and slaughter,
And the first dawn of Liberty
Had blushed on the Boyne Water—
Then did they fill to Glorious Wnj«,
At such a toast who*d dally.
While Liberty and Loyalty
Exist in Skinner's-alley.
And here, through each revolving day,
The sacred flame was cherished,
Though lost in Faction's fearful fray,
It once had nearly perished ;
Until our Fathers' spirit rose,
While knaves stood shilly-shally :
Then did we sing, God save the King,
We Men of Skinner's-alley.
CIVIC AND COMMERCIAL HISTORY OP DUBLIN 203
And oft may we repeat that toast,
By festive draughts elated.
While loyalty, our proudest boast,
On every heart is seated ;
For ne*er can we forget the King,
Bound whom all virtues rally,
The memory of William III. shall ring
Eaoh night in Skinner's-alley.
IV. THE OUZEL GALLEY SOdETY.
At the end of the seventeenth century, in the closing
years of the reign of William III., a vessel known as the
'Oazel/ in the ownership of a Dublin merchant, and
engaged, it is believed, in the Smyrna trade, sailed from
Bingsend for the Levant. Prior to her departure she had
been insured against risks, with Dublin underwriters, in the
usual way. In the ordinary course her absence would have
been a lengthened one; but when, after a lapse of some
years, nothing had been heard of her, she was assumed to
have been lost at sea with all hands. The owners duly
claimed their insurance-money, which was paid by the
underwriters ; the ship was deemed to have made her last
voyage ; and the commercial transactions in respect of her were
regarded as finally closed. But it fell out that not very long
afterwards, to the astonishment of all concerned, the ' Ouzel
Galley ' cast anchor in the port of Dublin. The captain
had a strange tale to tell. Proceeding in her eastern course
down the Mediterranean, the * Ouzel * had fallen a victim to
the Algerine corsairs, who in those days, and, indeed, for
long after, were still the scourge of the mercantile marine.
Being a large and well-found ship, she had been appro-
priated by her captors to their own uses. But by some
fortunate chance the crew of the * Ouzel ' were enabled to
turn the tables on their conquerors, to repossess themselves
of their ship and its cargo, and to return in safety to the
port from whence they had sailed.
So far all was for the best. But the return of the
* Ouzel,' unfortunately, proved the occasion of a knotty legal
diflBculty involving troublesome litigation, which in one form
or another lasted for several years. The * Ouzel ' brought
204 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IBISH HISTOEY
home in her hold not alone the peaceful merchandise which
it was her mission to carry, but the piratical spoils of her
sometime Algerine masters. This loot was of a value far
exceeding that of the legitimate cargo, and immensely in
excess of the amount for which the ship had been insured,
and for which the owners had been compensated. A
question at once arose as to the ownership of the plunder.
Was the booty the property of the original owners under
whose auspices it had been gained ? Or did it pass to the
underwriters in virtue of their completion of the contract of
indemnity? The point was a nice one, which apparently
had not then been settled, and the gentlemen of the law
courts exerted their ingenuity in the endeavour to determine
the destination of so rich a prize. No records of this litiga-
tion are now traceable ; but it is reputed to have engaged
the Courts for years without any result being reached ; and
the case was ultimately referred to the arbitration of a
committee of merchants, through whom a compromise was
effected, and the litigation terminated.
To celebrate this triumph of the elastic principle of
arbitration over the unaccommodating and dilatory procedure
of the Courts, the merchants of Dublin resolved to found a
society which should have for its object the settlement of all
commercial disputes without having recourse to the winding
mazes of the law ; and they gave to their association the
name of the vessel which had been the means of bringing it
into being. Accordingly, about the year 1705, the Ouzel
Galley Society was founded.
The books of the proceedings of the society for the first
half-century of its existence have long been irrecoverably
lost, and only the more recent minute-books are now extant.
But its rules and regulations, with a list of members, were
printed in 1859, as collected from the books of proceedings
which were then available. These rules and regulations
include the report of a committee of the^ society appointed
in 1799, * to inquire into and prepare a declaration of the
rules, orders, and customs of the Galley.' We are thus
enabled to understand the precise objects of the society and
OIVIO AND COMMEBCIAL HISTORY OF DUBLIN 205
the mode in which it was organised. From this it appears
that it was the duty of all members of the Gkdley to sit as
arbitrators in the settlement of such disputes as might be
referred to them, 'provided all the arbitrators chosen are
members of the Galley.' Parties were prohibited from
making any personal applications to members respecting any
matter in dispute, and all proceedings were regulated under
the guidance of an officer known as the Begistrar, to whom
a sum of money, arranged according to a fixed scale, was
payable by the parties seeking arbitration, ' to insure the
payment of the Galley Fees,' which were appropriated, after
payment of the costs of the award, to a charitable fund.
Within the limits of the society parties were entitled to the
choice of their arbitrators, but with the arbitrators when
chosen lay the appointment of an umpire.
Such were the purposes for which the society was
formally constituted; but it had, or grew to have, other
functions, at once benevolent and convivial, which appear in
time to have engrossed a large share of the attention of its
members. From the year 1770 the subscription appears to
have been a guinea ; but on November 11, 1801, ' it appear-
ing by the bursar's accounts that the subscription of one
guinea per annum is insufficient to pay the annual dinners,'
it was raised to a guinea and a half. Two years later, no
doubt for the same reason, it was raised to 21. 55. 6d. ; and
the frequent occurrence of the word 'dinner' in its rules
^^Jf perhaps, be held to account for the mourning accents
with which surviving members long continued to speak of this
ancient society. Most of the business of the society was
transacted at or after dinner, except at the November meeting,
which was held immediately before dinner. Certain it is, at all
events, that while continuing to perform its more serious
functions, the Ouzel Galley Society became highly popular
among the merchants of DubUn as a convivial association.
Its roll being limited to forty members, admission to it was
highly prized. The hst of its members for a period of a
hundred and forty years contains, it is no exaggeration to say,
representatives of all that is most honourable in mercantile
206 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
Dublin, and attests the high character the society continuously
enjoyed. The names of La Touche, Guinness, Hone, Pirn,
Jameson, Hartley, Colvill, and others equally familiar con-
stantly recur.
But the growing element of conviviedity did not entirely
divert the minds of the members from more serious objects.
Like the Corporation and the public institutions of the
Irish capital at the time, they were in full sympathy with
Henry Grattan's assertion of the parliamentary liberties of
Ireland. On April 16, 1782, the society unanimously re-
solved ' that the King, Lords and Commons of Ireland are
solely competent to make laws for the government thereof.'
The esteem in which the society was borne, and the hold
it had on the affections of its members, were strength-
ened by the quaint and characteristic customs which
its constitution ordained and its rules enforced. It was
organised, in deference to its marine origin, on a nautical
basis. The affairs of the Ouzel Galley were administered by
a Council, of which the officers were : — * The captain, two
lieutenants, master, bursar, boatswain, gunner, carpenter,
master's mate, coxswain, boatswain's mate, and carpenter's
mate ' ; and a peremptory regulation enacted that at the meet-
ings of the Galley, of which three were held annually, * the
captain, or in his absence the senior officer on board, has
supreme command, and any disobedience to him is mutiny.'
The introduction of officers and new members was conducted
' according to the ancient and immemorial usage of the Galley,'
part of the ceremony being, it is understood, the draining, at
a single draught, of a bumper of claret from the society's glass
cup, a beautiful example of Irish glass-work. Guests could
only be introduced on the invitation of the ' captain, officers,
and crew of the Ouzel Galley.' At each meeting members
were bound, on pain of a fine, to wear a gold medal ^ pendant
' The records of the society for Feb. 18, 1772, contain the following :
* Ordered, that the medal be made of gold. That on one side of the medal
the " Ouzel Galley " be represented, and the motto " Steady." That on the
reverse be represented the figure of '• Equity," with the motto " ouique suum." '
These medals appear to have been struck at different periods. That acquired
by the Academy is believed to be from the design of Parks, a Dublin
CIVIC AND COMMERCIAL HISTORY OP DUBLIN 207
from an orange ribbon. Finally, the members were ' piped
to dinner ' with a boatswain's whistle ; and the minutes for
1754 record that a silver whistle was ordered to be provided
by the carpenter for the boatswain's use.^
That at these convivial meetings the charitable objects
associated with them were by no means ignored appears
from the regulation that the bursar should keep two
accounts, one for the Subscription Fund and the other for
the Charitable Fund ; and from the fact that after such dinner
it was customary to vote away in charity the earnings of the
Galley. It is certain that the Society enjoyed throughout its
existence a high reputation for practical benevolence. The
meetings of the Ouzel Galley Society were held through-
architect. Many citizens of Dublin are familiar with the large painting of a
full-rigged ship which hangs over the door of the news-room in the Chamber of
Ciommerce, with the legend, ' The Ouzel Galley/ beneath it. A similar repre-
sentation of a full-rigged ship appears carved in stone above the exit door from
the Ciommercial Buildings leading to the Yiver. It seems right that in this
notice of the society the pedigree of this painting should be preserved so far as
it can be collected from the records of the society. The painting appears to
have been presented to the society as far back as 1752 by Alderman John
Maoarrell, the then captain of the Gtalley. Whether it was a merely fancy
picture, or an authentic representation of the actual ship from which the society
took its name, cannot be stated, for nothing further is known of the date of
the picture or of the artist. In the minutes of the meeting of the Gtalley
held at Chapelizod in August 1753, a receipt is inserted, in which one John
Morris acknowledges the receipt of * a large painted piece representing the Ouzel
Galley, which is put up in the great room in my house,' and admits the picture
to be the property of the Galley. Morris was probably the owner of the inn
or tavern in which the society was then in the habit of meeting. Nineteen
years later, July 16, 1772, the minutes record the appointment of a conmiittee
' to inquire after and recover the picture of the Galley presented to the society
by Alderman Maoarrell/ but the result of the inquii^ is not given in any
subsequent minute. It may be presumed, however, that the picture was
recovered, and is identical with that which still hangs in the Chamber of
Commerce, and is thus referred to in the entry for June 8, 1870 : ' That the
offer of the Chamber of Commerce to place the old painting of the Galley in a
more conspicuous place be accepted.*
^ The captain's oath, in 1754, was as follows :— * I, A. B., do swear that I
will be faithful to our Sovereign Lord King George the Second ; and this galley,
entrusted to my command, I will, to the best of my power, defend against iJl
pirates either by sea and land ; the rules and orders established on board I will
see observed to the utmost of my power, and justice administered to the crew,
and all who put any freight on board. I will continue to be a good fellow, and,
as long as I can, hearty and merry.*
208 IliLDSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
out the nineteenih century at the Commercial Buildings,
and many still recall these gatherings which each November
were held in the open square behind the Chamber of Com-
merce. In the latter part of the eighteenth century, and
for many years subsequently, the dinners appear to have
been held at Atwell's Tavern in Dame Street.^
From the foregoing account, it is easy to understand that
a society of this kind must in time have outgrown the circum-
stances in which it originated. Though as a benevolent as-
sociation it continued to serve a useful purpose, its functions
as an institution for promoting arbitration gradually fell into
desuetude, as legal procedure adapted itself more closely to
the needs of the mercantile community. From a printed
account of awards made in each year from 1799 to 1869, it
appears that 364 awards, many of them dealing with matters
of great magnitude, were made within that period. But of
these nearly two-thirds were made in the first quarter of the
nineteenth century. In 1888, accordingly, the Ouzel Galley
was voluntarily wound up and dissolved by an order of the
Court of Chancery, which provided for the distribution of
its funds, to the amount of 8,300Z., among charitable insti-
tutions connected with the city in which the Society had
so long flourished.*
* The meetixig-places of the society, as recorded in their Transactions, throw
interesting light on the taverns or eating-hoases of Dublin and its environs, in
the second half of the eighteenth century. In 1748 the Galley met in the
Phoenix Tavern, Werburgh Street ; in 1751, at the Ship Tavern, Chapelizod ; in
1765, at the Rose and Bottle, Dame Street ; in 1770, at the Eagle Inn, Eustace
Street ; in 1776, at Power's, Booterstown ; in 1796, at Harrington's, Grafton
Street ; and, in 1800, at Atwell's Ck>mmeroial Tavern, Dame Street. In the early
part of the nineteenth century the favourite resorts were Leech's Royal Hotel,
Kildare Street ; Morrison's, in Nassau Street ; the Bilton, in Saokville Street ;
and Jude's Hotel, Commercial Buildings. A century ago Atwell's was apparently
a favourite eating-house or tavern. In Andrew Carmichael's Metropolis^ a
topical poem, published in Dublin in 1805, occurs the line :
* Dip them at Atwell's in a bowl of soup.'
' Photographic reproductions of the glass bowl, medals, and silver whistle,
referred to at pp. 206-7, have been published in the Proceedings of the Royal
Irish Academy t vol. zxiv. section C, in which this paper first appeared.
Part II
CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS OF IRELAND
IN THE
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
THE ITINEBABY OF F7NES M0B780N
Although it is close upon three centuries since the first publica-
tion of the larger portion of the important work known as Fynes
Moryson's ' Itinerary/ it is only quite recently that the full scope
of Moryson's undertaking has been properly understood. The
pubUcation by Mr. Charles Hughes, as lately as 1903, in a work
entitled ' Shakespeare's Europe/ ' of the large section of the
' Itinerary/ which had so long remained in manuscript in the
library of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, has for the first time
rendered it possible to appreciate the full extent and value of
Moryson's labours as a social historian of his own times. No
single portion of Moryson's remarkable survey of the manners,
customs, and institutions of the various countries and kingdoms of
Europe at the opening of the seventeenth century is more valuable
than the chapters devoted to Ireland. The ' Description of Ireland,'
which forms the fifth chapter of the third book of Part III. of the
original ' Itinerary,' is well known and has been more than once
reprinted.^ But the account of the ' Commonwealth of Ireland/
which forms the fifth chapter of the second book of the long un-
published fourth part and the chapter on Manners and Customs
(Book V. chapter v.) were unknown until their publication by
Mr. Hughes. Other references to Ireland in the ' Itinerary ' besides
those printed in this volume occur in the chapter which treats ' Of
* 8hake9peare*s Europe, Unpublished Ghapiera of Fynes Moryson's
Uinerary : being a Survey of the Condition of Europe at the end of the Sixteenth
Century. With an Introduction and an Account of Fynes Moryson's Career.
By Charles Hughes, B.A. (London). London : Sherratt A Hughes. 1908.
* The Ducripium is included at the end of the second volume of the Dublin
edition of Part n. of the Itinerary, printed in 1735 under the title of A Hutory
of IreUmd from 1659 to 1608. It has also been included by Professor Henry
Morley in his Ireland under EHeabeth and James L, which forms yd. z. of
the Carisbrooke Library Series.
p2
212 ILLUSTRATIONS OP lEISH HISTORY
the Turks, French, English, Scottish, and Irish Apparel ' (Part III.
Book IV. chapter v.), and in that on ' The Journey through Eng-
land, Scotland, and Ireland ' (Part I. Book III. chapter v.). The
latter contains many interesting sidelights on the conditions of
travelling in the three kingdoms three hundred years ago. While
the ' Description ' will always remain valuable as a picture of Irish
life and manners by a traveller whose large comparative knowledge
of the Europe of his day gives a special importance to his observa-
tions, Moryson's notes on the Commonwealth have a unique
interest for the light they throw on the political institutions of
Ireland, as seen by one who had been actively engaged in Irish
a£birs, and had enjoyed peculiar opportunities of studying the
administrative system of the Irish government at a very important
crisis in Irish history. A like praise can hardly be accorded to
the observations ' touching religion ' in Ireland (Book III. chapter
vi.). Moryson's views on this head are as acutely controversial
and as inevitably uncharitable as might be expected ; and it has
not appeared expedient to print them here.
No one can have had greater facilities than were possessed by
Fynes Moryson for understanding the machinery of the Irish
executive in all its parts as it existed at the close of Elizabeth's
reign. For not only was he placed, as secretary to Mountjoy
during the whole period of that Viceroy's active career in Ireland,
in the closest possible contact with the central executive, but he
had ample means of information regarding the local instruments
of government in the provinces. His brother, Sir Richard
Moryson, who came to Ireland in the army of Essex in 1599, held
important appointments there for close on thirty years. From
1609 to 1628 Sir Richard held the considerable office of Vice-
President of Munster, and he was visited at Cork by the historian
in 1613, Thus the faculty of precise observation which gives so
much value to Fynes Moryson's narrative, even where his notes
represent no more than the rapid but acute deductions of a
passing traveller, has, in the case of his account of Ireland, the
enhanced interest which comes of the writer's intimate knowledge
of the social and political state of the country.
Often as it has been printed, Fynes Moryson's * Description of
Ireland' is an indispensable introduction to any collection of
contemporary works on seventeenth century Ireland, and as such
it is once more printed here. The chapters on the Commonwealth
and on manners and customs are reproduced because, although so
recently published, the Irish sections of Part IV. of the ' Itinerary' '
are scattered at wide distances thiough Mr. Hughes's substantial
ILLUSTRATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY 213
volume ; ^ and, forming only a relatively small portion of the whole,
have scarcely attracted the attention they deserve.
The extracts from ' Shakespeare's Europe ' are included in this
volume with the cordially expressed assent of Mr. Charles Hughes,
and of the owners of the copyright in that work, Messrs. Sherratt
& Hughes, publishers, of Manchester and London. Some passages
not printed by Mr. Hughes, which appear to throw useful light on
the social condition of Ireland at the time when Moryson wrote,
are now published for the first time by the kind permission of the
President and Fellows of Corpus Christi College, Oxford.
* See Slidkespeare'a Europe^ pp. 185-260, 285-9, and 481-6.
A
THE DESCRIPTION OF IRELAND
The longitude of Ireland extends four degrees, from the
meridian of eleven degrees and a half to that of fifteen and
a half, and the latitude extends also four degrees, from the
parallel of fifty-four degrees to that of fifty-eight degrees.
In the geographical description I will follow Cambden as
formerly.^
This famous island in the Virginian sea is by old writers
called lema, Invema, and Iris, by the old inhabitants Erin,
by the old Britains Yuerdhen, by the English at this day
Ireland, and by the Irish Bards at this day Banno, in which
sense of the Irish word, Avicen calls it the Holy Island;
besides, Plutarch of old called it Ogygia, and after him
Isidore named it Scotia.' This Ireland, according to the
inhabitants, is divided into two parts, the wild Irish, and the
English-Irish, living in the English pale. But of the old
kingdoms, five in number, it is divided into five parts.
1. The first is by the Irish called Mowne, by the English
Mimster, and is subdivided into six counties — of Kerry, of
Limerick, of Cork, of Tipperary, of the Holy Cross, and of
Waterford — to which the seventh county of Desmond is now
added. The Gangavi, a Scythian people, coming into Spain,
and from thence into Ireland, inhabited the county of Kerry,
full of woody moimtains, in which the Earls of Desmond
had the dignity of palatines, having their house in Trailes,^
a little town now almost iminhabited. Not far thence lies
* See Camden's Britannia (edition of 1722), vol. ii. p. 1334 et acq,
' On the ancient names of Ireland, see Joyce's Irish Names of Places, ii.
pp. 458-9.
« Tralee.
THE DESCRIPTION OP IRELAND 216
St. Mary Wic, vulgarly called Smerwick, where the Lord
Arthur Gray, being Lord Deputy, happily overthrew the
aiding troops sent to the Earl of Desmond from the Pope
and the King of Spain. On the south side of Kerry lies the
county of Desmond,^ of old inhabited by three kinds of
people, the Luceni (being Spaniards), the Velabri (so called
of their seat upon the sea-waters or marshes), and the
Ibemi, called the upper Irish, inhabiting about Beer-haven
and Baltimore, two havens well known by the plentiful
fishing of herrings, and the late invasion of the Spaniards in
the year 1601. Next to these is the county of MacCarty-
More, of Irish race, whom, as enemy to the FitzGeralds,
Queen Elizabeth made Earl of Glencar in the year 1566.
For of the FitzGeralds, of the family of the Earls of Kildare,
the Earls of Desmond descended, who, being by birth
EngHsh, and created earls by King Edward III., became
hateful rebels in our time. The third county hath the
name of the City Cork, consisting almost all of one long
street,^ but well known and frequented, which is so com-
passed with rebellious neighbours, as they of old not daring
to marry their daughters to them, the custom grew, and
continues to this day, that by mutual marriages one with
another all the citizens are of kin in some degree of affinity.
Not far thence is Yoghal, having a safe haven, near which
the Viscounts of Barry, of English race, are seated. In
the fourth county of Tipperary nothing is memorable, but
that it is a palatinate.' The little town Holy Cross, in
the county of the same name, hath many great privileges.
The sixth county hath the name of the City Limerick, the
seat of a bishop, wherein is a strong castle built by King
John. Not far thence is Awne,* the seat of a bishop, and
the Lower Ossory, giving the title of an earl to the Butlers,
and the town Thurles, giving them also the title of viscount.
And there is Cassiles,^ now a poor city, but the seat of an
archbishop. The seventh county hath the name of the
' Vide Part I. p. 132 supra, * North and South Main Street
" See Part I. p. 112 supra. < Emly.
^ Thurles and Gashel are both in Tipperary.
216 ILLUSTRATIONS OP lEISH HISTORY
City Waterford, which the Irish call Porthlargi, of the
commodious haven, a rich and well-inhabited city, esteemed
the second to Dublin. And because the inhabitants long faith-
fully helped the English in subduing Ireland our kings gave
them excessive privileges ; but they, rashly failing in their
obedience at King James's coming to the crown, could not
in long time obtain the confirmation of their old Charter.*
2. Leinster, the second part of Ireland, is fertile, and
yields plenty of com, and hath a most temperate mild air,
being divided into ten counties of Catherlough, Kilkenny,
Wexford, Dublin, Kildare, the King's County, the Queen's
Coimty, the counties of Longford, of Ferns,* and of Wicklow.
The Cariondi of old inhabited Catherlogh (or Carlow) County,
and they also inhabited great part of Kilkenny, of Upper
Ossory, and of Ormond, which have nothing memorable but
the Earls of Ormond, of the great family of the Butlers,
inferior to no earl in Ireland (not to speak of Fitzpatrick,
Baron of Upper Ossory). It is ridiculous which some Irish
(who will be believed as men of credit) report of men in
these parts yearly turned into wolves, except the abundance
of melancholy humour transports them to imagine that they
are so transformed.' Kilkenny giving name to the second
county is a pleasant town, the chief of the towns within
land, memorable for the civility of the inhabitants, for the
husbandman's labour, and the pleasant orchards. I pass over
the walled town Thomastown, and the ancient city Eheban,
now a poor village with a castle, yet of old giving the title
of baronet. I pass over the village and strong ca^stle of
Leighlin, with the coimtry adjoining, usurped by the sept of
the Cavanaghs, now sumamed O'Moors. Also I omit Boss,^
of old a large city, at this day of no moment. The third
* The charter of Waterford suspended by James I. was not renewed till
1626, when Charles I. gave the city a new chaxter.
' See Part I. p. 126 supra,
* See, as to this legend, Giraldus Gambrensis, Topographia Hibemioa, v.
104 (Bolls Series). Bee also the remarks on Irish Wolf -legends in Dr. Joyce's
Social History of Ancient Ireland^ i. p. 299.
* Bheban is in Kildare, Leighlin in Carlow, and Boss in Wexford. But in
Moryson's time there was considerable confusion as to the boundaries of all
the south-eastern counties of Leinster. See Part I. p. 125 supra.
THE DESCRIPTION OP IRELAND 217
county of Wexford (called by the Irish County Reogh) was
of old inhabited by the Menapii, where, at the town called
Banna,* the English made their first descent into Ireland,
and upon that coast are very dangerous flats in the sea,
which they vulgarly call grounds. The City Weshford,
Weisford, or Wexford, is the chief of the county, not great,
but deserving praise for their faithfulness towards the
English, and frequently inhabited by men of English race.
The Cauci (a sea-bordering nation of Germany) and the
Menapii aforesaid, of old inhabited the territories now
possessed by the O'Moors and O'Bims ; also they inhabited
the fourth coimty of Kildare, a fruitful soil, having the chief
town of the same name, greatly honoured in the infancy of
the Church by St. Bridget. King Edward II. created the
Giralds Earls of Kildare. The Eblani of old inhabited the
territory of Dublin, the fifth coimty, having a fertile soil and
rich pastures, but wanting wood, so as they bum turf, or sea-
coal brought out of England. The City Dublin, called
Divelin by the English, and Balacleigh' (as seated upon
hurdles) by the Irish, is the chief city of the kingdom, and
seat of justice, fairly built, frequently inhabited, and adorned
with a strong ca^stle, fifteen churches, an episcopal seat, and
a fair college (an happy foimdation of an university laid in
our age), and endowed with many privileges, but the haven
is barred and made less commodious by those hills of sands.
The adjoining promontory, Hoth-head, gives the title of a
baron to the family of St. Laurence ; and towards the
north lies Fingal, a little territory, as it were the gamer of
the kingdom, which is environed by the sea and great
rivers, and this situation hath defended it from the incur-
sion of rebels in former civil wars. I omit the King's and
Queen's Counties (namely, Ophaly and Leax) inhabited by
the O'Connors and O'Moors, as likewise the counties of
Longford, Ferns, and Wicklow, as less affording memorable
things.
* Bannow.
' Divelin » Dobh-linn, or black pool. Balaoleigh = Bally-Atholiath. Bee
as to the etymology of Dublin, Haliday's Scandinavian Kingdom of Dublin^
p. 3 et seq.
218 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
3. The third part of Ireland is Midia or Media, called by
the English Meath, in our fathers' memory divided into
Eastmeath and Westmeath.* In Eastmeath is Drogheda,
vulgarly called Tredagh, a fair and well-inhabited town.
Trim is a little town upon the confines of Ulster, having a
stately castle, but now much ruinated, and it is more notable
for being the ancient (as it were) barony of the Lacies.
Westmeath hath the town Delvin, giving the title of baron
to the English family of the Nugents, and Westmeath is also
inhabited by many great Irish septs, as the O'Maddens, the
Magoghigans, G'Malaghlans, and MacCoghlans, which seem
barbarous names. Shanon is a great river in a long course,
making many and great lakes (as the large lake or Lough
Begith'), and yields plentiful fishing, as do the frequent
rivers and all the seas of Ireland. Upon this river lies the
town Athlone, having a very fair bridge of stone (the work
of Sir Henry Sidney, Lord Deputy '), and a strong fair castle.
4. Connaught is the fourth part of Ireland, a fruitful
province, but having many bogs and thick woods, and it is
divided into six counties, of Clare,* of Leitrim, of Galway,
of Eosconmion, of Mayo and of Sligo. The county of
Clare or Thomond hath his Earls of Thomond, of the
family of the G'Brenes, the old kings of Connaught, and
Tuam is the seat of an archbishop; only part, but the
greatest, of this county was called Clare, of Thomas Clare,
Earl of Gloucester.* The adjoining territory. Clan Richard
(the lajid of Richard's sons), hath his earls called Clan-
rickard of the land, but being of the English family de Burgo,
vulgarly Burke, and both these earls were first created by
Henry VIII. In the same territory is the Barony Atterith,^
belonging to the barons of the English family Bermingham,
of old very warlike, but their posterity have degenerated to
' See Part I. p. 117 supra. ' Lough Bee.
' See Part I. p. 122 mpra. And see The Old Bridge at Athlone, by the
Rev. John S. Joly, Dublin, 1881.
^ See Part I. p. 123 supra.
* This is a view of the origin of the name of the county which has been
held by competent antiquaries. But see Dr. Joyce's etymological derivation,
Part I. p. 135 supra,
• Athenry.
THE DESCBIPTION OP IRELAND 219
the Irish barbarism. The City Galway, giving name to the
county, lying upon the sea, is frequently inhabited with civil
people, and fairly built. The northern part of Connaught is
inhabited by these Irish septs, O'Connor, O'Rourke, and
MacDiermod. Upon the western coast lies the island
Arran, famous for the fabulous long life of the inhabitants.
Ulster, the fifth part of Ireland, is a large province,
woody, fenny, in some parts fertile, in other parts barren,
but in all parts green and pleasant to behold, and exceed-
ingly stored with cattle. The next part to the Pale and
to England is divided into three counties — Lowth, Down,
and Antrim ; the rest contains seven counties — Monaghan,
Tyrone, Armagh, Coleraine, Donnegal, Fermannagh, and
Cavan. Lowth is inhabited by English-Irish (Down and
Antrim being contained under the same name), and the
barons thereof be of the Bermingham's family, and remain
loving to the English. Monaghan was inhabited by the
English family Fitzursi, and these are become degenerate
and barbarous, and in the sense of that name are in the
Irish tongue called MacMahon, that is the sons of Bears.
I forbear to speak of Tyrone, and the earl thereof,
infamous for his rebellion, which I have at large handled
in this work. Armagh is the seat of an archbishop, and
the metropolitan city of the whole island, but in time of
the rebellion was altogether ruinated. The other counties
have not many memorable things, therefore it shall suffice
to speak of them briefly. The neck of land called Lecaile is
a pleasant little territory, fertile, and abounding with fish
and all things for food, and therein is Down, at this time a
ruined town, but the seat of a bishop, and famous for the
burial of St. Patrick, St. Bridget,* and St. Columb. The
town of Carrickfergus is well known by the safe haven.
The river Bann, running through the Lake Evagh^ into
the sea, is famous for the fishing of salmons, the water
being most clear, wherein the salmons much delight.
The great families (or septs) of Ulster are thus named:
O'Neal, O'Donnel (whereof the chief was lately created
' St. Bridget was buried at Kildare. * Neagh.
220 ILLUSTEATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY
Earl of Tirconnel), O'Buil, MacGwire, O'Kain, O'Dogherty,
MacMahown, MacGennis, MacSurleigh, &c. The lake Erne
compassed with thick woods hath such plenty of fish as
the fishermen fear the breaking of their nets rather than
want of fish. Towards the north, in the midst of vast
woods (and as I think) in the county Donnegal is a lake,
and therein an island, in which is a cave, famous for the
apparition of spirits, which the inhabitants call Ellanvi
frtigadory — that is, the island of Purgatory — and they call it
St. Patrick's Purgatory, fabling that he obtained of God by
prayer that the Irish seeing the pains of the damned might
more carefully avoid sin.^
The situation. — The land of Ireland is uneven, moun-
tainous, soft, watery, woody, and open to winds and floods
of rain, and so fenny as it hath bogs on the very tops of
mountains, not bearing man or beast, but dangerous to
pass, and such bogs are frequent over all Ireland. Our
mariners observe the sailing into Ireland to be more dan-
gerous, not only because many tides meeting makes the sea
apt to swell upon any storm, but especially because they
ever find the coast of Ireland covered with mists, whereas the
coast of England is commonly clear and to be seen far off.
The air of Ireland is unapt to ripen seeds, yet (as Mela wit-
nesseth) the earth is luxurious in yielding fair and sweet
herbs. Ireland is little troubled with thunders, lightnings,
or earthquakes, yet (I know not upon what presage) in the
year 1601, and in the month of November almost ended,
at the siege of Kinsale and a few days before the famous
battle, in which the rebels were happily overthrown, we
did nightly hear and see great thunderings and lightnings,
not without some astonishment what they should presage.
The fields are not only most apt to feed cattle, but yield
also great increase of com. I will freely say that I observed
> For a very full account of St. Patrick's Purgatory, in Lough Derg, co.
Donegal, long celebrated as a place of pilgrimage, see an elaborate article by
W. Pinkerton in the Ulster Archaological Journal^ vols. iv. and v. The chapel
on the island was demolished in 1682, and again in 1680, the popularity of the
pilgrimage having been revived after 1641. See also Ware's Antiquities^'whiQli
contains a plate showing the ' Purgatory ' prior to its demolition. And see the
Lismore Papers, 1st Ser. iii, p. 159.
THE DESCBIPTION OP lEBLAND 221
the winter's cold to be far more mild than it is in England,
so as the Irish pastures are more green, and so likewise the
gardens all winter time, but that in summer, by reason of
the cloudy air and watery soil, the heat of the sun hath not
such power to ripen com and fruits, so as their harvest is
much later than in England. Also I observed that the best
sorts of flowers and fruits are much rarer in Ireland than in
England, which notwithstanding is more to be attributed
to the inhabitants than to the air. For Ireland being oft
troubled with rebellions, and the rebels not only being idle
themselves, but in natural malice destroying the labours of
other men, and cutting up the very trees of fruit for the
same cause, or else to bum them: for these reasons the
inhabitants take less pleasure to till their grounds or plant
trees, content to live for the day in continual fear of like
mischief. Tet is not Ireland altogether destitute of these
flowers and fruits, wherewith the coimty of Kilkenny seems
to abound more than any other part : and the said humidity
of air and land making the fruits for food more raw and
moist ; hereupon the inhabitants and strangers are troubled
with looseness of body, the country disease. Yet for the
rawness they have an excellent remedy by their Aqua VitsB,
vulgarly called Usquebagh, which binds the belly, and
drieth up moisture more than our Aqua Vitse, yet inflameth
not so much. Also inhabitants as well as strangers are
troubled there with an ague which they call the Irish ague,
and they who are sick thereof, upon a received custom, do
not use the help of the physician, but give themselves to
the keeping of Irish women, who starve the ague, giving the
sick man no meat, who takes nothing but milk and some
vulgarly known remedies at their hand.
The fertility and traffic, — Ireland, after much blood spilt
in the civil wars, became less populous, and as well great
lords of countries as other inferior gentlemen laboured more
to get new possessions for inheritance, than by husbandry
and peopling of their old lands to increase their revenues ;
so as I then observed much grass (wherewith the island so
much abounds) to have perished without use, and either to
223 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
have rotted, or in the next spring time to be burnt, lest it
should hinder the coming of new grass ; this plenty of grass
makes the Irish have infinite multitudes of cattle, and in
the heat of the last rebellion the very vagabond rebels had
great multitudes of cows, which they still (like the nomades)
drove with them whithersoever themselves were driven, and
fought for them as for their altars and families. By this
abimdance of cattle the Irish have a frequent though some-
what poor traffic for their bides, the cattle being in general
very little, and only the men and the greyhounds of great
stature. Neither can the cattle possibly be great since they
eat only by day, and then are brought at evening within the
bawns of castles,^ where they stand or lie all night in a dirty
yard without so much as a lock of hay, whereof they make
little for sluggishness, and their little they altogether keep
for their horses ; and they are brought in by nights for fear
of thieves, the Irish using almost no other kind of theft,
or else for fear of wolves, the destruction whereof being
neglected by the inhabitants, oppressed with greater mis-
chiefs, they are so much grown in number as sometimes in
winter nights they will come to prey in villages and the
suburbs of the cities.^ The Earl of Ormond in Munster,
and the Earl of Kildare in Leinster, had each of them a
small park inclosed for fallow deer, and I have not seen any
other park in Ireland, nor have heard that they had any
other at that time, yet in many woods they have many red
deer loosely scattered,' which seem more plentiful, because
^ For a very instruotive aoooant of the bawna surrounding the dwellings of
Irish planters in the seventeenth century see * Notes on Bawns ' in the Ulster
Journal of Archaohgy, vi. p. 126.
* As to wolves in Ireland see 0'Flaherty*s West or H-Iar Connaught^ ed.
Hardiman, note D, p. 180, where a declaration concerning wolves is printed,
with other documents of the Gromwellian period, which shows the extent to
which wolves had multiplied during the desolation of the Civil War, and the
measures taken to exterminate them. See also Ulster Journal of Arch(Boloffy,
ii. p. 281.
* Bed deer were known in a wild state in the west of Ireland down to the
middle of the nineteenth century. See Knight's Erris in the Irish Highlands,
They still survive in Kerry and Donegal. As to their numbers in the same
district in the eighteenth century, see Pooock's Tour in Ireland in 1752, cd.
Stokes, p. 86.
THE DESCBIPTION OF IBELAND 223
the inhabitants used not then to hunt them, but only the
governors and commanders had them sometimes killed with
the piece. They have also about Ophalia and Wexford, and
in some parts of Mimster, some fallow deer scattered in the
woods; yet in the time of the war I did never see any
venison served at the table, but only in the houses of the said
earls and of the English conmianders. Ireland hath great
plenty of birds and fowls, but by reason of their natural
sloth they had little delight or skill in birding or fowl-
ing. But Ireland hath neither singing nightingale nor
chattering pie,^ nor undermining mole, nor black crow, but
only crows of mingled colour such as we call Koyston crows.
They have such plenty of pheasants as I have known sixty
served at one feast, and abound much more with rails, but
partridges are somewhat rare. There be very many eagles,
and great plenty of hares, conies, hawks, called goss-hawks,
much esteemed with us, and also of bees, as well in hives
at home as in hollow trees abroad and in caves of the earth.
They abound in flocks of sheep which they shear twice in
the year, but their wool is coarse, and merchants may not
export it, forbidden by a law made on behalf of the poor,*
that they may be nourished by working it into cloth, namely
rugs (whereof the best are made at Waterford), and mantles
are generally worn by men and women and exported in
great quantity. Ireland yields much flax, which the inhabi-
tants work into yam, and export the same in great quan-
tity ; and of old they had such plenty of linen cloth as the
old Irish used to wear thirty or forty ells in a shirt all
gathered and wrinkled, and washed in saffron because they
never put them off till they were worn out. Their horses,
called hobbies, are much commended for their ambling pace
and beauty ; but Ireland yields few horses good for service
in war, and the said hobbies are much inferior to our
geldings in strength to endure long journeys, and being bred
in the fenny, soft ground of Ireland are soon lamed when
* * No Pies to pluok the thatoh from House
Are bred in Irish ground.' — Derricke's Image of Ireland, i^. 43.
' See the statutes 11 Eliz. cap. 10, and 13 EUz. cap. 4.
224 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
they are brought into England. The hawks of Ireland,
called goss-hawks, are (as I said) much esteemed in England,
and they are sought out by money and all means to be
transported thither.^ Ireland pelds excellent marble near
Dublin, Kilkenny, and Cork ; and I am of their opinion who
dare venture all they are worth that the mountains would
peld abundance of metals if this public good were not
hindered by the inhabitants' barbarousness, making them
apt to seditions, and so unwilling to enrich their prince and
country, and by their slothfulness, which is so singular as
they hold it baseness to labour, and by their poverty not
able to bear the charge of such works ; besides that the wiser
sort think their poverty best for the public good, making
them peaceable, as nothing makes them sooner kick against
authority than riches. Ireland hath in all parts pleasant
rivers, safe and long havens, and no less frequent lakes of
great circuit, yielding great plenty of fish ; and the sea on all
sides yields like plenty of excellent fish, as salmon, oysters
(which are preferred before the English), and shell-fishes,
with all other kinds of sea-fish, so as the Irish might in all
parts have abundance of excellent sea and fresh-water fish,
if the fishermen were not so possessed with the natural
fault of slothfulness, as no hope of gain, scarcely the fear of
authority, can in many places make them come out of their
houses and put to sea. Hence it is that in many places they
use Scots for fishermen, and they, together with the English,
make profit of the inhabitants' sluggishness ; and no doubt
if the Irish were industrious in fishing, they might export
salted and dried fish with great gain. In time of peace the
Irish transport good quantity of com ; yet they may not
transport it without license, lest upon any sudden rebellion
the King's forces and his good subjects should want com.
Ulster and the western parts of Munster yield vast woods,'
in which the rebels, cutting up trees and casting them on
heaps, used to stop the passages, and therein, as also upon
' For infonnation as to hawking in Ireland see a paper by J. P. Prendergast
on * Hawks and Hounds in Ireland,' Journal of Society of Antiqtiaries of Ire^
land, ii. p. 144.
» See Part I. p. 143 et seq., supra.
THE DESCBIPTION OF IRELAND 225
fenny and boggy places, to fight with the English. But I
confess myself to have been deceived in the common fame
that all Ireland is woody, having found in my long journey
from Armagh to Einsale few or no woods by the way,
excepting the great woods of Ophalia and some low shrubby
places which they call Glins; also I did observe many
boggy and fenny places whereof great part might be dried
by good and painful husbandry. I may not omit the
opinion commonly received that the earth of Ireland will
not suffer a snake or venomous beast to live, and that the
Irish wood transported for building is free of spiders and
their webs ; ^ myself have seen some (but very few) spiders,
which the inhabitants deny to have any poison, but I have
heard some English of good credit affirm by experience the
contrary. The Irish having in most parts great woods, or
low shrubs and thickets, do use the same for fire, but in
other parts they bum turf and sea-coals brought out of
England. They export great quantity of wood to make
barrels, called pipe-staves, and make great gain thereby.
They are not permitted to build great ships of war, but they
have small ships, in some sorts armed to resist pirates, for
transporting of commodities into Spain and France, yet no
great number of them ; therefore since the Irish have small
skill in navigation, as I cannot praise them for this art, so I
am confident that the nation, being bold and warlike, would
no doubt prove brave seamen if they shall practise naviga-
tion, and could possibly be industrious therein. I freely
profess that Ireland in general would yield abundance of all
things to civil and industrious inhabitants ; and when it lay
wasted by the late rebellion, I did see it after the coming of
the Lord Mountjoy daily more and more to flourish, and, in
short time after the rebellion appeased, like the new spring
to put on the wonted beauty.
The diet — Touching the Irish diet, some lords and knights,
and gentlemen of the English-Irish, and all the English there
abiding, having competent means, use the English diet, but
some more, some less cleanly, few or none curiously, and
^ See Part I. p. 148 supra,
Q
226 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
no doubt they have as great, and for their part greater,
plenty than the English, of flesh, fowl, fish, and all things
for food, if they will use like art of cookery. Always I
except the fruits, venison, and some dainties proper to
England, and rare in Ireland. And we must conceive that
venison and fowl seem to be more plentiful in Ireland,
because they neither so generally affect dainty food, nor so
diligently search it as the English do.^ Many of the English-
Irish have by Uttle and little been infected with the Irish
filthiness, and that in the very cities, excepting DubUn, and
some of the better sort in Waterford, where the English,
continually lodging in their houses, they more retain the
English diet. The English-Irish after our manner serve to
the table joints of flesh cut after our fashion, with geese,
pullets, pigs, and like roasted meats, but their ordinary food
for the conmion sort is of white meats, and they eat cakes of
oats for bread, and drink not English beer made of malt and
hops, but ale. At Cork I have seen with these eyes young
maids, stark naked, grinding of com with certain stones to
make cakes thereof, and striking off into the tub of meal
such reliques thereof as stuck on their belly, thighs, and
more unseemly parts. And for the cheese or butter com-
monly made by the English-Irish an Englishman would
not touch it with his lips, though he were half-starved ; yet
many English inhabitants make very good of both kinds.
In cities they have such bread as ours, but of a sharp savour,
and some mingled with anice-seeds and baked like cakes,
and that only in the houses of the better sort.
At Dublin and in some other cities they have taverns,^
wherein Spanish and French wines are sold, but more com-
monly the merchants sell them by pints and quarts in
their own cellars. The Irish aqua vitsd,' commonly called
> See Gemon's Diacourset p. 861, infra.
* For a very full notice of Dablin taveniB see Bamaby Bich's New Description
of Ireland^ chapter xvil., pnblished in 1610.
' Notices of the drinking of asqnebagh or whisky are freqoent in sixteenth and
seventeenth century references to Irish social habits. The statute 3 & 4 Philip
and Bfary, chapter yii., was passed to restrain its indiscriminate manufacture.
Among earlier references Btanihurst speaks, in his Plain and Perfect Description
THE DESCRIPTION OF IRELAND 227
nsquebagh, is held the best in the world of that kind,
which is made also in England, but nothing so good as that
which is brought out of Ireland. And the usquebagh is
preferred before our aqua vitsd, because the mingling of
raisins, fennel-seed, and other things mitigating the heat,
and making the taste pleasant, makes it less inflame, and
yet refresh the weak stomach with moderate heat and a
good relish. These drinks the English-Irish drink largely,
and in many famiUes (especially at feasts) both men and
women use excess therein. And since I have in part seen,
and often heard from other experience, that some gentle-
women are so free in this excess, as they would kneeling
upon the knee and otherwise garausse health after health
with men; not to speak of the wives of Irish lords or to
refer it to the due place, who often drink till they be
drunken, or, at least, till they void urine in full assemblies
of men. I cannot (though unwillingly) but note the Irish
women more especially with this fault, which I have
observed in no other part to be a woman's vice, but only
in Bohemia. Yet so, as accusing them, I mean not to
excuse the men, and will also confess that I have seen
virgins, as well gentlewomen as citizens, commanded by
their mothers to retire after they had in curtesy pledged one
or two healths. In cities passengers may have feather beds,
soft and good, but most commonly lousy, especially in the
highways, whether that came by their being forced to lodge
common soldiers or from the nasty filthiness of the nation
in general. For even in the best city and at Cork I have
observed that my own and other Englishmen's chambers
hired of the citizens were scarce swept once in the week,
of Ireland, of the excellence of Waterford whisky : * as they distil the best Aqua
Vitst, so they spin the choicest rag in Ireland ' (p. 24). Campion, writing in
1571, also refers to the consumption of the same drink. The earliest extant
reference to the national beverage appears to belong to the year 1405, and
illustrates with admirable point and brevity the use and abuse of strong
liquors. In that year * Richard MaoBaghnaill, heir to the chieftaincy of Muinter-
Eolais, quievit after drinking uisce-Mha (usquebagh, literally water of life) ; and
it was uisce-marbtha (literally water of killing) to Biohard.' Annala of Loch
Ci, ii. p. 108, Hennessy's translation. See on this subject the UlsUr Journal
of Archctologyy vii. p. 33.
q2
1/
228 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
and the dust then laid in a comer was perhaps cast out
once in a month or two. I did never see any public inns
with signs hanged out among the English or English-Irish,
but the officers of cities and villages appoint lodgings to
the passengers, and perhaps in each city they shall find one
or two houses where they will dress meat, and these be
commonly houses of Englishmen, seldom of the Irish, so as
these houses having no signs hung out a passenger cannot
challenge right to be entertained in them, but must have it
of courtesy, or by entreaty.
The wild and (as I may say) mere Irish, inhabiting many
and large provinces, are barbarous and most filthy in their
c/ diet. They scum the seething pot with a handful of straw,
and strain their milk taken from the cow through a like hand-
ful of straw, none of the cleanest, and so cleanse, or rather
more defile, the pot and milk. They devour great morsels
of beef unsalted, and they eat commonly swine's flesh,
seldom mutton ; and all these pieces of flesh, as also the
entrails of beasts unwashed, they seethe in a hollow tree
lapped in a raw cow's hide and so set over the fire, and
therewith swallow whole lumps of filthy butter. Yea (which
is more contrary to nature), they will feed on horses dying of
themselves, not only upon small want of flesh, but even for
pleasure. For I remember an accident in the army when the
Lord Mountjoy, the Lord Deputy, riding to take the air out
of the camp, found the buttocks of dead horses cut off, and
suspecting that some soldiers had eaten that flesh out of
necessity, being defrauded of the victuals allowed them,
commanded the men to be searched out, among whom a
common soldier, and that of the English-Irish, not of the
mere Irish, being brought to the Lord Deputy, and asked
why he had eaten the flesh of dead horses, thus freely
answered, 'Your lordship may please to eat pheasant and
partridge, and much good do it you, that best likes your
taste ; and I hope it is lawful for me without offence to eat
this flesh that likes me better than beef.' Whereupon the
Lord Deputy, perceiving himself to be deceived, and further
understanding that he had received his ordinary victuals
THE DBSOBIPTION OF lEELAND 229
(the detaining whereof he suspected, and purposed to punish
for example), gave the soldier a piece of gold to drink in
usquebagh for better digestion, and so dismissed him.
The foresaid wild Irish do not thresh their oats, but bum
them from the straw, and so make cakes thereof, yet they
seldom eat this bread, much less any better kind, especially
in the time of war, whereof a Bohemian baron complained,
who, having seen the courts of England and Scotland, would
needs out of his curiosity return through Ireland in the
heat of the rebellion ; and having letters from the King of
Scots to the Irish lords then in rebellion, first landed among
them in the furthest north, where for eight days' space he
had found no bread, not so much as a cake of oats, till he
came to eat with the Earl of Tyrone, and after obtaining the
Lord Deputy's pass to come into our army, related this their
want of bread to us for a miracle, who nothing wondered
thereat. Yea, the wild Irish in time of greatest peace
impute covetousness and base birth to him that hath any
com after Christmas, as it were a point of nobility to con-
sume all within those festival days. They willingly eat the
herb shamrock, being of a sharp taste, which, as they run ^
and are chased to and fro, they snatch like beasts out of the
ditches.
Neither have they any beer made of malt and hops, nor
yet any ale — no, not the chief lords, except it be very rarely ;
but they drink milk like nectar, warmed with a stone first
cast into the fire, or else beef -broth mingled with milk. But
when they come to any market town to sell a cow or a horse
they never return home till they have drunk the price in
Spanish wine (which they call the King of Spain's daughter),
or in Irish usquebagh, and till they have outslept two or
three days' drunkenness. And not only the common sort, but
even the lords and their wives; the more they want this
drink at home, the more they swallow it when they come to
it, till they be as drunk as beggars.
Many of these wild Irish eat no flesh, but that which
dies of disease or otherwise of itself, neither can it scape
them for stinking. They desire no broth, nor have any use
230 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
of a spoon. They can neither seethe artichokes nor eat
them when they are sodden. It is strange and ridiculous,
but most true, that some of our carriage horses falling into
their hands, when they found soap and starch carried for the
use of our laundresses, they thinking them to be some dainty
meats did eat them greedily, and when they stuck in their
teeth cursed bitterly the gluttony of us English churls, for
so they term us. They feed most on white meats, and es-
teem for a great dainty sour curds, vulgarly called by them
Bonaclabbe.^ And for this cause they watchfully keep their
cows, and fight for them as for their reUgion and life ; and
when they are almost starved, yet they will not kill a cow,
except it be old and yield no milk. Yet will they upon
hunger in time of war open a vein of the cow and drink the
blood, but in no case kill or much weaken it. A man would
think these men to be Scjrthians, who let their horses blood
under the ears, and for nourishment drink their blood, and,
indeed (as I have formerly said) some of the Irish are of the
race of Scjrthians, coming into Spain, and from thence into
Ireland. The wild Irish (as I said) seldom kill a cow to eat,
and if perhaps they kill one for that purpose, they dis-
tribute it all to be devoured at one time ; for they approve
not the orderly eating at meals, but so they may eat enough
when they are hungry they care not to fast long. And I
have known some of^ these Irish footmen serving in England
(where they are nothing less than sparing in the food of
their families) to lay meat aside for many meals to devour it
all at one time.
These wild Irish, as soon as their cows have calved, take
the calves from them, and thereof feed some with milk to
rear for breed ; some of the rest they slay, and seethe them in
a filthy poke, and so eat them, being nothing but froth, and
send them for a present one to another. But the greatest
part of these calves they cast out to be eaten by crows and
wolves, that themselves may have more abundance of milk.
' Bonnyclabber, a kind of buttermilk, or ourds. See Kilkenny Archcoo-
logical Journal, v. p. 25, and Ulster Journal of Archceology, ii. p. 283 and v.
p. 349. See also Dinely's Tour, p. 29.
THE DE8CBIPTI0N OP IRELAND 231
And the calves being taken away, the cows are bo mad
among them, as they will give no milk till the skin of the
calf be stuffed and set before them, that they may smell the
odour of their own bellies. Yea, when these cows thus
madly deny their milk the women wash their hands in
cows' dung, and so gently stroke their dugs, yea, put their
hands into the coW's tail, and with their mouths blow into
their tails, that with this manner (as it were) of enchantment
they may draw milk from them. . Yea, these cows seem as
rebellious to their owners as the people are to their kings, for
many times they will not be milked, but of some one old
woman only, and of no other.
These wild Irish never set any candles upon tables.
What do I speak of tables? since, indeed, they have no
tables, but set their meat upon a bundle of grass, and use the
same grass for napkins to wipe their hands. But I mean
that they do not set candles upon any high place to give
light to the house, but place a great candle made of reeds
and butter upon the floor in the midst of a great room ;
and in like sort the chief men in their houses make fires in
the midst of the room, the smoke whereof goeth out at a hole
in the top thereoi An Italian friar coming of old into
Ireland, and seeing at Armagh this their diet and nakedness
of the women is said to have cried out :
Civitas Armaohana, oivitas vana,
Games onids, mulieres nad».
Vain Annagh City, I did thee pitjr,
Thy meat's rawness, and women's nakedness.
I trust no man expects among these gallants any beds,
much less feather beds and sheets, who like the nomads
removing their dwellings, according to the commodity of
pastures for their cows, sleep under the canopy of heaven,
or in a poor house of clay, or in a cabin made of the boughs
of trees, and covered with turf, for such are the dwellings of
the very lords among them. And in such places they
make a fire in the midst of the room, and round about it
they sleep upon the ground, without straw or other thing
under them, lying all in a circle about the fire with their
232 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
feet towards it. And their bodies being naked, they cover
their heads and upper parts with their mantles, which they
first make very wet, steeping them in water of purpose, for
they find that when their bodies have once warmed the wet
mantles the smoke of them keeps their bodies in temperate
heat all the night following. And this manner of lodging,
not only the mere Irish lords and their followers use, but
even some of the English-Lrish lords and their followers,
when, after the old but tyrannical and prohibited manner,
vulgarly called coshering,^ they go (as it were) on progress,
to live upon their tenants, till they have consumed all the
victuals that the poor men have or can get. To conclude,
not only in lodging passengers not at all or most rudely,
but even in their inhospitality towards them, these wild
Irish are not much unlike to wild beasts, in whose caves a
beast passing that way might perhaps find meat, but not
without danger to be ill entertained, perhaps devoured of his
insatiable host.
Ware defines ooshering thus, * Gosherj ezaotio erat Dynftsiae Hibemioi,
qoando ab inoolis sub ejus potostate et olientela viotom et hospitiam capiebat,
pro seipao suaqae sequela.' — AntiguUies, chapter xiii. Davies, in his Discovery,
says, ' Ck>8hering8 . • • were visitations and progresses made by the lord and
his followers among his tenants.'
B
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IBELAND
OF THE COMMONWEALTH OF IBELAND AGOOBDINO TO ALL THE
PABTICULAB SUBJECTS MENTIONED IN THE TITLE OF THE
FIBST CHAPTEB AND FIBST BOOK OF THIS PABT.>
Now briefly I will write of the Irish Commonwealth, wherein
it shall suffice with a finger to point at the fountains of past
mischiefs.
It is governed by a Lord Deputy and Council of State
resident at Dublin, and the Councillors are made by the
King's letters, and continue in that place during their
Deputy life, yet at the King's pleasure to recall or remove
Council *^®^» whereof notwithstanding we have few or
none examples, and at the end of the war they
were not many, only consisting of the Lord Chancellor, the
Lord High Treasurer, the Master of the Bolls, the Marshal
of Ireland, the Master of the Ordinance, the Treasurer at
Wars, the Bishop of Meath, the Secretary and some few
chief colonels of the army, but since that time there have
been two Secretaries of State, and the number hath been
much increased by the Lord Chief Baron and many other
gentlemen both of the army and otherwise. Besides that, the
Lords Presidents of provinces are alwa3rs understood to be
of this Council when they come to Dublin or any place
' Chapter i. of Book I. of Part IV. of the Ititierary defines the topics included
under the term Commonwealth thus: 'Under which title I contain the
historical introduction, the King's pedigrees and courts, the present state of
public affairs, the tributes and revenues, the military power for horse, foot and
navy, the courts of justice, rare laws, more especially those of inheritance, and
contracts of marriage, the criminal judgments, and the diversity of degrees in
family and commonwealth.'
234 ILLU8TBATI0NS OP IRISH HISTORY
where the Lord Deputy resides. As for the Lord Deputy,
he is made by the King's letters patent during pleasure, and
commonly hath continued some thnee years, but sometimes
fewer or many more years, at the King's pleasure. Some-
times he hath the title of Lord-Lieutenant for greater
honour, as the Earl of Essex lately had, and sometimes for
diminution is styled Lord Justice, as more specially when,
upon the death of the Lord Deputy, one or more Lords
Justices are chosen to govern till a new Deputy be appointed.
Yet of old when our kings were styled Lord of Ireland, this
chief governor under them was commonly styled Lord
Justice.^ But howsoever the titles differ, the power is all
one. Sometimes of old, kings' brothers and sons (as John,
son to Henry II., and Lionel^ Duke of Clarence, son to
Edward III., and George, Duke of Glajrence, brother to
Edward IV.) have governed this kingdom with title of
Lord-Lieutenant, and with power to leave their own
Deputy to govern it when at any time themselves returned
into England, which Deputy gave them at the Court an
account of the Irish afiiairs, where they gave the like account
thereof to the King and his Council of State. In our time
Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy, for his great deserts in sub-
duing Tyrone's rebellion, was by our sovereign King James
created Earl of Devonshire, and besides rich rewards of
inheritance in England was made Lord-Lieutenant of
Ireland, with two parts of the Lord Deputy's entertain-
ment, who had the other third part with his own commands
in the army and kingdom, and gave like account of the
Irish affairs to this noble Earl living at Court, only he was
not the Earl's, but the King's Deputy. And this Earl during
his life not only swayed all Irish suits at the Court, but all
other chief affairs in Ireland, his letters of direction being
as commands to the Deputy. But after his death the
entertainment and full power returned to the Lord Deputy,
' The title of Lord-Lieatenant did not beoomo the habitual designation of
the Viceroy until after the Restoration. In Tudor and early Stuart times it
was an exceptional honour, although in Edward III.'s time and under the later
Plantagenets it had been frequently bestowed. The Deputies of King John
and Henry III. were called Justiciaries (jtuticiariua)*
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IBELAND 235
the command of Lord-Lieutenant ceasing from that time
to this day, which dignity indeed seems more fit for the
sons or brothers of kings than for any subject. It is
enacted by Statute of Parliament * in the 33rd year of King
Henry VIII., that upon the death of the Lord Deputy or
like vacancy of that government the Lord Chancellor and
Council there may choose one or two to supply the place of
Lord Justice till the King may be advertised of that vacancy,
and appoint another government, provided that they choose
no churchman, nor any but an Englishman.' The foresaid
Lord Lieutenant, Deputy, or Justice (be they one or more)
have ample power, little differing from regal, yet always
limited according to the King's letters patent, which do
very rarely enlarge or restrain the same to one more than
the other, and that power also is countermanded many
times by instructions from the state and by letters from
the kings of England. The Lord Deputy by his letters
patent under the great seal of Ireland may grant pardon
of life, lands and goods, to any guilty or condemned man,
even to traitors, only special treasons against the King's
person are conmionly excepted, as likewise wilful murders,
which the kings themselves profess not to pardon. And to
these men he may likewise give the King's protection for a
time, when they live in the woods as outlaws or rebels ; and
in like sort he may give the lands and goods of felons and
traitors convicted to any of his servants or friends, or to
whom he will, either English or Irish. The King commonly
reserves to his own gift some eight chief places, as of the
Lords Presidents, the Lord High Treasurer, the Lord
Chancellor, the Master of the KoUs, the Secretary, the
Chief Justice, and Chief Baron, and likewise some chief
places of the army, as, of the Marshal, the Master of the
Ordinance, and the Master Treasurer at Wars. For all
other places the Lord Deputy grants them under the great
seal of Ireland (as the former also when he is first warranted
' An Act for the election of the Lord Justice. 33 Hen. VIII. cap. 2.
'^ * Two persons of English blood and sirname, being no spiritual persons,'
is the language of the statute.
236 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY
by letters out of England), and these he disposeth not only
for his own time, but for the life of the possessors. The
King reserves to himself the choice of bishops, but all other
church livings are in the Lord Deputy's gift. The King
reserves to himself the pupils of earls and barons, but the
rest are in the Lord Deputy's gift, who likewise disposeth to
his servants, friends and followers all intrusions, alienations,
fines, and like things of great moment. And howsoever by
inferior commissions some of the Council are joined to assist
the Deputy in disposal of these things, yet that was wont to
to be only for form, these Councillors very rarely opposing
themselves to his pleasure. Yea, the gifts of the higher
places in the state and army, of bishoprics, of earls' and
barons' pupils, though reserved to the King, were wont
seldom to be granted in England but upon the Lord
Deputy's letters of recommendation sent out of Ireland.
Finally, the Lord Deputy may leave forces, and do all things
of regal authority save coining of money, which was always
coined at London and sent into Ireland.* True it is that in
those things which are put in his mere power by his letters
patent he hath always subjected himself to instructions and
letters sent out of England, which notwithstanding seldom
have crossed his free disposal of all things in his power, since
he used to grant them presently, before any can pass into
England and return, having obtained them there. Notwith-
standing in things put in his mere power, the most wise and
moderate Deputies, foreseeing the short time of their govern-
ment, and knowing that the councillors of state have their
places for Ufe, and observing that most Deputies returned
into England laden with complaints, as well of councillors as
of many private men, so as after good service they have been
glad to receive the pardon of their errors for their deserved
reward, for these causes have been so wary as in many
things of their absolute power they used to refer the con-
sideration of them to one or two of the Council, by that art
' This is not accurate. Money had ceased to be coined in Ireland in
Mory son's time, but mints had formerly existed in Dublin and some provincial
cities. See Part I. p. 30 supra.
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 237
drawing their consent, and yet still having their own inten-
tions seldom or never opposed by those councillors, who
found those referments graceful and profitable to them, and
so willingly seconded the Lords Deputies' pleasure.^
In my opinion nothing is so contrary to the affections
of the Irish to which the King's personal presence might
not easily lead or draw them,' more than his sword in
his Deputy's hand can force them. But the dangerous
passages of the sea and the general affairs of state giving
the Irish small hope of their King's frequent presence, no
doubt in his absence they more reverence a Lord Deputy
that is by degree a Duke, Earl or Baron, than any knight
though he be of any like great family, and such a Deputy
shall by the authority of his degree more easily suppress
their rebellious spirits against the state, and tyranny to-
wards their tenants, than any Deputy of inferior degree can
do, by greater valour and wisdom. And since the Irish are
most prone to tumults and commotions, their nature in
general rather requires a vaUant, active Deputy, than one
that is wise and politic, if withal he be slow and faint-
hearted.
But it may well be doubted whether the short govern-
ment commonly allotted to the Deputies be profitable to our
state or no. For magistrates often changed like hungry
flies suck more blood, and as the devil rageth more because
his time is short, so these magistrates, fearing soon to be
recalled, are not so much bent to reform the commonwealth,
the fruit whereof should be reaped by the successor, as
they are vigilant to enrich themselves and their followers.
Neither indeed can that crafty and subtle nation be well
known to any governor by few years' experience. So as the
Irish, hoping the magistrate shall be recalled before he be
skilful of their affairs, and that another far more unskilful
> See as to the powers of the Deputies Harris's Ware, ii. p. SS, and Liber
Munerum HibemuB, vol. i. part iii. p. 52 w.
' This was also the opinion of Moryson's eminent oontemporary, Sir John
Dayies : * I join with these laws the personal presence of the King's son (Lionel,
Dnke of Clarence) as a concurrent cause of this reformation ; because the people
of this land, both English and Irish, out of a natural pride, did ever love to be
governed bj great persons.'— Sir J. Davies' Dkcovery.
238 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
shall be sent over in his place, use nothing more than
dilatory temporising in their obedience to the King's com-
mands or laws, hoping that new magistrates will give new
laws ; and so, if they can, put off any business for the present,
if it be but for a day, thinking with crafty Davus^ that in the
meantime some chance may happen to their advantage,
daily gaping for such changes and inquiring after nothing
more. Yea, many times they are not deceived in this hope,
but flocking to the new Deputy at his first arrival with their
causes formerly determined though not to their mind and
liking, they many times extort from these Deputies wanting
experience new determinations, disagreeable and perhaps
contrary to the former, with great hurt to the common-
wealth and disgrace to the government.
It may be objected that it may prove dangerous to give a
great man the absolute command of a kingdom for many years.
No doubt, as barbarous nations, not knowing God whom they
see not, worship his creatures by which immediately he confers
ill or good upon them, so the Irish in the first place obey
their landlords as nearest benefactors or oppressors, and in
the next place, the Lord Deputy, whose person they see and
whose power they feel ; yet so as keeping faith promised to the
present Deputy, they think themselves free from keeping the
same to his successors, and for the £jng, he as unknown and
farthest from revenge, hath ever been less feared by them.
But the state may always be confident of a Lord Deputy,
whose faithfulness and ends free from ambition, are well
known to them. And let him be never so fit to embrace
new and dangerous counsels, yet if he have a good estate of
lands in England there is no danger of his attempts. For a
wise man would not change that certain estate for any hopes
of Ireland, which will always be most uncertain, as well
because the kingdom cannot subsist without the support of
some powerful king, as because the minds of the Irish are
unstable, and as the common people everywhere, so they
in a far greater measure, have most inconstant affections.
Besides that such ambitious designs cannot by any man be
* * Crafty Davos/ a character in Terence's Andria.
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IBELAND 289
resolved in council, much less put in execution, before the
state of England may have meaQS to know and prevent them.
Their objection is of greater force who think it fit
these governments be often changed, that many of the
English may know the affairs of that kingdom, which other-
wise will be known to few. But what if three years will
not suffice to understand how to govern that crafty nation !
Surely at least after these years of contemplation, methinks
some time should be given to the governor to bring his
counsels and experience into actual reformation. For as
heretofore they have been often changed, so the Deputies
have laboured more to compose tumults and disorders for the
time than to take away the causes, and to make the peace
permanent, lest their successor should enter upon their
harvest, imputing the troubles to them, and arrogating the
appeasing thereof to himself. Whereupon sharp emulation,
or rather bitter malice, hath commonly been between the "^
Deputies nearest foregoing and succeeding. So as the new
Deputy, affecting private fame rather than public good, hath
seldom or never trodden the steps of his predecessor, but
rather insisted upon his own maxims of government, espe-
cially caring that his actions be not obscured by those of his
predecessor, and this Babylonian confusion of distracted and
contrary motions in the chief governors hath made the
Irish, like wild colts having unskilful riders, to learn all
their jadish tricks. Whereas if the government were continued
till the magistrate might know the nature of the people,
with the secrets of that state, and apply the remedies proper
thereunto; if after their government (according to the
custom of the state of Venice) each Deputy should give in
writing to the state in England a full relation of his govern-
ment and the state of that kingdom, so as his successor
might weave the same web he had begun, and not make a
new frame of his own ; if in regard the King's presence in
Ireland may rather be wished than hoped, some special
commissioners, sworn to faithful relation, were chosen in
England once in two or three years, and sent over to visit
the affairs of that kingdom, and to make like relation thereof
240 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
at their retom : no doubt that kingdom might in short
time be reformed, and the King's revenues might be so
increased, as Ireland might not only maintain itself in peace,
but restore part of the treasure it hath formerly exhausted
in England, and lay up means to supply future necessities of
that state, since the said Deputies and commissioners would
every one be ashamed not to add something to the public
good of their own, and much more to do that was already
done, or rather to destroy it by their emplojrment. And the
Irish would thereby be put from their shifting hopes, gaping
for new, unskilful, and diversely affected magistrates, which
have always animated them to destroy obedience and rebel-
lious courses.^
By the complaint of former ages rather than experience
in our time, I have observed that the Lord Deputy's au-
thority in Ireland hath been much weakened by the grant-
ing of suits and rewards in England to many of the Irish,
without having any recommendations from their Deputy,
and much more because the judicial causes of the Irish have
been determined in England without the Lord Deputy's
privity, or having been formerly determined in Ireland, were
sent back to be again examined and determined, according to
letters of favour obtained by the plaintiffs in England, which
made the subject proud, and to triumph upon the overruled
magistrate, who no doubt is either unfit to govern a king-
dom, or ought best to know who deserve pimishment, who
reward, and the most fit ways to determine judicial causes.
Wherein I dare boldly say the contrary proceedings of our
time, giving that magistrate his due honour, hath much
advanced the public good.
Some do not approve the residence of the Lord Deputy
at Dublin, and would have it rather at Athlone, upon the
> It was probably with the idea of giving a greater oontiiiaity to the policy
of the Irish Qovemment that Moontjoy, on leaving Ireland at the close of the
rebellion, was retained in the office of Lord-Lieatenant. He acted until his
death as a kind of referee of the English Privy Connoil on all matters of Irish
policy, though he was never in Ireland alter 1608. With a similar view, Sir
George Carew was sent over in 1611 to report on the state of the Irish Govern-
ment under Sir Arthur Chichester, his Lord Deputy.
THE OOMMOirWEALTH OF IRELAND a»
edge of Connaaght and Ulster, where be should haye those
seditioias {oovinces before him, and might easily fall with his
forces into Monster, and so should be nearer hand to prevent
tumults with his presence and compose them witti his power,
and likewise should have at his back the Pale (containing
five shires, and so called because they ever were more quiet
and subject to the English), and so might stop ail rebels
from disturbing the Pale, which would not only jrield
supplies of necessaries to his train and soldiers, but also
give safe passage for transporting munition and victuals to
Athlone from the store-houses at Dublin. And this coimsel
was so much urged to Queen Elizabeth, as these reasons, to-
gether with the saving of the charge to maintain a governor
in Connaught with counsellors to assist him, and the like
diarge then intended for Ulster moved her to refer the
determination thereof to the Lord Mountjoy, then Deputy,
and the Council of State, who altered nothing because that
course would have ruined or decayed the city of Dublin, and
especiaUy because the rebellion was soon after appeased,
and our state hath commonly used, like mariners to be
secure in fair weather, and never fly to the tacklings till a
storm come.
Touching the mere Irish, before I speak of them
^irish^^ give me leave to remember four verses expressing
four mischiefs afflicting them, as fruits of their
idleness, slovenliness, and superstition :
Quatuor hybemos yexant animalia, tarpes
CSorpora Termiooli, sorioes per teota rapaoes,
Camiyori vastantqoe lap! oradeliter agros,
Hbbo tria nequitia superas Bomane saoerdos.
For four vile beasts Ireland hath no fence :
Their bodies licet their houses rats possess ;
Most wicked priests goTem their eonsoience,
And ravening wolves do waste their fields no less.
That may be well said of the Irish which Caesar in his
* CJommentaries ' writes of the old Germans : like beasts they
do all things by force and arms, after a slavish manner. The
magistrate doth nothing publicly or privately without arms.
They revenge injuries seldom by law, but rather by the
342 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
sword and rapine, neither are they ashamed of stealth or
taking preys or spoils. Formerly I have showed that the
Englishmen who subdued Ireland, and long maintained the
conquest thereof, did flock into England upon the civil
wars between the houses of York and Lancaster, as well to
bear up the factions as to inherit their kinsmen's lands in
England, and so left waste their possessions in Ireland. At
that time the mere Irish rushed into those vacant posses-
sions, and the better to keep them, from that time were ever
prone to rebellions, that the course of law might cease while
they were in arms ; and from that time resumed old barbarous
laws and customs, which had been long abolished, and by
withdrawing themselves from obedience to our laws, became
powerful tyrants in all countries. From that time they did
ever put forth and secretly maintain upon all fit occasions
some outlaws to disturb peace (like our Bobin Hood and
Little John in the times of Bichard I. and John, kings of
England), growing to that impudency as these outlaws are
not by them termed rebels, but men in action, living in the
woods and boggy places. Among them (and many of the
English-Irish by their example) those that became lords of
countries were ever as many heads so many monstrous tyrants.
These have not their lands divided in many countries, as our
noblemen in England (whereby they are less powerful to
disturb peace) but possess whole countries together, whereof
notwithstanding great parts lie waste only for want of
tenants. And because they have an ill custom, that tenants
are reputed proper to those lands on which they dwell, with-
out liberty to remove their dwelling under another landlord,
they still desire more land, rather to have the tenants than
the land, whereas, if we could furnish their old lands with
tenants (as perhaps they have in some sort done since the
last rebellion, of which and former times I write) they
would much exceed our greatest lords in yearly revenues.
It is a great mischief that, among them, all of one name
or sept and kindred dwell not (as in England) dispersed in
many shires, but all live together in one village, lordship,
and county, ready and apt to conspire together in any mis-
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IBELAND 243
chief. And by an old law, which they call of themistry
vulgarly called tanistry ^ — by many, of our laws abolished, yet
still in force among themselves— every sept chooseth their
chief head or captain, not the eldest son of the eldest family,
but the oldest, or rather the most daring, man (whereby
they always understand the most licentious swordsman) as
most fit to defend them. And this chief they not only
choose among themselves, but of corrupt custom impudently
challenged to be confirmed by the Lord Deputies, producing
many like grants of that dignity made of old by the Lord
Deputies under their hands and seals, than which nothing
can be more fit to maintain factions and tumults, and to
hinder the course of the King's laws. By the same law —
often abolished by us, but still retained in use among them —
they will needs have the choice of him that shall inherit the
land of the last chief of any sept or name, not respecting
therein the eldest son according to our laws, but him that
most pleaseth their turbulent humours, whence flows a
plentiful spring of murders, parricides and conspiracies
against the kings and their laws. For first hereby they
professed to live after their own laws, and openly denied
obedience to the King's laws ; and again (to give an instance
of one mischief, passing over many other of no less moment),
when any of these chiefs or lords of countries upon sub-
mission to the state, hath surrendered his lands to the King,
and taken a new grant of them by the King's letters patent
with conditions fit for public good, they boldly say that he
held his lands by the tenure of tanistry only for his life,
and so will not be tied to any of his acts. And it is no
matter what they profess, why should we hear their words
when we see their deeds ? I do not think, but know, that they
will never be reformed in religion, manners, and constant
obedience to our laws but by the awe of the sword, and by
a strong hand, at least for a time, bridling them.
By these and like corrupt customs, neglecting our laws,
* For a succinot account of the custom of tanktry, see Bichey*s History of
Irelandy pp. 49-50. For a more nearly contemporary exposition of the custom,
see Spenser's View of tlie State of Ireland, and Sir J. Davies's Reports,
B 2
1^
244 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
they become disturbers of the peace, and after a barbarous
manner, for t^ror or in pride, add to their names 0 (noting
the chief or head) and Mac (noting the son of such a one),
and thus they are called O'neales, O'Donnells, MacMa-
hownes, with a rabble of like names, some rather seeming
the names of devouring giants than Christian subjects ; yea,
some of old English families, degenerating into this bar-
barism, have changed their names after the Irish tongue,
as the Urslies^ are called Mahownes, taking the notation
from the name of a bear : yea, some of the most licentious
take to themselves nicknames suitable to their wicked dis-
positions, as one of the O'Donnells was called Garbe,^ that is
a choleric, strong (or lusty) gallant, and such he was indeed.
And some as if they w^e knights of Amadis of Gaul, and
had the valour of those errant knights, were called the
Knight of the VaUey, the White Knight, and the like. And
withal they despise our titles of earls and lords, which so
weakens the great men's estimation among them as they
must cast them away, smd assume their old barbarous names
whensoever they will have the power to lead the people to
any rebellious action. For in those barbarous names and
nicknames the Irish are proud to have the rebellious acts of
their forefathers sung by their bards or poets, at their feasts
and public meetings. Again, they have a corrupt custom to
increase their power by fostering their children with the
most valiant, rich, and powerful neighbours, since that
people bears such strange reverence to this bond and pledge
of love, as they commonly love their foster-children more
than their own. The events of which custom forced our
progenitors to make severe laws against the same, which
notwithstanding, howsoever restrained for the time, grew
again to be of force among them in our age.
^ The FitsGeralds, Knights of Glin, and FitzGibbons, or White Knights,
both represeutiog powerful Anglo-Norman families which had become hiberni-
cised, are referred to here. This aocoant of the origin of the MoMahons is
followed by all the English writers on Ireland of this period. But as Father
Hogan points out in his notes to Haynes's Description of Ireland in 1598, p. 23,
Mr. Eyelyn Shirley in his History of Ifonaghan has traced the pedigree of the
MoMahon sept to purely Celtic sources.
* Garve.
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IBBLAND 24S
They have likewise a ridiculous custom — that married
women give fathers to their children when they are at the
point of death; insomuch as they have a pleasant tale —
that a younger son hearing his mother give base fathers
to some of his brethren, besought her with tears to give
him a good father. But commonly they give them fathers
of the O'neales, O'Pbnnells, ox such great men, (x at least
those that are most famous for licentious boldness. And
these bastard children ever after follow these fathers, and,
thinking themselves to descend of them, will be called
swordsmen, and, scorning husbandry and manual arts, live
only of rapine and spoil.
These foresaid mere Irish lords of countries govern the
people under them with such tyranny, as they know no
king in respect of them, who challenge all their goods and
chattels to be theirs, saying th|if their progenitors did not
only give them lands to till, ^t also cows and other goods
to possess at the lord's ^11 and disposal. Neither take
they any rent of them for their lands, but at pleasure
impose money upon them upon all occasions of spending, as
journeys to DubKh or into England, paying their debts,
entertaining of the Lord Deputy or judges, and like occasions,
sometimes true, sometimes feigned, taking a great or small
portion of their goods according to the quality of the cause.
And these exactions they do well call cuttings,^ wherewith
they do not only cut, but devour the people. And it little
availeth these poor tenants, though some of them can prove
by indentures that they are freeholders, and not tenants at
will, for of old to the end of the last war (of which time I
write and desire to be understood) the lords by tyrannical
custom still overswayed the people's right in these courses.
And this custom was the fountain of many evils, more
especially of one mischief — that if the tenant by any crime
forfeited his goods, the lord denied him to have any property
therein; and yet if the same goods were seized by the
sheriff for any fines for the King, or debts of the lord to
> Levies made bj the lord upon his tenants either for warlike expeditions or
other expenses of the kind mentioned in the text.
246 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IBISH HISTOEY
private men, the tenants forthwith exclaimed of injustice to
punish them for the lord's offences with this (as it were)
dilemma, still deluding the execution of justice. Yea, these
lords challenged right of inheritance in their tenants'
persons, as if by old covenants they were bom slaves to till
their ground, and do them all like services, and howso-
ever they were oppressed might not leave their land to
dwell under any other landlord. And these suits between
the lords for right in tenants were then most frequent.
Thus I remember the son of Henry Oge ^ to be killed in the
country of MacMahon while he went thither to bring back
by force a fugitive tenant (as they term them). Like suits
for tenants were frequent at this time between the new
created Earl of Tirconnell and Sir Neale Garve,^ and at first
the magistrate commanded the Earl to restore to Sir Neale
his old tenants; but when peace was more settled, the
itinerant judges, going to Ulster, added a general caution in
this case — ^that the tenants should not be forced to return,
except they were willing, professing at public meetings, with
great applause of the people, that it was most unjust the
King's subjects, bom in a free commonwealth, should be used
like slaves. Again these lords, challenging all their tenants'
goods, think scorn to have any cows or herds of cattle of
their own, though sometimes they permit their wives to
have some like property. They distribute their lands among
their tenants, to be tilled only for one, two, or three years,
and so the people build no houses, but, like nomads living in
cabins, remove from one place to another with their cows,
and commonly retire them within thick woods not to be
entered without a guide, delighting in this roguish life, as
more free from the hand of justice and more fit to commit
rapines. Thus the country people living under the lords'
absolute power as slaves, and howsoever they have plenty of
corn, milk, and cattle, yet having no property in anything,
• Henry Oge 0*Neill.
^ The headship of the O'Donnella was disputed during Mount joy 'a govern-
ment between Bory O'Donnell and Neill Qarve O'Donnell. The Deputy
decided in favour of the former, as the direct heir to his brother, the former Earl.
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IBELAND 247
obey their lords in right and wrong, and being all of the
Boman Church, and being taught that it is no sin to break
faith with us, and so little regarding an oath taken before ''
our magistrates, the King was often defrauded of his right t
by the falsehood of juries, in his inheritance, wards,
attainders, escheats, intrusions, alienations, and all pleas of
the crown. At the end of the war, among infinite examples,
this was well seen in the case of Meade, the Recorder of
Cork, who, having committed open treason, was acquitted
by an Irish jury, himself craftily hastening his trial for fear
he should be tried in England.^ The Court of the Star
Chamber, shortly after established, severely punished juries
for abuses of this last kind, but with what effect is beside
my purpose to write. These Irish lords in the last war had
a cunning trick — that howsoever the father possessing the
land bore himself outwardly as a subject, yet his sons,
having no land in possession, should live with the rebels,
and keep him in good terms with them, and his goods from
present spoiling. The lords of Ireland, at this time whereof
I write, nourished thieves, as we do hawks, openly boasting
among themselves who had the best thieves. Neighbours
entertaining these men into their families, for mutual
prejudices, was a secret fuel of the Civil War, they being
prone to rebellion, and in peace not forbearing to steal at
home, and to spoil all passengers near their abode.
The wild or mere Irish have a generation of poets, or
rather rhymers vulgarly called bards, who in their songs
used to extol the most bloody, licentious men, and no others,
and to allure the hearers, not to the love of religion and i/^
civil manners, but to outrages, robberies, living as outlaws, and
contempt of the magistrates' and the King's laws. Alas! how
' William Meade, Recorder of Cork, incited the citizens of Cork to resist
the building of a fort for the defence of the city, and shut the city gates in the
face of the soldiers of the President of Munster. Meade was tried at Yonghal,
after Cork had submitted, by the Viceroy, but was acquitted by the jury.
Proceedings were taken against the jurors in the Court of Castle Chamber for
disregard of their oaths, and they were heavily fined. Cal 8, P. (Ireland),
1603-1606, pp. 2-121. See also Smith's Ancimit and Present State of the
County of Cork, vol. ii. cap. iv.
248 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
unlike unto (^heus, who» with his sweet harp and whole-
some precepts of poetry, laboured to reduce the rude and
barbarous people from living in woods to dwell civilly in
towns and cities, and from wild riot to moral conversation.
All good men wished these knaves to be strictly curbed and
severely punished. For the mere Irish, howsoever they
understood not what was truly honourable, yet out of bar-
barous ignorance are so affected to vainglory, as they nothing
so much feared the Lord Deputy's anger as the least song
or ballad these rascals might make against them, the
singing whereof to their reproach would more have daunted
them than if a judge had doomed them to the gallows.
They had also another rabble of jesters, which used to
frequent the tables of lords and gentlemen, continual tellers
of news, which commonly they reduced to the prejudice of
the public good.
Again, the Irish in general, more especially the mere Irish,
being slothful and given to nothing more than base idleness,
they nourished a third generation of vipers vulgarly called
carrows,^ professing (forsooth) the noble science of playing
at cards and dice, which so infected the public meetings of the
people and the private houses of lords, as no adventure was
too hard in shifting for means to maintain these sports.
And indeed the wild Irish do madly affect them, so as they
will not only play and lose their money and movable goods,
but also engage their lands— yea, their own persons, to be
held as prisoners — by the winner, till he be paid the money
for which they are engaged. It is a shame to speak, but I
heard by credible relation that some were found so impudent
as they had suffered themselves to be led as captives, tied by
the parts of their body which I will not name, till they had
money to redeem themselves. Could a provost-marshal be
better employed than in hanging up such rascals and like
vagabond persons ? For howsoever none could better do it
' * Carrows.* C/. Spenser^s View of the State of Ireland : * Carrows, which
is a kind of people that wander ap and down to gentlemen's houses, living only
upon cards and dice.' Campion in his history defines these people as *a
brotherhood of Carrows that profess to play at cards all the year long and
make it their only occupation/ p. 19.
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IBELAND 249
than the sheriffs, yet because the Irish frequently, and in
part justly, complained of their extortions (as I shall after
show), I dare not say that martial law might well be com-
mitted to them.
The Irish thus given to idleness, naturally abhor from
manual arts and civil trades to gain their own bread, and the
basest of them will be reputed gentlemen and swordmen,
for so they are termed who profess to live by their swords and
have been always apt to raise civil wars, and ever most hardly
drawn to lay down arms by which they had liberty to Uve in
riot. Many examples might be given in the highest kind of
mischief produced by this idleness ; but that the vice is most
natural to the Irish I will only give one example, which
myself observed of fishermen in the cities of Munster, who
being no swordsmen, yet were generally so slothful, as in the
calmest weather, and the greatest concourse of noblemen,
when they had no fear of danger, and great hope of gain,
though seas abound with excellent fish and the province
with frequent ports and bays most fit for fishing, yet so
long as they had bread to eat would not put to sea, no, not
commanded by the Lord Deputy, till they were beaten by
force out of their houses. And in my opinion this idleness
hath been nourished by nothing more (as I have formerly
showed upon other occasions) than by the plenty of the land
and great housekeeping drawing the people from trades,
while they can be fed by others without labour. This
experience hath showed of old, as well in England, where
the greatest robberies were commonly done by idle serving
men swarming in great houses, as in the more northern
parts, and in Ireland, where the multitude of loose followers
hath of old been prone to fight their lords' quarrels — yea, to
rebel with them. Whereas no doubt the exercise of trades,
and the custom of industry to live every man of his own, are
a strong establishment of any commonwealth. The mere
Irish given to sloth are also most luxurious, and not to
speak of the abundance of meats, they are excessively given
to drunkenness. For howsoever while they live in woods
and in cabins with their cattle they could be content with
260 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
water and milk, yet when they came to towns nothing was
more frequent than to tie their cows at the doors, and never
part from 'the taverns till they had drunk them out in sack
and strong water, which they call usquebaugh ; and this did
not only the lords, but the common people, though half
naked for want of clothes to cover them. No man may
justly marvel if, among such people, dissolute hucksters, apt
to raise seditions and live like outlaws, be frequently found.
Therefore at the end of the last war it was wished and
expected that this luxury should be suppressed, at least from
general excess, that all vagabond persons should be severely
punished, that the people should be allured and drawn to
love manual arts and trades, and specially husbandry of
tillage. For whereas all, yea the most strong and able
bodies, and men given to spoils and robberies in all times,
gladly employed themselves in feeding of cows, that course
of life was embraced by them as suitable to their innate
sloth, and as most fit to elude or protract all execution of
justice against them, while they commonly lived in thick
woods abounding with grass. But no doubt it were much
better if Ireland should be reduced to less grazing and more
tillage by the distribution of lands among tenants, in such
sort as ever after it should (as in England) be unlawful to
change any tillage into pasture.
Touching the English-Irish — namely, such as descend of
the first English conquering that country, or since in divers
The ^^^^ ^^^ times to this day transplanted out of
English- England into Ireland — ^it is wonderful, yet most
"* * true, that for some later ages they have been (some
in high, some in less measure) infected with the barbarous
custon^s of the mere Irish and with the Boman religion, so
as they grew not only as adverse to the reformation of civil
policy and religion as the mere Irish, but even combined
with them and showed such malice to the English nation as
if they were ashamed to have any community with it, of
country, blood, religion, language, apparel, or any such
general bond of amity. And for this alienation they did not
shame in the last civil war to allege reasons to justify their
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IRELAND 261
so doing — namely, that they whose progenitors had conquered
that kingdom, and were at first thought most worthy to
govern the same under our kings, were by a new law
excluded from being deputies, and had otherwise small or
no power in the state. Again, that after they were broken
and worn out in the civil war of England between the
houses of York and Lancaster, they were not strengthened
with new colonies out of England, and so being weaker
than the mere Ldsh, were forced to apply themselves to the
stronger, by contracting affinity with them, and using their
language and apparel. These and Uke reasons they pre-
tended, which I will first answer, and then show the true causes
thereof. It cannot be denied but the English-Irish after
the first conquest were by our kings made chief governors of
that kingdom, yea and many ages after were sometimes lord
deputies, and were always capable of that place, till the
time of King Henry VIII.,^ but never without detriment of
the Commonwealth, and danger from them that possessed it.
To the first English-Irish bom of noble families in England
our kings gave large patrimonies and great privileges, making
them sometimes governors of the state, but in process of
time, some of them forgetting their country, blood, and all
pledges of love towards the English, not only became rebels,
but by degrees grew like the mere Irish in all things, even
in hating the English, and becoming chief leaders to all
seditions ; growing at last to such pride in the last civil war,
as if they had not rewards when they deserved punishments,
or could not obtain pensions to serve the state, they were
more ready to rebel than the mere Irish themselves.
Among these, some in hatred to the English changed their
English names into Irish, yet retaining the old notation, as
the UrseUes called themselves MacMahownes, some in
Ulster of the family of Veres called themselves Macrones,
others of the family of great Mortimer called themselves
Macmarrs. These and some others, as Bermingham
descended of old English barons, and the Lord Courcy, whose
progenitors of the English nobility were among the chief
> See the ' Act for the Election of a Lord Jostiee/ 88 Henry VIII. oap. 2.
353 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
and first conquerors of the kingdom, grew so degenerate, as
in the last rebellion they could not be distinguished from
mere Irish. The rest retaining their old names, and in good
measure the English manners, as Tyrrell, Lacy, many of
the Bourkes and Geraldines, and some of the Nugents, yet
became chief leaders in the late rebellion. These men no
man will judge capable of the chief governments in that
kingdom. But let them pass, and let us consider if the
EngUsh-Iriflh that in the rebellion remained subjects, and
will not be stained with the name of rebels, have any just
cause to complain that they are excluded from the govern-
ment, because the law forbids them to be Deputies. They
are in England free denizens, having equal right with the
English to inherit lands, and bear offices, and obtain any
dignity whereof their merit or the King's favour may make
them capable. Let them remember that the Earl Strongbow,
being the leader of the English that first conquered Ireland,
when the King would have committed him the government
th^eof , did modestly refuse the same, except the King would
join some assistants with him, not ignorant what dcmger
that magistracy would bring to him more than to any other.
Let them remember that among other noble families of the
EngUsh conquerors, first Lacy, then Courcy, had the chief
government of that kingdom, but the first was recalled into
England to give account of his government, not without
danger of losing his head; the other was long cast into
prison. Let them remember that the Lord Deputy's place
did weaken and almost destroy the family of the Geraldines,
after which time King Henry VIII. by Act of Parliament
first excluded the English-Irish from being chief governors
of that kingdom, as common experience made all men find
that government not only dangerous to themselves advanced
to it, but also more displeasing to the people, who least like
the command of their own countrymen, and were most
ready to load them with complaints in England, as also their
own countrymen being councillors of state, whose oppres-
sions they most felt, and grieved at. Yet many English-
Irish continued councillors of state at the time of Queen
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IBELAND S58
Elizabeth and the last rebellion whereof I write. Fen: my
part, if the English-Irish had Englidi affections, I would
think no difference should be made between them and the
English. But in the last rebellion nothing was more
evident than that our secret counsels were continually made
known to Tyrone and other rebels, and let men judge un-
partially, who could more justly be suspected of this false-
hood than the councillors of state bom in that kingdom ?
Many counsels were propounded for reforming the state, for
banishing Jesuits and other troublers of the state, and let
themselves unpartially q>eak, who did more frustrate those
designs than the councillors of that time bom in that
kingdom? Were not the Chief Justice and the Chief Baron
of that time both bom and bred in Ireland ? ^ Let them say
truly for what good service of theirs Queen Elizabeth appointed
overseers to look into their actions and make them known
to her Deputy. No doubt that wise Queen either thought
the counsels of Sir Bobert Dillon, Enight, the said Chief
Justice of Ireland, contrary to the public good, or upon
better advice she would never have removed him from that
place which her gracious favour had first conferred upon
him. What needs we use circumstances; the general
opinion of that time was, that the English-Irish made
councillors of state and judges of courts did evidently hurt
the public good, and that tlieir false-hearted help did more
hinder reformation than the open acts of the rebels.
Generally before this time they were papists, and if some
of them upon hypocritical dispensation went to church,
commonly their parents, children, kinsmen and servants
were open and obstinate papists in profession. Tell me any
one of them who did, according to the duty of their place,
publicly commend or command to the people the use of the
Common Prayer Book, and the frequenting of our churches ?
Why do they glory of their governing the commonwealth
I The Chief Justioe of the Common Pleas, Sir Bobert Dillon, and the
Chief Baron, Sir Luke Dillon, were both Irishmen ; but the Chief Justice of
Ireland from 1585 to 1604, Bobert Gardiner, was an Englishman. See Smyth's
Law Officers of Ireland.
254 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
if they cannot show one good act of reformation persuaded
and perfected by them ?
In the reign of King Edward III., when the King
found the Pope obstinate for usurping the hereditary right
of him and his subjects, in bestowing church livings under
their patronage, and valiantly opposed himself to this and
other oppressions of the Pope, observing that his counsels
were no way more crossed than by Italians and Frenchmen,
whom the Pope had cunningly preferred to bishoprics and
benefices, yea, to be of the King's council of state, whereby
they had means to betray the secrets of the state, he wisely
made an Act of Parliament in the twenty-fifth year of his
reign, whereby he provided remedy against these unfaithful
counsellors and churchmen. That which King Edward
might do in this case, may not his successors do the same
in Ireland upon like danger, sequestering any suspected
persons from places in counsel and judgment. When magis-
trates themselves use only connivancy in punishing dis-
obedience to the laws, and sects in religion, doth not their
example confirm the people in disobedience to their king ?
But you shall know the lion by his paw (as the proverb
saith). Let us further see how the English-Irish in those
times carried themselves in military commands committed
to them. Queen Elizabeth, finding that the Lords Deputies
from the first beginning of the last rebellion had made a
great error in levying companies of the English-Irish to
suppress the mere Irish, so having trained them up as the
very horse-boys of them following our army were proved
good shot, was at last forced to entertain of them many
companies of foot and troops of horse in her pay, lest they
should fall to the rebel party. Of these some worthy com-
manders did good service, and all in general, so long as they
were employed in our army, served bravely, so as the Lord
Deputy was often bold to take the field when half his forces
consisted of them. But when they were left ^p garrison,
especially in their own countries, it was observed that gene-
rally they did no service ; but, lying still, wasted the Queen's
treasure, and lest they should lose their pay, which they
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IBELAND 356
esteemed a revenue, or religion should be reformed in time
of peace (which they most feared), they did make our
counsels known to the rebels, did underhand relieye them,
and used all means to nourish and strengthen the rebellion.
It is strange but most true that, as well to merit the rebels'
favour, as to have the goods of their country safe from
spoiling, the very subjects gave large contributions to the
rebels, insomuch as one country (whereby an estimate of
the rest may be made) did pay the rebels three hundred
pounds yearly, using this art to avoid the danger of the law,
that when they made a cutting upon cows for this purpose,
they pretended to make this exaction for the lord's use,
underhand sending the rebels word thereof that they might
by force surprise those cows, which indeed were levied for
them. And besides all or most of them had children,
brothers or kinsmen joined with the rebels, as hostages of their
love, and pledges of reconcilement upon all events. Again,
I said formerly that the septs, or men of one name and blood,
lived together in one town and country, each sept having a
captain or chief of that name. Now this point is a great
mystery, that they could give no more certain pledge of faith
to us than to draw blood of any of these septs. But the
Lord Deputy making it a chief project to make them draw
blood in this kind upon their neighbours, found it a most
hard thing to efifect with any of the English-Irish, yea with
those that were in the Queen's pay ; yet the English-Irish
being in the state's pay, lest they should be held altogether
unprofitable, and to purchase reward of service, would some-
times kill a poor rebel, or bring him alive to the state, whose
revenge they feared not, yea perhaps a rebel of note to whom
the chief neighbour rebels bore malice, and so cast him into
their hands. And this done they used to triumph as though
they had done a masterpiece of service, and could hardly
have the patience to expect a ship to carry them into
England that in Court they might importune extraordinary
reward besides their ordinary pay. To be brief, the Queen's
letters shall bear me witness that the English-Irish placed
in garrisons at their own home lived idle without doing any
356 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTOKY
service, exhausted the public treasure, and by all means
nourished the rebellion, eeq^ecially by plots laid at private
parlies and at public meetings upon hills (called raths), where
many treacherous conG^piracies v^^ere made. Would any
equal man blame a prince for putting such soldiers out of
pay, for prohibiting such parlies, and for careful watching
over such meetings ? Great privileges were worthily granted
at first to the great lords of English race for their conquest,
and great power over the people was wisely given them at
first, both for reward and for power to keep the mere Irish in
subjection. But if these lords use their privileges and power
to contrary ends, spoiling the subjects and wasting the
country by their swordmen, when the cause ceased shall
not the effect cease? When their virtue is changed and
their ends corrupted, may not a wise prince abridge their
privileges and power ? The same is the reason of the law
forbidding any of the English-Irish to be Lord Deputy.
The famous Queen EUzabeth, finding the ill event of these
ill causes, became jealous of the EngUsh-Irish councillors of
state and judges, and used the aforesaid remedies against a
chief justice and a chief baron of that time.^ Formerly I
acknowledge that the English-Irish served bravely in our
army, while they were under the Lord Deputy's eyes ; and
some worthy commanders of them showed great faithfulness,
and did special services ; yet this most wise Queen found
their defects, and that the strength of her afifairs consisted
in breeding English soldiers, so as she commanded the other
companies to be no more supplied, but to be cast by degrees,
as they grew defective, and in the meantime to be employed
out of their own coimtries, where they might not fear to
draw blood of the bordering septs. The Earl of Clanricarde
served the said Queen so well, as he cannot be too much
commended for the same, and was also highly in her favour ;
yet when the Earl of Essex had left him governor of his
own country, howsoever, she would not openly displace him,
yet she ceased not till by. her directions he was induced to a
* Sir Bobert Dillon was deprived of his offioe in 1593. The Chief Baron
had died the ^ear before.
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IBELAND 257
voluntary resignation thereof into her hands. For indeed,
the English-Irish and mere Irish of that time were generally
so humorous as their fathers or brothers that died having
any government of the country or command in the army,
they esteemed the same as due to them by inheritance, or at
least if they were not conferred on them, grew discontented
and prone to any mischievous course. To conclude, the
English-Irish of that time (few or none excepted) were
obstinate and most superstitious papists, and what our state
might have hoped from such men in high places of govern-
ment let wise men judge.
The second excuse of the English-Irish for applying them-
selves to the mere Irish in manners, laws and customs, and
so growing strangers (if not enemies) to the English, hath
some colour of truth, but can never justify this action:
namely, that the colonies of the first English conquering
Ireland, being broken and wasted in the civil war of Eng-
land between the houses of York and Lancaster, were never
supplied, but left so weak as they were forced to apply them-
selves to the mere Irish as the stronger. Since the noble
families of England were much wasted in the same war, no
marvel if at the end thereof, our Kings first intended the re-
storing of England to the former vigour before they could
cast their eyes upon Ireland, and in this meantime the mere
Irish had taken such root, and so overtopped the English-
Irish as the sending of English colonies thither so long as
the mere Irish remained good subjects, would rather have
disturbed than established peace. The first fair occasion of
planting new English colonies there wa>s given in the reign
of Queen Elizabeth by two rebellions, the first of the English-
Irish Geraldines, who had the Earl of Desmond for their
head, the second of the mere Irish and many English-Irish,
having the Earl of Tyrone for their head. Touching the
first, when the Earl of Desmond was subdued, and that
rebellion appeased, the said Queen (of happy memory)
intended great reformation by planting new English families
upon the forfeited lands of the Earl of Desmond in Munster.
But this good intention was made void by a great error of
s
258 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTOBY
that time, in that those Icuids were granted, partly to ob-
stinate papists, partly to courtiers who sold their shares to
like obstinate papists, as men that would give most for them.
Whereof two great mischiefs grew. First, that these
papists being more obstinate than others, and thereupon
choosing to leave their dwelling in England, where the
securing of the laws bridled them, and to remove into Ire-
land, where they might be more remote, and so have greater
liberty, showed the old proverb to be true :
CiBlam non animam mutant qui trans mare currant.
Passing the sea with a swift wind, doth change the air but not the mind.
For they not only remained papists, but grew more and
more obstinate with liberty, and by their example confirmed
both the English-Irish and mere Irish in that superstition.
Secondly, these new-planted English (commonly called
undertakers) being thus ill affected, did not perform the
covenants imposed in their grants for establishing peace in
that province ; for they neither built castles, to strengthen
them against times of rebellion, neither did they plant their
lands with well-affected tenants out of England, giving them
freeholds, copyholds, and leases, and tying them to serve on
foot or horseback upon all occasions of tumult or war,
which would much have strengthened the English against
the mere Irish and all invasions. But they took a contrary
course, not only planting their lands with mere Irish tenants
(to whom they gave no such tenor of freehold, copyhold or
lease, and who served them upon base abject conditions,
whereby they made great profit for the present), but also
entertaining them for servants in their families for the same
reason of present profit. And this made their great profit of
small continuance, and their dwellings of less strength and
safety. For in the first troubles of the next rebellion of
Tyrone, themselves and the state found by woeful experience
that they had noway strengthened the province, but only
dispeopled and wasted other lands to bring tenants upon
their own, so as the King's other rents were thereby as much
diminished as increased by their rents, and the number of
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IBELAND 269
horse or foot to defend the province were nothing increased
by them ; neither had they made greater number of English
to pass in juries between the King and the subjects, so as
the Lord President had not power to suppress the first
rebels, and the judges in all trials were forced to use the
Irish, who made no conscience of doing wrong to the King
and the English subjects. Again, their Irish tenants either
ran away, or turning rebels spoiled them, and the Irish in
their houses were ready to betray them, and open their doors
to the rebels. So, as some of those undertakers were in
the first tumult killed, some taken prisoners were cruelly
handled, and had their wives and daughters shamefully
abused, great part ran out of the kingdom, and yet shamed
not to claim and profess in the end of the rebellion these
lands, the defence whereof they had so basely forsaken.
Some few kept their old revenued castles, but with great
charge to the state in maintaining warders to defend them,
which warders were so many as greatly diminished the
force of our array in the field. Thus were the good purposes
of that first plantation made frustrate by ill-disposed under-
takers.
Touching the other rebellion of Tyrone, the appeasing
thereof concurred at One instant with the death of our
said Queen, beyond which time my purpose is not to write,
and therefore it should be impertinent for me worthily to
magnify the plantation in the north established by King
James, our gracious sovereign. Only I will say for the want
of former colonies planting, whereof the English-Irish com-
plain, that as the plantation after Desmond's rebellion was
made frustrate by ill-disposed undertakers^ so, from the fore-
said civil wars between the houses of York and Lancaster to
the end of Tyrone's rebellion, all the English in general
that volimtarily left England to plant themselves in Ireland,
either under the said undertakers of Munster, or upon the
lands of any other English-Irish throughout Ireland, or to
live in cities and towns, were generally observed to have
been either papists, men of disordered life, bankrupts, or
very poor (not speaking of those of the army remaining
82
260 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IBISH mSTORY
there after the rebellion, who are of another time suc-
ceeding that whereof I write, and well known to be of good
condition). By which course Ireland, as the heel of the
body, was made the sink of England, the stench whereof
had almost annoyed yery Cheapside, the heart of the body, in
Tyrone's pestilent rebellion. To conclude, I deny not but
the excuse of weakness in the English-Irish colonies, forcing
them to apply to the mere Irish as stronger, hath in part
a true ground, though it cannot justify the act. And if I
should persuade the planting of Ireland with new colonies,
I should now speak out of time, when that profitable and
necessary action is in great measure performed by the pro-
vidence of our dread sovereign. If I should conmiend and
extol the Act, 1 fear I should therein be reputed as foolish as
the sophister, who in a public assembly made a long oration
in praise of Hercules, whom no man at that time or formerly
ever dispraised.
But I will pass from their alleged excuses to the true
causes of their alienation from us and application to the
mere Irish. The grand cause is their firm consent with
them in the Boman religion, whereof I shall speak at large
in the next book of this part.* The second cause, also
predominant, though in a lower degree, is the profit they
have long time found in the barbarous laws and customs of
the Irish, by tyrannical oppression of the poor people under
them, of which point I have formerly spoken in this
chapter. The third cause is their contracting affinity with
them by marriage, and amity by mutual fostering of chil-
dren. The fourth is community of apparel. The fifth com-
munity of language. Of which three last causes I will now
speak briefly.
The power of these three last causes to corrupt the
manners and faith of any nation, being well known, the
* Book III. of Part IV. of Moryson's work is devoted to an account of the reli-
gious systems of the countries through which he travelled, and religion in Ire-
land is considered at large in chapter vi. of this book. Mr. Hughes has printed
a portion of Moryson's remarks on this head at pp. 285-9 of Shakespeare's
Europe. As they are acutely controversial, and as this volume is not con-
cerned with the theological quarrels of the period, they are not reproduced here
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IBELAND 261
progenitors of our kings with consent of the states of that
kingdom in Parliament, did of old make many Acts against
them, which sometimes wrought reformation, but without
any during effect. For, contrary to these laws, the English-
Irish have for many ages, almost from the first conquest,
contracted marriages with the mere Irish, whose children of
mingled race could not but degenerate from their English
parents, and also mutually fostered each other's children,
which bond of love the Irish generally so much esteem as
they will give their foster-children a part of their goods with
their own children, and the very children fostered together
love one another as natural brothers and sisters, yea, their
foster brothers or sisters better than their own. Only I must
say for the English-Irish citizens, especially those of Cork,
that they have ever so much avoided these marriages with
the mere Irish, as for want of others commonly marrying
among themselves, all the men and women of the city had for
many ages been of kindred in near degree one with the other.
Again, contrary to the said laws, the English-Irish for
the most part have for many ages had the same attire
and apparel with the mere Irish, namely the nourishing of
long hair (vulgarly called glibs ^) which hangs down to the
shoulders, hiding the face, so as a malefactor may easily
escape with his face covered therewith, or by colouring his
hair, and much more by cutting it off, may so alter his
countenance as those of his acquaintance shall not know
him ; and this hair being exceeding long, they have no use
of cap or hat. Also they wear straight breeches, called
trousers, very close to the body, and loose coats Uke large
waistcoats, and mantles instead of cloaks, which mantles are
as cabin for an outlaw in the woods, a bed for a rebel, and a
cloak for a thief, and being worn over the head and ears, and
hanging down to the heels, a notorious villain lapped in them
may pass any town or company without being known. Yet
I must likewise confess that the best part of the citizens did
not then use this Irish apparel.^
* Glibs, ' a thick curled bunch of hair, hanging down over his e7es.*~Spenser.
* For illustrations of the Irish costumes of the period see the plates in
Speed's Theatre of the British Empire. See also for a slightly earlier period the
262 ILLOSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
Again, contrary to the said laws, the Irish-English
altogether used the Irish tongue, forgetting or never learn-
ing the English. And this communion or difference of
language hath always been observed a special motive to
unite or alienate the mind of all nations, so as the wise
Bomans, as they enlarged their conquests, so they did spread
their language, with their laws and the divine service all in
the Latin tongue, and by rewards and preferments invited
men to speak it ; as also the Normans in England brought in
the use of the French tongue in our common law, and all
words of art in hawking, hunting, and like pastimes. And
in general all nations have thought nothing more powerful
to unite minds than the community of language. But the
law to spread the English tongue in Ireland was ever
interrupted by rebellions, and much more by ill-affected
subjects, so as at this time whereof I write the mere Irish
disdained to learn or speak the English tongue, yea, the
English-Irish and the very citizens (excepting those of
Dublin where the Lord Deputy resides), though they could
speak English as well as we, yet commonly speak Irish
among themselves, and were hardly induced by our familiar
conversation to speak English with us. Yea, common
experience showed, and myself and others often observed,
the citizens of Waterford and Cork having wives that could
speak English as well as we bitterly to chide them when they
speak English with us, insomuch as after the rebellion ended,
when the itinerant judges went their circuits through the
kingdom each half year to keep assizes, few of the people,
no, not the very jiuymen, could speak English, and at like
sessions in Ulster, all the gentlemen and common people (ex-
cepting only the judges' train) and the very jurymen put upon
life and death and all trials in law, commonly speak Irish,
many Spanish, and few or none could or would speak English.
These outward signs, being the touchstones of the inward
affection, manifestly showed that the English-Irish held
it a reproach among themselves to apply themselves any
plfttes in Derricke's Notable Discovery of the State of the WUd Men in Ireland ^
1581, appended to his Image of Ireland^ edited by Small, 1883.
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 263
way to the English, or not to follow the Irish in all things.
Insomuch as I have heard twenty absurd things practised
by them, only because they would be contrary to us, whereof
I will only name some few for instances. Our women,
riding on horseback behind men, sit with their faces
towards the left arm of the man, but the Irish women sit
on the contrary side, with their faces to the right arm. Our
horses draw carts and like things with traces of ropes or
leather, or with iron chains, but they fasten them by a withe
to the tails of their horses, and to the rumps when the tails
be pulled oflf, which had been forbidden by laws, yet could
never be altered.* We live in cleanly houses ; they in cabins
or smoky cottages. Our chief husbandry is in tillage ; they
despise the plough, and where they are forced to use it for
necessity, do all things about it clean contrary to us. To
conclude, they abhor from all things that agree with English
civility. Would any man judge these to be bom of English
parents, or will any man blame us for not esteeming or
employing them as English who scorn to be so reputed?
The penal laws against abuses had often been put in execu-
tion, but as the Popes, by their book taxing all sins with a
penalty, did rather set sin at a price than abolish it, so they
who had letters patent to execute these penal laws did not so
much seek reformation, as by a moderate agreement for the
penalties to raise a yearly rent to themselves, and so making
the fault more common, did eat the sins of the people.
The fair cities of Ireland require something to be said of
them. They were at first all peopled with Englishmen,
' As late as 1635 it was still necessary to legislate against this practice.
The statate 10 (fi; 11 Charles I. cap. 15, is directed * against ploughing by the
tail, and palling the wool of living sheep.' The enactment seems to have been
unpopular, for in the Peace of 1646 between the Duke of Ormond and the don-
federate Lords, article 28 provided for the repeal of this legislation. Article 22
of the Peace of 1648 is to the like effect {History of the Confederates and War
in Ireland, vol. vii. p. 201). In 1663 Sir Jerome Alexander was desired to aid
on circuit in recovering forfeitures * for driving andiploughing by the tail * {Carte
Papers, vol. 144, p. 20). Dinely in his Tour (p. 162) mentions the custom as
still prevalent in the barony of Burren, oo. Clare, in 1681 : ' Here horses four
abreast draw the plough by the tails, which was the custom all over Ireland,
until a statute forbade it ' ; and Toung found the practice yet in vogue in Cavan
a century later {Tour, i. p. 292).
264 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
and had large privileges, but in time became wonderfully
degenerate, and perverted all these privileges to pernicious
ipi^e uses, as they were degenerated from the English
Cities, to the Irish manners, customs, diet, apparel (in
some measure), language, and generally all affections, so
besides the universal inclination of merchants, no swords-
men more nourished the last rebellion than they did by all
means in their power. First, they did so for fear lest upon
peace established they might be inqiiired into for their
religion, being all obstinate papists, abhorring from entering
a church as the beasts tremble to enter the lion's den, and
where they were forced to go to church (as the Mayor and
Aldermen of Dublin to attend the Lord Deputy), there using
to stop their ears with wool or some like matter, so as they
could not hear a word the preacher spoke (a strange
obstinacy, since faith comes by hearing, to resolve not to
hear the charmer charm he never so wisely).^ Secondly, for
covetousness, since during the rebellion great treasure was
yearly sent out of England, whereof no small part came to
their hands from the army for victuals, apparel, and like neces-
saries. Yea, not content with this no small enriching of their
estate, to nourish the war and thereby continue this enrich-
ing, as also for private gain from the rebels, they furnished
them continually with all necessaries, never wanting crafty
evasions from the capital danger of the law in such cases.
For among other subtleties, were observed some of them to
load great quantity of English woollen cloth and like neces-
saries upon carts and horses, as if they would send them to
some of our neighbour garrisons; but we found manifest
probabilities, yea certain proofs, that in the meantime they
advertised some rebels of this transportation, who meeting
the goods, intercepted the same as it were by force, and their
servants returned home with a great outcry of this surprisal,
but neither wounded nor so much as sad in countenance, as
their masters proved never the poorer ; for no doubt those
rebels paid them largely for those goods, who without warm
* See Barnaby Bicb's New De$cnption of Ireland^ chapter zvi., for an
account of the observance of Sunday in Dublin at this period.
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IRELAND 265
clothes should have snffered a hard life in the woods. Nay
more, they furnished them even with swords, with guns, and
with gunpowder, and all our arms; by which abominable
act they made excessive profit, the rebels being sometimes
in such want of munition as they would give whole herds
of cows for a small quantity of munition, for they could
easily recover cows again by rapine, but most hardly get sup-
plies of arms and munition. And these arms the citizens
used to buy of our cast captains, as powder from our soldiers
having a surplusage of that which was allowed them for
exercise of their pieces, €uid also underhand of traitorous
under-ministers in our office of the Ordinance residing in
their cities. And in like sort they furnished the rebels with
our best victuals. For the ministers of our victuallers, under
pretence of leave to sell victuals to the citizens if they feared
it would grow musty, did often sell our best biscuit and
victuals to the citizens, who secretly sold it to the rebels.
These their abominable practices were well seen and greatly
detested, but could not easily be remedied, the delinquents
ever having colourable evasions, and especially because there
was no forbidding the emption of munition to merchants
upon pain of death (which was thought most necessary),
except our stores of munition had then been, and had had
sure hope to be, fully supplied, in regard that the winds are
there so uncertain as the public stores not being continually
furnished, an army might run great hazard before new
supplies came if the merchants could no way relieve it.
And this necessity of supplying our stores we found appa-
rently at Einsale, where as soon as our ships with men and
munition were arrived, the wind turned, and still continued
contrary till we took the town by composition, being more
than six weeks.
Again, for the great privileges granted to the first English
ancestors of these cities, more specially in all this discourse
meaning Waterford, Cork, and Limerick, for Dublin was in
part overawed by the Lord Deputy's residency, and Ghdway
gave some good testimonies of fidelity in those dangerous
times, I will show, by one or two instances, how the
266 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
degenerate citizens of that time perverted the same to per-
nicious uses. Waterford had a privilege by charter from
King John that they should not at any time be forced to
receive any of the King's forces into the city. And when,
upon their manifest rebellion at the very end of the last
rebellion, the Lord Mountjoy, then Lord Deputy, bringing
to their city the forces of our sovereign, King James, there-
with to conform them to his Majesty's laws, they, alleging
this charter, refused to receive any of the said forces into
their city, his lordship vowed to cut King John's charter (as
not grantable to such prejudice of his successors) with King
James his sword, and to sow salt upon the soil of their
destroyed city if they obeyed him not, and with much dispu-
tation and power hardly drew them from the ridiculous plea
of the said charter.^ Secondly, all fines for violating penal
statutes of the admiralty and all others were by an old
charter granted to the citizens, and in these days whereof
I write, the citizens degenerated from English to Irish (or
rather, to Spanish), if our magistrates imposed any fines upon
delinquents, especially in cases for reformation of religion
and the like, would privately remit those mulcts falling to
the treasure of the city, which impunity made them oflfend
the law without fear, as this and like immunities made them
without danger of the law to transport prohibited wares, to
parley with rebels, to export and import traitorous Jesuits
in their ships, and to do manifold insolencies, while it was
in the hand of the mayor and his brethren freely to remit all
penalties imposed on delinquents. These and like privileges
were in those days judged too great for any merchants, and
most unfit for merchants of suspected fidelity (to say no
worse). To conclude, these citizens were for the most part
in those days no less alienated from the English than the
very mere Irish, upon the same fore-alleged causes, as in
one particular case of their community of language with
* The charter seema even to have inolnded a privilege not to admit his
Majesty's judges of Assize into the city. In 1617 the charters of Waterford
were found by a jury to be forfeited, and they remained in abeyance until 1626,
when a new charter was granted by Charles I.
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IRELAND 267
the Lrish I have showed, and could many ways illustrate, if
I took any pleasure to insist upon that subject.
The English-Lish thus affected did generally in these
times impute some errors to the state. First, that when
any dissolute swordsman, for want, or for means to
Eirrors im- ,.« i , t i '^ ^ i
pated to support his luxury, began to rob and spoil, and so to
by^** live in the woods for safety from the law — and there
English- never wanted some like-affected persons, ready, upon
^ ' the first rumour thereof, to fly unto the woods and
live like outlaws with him, which small number the state
might easily have prosecuted to death for example and
terror to others — yet when these men had spoiled the country
and all passengers, experience taught that the state, for fear
of a small expense in prosecuting them, used upon their
first submission to grant them protections to come in,
and then not only to pardon them, but to free them
from restitution of that they had robbed, so as good and
quiet subjects might see their goods possessed by them, and
yet could not recover them. Tea, nothing was more frequent
than for the state to give rewards and yearly pensions to like
seditious knaves, in policy (forsooth) lest they should trouble
the peace, and put the state to charge in prosecuting them.
So, as quiet and good subjects being daily wronged without
redress, and seditious knaves being rewarded for not doing ill,
and, as it were, hired to live as subjects, they said it was no
marvel that so many dissolute persons swarmed in all parts
of that kingdom. Galba, the Boman Emperor, in his oration
to his soldiers expecting and murmuring for a largesse, or
free gift, at his election, said bravely that he did enrol and
not hire his subjects to serve in the war, but this free speech
to a dissolute army cost him his life and empire ; and such
was then the miserable state of Lreland, as these corruptions
could not altogether be avoided, though they savoured rather
of a precarium vmperium — that is, a ruling by entreaty and
rewards, than absolute command over subjects.
But they further urged that these abuses grew from the
corruption of the chief magistrates, for as he said well that
no city was impregnable that would open their gates to give
268 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
entrance to an enemy's ass laden with gold, so Ireland could
not have firm peace while no man was so wicked who, for a
bribe of cows ^ (such and no other are the bribes of the Irish)
found that the Lord Deputy's followers and servants, yea,
councillors of state, and (I shame to speak it) the very wives
and children of the Lord Deputy ready to beg his pardon,
who seldom or never missed to obtain it. They further
urged that not only armed rebels were in this kind pardoned,
but also that those taken and put in our prisons were com-
monly by like corruption freely pardoned, or suffered under
hand to break prison, and then pardoned under pretence of
the public good to save charges in prosecuting them, whereof
they gave instances of O'DonelP breaking prison in the
beginning, and Cormac MacBaron's eldest son in the end
of the rebeUion, and of many like rebels of note. So as
nothing was more vulgarly said among the rebels themselves
than that they could have pardon whensoever they listed,
according to the poet :
Crede mihi, res est ingeniosa dare.
Believe, His a most witty course, to give and bribe with open purse.
And touching the prisons, they said that the jailors of pro-
vincial and other prisons seldom brought their prisoners to
be tried before judges, but some were executed by martial
law, contrary to the dignity of civil justice; others they would
afl&rm to be dead upon their bare word without testimony of
the Crowner, or any like proceeding necessary in that case.
Others they would affirm to have been freed by the com-
mand of provincial governors available rather by custom
than law. Yea, they would not shame to confess some to
have escaped by breaking prison, as if they were not to be
punished for so gross negligence, admitting no excuse.
Touching the sacred power of pardons and protections
they confessed that it was fit to give power of protection to
* See Sir J. Davies's Discovery.
* If this refers to the escape of Hugh Boe O'Donnell from Dublin Castle on
Christmas Eve 1591, it is difficult to understand. There is no evidence of
official connivance at an escape which was a source of great embarrassment to
Elizabeth's Irish Government,
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IRELAND 269
military governors that tbey might bring rebels in to the
state, bat they alleged many corrupt abases committed in
that case, whereby not only armed rebels, bat many taken
prisoners, having once their protection, had means with
safety of their persons to importune the state for obtaining
their pardon in which kind MacCarthen, notorious for many
murders, and many like notable villains, had lately been freed
from the hand of justice. Again, they confessed that the
general giving of protection and pardons by the Lord Deputy
was necessary after the rebellion was grown strong and
general, when it behoved the state (as a mother) with open
arms to receive her disobedient children to mercy lest they
should be driven to desperate courses, especially since the
punishment of all was impossible in such a strong com-
bination: that of the chief was difficult for their strong
factions, and of particular and inferior offenders was some-
what unequal, if not unjust. But they freely said that our
State had greatly erred in not making strong and sharp
opposition to the first eruption of that rebellion before they
were united, yea, rather dallying with them till by mutual
combinations they were grown to a strong body, and that
for saving of charges, without which it was hoped they
might by fair treaties be reclaimed, which foolish frugality
in the end caused an huge exhausting of the public
treasure, and which vain hope had no probable ground,
since the Lnsh attributed our moderate courses in reducing,
rather than conquering them to our fear rather than our
wisdom ; waxing proud when they were fairly handled and
gently persuaded to their duties, as no nation yields more
abject obedience when they are curbed with a churlish and
severe hand. How much better (said they) had our State
done to have given no protection or pardon in the beginning,
but to have severely put to death all that fell into our
hands (which examples of terror were as necessary in Ireland
as they ever had been rare), or if pity and mercy had been
judged fit to be extended to any, surely not to those who
after malicious and bloody acts of hostility were at last
broken and unable longer to subsist, much less without
270 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
some pecuniaoy mulct or fine towards the public charge, or
with freedom from making restitution to private men, and,
least of all, with rewards and pensions bestowed on them
for a vain hope of future service. In all which kinds they
gave many instances that our state had often erred. To
conclude, they said that sharp and speedy prosecution in
the beginning had been most easy (scattered troops being
soon suppressed with small forces), and no less advantageous
and profitable to the state (as well by the confiscation of
their lands and goods as by long and firm peace likely to
follow such terrifying examples of justice).
Again, they bitterly imputed this error to our state,
proved by many notable mstances, that Irish and English-
Irish, who had forsaken their lords in rebellion to serve in
our army, after when their lords were received to mercy, with
free pardon and restoring of honour and lands, had been
quitted and left by us to live again under the same lords
highly offended with them, and so never ceasing till they had
brought them to beggary, if not to the gallows, which pro-
ceeding of ours in their opinion argued that, so we could keep
the great lords in good terms, we cared not to forsake the
weaker and leave them to the tyranny of the other. Yea,
that to these great lords that of rebels were become subjects,
our state granted warrants to execute martial law against
vagabond and seditious persons, who upon the same pre-
tences had often executed these men returning to them from
the service of the state, and more specially those who had
faithfuUy served us in the wars for spies, and for guides to
conduct our forces through their bogs and woods and fortified
places, or if they had not dared so to execute those men, yet
by violent oppressions had brought them to beggary, and
sometimes by secret plots had caused them to be killed. In
this case, if I may boldly speak my opinion, I should think
it were impossible so to protect inferior persons of best
desert in time of peace from the tyranny of great lords, as
they should no way oppress or hurt them either by their
power which is transcendent, or by their craft wherein no
people may compare with them. And as formerly I have
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IRELAND 271
spoken at large of oppressions done by their power, so I will
give one notable instance of their tyranny by craft. The
famous traitor Hugh, late Earl of Tyrone, used in his cups
to brag that by one trick he had destroyed many faithful
servants to the state, namely, by causing them underhand to
be brought in question for their life, and then earnestly
entreating the Lord Deputy and the judges to pardon them,
who never failed to execute them whose pardon he craved.
But why we should subject the servants of the state to the
oppression of great lords that had been rebels, or why the
state should upon any pretence grant them martial law
(the examples of both which I confess were frequent and
pregnant), I think no colourable reason can be given.
To be short, among many other errors they did much
insist upon this. That our state, contrary to our law of
England, yearly made such men sherifib of the counties as
had not one foot of land in the counties, and that they
bought those places of the Lord Deputy's servants on whom
he used yearly to bestow them; which made great cor-
ruption, since they who buy must sell. Yea, that these
sheriffs were commonly litigious men to the county, who
having many suits in law, bought those places to have power
in protracting or perverting the justice of their own (as also
their friends') causes, especially by making juries serve their
turn. And most of all that these sheriffs, as having ill con-
science of their own oppression, used yearly after the expir-
ing of their offices, to sue out and obtain the King's general
pardon under the great seal of Lreland, the bare seeking
whereof implied guiltiness, so as the ministers of the state
above all other men should be excluded from being capable
to have these pardons who ought to be free of all dangerous
crimes. Hereof myself can only say, that in England these
pardons are not obtained without great difficulty ; and that
the Irish lords in and before the last rebellion complained of
nothing more than the extortions and oppressions of these
sheriffs, and their numerous trains and dependants, yet pre-
tended the same for a chief cause of their taking arms.
Touching the general justice of Irelandi howsoever it was
272 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IRISH HISTOEY
in the last rebellion tied hand and foot, yet of the former
establishment thereof and the hopeful beginning to flourish
^^ at the end of the rebellion, something must be said.
General And first, in general, the English have always
uBtioe. gQyQjngj Ireland not as a conquered people by the
sword and the conqueror's law, but as a province united
upon marriage or like peaceable transactions, and by laws
established in their parliaments with consent of the three
estates. The supreme magistrate is the Lord Deputy (of
whose power I have spoken) with the Council of State named
and appointed in England, and these have their residence at
Dublin. The next is the Lord President of Munster, with
counsellors or provincial assistants, named and appointed by
the Lord Deputy, with a chief justice and the King's attorney
for the province, not having any courts of justice, but only
assisting the Lord President at the council table, where, and
likewise at Dublin, causes are judged by the Lord Deputy
and the Lord President, as at the council table in England,
according to equity with respect to the right of the law.^
The province of Connaught was in like sort governed by a
governor (after styled Lord President) with councillors to
assist him, and among them a chief justice and the King's
attorney, as in Munster, both governing in chief as well for
military as civil matters, according to their instructions out
of England, and the directions and commands from the
Lord Deputy. The state proposed in like sort to establish
the province of Ulster,* but at the end of the rebellion the
Earl of Tyrone laboured earnestly not to be subject to any
authority but that of the Lord Deputy, so as there only some
governors of forts and counties (as in other parts of Ireland)
had authority to compose differences between inferior sub-
' For an account of the powers and constitution of the President and
Coanoil of Munster, see the Instructions of the Lord Deputy to Sir George
Carew, printed in Pacata Hibernian pp. 6-19. See also Qemon*s account of the
Council of the Munster presidency, p. 858 infra. See also Part I. p. ISO, supra,
' The project for an Ulster Presidency was revived by Chichester in 1606
as an essential check upon Tyrone's proceedings in the province. This proposal
was probably a proximate cause of the Flight of the Earls. See Cat, S. P,
(Ireland), 1603-6, p. 482.
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 273
jects. The cities and towns had their subordinate magis-
trates, as mayors and sovereigns to govern them. Bat the
courts for the common law for all Ireland were only at
Dublin, as the King's Bench, the Common Pleas, and the
Exchequer, as likewise the Chancery for Equity. And there
the King's records were kept by a Master of the Bolls.^ And
all causes in these several courts were pleaded in the
English tongue, and after the manner of the courts in
London, save that Ireland of old times had made such fre-
quent relapses to the sword, as the practice of the law was
often discontinued, and the customs of the courts by in-
termission were many times forgotten, and the places being
then of small profit were often supplied by unlearned and
unpractised men.' And there also at the end of the war was
erected the court of the Star Chamber. And there resided
the chief judges of the whole kingdom, as the Lord Chan-
cellor, Mr. Chief Justice, the Chief Justice of the Common
Pleas, and the Chief Baron of the Exchequer, who had not
formerly the style of lords nor scarlet habits, both which
were granted them after the rebellion ended, to give more
dignity to the law.' All the counties had sheriflfs for execu-
tion of justice yearly appointed by the Lord Deputy, only
Ulster was not then divided into counties, as now it is, and
hath the same officers.^
Touching the laws. The mere Irish from of old to the very
end of the war had certain judges among themselves, who
The determined their causes by an unwritten law, only
Laws, retained by tradition, which in some things had a
smack of right and equity, and in some others was contrary
to all divine and human laws. These judges were called
» See Part I. pp. 33-6, supra.
^ In a manuscript report to Sir JnliuR Cicsar on certain impediments to the
Eing^s service in Ireland, it is remarked that ' it hath pleased his Majestj to
dignify the chief judges of his courts with honourable titles as thej be in
England, but the courts themselves are undignified again by the insufficiency of
inferior clerks thereunto belonging.*— LanMiot(m« M8. 166, No, 6.
' * By his Majesty's express direction all the judges go now in their robes
after the manner of England.*— Lord Deputy and Irish Council to the Lords,
May 27, 1606. Cal S. P. {Ireland), 1608-6.
* See Part I. pp. 127-8, supra.
T
274 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
Brehons, altogether unlearned, and great swillers of Spanish
sack (which the Irish merrily called the King of Spain's
daughter). Before these judges no probable or certain ar-
guments were available to condemn the accused, but only
manifest apprehensions in the fact. A murder being com-
mitted, these judges took upon them to be intercessors to
reconcile the murderer with the friends of the murdered, by
a gift vulgarly called Iriesh.^ They did extort unreasonable
rewards for their judgment, as the eleventh part of every
particular thing brought in question before them. For the
case of incontinency, they exacted a certain number of cows
(which are the Irish rewards and bribes) from the married
and unmarried, though they lived chastely (which indeed
was rare among them), yet more for the married and un-
chaste than from others. Myself spoke with a gentleman
then living, who affirmed that he had paid seven cows to
these judges, because he could not bring witnesses of his
marriage, when he had been married fifty years. Among
other their barbarous laws, or rather customs and traditions,
I have formerly spoken of their tenure of land, vulgarly
called themistry, or tanistry, whereby not the eldest son
but the elder uncle, or the most valiant (by which they
understand the most dissolute swordsman), of the family
succeeded the deceased by the election of the people, whereof
came many murders and parricides and rebellions, besides
great wrongs done to the state, as in this particular case : —
If the predecessor, of free will or constrained by arms, had
surrendered his inheritance to the King, and had taken it
back from the King's grant by letters patents, upon rent and
other conditions for the public good, they at his death made
this act void, because he had no right but for life. By these
judges and by these and like laws were the mere Irish
judged to the end of the last rebellion, though the English
laws had long before been received in Ireland by consent
of the three states in Parliament.
For in the tenth year of King Henry VII.,^ by the
* Properly eric See Joyce's Social History of Ancient Ireland^ i. pp. 7-11.
' Statutes lOtb Henry VII. caps. xl. and xziii.
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IRELAND 275
consent of the three states in Parliament, the barbarous
Brehon judges and laws, and this particular law of themistry
by name, were all abrogated, and the common law and
statutes of Parliament made to that day in England, were
all established in Ireland. And from the first conquest to
that time and long after, the states of Ireland were called to
the Parliament by the King's writs, and the laws there made
were sent into England, and there allowed or deaded in
silence by the King ; and so the approved were sent back to
the Lord Deputy, who accordingly confirmed them for Acts
of that Parliament, and rejected the other by the king's
authority, by which also the Lord Deputy, according to his
instructions from the King, prorogued or dissolved the
Parliaments. But if the worthy progenitors of our late kings
should revive, and see the face of these Parliaments changed,
and the very English-Irish backward to make laws of refor-
mation, they would no doubt repent their wonted leniency
in making them lawgivers to themselves, and freeing them
from constraint in that kind. At first this government was
fatherly to subjects being as children, but if they were now
degenerated, should not the course of government be made
suitable to their changed affections ? No doubt if the King
of Spain (whom then they adored as preserver of their
liberty, and whose yoke then they seemed glad to undergo)
had once had the power to make them his subjects, they
should have learned by woeful experience that he should by
the same power have imposed such laws on them as he thought
fit, without expecting any consent of theirs in Parliament,
and would quickly have taught them what difference ever
was between the Spanish and English yoke. But if this
course might in us seem tyrannical, the statesmen of that
time judged it easy by a fairer means to bring them to con-
formity in a Parliament : namely, by a new plantation of
English well affected in religion (who after the war might
be sent in great numbers and find great quantities of land
to inhabit), out of which men the Lord Deputy by the
sheriff's and other assistance, might easily cause the greatest
part of the knights of the shire and burgesses to be chosen
T 2
276 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
for the swaying of the Lower House. As likewise by sending
oyer wise and grave judges and bishops, and if need were
by creating or citing new barons by writs (in imitation of
King Edward III.), being men well affected to religion and
the state, so to sway the Upper House.
The general peace after the rebellion (when Ireland was
left as a pair of clean tables, wherein the state might write
laws at pleasure) gave all men great hope that the laws
should receive new life and vigour. Hitherto the barbarous
lords at hand had been more feared and obeyed than the
King afar off, and though they had large territories, yet
neither themselves had raised answerable profit (at least by
way of rent) nor the King's coffers had ever swelled with the
fatness of peace. But the end of the war was the time (if
ever) to stretch the King's power to the uttermost north, to
bring the lords to civil obedience, to enrich them by orderly
rents, and to fill the King's coffers out of their abundance.
And indeed the courts of justice at Dublin began to be
much frequented before our coming from thence, and shortly
after each half year itinerant judges began to ride their
circuits through all the parts of Ireland, and those who had
passed through all Ulster to keep assizes there, made hope-
ful relation of their proceeding to the Earl of Devonshire,
Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, residing in the English Court,
advertising him that in those sessions they had persuaded
the lords to grant their tenants their land by freeholds,
copyholds, and leases, that they might build houses, and
clear the passes of their woods, to make free passage from
town to town, and likewise to give the King a yearly com-
position of rents and services, and themselves abolishing the
old tyrannical exactions called cuttings, to establish their
yearly revenues by certain rents, which would be more profit-
able to them. That the lords seemed gladly to yield to these
persuasions, and to establish certain rents to themselves, so
they might be permitted after the old manner to make only
one cutting upon their tenants for the payment of their
debts. That they, the judges, had taught the inferior gentle-
men and all the common people that they were not slaves
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IBELAND 277
but free men, owing only rents to their lords, without other
subjection, since their lords as themselves were subject to a
just and powerful king, whose sacred majesty at his great
charge maintained them his judges to give equal justice to
them both, with equal respect to the lords and to them for
matters of right. That a great lord of Ulster named O'Cane,
having imprisoned a tenant without legal course, they had
not only rebuked him for usurping that power over the King's
subjects, but howsoever he confessed his error publicly, and
desired pardon for it, yet, for example, they had also im-
posed a fine upon him for the same. And that the inferior
gentlemen and all the common people gladly embraced this
liberty from the yoke of the great lords, and much applauded
this act of justice upon O'Cane, promising with joyful
acclamations a large composition of rents and services to
the King, so this justice might be maintained to them, and
they be freed from the tyranny of their lords. So as it
seemed to the judges there remained nothing to content the
people but a constant administration of this justice, with
some patience used towards the people at first in bearing
with their humours, among which they more specially noted
these : — That they not only expected easy access to the Lord
Deputy, the judges and the inferior magistrates, but were
generally so litigious and so tedious in complaints as they
could not be contented without singular patience. And that
from the lords to the inferior sort they had a ridiculous
fashion, never to be content without the magistrate's hand
imder their petitions, and therewith to be content were it
never so dilatory, yea flat contrary to their request, which
hand they used to sign though they knew the ill and crafty
uses the Irish made of it, who coming home would show
this hand to their tenants and adversaries, without reading
the words to which it was set, and so pretending the magis-
trates' consent to their request, many times obtained from
ignorant people their own unjust ends. Yet had not the law
as yet that general and full course in Ireland which after
it had by continuance of peace, and by that dignity which
the King's majesty gave to the law, in granting the title
278 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
of lords to the chief judges, and the scarlet robes to
them all.
It remains to say something of the hands whereby the
law was to be put in practice, namely the lawyers. They
were either English, sent, or willingly coming out of
England, more specially at the end of the rebellion, of
whose concurring in the reformation of Ireland I make no
doubt; or English-Irish, who of old, and now after the
rebellion, in greater numbers pleaded most of the causes in
the courts of justice. These English-Irish lawyers were
always wont to study the common laws of England in the
Inns of Court at London, and being all of the Boman religion
(as the rest in Ireland), did so lurk in those Inns of Court
as they never came to our churches, nor any of them had
been observed to be taught the points of our religion there,
but having got a smack of the grounds of our law, and
retaining the old superstition in religion, they returned to
practise the law in Ireland, where they endeavoured nothing
more than to give the subjects counsel how they might
defraud the King of his rights, and find evasions from
penalties of the law, more specially in matters of religion,
the reformation whereof they no less feared than the rest,
and therefore contrary to their profession nourished all
barbarous customs and laws, being the seeds of rebellion,
and sought out all evasions to frustrate our statutes
abrogating them, and tending to the reformation of civil
policy and religion. For prevention of which mischief
many thought in those times it were fit to exclude them
from practice at the bars of justice, but since experience
hath taught us how weak this remedy is, while the priests
swarm there, combining the people, according to the rule
of St. Paul, not to go to law under heathen magistrates,
for such or no better they esteemed ours, and so reducing
all suits of law, and the profit thereby arising, to the hands
of the same lawyers in private determinations, whom the
state excluded from public pleading at our bars; so as
there is no way better to remedy this mischief than during
their education at our inns of court in England to bring
THE COMMONWEALTH OP lEELAND 279
them to church, and teach them our religion, and after to
punish some particular men that are of greatest practice and
most refractory, by which examples, and the strict eye and
hand of our magistrates seen to hang oyer them, this mischief
might in time either be taken away or be made less general.
These lawyers taught the proud and barbarous lords of
Ireland how they might keep the people of their countries in
absolute subjection, and make them not only obey for fear of
their power daily hovering over their heads, but also to think
that their lords by right of law or equivalent custom had
absolute command over their goods and bodies. By which
and like means they not only gave strength to rebellious
affections, but also made open resistance to all intended
reformations, to their uttermost power seeking to root out
the wise foundations to that end carefully laid by former
ages, or at least to shake them and still keep them from
any firm establishment. In this kind I will only give one
instance. When Eory O'Donnell * at the end of the rebellion
was come over into England, with the Lord Mountjoy
(after created Earl of Devonshire), there to obtain the con-
firmation from the King's majesty of that pardon and grant
of his brother's land ' (the second arch-rebel) which the said
lord had promised him at his submission while he was yet
in England, and all that depended formerly on his brother,
hovered between hope and fear how they and that country
should be established, one of these lawyers employed there
by the said Eory persuaded MacSwyne and O'Boyle, and
other gentlemen of old freeholders in Tirconnell under the
O'Donnells, that they had no other right in their lands but
only the mere pleasure and will of O'Donnell. This the
said gentlemen, though rude, and in truth barbarous, and
altogether ignorant in our laws, not only denied, but offered
to produce old writings to prove the contrary. When
that fox perceived their confidence, and after heard that
the said Bory had his pardon, and lands confirmed in
England, and was moreover created Earl of Tirconnell,
he essayed these gentlemen another way, telling them
' Borv O'Donnell, first Earl of Tyroonoel, 1575-1008.
"^ Hugh Roe O'Donnell, lord of Tyrconnel, 1671-1602
380 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
that the King having granted pardon, and all his brother's
land to this new Earl of Tirconnell, they having yet
no pardon had lost all their old right in their lands,
were it freehold or at the lord's pleasure, or what other
right soever, and so could now have no dependency but on
the Earl's favour. Herein he told a triple lie : first, that he
denied their right of freehold which was held to be most
certain, though it had been abolished by long tyranny of the
chief lord, and perhaps at first owed him some limited
services, as Tirlogh MacHenry for the Fewes, and Henry Oge
for his country, did both owe to the Earl of Tyrone, and
all under lords in England owe to the lord paramount.
Secondly, that he aflfirmed the whole province to be given to
the Earl by the King, whereas it was granted in these
express words, * to hold to his Majesty's special grace in as
ample manner as his brother held it before the rebellion' (in
which he was as far engaged as his brother), which grant
took not away the former right of freehold or other that any
subject might pretend. Thirdly, that he restrained the
King's gracious pardon as if it extended only to the Earl,
when it was general to all the inhabitants of Tirconnell,
restoring them all to their former rights. Yet by this shame-
ful lie he obtained the unjust end he sought, to the great
prejudice of the King's majesty's service, and of his subjects
in Tirconnell. For these gentlemen and the rest of the
people in that province being ignorant of the law, and afraid
of every rumour, upon a guilty conscience of deserved punish-
ment in their rebellion, and the new change of the state in
England, were easily induced to renounce all their rights to
the said Earl (though with great prejudice to themselves and
ignominy to the justice of the state), and to receive their lands
by new grants from the Earl as of his mere grace and favour.
And howsoever the itinerant judges did after make known
their error to them, and gave them hope this act would be
reversed upon their complaint, yet they chose rather to enjoy
their estates in this servile kind with the said Earl's favour,
than to recover their rights and freedoms by course of law
with his displeasure.
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IRELAND 281
Again these lawyers in all parts of Ireland taught
the people artificial practices to defraud the king of his
rights, in services due to the lords of their fees in his
Court of Wards, and liveries, intrusions, alienations, yea
in very confiscations of goods and lands, the preservation
whereof to the heirs will always make the possessor more
prone to treasons and all wickedness. For the truth where-
of I appeal to all friends and servants of former Lords
Deputies, who have obtained any such gifts of wards, intru-
sions, alienations and confiscations; for they well know
what tedious suits, crafty circumventions, and small profit
they have found thereby. And I appeal to the manifold
conveyances of lands by feoffees of trust, and all crafty
devices, nowhere so much used as in Ireland. Insomuch as
nothing was more frequent than for Irishmen, in the time
of our war with Spain, to live in Spain, in Bome, and in
their very seminaries, and yet by these and like crafty con-
veyances to preserve to them and their heirs -their goods
and lands in Ireland, yea very spiritual livings for life, not
rarely granted to children for their maintenance in that
superstitious education, most dangerous to the state.
I formerly showed that King Henry VII. established the
English laws in Ireland, yet the common law, having not his
due course in the time of the rebellion, most civil
Capitol causes were judged according to equity at the coun-
Judg. q{i tables, as well at Dublin as in the provinces of
ments ^, , r^. i n i •!•*
and Laws Muuster and Connaught, and by military gover-
°^^i!!l!l"*' norsin several counties. And for these laws of
England, the most remarkable of them shall be
explained in the discourse before promised of the common-
wealth of England.^
In like sort the laws of England were for capital matters
established in Ireland, but during the rebellion and at the
end thereof the martial law was generally used, hanging
up malefactors by withes instead of ropes upon their first
* The discourse of the Commonwealth of England was never written ; or,
if written, has been lost. It was intended, according to the prospeotna in tht
folio of 1617» to form chapter ix. of Part IV., BooJc I.
282 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
apprehension. In cases of treason the great lords of the
kingdom were of old judged by the assembly of the three
states in Parliament ; but since Henry VII. 's time they are
tried as in England, the lords being beheaded, and others
hanged, drawn and quartered. As in England so there,
not only treasons but wilful murders and felonies are
punished by death and confiscation of lands and goods.
By the law in England, so in Ireland, the accessory cannot
be tried before the principal be apprehended and brought
to his trial, so as the principal escaping, receivers cannot
be judged. And so for other capital laws of England,
which shall be at large set down in the foresaid treatise.
The English laws of inheritance are likewise of force in
Ireland, the elder brother having right to the lands of de-
scent, and the father's last will disposing purchased lands
and goods among his wife and children, and the wife being
widow, besides her part that may be given her by her
husband's last will, having the jointure given her before
marriage, and if none such were given her, then having
right to the third part of his lands for her life.
Touching the degrees in the commonwealth ; not to
speak of the offices of the Lord Chancellor and the Lord
The High Treasurer, giving place above all degrees of
Degrees nobility, the highest degree is that of Earls. And
Common- the Earl of Ormond in this time whereof I write
wealth. ^a,s Lord High Treasurer of Ireland, and knight
of the noble Order of the Garter in England. The next
degree is that of Barons." And in general, as the degrees
of the Irish nobility in England give place to all the
English of the same degree, so do the English to the
Irish in Ireland. But howsoever the Irish lords, to make
their power greater in peace, are content to have the titles
of earls and barons, yet they most esteem the titles of 0
and Mac set before their surnames, after their barbarous
manner (importing the chief of the sept or name), as
* It is curious that Moryson omits the title of Visoount, which, first used in
England in 1440, was known in Ireland as a degree of honour as early as the
reign of Henry III. The title of Gormanston, the first Irish viscounty created
by patent, dates from 1478.
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IBELAND 283
O'Neale, G'Donnell, MacCarthy, and the like. And these
names they used to resume when they would lead the
people into rebellion. The title of Enights Baronets was
not then known in Ireland. They have no order of knight-
hood like that of the Order of the Garter in England,^ and
the like in other kingdoms, but only, as in England, such
knights as are made by the sword of the Eing, or of the
Lord Deputy there, who always has the power, by his per-
mission from the King, to make any man knight whom he
judges worthy of that dignity.^ The poorest of any great
sept or name repute themselves gentlemen, and so will be
swordmen, despising all arts and trades to maintain them ;
yet such is the oppression of the great lords towards the
inferior sort, the gentlemen and freeholders, as I have seen the
chief of a sept ride, with a gentleman of his own name (and so
learned as he spoke Latin) running barefooted by his stirrup.
The husbandmen were then as slaves, and most exercised
grazing, as the most idle life, using tillage only for necessity.
Touching the degrees in the family. The citizens of
Munster, as in Waterford, Limerick, and more specially in
The Cork, and they of Galway in Connaught, upon the
^^ihe '*^ forbidding marriage with the mere Irish, and
Family, especially to keep the wealth of the city within the
walls thereof, have of old custom used to marry with their
own citizens, whereby most of the families and private
branches of them were in near degree of consanguinity one
with another, frequently marrying within the degree for-
bidden by the law of God. And the married women of Ire-
land still retain their own surnames, whereas the English,
losing them utterly, do all take the surname of their hus-
bands. The men hold it disgraceful to walk with their
own wives abroad, or to ride with their wives behind them.
* The Order of St. Patrick is, it need hardly be noted, of qaite modern
origin, having been instituted as late as 1783.
* This delegated power was exercised with great frequency by the Lords
Deputies during the period of which Moryson writes. Between February 28,
1599-1600 and May 29, 1608, Mountjoy created twenty-six knights. His
deputy, Sir George Carew, created as many as fifty-one between June 1603 and
December 25, 1604. Catalogue of KniglUs made by Charles^ Lord Moun^oy,
etc. Brit. Mus. Add. MS. 4784, f. 95. And see Metcalfe's Book of Knights.
284 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTOBY
The mere Irish divorced wives, and with their consent took
them again frequently, and for small, yea ridiculous, causes,
always paying a bribe of cows to the Brehon judges, and
sending the wife away with some few cows more than she
brought. And I could name a great lord among them, who
was credibly reported to have put away his wife of a good
family and beautiful, only for a fault as light as wind (which
the Irish in general abhor), but I dare not name it, lest I
offend the perfumed senses of some whose censure I have
incurred in that kind. The more civil sort were not
ashamed, and the mere Irish much less, to own their
bastards, and to give them legacies by that name. Inso-
much as they have pleasant fables of a mother, who upon
her deathbed (according to their above-mentioned custom),
giving true fathers to her children, and finding her hus-
band offended therewith, bade him hold his peace, or else
she would give away all his children. As also of a boy,
who seeing his mother give base fathers to some of his
brethren prayed her with tears to give him a good father.
The children of the English-Irish, and much more of the
mere Irish, are brought up with small or no austerity,
rather with great liberty, yea licentiousness. And when you
read of the foresaid frequent divorces, and generally of the
women's immoderate drinking, you may well judge that
incontinency is not rare among them ; yea even in that
licentiousness they hold the general ill affection to the
English, sooner yielding those ill fruits of love to an Irish
horse-boy than to any English of better condition ; but how
their priests triumph in this luxurious field let them tell
who have seen their practice.
It remains to speak something of their military affairs.
Their horsemen are all gentlemen (I mean of great septs or
Of th i ^*°^®s, how base soever otherwise), and generally
Military the Irish abhor from using mares for their saddle,
^^*^"- and indeed they use no saddles, but either long, nar-
row pillions bumbasted or bare boards of that fashion. So
as they may easily be cast off from their horses, yet being
very nimble do as easily mount them again, leaping up with-
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IRELAND 285
out any help of stirrups, which they neither use nor have, as
likewise they use no boots nor spurs.^ They carry weighty
spears, not with points upwards, resting them on their sides
or thighs, but holding them in their hands with the points
downwards, and striking with them as with darts, which
darts they used to carry, and to cast them after their enemies
when they wheel about ; these spears they use to shake over
their heads, and by their sides carry long swords, and have
no defensive armour but only a morion on their heads.
They are more fit to make a bravado and to offer light
skirmishes than for a sound encounter. Neither did I ever
see them perform anything with bold resolution. They
assail not in a joint body but scattered, and are cruel
executioners upon flying enemies ; but otherwise, howsoever
they make a great noise and clamour in the assault, yet,
when they come near, they suddenly and ridiculously wheel
about, never daring to abide the shock. So as howsoever
the troops of English horse by their strong second give
courage and strength to their foot companies, yet these
Irish horsemen basely withdrawing themselves from danger
are of small or no use, and all the strength of the Irish
consists of their foot, since they dare not stand in a plain
field, but always fight upon bogs and passes of skirts of
woods, where the foot being very nimble come oflf and on at
pleasure, and if the enemies be fearful upon the deformity
and strength of their bodies or barbarous cries they make in
the assault, or upon any ill accident show fear and begin to
fly, the Irish foot without any help of horse are exceeding
swift and terrible executioners, in which case only of flying
or fearing they have at any time prevailed against the
English. And how unprofitable their horse are, and of
what small moment to help their foot, that one battle at
Einsale did abundantly show, where the Irish horse and foot
being encouraged by the Spaniards to stand in the plain
field, the horse were so far from giving the foot any
courage or second, as for fear they break first through
* See as to Irish saddleB and Btirraps, Joyce's Social Hiitory of Ancieni
Ireland, ii. pp. 414, 419.
286 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IRISH HI8T0BY
their own bodies of foot, and after withdrawing themselves
to a hill distant from the foot as if they intended rather to
behold the battle than to fight themselves, by this forsaking
of their foot they might justly be said to be the chief
cause of their overthrow. Their horses are of a small
stature, excellent amblers, but of little or no boldness and
small strength either for battle or long marches, fit and
used only for short excursions in fighting and short
journeys, and, being fed upon bogs and soft ground, are
tender-hoofed, and soon grow lame used upon hard ground.
So as our English horsemen, having deep war saddles and
using pistols as well as spears and swords, and many of
them having corslets and like defensive arms, and being
bold and strong for encounters and long marches, and of
greater stature than the Irish, our troops must needs have
great advantages over theirs.
Touching their foot, he that had seen them in the
beginning of the rebellion so rude — as being to shoot off a
musket, one had it laid on his shoulders, another aimed it at
the mark, and a third gave fire, and that not without fear
and trembling — would have wondered, in short time after,
to see them most bold and ready in the use of their pieces,
and would have said that the Spartans had great reason
who made a law never to make long war with any of their
neighbours, but after they had given them one or two foils
for strengthening of their subjection, to give them peace,
and lead their forces against some other, so keeping their men
well trained, and their neighbours rude, in the feats of war.
But when the Earl of Tyrone first intended to rebel, he used
two crafty practices. The first, to pretend a purpose of
building a fair house (which we hold a sure argument of
faithful hearts to the state), and to cover it with lead, where-
by he got license to transport a great quantity of lead out of
Englajid, which after he converted to make bullets. The
second, to pretend to join his forces in aid of the English
against the first rebels which himself had put forth, whereby
he got our captains, with licence of the state, to train his
men, who were after called ' Butter Captains * because the^
THE COMMONWEALTH OP lEELAND 287
and their men lived upon cess in his country, having only
victuals for their reward. And surely, howsoever some of the
English state lightly regarded the frequent rebellion of the
Irish, thinking them rather profitable to exercise the English
in arms than dangerous to disturb the state ; yet woeful ex-
perience taught us that the last rebellion wanted very little
of losing that kingdom. The Irish foot in general are such as,
I think, men of more active bodies, more able to suffer cold,
heat, hunger, and thirst, and whose minds are more void of
fear, can hardly be found. It is true that they rather know
not than despise the rules of honour observed by other
nations ; that they are desirous of vainglory, and fearful of
infamy, appears by their estimation of their bards or poets,
whom they gladly hear sing of their praise, as they fear
nothing more than rhymes made in their reproach. Yet
because they are only trained to skirmish upon bogs and diffi-
cult passes or passages of woods, and not to stand or fight in a
firm body upon the plains, they think it no shame to fly or run
off from fighting, as they advantage (and indeed at Kinsale,
when they were drawn by Spaniards to stand in firm body
upon the plain, they were easily defeated). And because they
are not trained to keep or take strong places, they are easily
beaten out of any forts or trenches, and a weak house or fort
may easily be defended with a few shot against their rude
multitude. Divers kinds of foot use divers kinds of arms.
First, the Galliglasses are armed with morions and halberts.
Secondly, the Eeme and some of their footmen are armed
with weighty iron mails and jacks, and assail horsemen
aloof with casting darts, and at hand with the sword.
Thirdly, their shot, which I said to be so rude in the begin-
ning of the rebellion as three men were used to shoot off one
piece not without fear, became in few years most active,
bold, and expert in the use of their pieces. All these foot
assail the enemy with rude barbarous cries, and hope to
make them afraid therewith, as also with their nakedness
and barbarous looks, in which case they insist violently,
being terrible executioners, by their swiftness of foot upon
flying enemies, never sparing any that yield to mercy ; yea.
288 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
being most bloody and cruel towards their captives upon
cold blood, contrary to the practice of all noble enemies,
and not only mangling the bodies of their dead enemies, but
never believing them to be fully dead till they have cut oflF
their heads. But after the English had learned to abide
their first assault firmly and without fear, notwithstanding
their boldness and activity, they found them faintly to assail,
and easily to give ground when they were assailed, yet never
could do any great execution on them upon the bogs and in
woods, where they were nimble to fly, and skilful in all
passages, especially our horse there not being able to serve
upon them. To conclude, as they begin to fight with barbarous
cries, so it is ridiculous and most true that when they begin to
retire from the skirmish, some run out to brawl and scold like
women with the next enemies, which sign of their skirmish
ending and their retiring into the thick woods never failed us.
Touching the ships in Ireland, they had then no men-of-
war, nor merchants' ships armed, only some three or four
Of iheir trading for Spain and France carried a few iron
Shipping, pieces for defence against pirates in our Channel
that might assail them in boats, and they were all under one
hundred tons burthen. The rest of their ships were all of
much less burthen, serving only to transport passengers to
and fro, and horses and merchandise out of England, little
or nothing being carried out of Ireland in time of the rebel-
lion. And these were not many in number, the English
ships most conmionly serving for those purposes. So, as
little can be said of their maoiners for navigation, only by
the general nature of the people, I suppose, that they being
witty, bold, and sluggish, if they had liberty to build great
ships for trade, they were like to prove skilful and bold in
navigation, but never industrious in traflic. It is true that
the arch-traitor Tyrone, upon his good successes, grew at
last so proud, as in a treaty of peace he propounded an
article, that it might be lawful for the Irish to build great
armed ships for trade, and men-of-war for the defence of the
coast ; but it was with scorn rejected by the Queen's Com-
missioners. Lastly, I think I may boldly say, that no
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IBELAND 289
island in the world hath more large and commodiouB havens
for the greatest ships — and whole fleets of them — than Ire-
land hath on all sides; excepting St. George's Channel,
which hath many flats, and the havens there be few, small
and barred, or unsafe to enter ; for, otherwise in one-third
part of Ireland, from Gblway to Eollybegs in the north, it
hath fomi^een large havens, whereof some may receive two
hundred, some three hundred, some four hundred great ships,
and only two or three are barred and shallow, besides divers
large and commodious havens in Munster.
Having spoken particularly of their horse and foot and
shipping, I will add something in general of the Irish wars.
It hath been observed that every rebellion in Ire-
of the land hath grown more dangerous than the former,
^^ and though mariners are industrious and vigilant
in a tempest, yet the English have ever been slow
in resisting the beginnings of sedition, but as mariners sleep
securely in calms, so the English having appeased any rebel-
lion, ever became secure without taking any constant course
to prevent future dangers in that kind. In this last rebellion
I am afraid to remember how little that kingdom wanted of
being lost and rent from the English Government, for it was
not a small disturbance of peace or a light trouble of the
state, but the very foundations of the English power in
that kingdom were shaken and fearfully tottered, and were
preserved from ruin more by the Providence of God out of
His great mercy (as may appear by the particular affairs at
the siege of Einsale) than by our counsels and remedies
(which were in the beginning full of negligence, in the pro-
gress distracted with strong factions, and to the end slow
and sparing in all supplies), so as if the Irish soldiers which
were at first unskilful (and ought to have been so kept in
true policy of state) as in short time they grew skilful and
ready in the use of the piece, the sword and other arms, and
very active and valiant in light skirmishes, had likewise
attained the discipline of war to march orderly and fight
upon the plain, to assault and keep forts, and to manage
great ordnance (which they neither had nor knew to use) ; if
U
290 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
the barbarous lords, as they were full of pride, some vaunting
themselves to be descended from the old kings of Ireland, so
had not nourished factions among themselves, but had con-
sented to choose a king over them, after their many good
successes, more specially after the defeat of Blackwater
(when it was truly said of the Earl of Tyrone that the
Bomans said of Hannibal after the defeat of Cannae, ' Thou
knowest to overcome, but knowest not to make use of thy
victory ') ; not to speak of the Providence of God even
miraculously protecting our religion against the papists;
no doubt in human wisdom that rebellion would have had
another end than by the grace of God it had. And it was
justly feared that if constant serious remedies were not used
to prevent future eruptions, the next rebellion might prove
fatal to the English state.
Now that I may not seem forward to reprove others, but
negligent in observing our own errors, give me leave to say
boldly, and to show particularly, that the following and no
other causes brought upon us all the mischiefs to which the
last rebellion made us subject. When any rebel troubled
the state our custom was, for saving of charges, not to
suppress him with our own arms, but to raise up some of
his neighbours against him, supporting him with means to
annoy him, ajid promoting him to greater dignities and
possessions of land, and if he were of his own blood, then
making him chief of the name (which dignity we should
constantly have extinguished since nothing could more
disturb peace than to have all septs combined under one
head). And these neighbour lords thus raised never failed
to prove more pernicious rebels than they against whom
they were supported by us. One instance shall serve for
proofs : that of the Earl of T3rrone, raised by our state from
the lowest degree against his kinsman Tirlogh Linnagh,^
whom the Queen too long supported, even till his men were
expert in arms, and too highly exalted, even till he had all
* TurloQgh Luineaoh O'Neill was long the rival of Hugh O'Neill, 2nd Earl
of Tyrone, for the suocession to the position of Shane O'Neill as chief of his
name.
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IBELAND 991
his opposite's power in his hand, which he used hx Worse
than the other, or any of the O'Neales before him. In oar
state parcatur sumptui, let cost be spared, were ever two most
fatal words to our government in Ireland, as by this and that
which follows shall plainly appear. When the rebellion first
began we, to save charges, not only used the Irish one
against the other, but long forbore to levy English soldiers,
vainly thinking to reduce them by treaties. When the
rebellion was increased we, to save charges in transporting
English soldiers, raised whole companies of English-Irish,
and as our captains had trained Tyrone's men while he
pretended service to the state, so now we trained in our
army all the English-Irish, giving them free use of arms,
which should be kept only in the hands of faithful subjects.
This raising of whole companies of foot and troops of
horse among them, was a great error, for they once having
gotten the use of arms we durst not cast them, lest they
should fall to the rebels* party. Perhaps their social armd
might have been useful if we had mixed them in our com-
panies, and that in small limited numbers, but we not only
raised whole bands of them, and all of one sept or name
(easily conspiring in mischief), and used their service at home
(where they would now draw blood upon any neighbour
sept and lived idly upon their own provisions, putting all
the Queen's pay into their purses, which might have been
prevented by employing them in remote places), but some-
times trusted them with keeping of forts, for which service
they are most unfit, though we doubted not of their faith-
fulness, justly then suspected, yea, further weakened all our
own bands and troops by entertaining them. For an English
troop of horse sent out of England, commonly in a year's
space was turned half into Irish (having worse horses and
arms and no saddle, besides the loss of the English horse-
men) only because the Irish would serve with their own
horses and could make better shift with less pay. And in
like sort our English bands of foot were in short time filled
with English-Irish, because they could make better shift for
clothes and meat, with less pay from their captains.
u2
292 ILLUSTBATI0N8 OP IRISH HISTORY
In all the war we only used the English-Irish for horse-
boys, who were slothful in our service, and little loved us,
but having learned our use of arms, and growing of ripe
years, often proved stout rebels. To conclude these errors,
I confess that the English-Irish served valiantly and honestly
in our army, whereof many times a third part consisted of
them, but many particular events taught us that these our
counsels were dangerous, and made us wish they had been
prevented at first, though in the end for necessity we made
the best use we could of the worst.
Other great abuses, though less concerning the Irish in
particular, were committed in our army. The munitions in
great part was of sale wares, as namely the tools for pioneers,
and muskets sUghtly made to gain by the emption, which
our officers might have shamed to see compared with those
the Spaniards brought to Kinsale. Our powder and all
mimitions were daily sold to the rebels by divers practices,
for sometimes the under-officersof the Ordinance there would
sell some proportions of divers kinds of munition to citizens
or ill-affected subjects, and sometimes the cast captains,
conmionly using to appropriate to themselves the arms of
their cast soldiers, did sell them to the citizens, and some-
times the conmion soldier, having a proportion of powder
allowed him for exercise of his piece, sold to the citizens
whatsoever he could spare thereof, or of the powder left
him after skirmishes, and all these munitions sold to the
citizens were by them underhand conveyed to the rebels,
who would give more for them than they were worth. In
like sort the contractors serving the army with victuals,
having obtained from the council in England liberty to sell
to the citizens and poor subjects such victuals as were like
to grow mouldy, their servants in Ireland many times,
while they served the army with mouldy biscuit and cheese,
did underhand sell the best to such citizens and subjects,
by whom it was conveyed to the rebels. For reforming of
which abuses, command was given out of England that
some offenders should be detected, and severely punished for
example, and that the citizens should be forbidden upon
THE COMMONWEALTH OP lEELAND 293
great penalty to buy any munition upon pretence to sell it to
subjects, who should rather be served out of the public
stores, and that the victuallers should be restrained from
selling any victuals, or because that could not be without
great loss to the public state in allowing great waste, that
faithful overseers at least might be appointed to view what
was mouldy, and to whom it was sold. But these abuses
were not detected till towards the end of the rebellion, so
as the remedies too late prescribed were never put in execu-
tion.
Again, one great mischief did great prejudice to us, that our
stores were not always furnished aforehand, so as the moving
of our army was often stayed till the munition and victuals
arrived, which is most dangerous, especially in Ireland,
where winds out of England are very rare, and blow con-
trary half a year together ; whereof we had experience at
Einsale, where as soon as our soldiers, munition and victuals
were happily arrived, the wind turned presently to the west,
and blew no more out of England till the Spaniards had
yielded upon composition.
Again, our provant master for apparelling the soldier
dealt as corruptly as the rest, not sending half the proportion
of apparel due to the soldier, but compounding for great part
thereof with the captains in ready money, they having many
Irish soldiers who were content to serve without any clothes
so good as the allowed price required. The provant masters
thus compounding with the captains, they contented the
soldiers with a little drinking money, which the Irish desired
rather than clothes, not caring to go half naked, by whose
example some of the English were drawn to like barbarous
baseness. So as in a hard winter siege, as at Einsale (and
likewise at other times), they died for cold in great numbers,
to the grief of all beholders. Again, we had no hospitals to
relieve the sick and hurt soldiers, so as they died upon a
small cold taken, or a prick of the finger, for want of con-
venient relief for few days till they might recover.
Thus however they wanted not excellent chirurgeons
and careful of them, yet particularly at the siege of Einsale,
294 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
tbey died by dozens on a heap, for want of little cherishing
with hot meat and warm lodging, notwithstanding the
Lord Deputy's care, who had imposed on his chaplain the
task to be as it were the sick soldiers* steward, to dispense a
good proportion of victuals ready dressed for comfort of the
sick and hurt soldiers, at the charitable alms of the captains
above the soldiers' pay. Where a king fights in the head of
bis army, such brave soldiers as ours were could not have
suffered want, but deputies and generals, though honourable
and charitable persons, cannot go much beyond their tether.
To conclude, nothing hath more preserved the army of the
United Netherlanders than such public houses, where great
numbers have been recovered, that without them must needs
have perished.
Lately Guicciardini writes that the Popes are more
abused in their musters of soldiers than any other prince ;
which may be true compared with the frugal Venetians, and
states of the Low Countries, and with armies where the
prince is in prison. But I will boldly say that Queen
EUzabeth of happy memory, fighting by her generals, was
incredibly abused in the musters of her army, both in the
Low Countries and France, and especially in Ireland, where
the strongest bands of one hundred and fifty by list never
exceeded one hundred and twenty by poll at the taking of the
field, upon pretence of ten dead pays allowed the captain for
his servants waiting on him, and for extraordinary pays he
might give some gentlemen of his company, as also for sick
soldiers left in his garrison, besides that many times the
strongest bands were much weaker by wanting of supplies
of Englishmen to fill them. But they were far more weak
at pretence of men dead in the summer service, yet were
the coming out of the field and retiring of garrisons upon
checks nothing answerable to the deficient numbers, where-
in the Queen was much wronged, paying more than she had,
and her general served with great disadvantages, being
reputed to fight with greater numbers in list, when he had
not two-third parts of them by poll, yet scarce half of them,
cpnsidering the men taken out of the army for warders in
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 295
castles and forts. It is a pity the Pope's should not be
much more abused in ; but temporal princes, to whom the
mystery of arms properly belongeth, ought carefully to
prevent this mischief to pay men in list who are not to be
found by poll when they should fight. And more specially
in forts, where the covetous captains abating their numbers,
and passing their false musters by bribery, lie open to the
enemies* surprisal, as besides many other examples we
found by the destruction of our garrison at the Derry in
O Dogherty's rebellion, where the captain wanted many of
his number, and of those he had, many were English-Irish,
serving for small pay, to whom the keeping of forts should
not be committed. The Q^een, to prevent this mischief,
increased her number of commissaries, but that was only
to increase the captain's bribes, not the number of his men.
Therefore some thought the beat reformation would be, if
the pay formerly made to the captain for his whole band
were paid by a sworn conmiissary to the soldiers by poll,
and those commissaries exemplarily punished upon any
deceit, whose punishment the soldier would not only well,
besides that the apparel provided by them was nothing near
induce [?], but joyfully applaud. Others thought the pay
should still be made to the captains as honourable persons,
so their deceit were punished by note of infamy, and
cashiering out of employment, in which case their honour
being dear to them, they would either not offend, or few
examples of punishment would reduce all to good order in
short time.
Having largely written of all mischiefs grown in the
government of Ireland, I will add something of the reforma-
tion intended at the end of the last rebellion. The
tion in- worthy Lord Mountjoy (as I have mentioned in the
the^tnd o'f ®^^ ^' ^® secoud part of this work) having reduced
the last Ireland from the most desperate estate, in which it had
e e ion. ^^^^ j^^^^ since the Conquest, to the most absolute
subjection, being made as a fair pair of tables wherein our state
might write what laws best fitted it ; yet knowing that he
left that great work ipiperfect and subject to relapse, except
288 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
being most bloody and cruel towards their captives upon
cold blood, contrary to the practice of all noble enemies,
and not only mangling the bodies of their dead enemies, but
never believing them to be fully dead till they have cut oflF
their heads. But after the English had learned to abide
their first assault firmly and without fear, notwithstanding
their boldness and activity, they found them faintly to assail,
and easily to give ground when they were assailed, yet never
could do any great execution on them upon the bogs and in
woods, where they were nimble to fly, and skilful in all
passages, especially our horse there not being able to serve
upon them. To conclude, as they begin to fight with barbarous
cries, so it is ridiculous and most true that when they begin to
retire from the skirmish, some run out to brawl and scold like
women with the next enemies, which sign of their skirmish
ending and their retiring into the thick woods never failed us.
Touching the ships in Ireland, they had then no men-of-
war, nor merchants' ships armed, only some three or four
Of iheir trading for Spain and France carried a few iron
Shipping, pieces for defence against pirates in our Channel
that might assail them in boats, and they were all under one
hundred tons burthen. The rest of their ships were all of
much less burthen, serving only to transport passengers to
and fro, and horses and merchandise out of England, little
or nothing being carried out of Ireland in time of the rebel-
lion. And these were not many in number, the English
ships most conmionly serving for those purposes. So, as
little can be said of their mariners for navigation, only by
the general nature of the people, I suppose, that they being
witty, bold, and sluggish, if they had hberty to build great
ships for trade, they were like to prove skilful and bold in
navigation, but never industrious in traflic. It is true that
the arch-traitor Tyrone, upon his good successes, grew at
last so proud, as in a treaty of peace he propounded an
article, that it might be lawful for the Irish to build great
armed ships for trade, and men-of-war for the defence of the
coast ; but it was with scorn rejected by the Queen's Com-
missioners. Lastly, I think I may boldly say, that no
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IBELAND 289
island in the world hath more large and commodious havens
for the greatest ships — and whole fleets of them — than Ire-
land hath on all sides; excepting St. George's Channel,
which hath many flats, and the havens there be few, small
and barred, or unsafe to enter ; for, otherwise in one-third
part of Ireland, from Galway to Eillybegs in the north, it
hath fourteen large havens, whereof some may receive two
hundred, some three hundred, some four himdred great ships,
and only two or three are barred and shallow, besides divers
large and conmiodious havens in Munster.
Having spoken particularly of their horse and foot and
shipping, I will add something in general of the Irish wars.
It hath been observed that every rebellion in Ire-
of the land hath grown more dangerous than the former,
^^ and though mariners are industrious and vigilant
in a tempest, yet the English have ever been slow
in resisting the beginnings of sedition, but as mariners sleep
securely in calms, so the English having appeased any rebel-
lion, ever became secure without taking any constant course
to prevent future dangers in that kind. In this last rebeUion
I am afraid to remember how little that kingdom wanted of
being lost and rent from the English Government, for it was
not a small disturbance of peace or a light trouble of the
state, but the very foundations of the English power in
that kingdom were shaken and fearfully tottered, and were
preserved from ruin more by the Providence of God out of
His great mercy (as may appear by the particular affairs at
the siege of Kinsale) than by our counsels and remedies
(which were in the beginning full of negligence, in the pro-
gress distracted with strong factions, and to the end slow
and sparing in all supplies), so as if the Irish soldiers which
were at first unskilful (and ought to have been so kept in
true policy of state) as in short time they grew skilful and
ready in the use of the piece, the sword and other arms, and
very active and valiant in light skirmishes, had likewise
attained the discipline of war to march orderly and fight
upon the plain, to assault and keep forts, and to manage
great ordnance (which they neither had nor knew to use) ; if
U
288 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
being most bloody and cruel towards their captives upon
cold blood, contrary to the practice of all noble enemies,
and not only mangling the bodies of their dead enemies, but
never believing them to be fully dead till they have cut off
their heads. But after the English had learned to abide
their first assault firmly and without fear, notwithstanding
their boldness and activity, they found them faintly to assail,
and easily to give ground when they were assailed, yet never
could do any great execution on them upon the bogs and in
woods, where they were nimble to fly, and skilful in all
passages, especially our horse there not being able to serve
upon them. To conclude, as they begin to fight with barbarous
cries, so it is ridiculous and most true that when they begin to
retire from the skirmish, some run out to brawl and scold like
women with the next enemies, which sign of their skirmish
ending and their retiring into the thick woods never failed us.
Touching the ships in Ireland, they had then no men-of-
war, nor merchants' ships armed, only some three or four
Of iheir trading for Spain and France carried a few iron
Shipping, pieces for defence against pirates in our Channel
that might assail them in boats, and they were all under one
hundred tons burthen. The rest of their ships were all of
much less burthen, serving only to transport passengers to
and fro, and horses and merchandise out of England, little
or nothing being carried out of Ireland in time of the rebel-
lion. And these were not many in number, the English
ships most conmionly serving for those purposes. So, as
little can be said of their mariners for navigation, only by
the general nature of the people, I suppose, that they being
witty, bold, and sluggish, if they had liberty to build great
ships for trade, they were like to prove skilful and bold in
navigation, but never industrious in traflic. It is true that
the arch-traitor Tyrone, upon his good successes, grew at
last so proud, as in a treaty of peace he propounded an
article, that it might be lawful for the Irish to build great
armed ships for trade, and men-of-war for the defence of the
coast ; but it was with scorn rejected by the Queen's Com-
missioners. Lastly, I think I may boldly say, that no
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IRELAND 289
island in the world hath more large and commodiouB havens
for the greatest ships — and whole fleets of them — than Ire-
land hath on all sides; excepting St. George's Channel,
which hath many flats, and the havens there he few, small
and barred, or unsafe to enter ; for, otherwise in one-third
part of Ireland, from Gklway to Eillybegs in the north, it
hath fourteen large havens, whereof some may receive two
hundred, some three hundred, some four hundred great ships,
and only two or three are barred and shallow, besides divers
large and commodious havens in Munster.
Having spoken particularly of their horse and foot and
shipping, I will add something in general of the Irish wars.
It hath been observed that every rebellion in Ire-
of the land hath grown more dangerous than the former,
^^i^ and though mariners are industrious and vigilant
in a tempest, yet the English have ever been slow
in resisting the beginnings of sedition, but as mariners sleep
securely in calms, so the English having appeased any rebel-
lion, ever became secure without taking any constant course
to prevent future dangers in that kind. In this last rebellion
I am afraid to remember how little that kingdom wanted of
being lost and rent from the English Government, for it was
not a small disturbance of peace or a light trouble of the
state, but the very foundations of the English power in
that kingdom were shaken and fearfully tottered, and were
preserved from ruin more by the Providence of God out of
His great mercy (as may appear by the particular a£fairs at
the siege of Einsale) than by our counsels and remedies
(which were in the beginning full of negligence, in the pro-
gress distracted with strong factions, and to the end slow
and sparing in all supplies), so as if the Irish soldiers which
were at first unskilful (and ought to have been so kept in
true policy of state) as in short time they grew skilful and
ready in the use of the piece, the sword and other arms, and
very active and valiant in light skirmishes, had likewise
attained the discipline of war to march orderly and fight
upon the plain, to assault and keep forts, and to manage
great ordnance (which they neither had nor knew to use) ; if
U
388 ILLU8TBATI0NS OF IRISH HISTORY
bemg most bloody and cruel towards their captives upon
cold blood, contrary to the practice of all noble enemies,
and not only mangling the bodies of their dead enemies, but
never believing them to be fully dead till they have cut off
their heads. But after the English had learned to abide
their first assault firmly and without fear, notwithstanding
their boldness and activity, they found them faintly to assail,
and easily to give ground when they were assailed, yet never
could do any great execution on them upon the bogs and in
woods, where they were nimble to fly, and skilful in all
passages, especially our horse there not being able to serve
upon them. To conclude, as they begin to fight with barbarous
cries, so it is ridiculous and most true that when they begin to
retire from the skirmish, some run out to brawl and scold like
women with the next enemies, which sign of their skirmish
ending and their retiring into the thick woods never failed us.
Touching the ships in Ireland, they had then no men-of-
war, nor merchants' ships armed, only some three or four
Of their trading for Spain and France carried a few iron
Shipping, pieces for defence against pirates in our Channel
that might assail them in boats, and they were all under one
hundred tons burthen. The rest of their ships were all of
much less burthen, serving only to transport passengers to
and fro, and horses and merchandise out of England, little
or nothing being carried out of Ireland in time of the rebel-
lion. And these were not many in number, the English
ships most commonly serving for those purposes. So, as
little can be said of their mariners for navigation, only by
the general nature of the people, I suppose, that they being
witty, bold, and sluggish, if they had liberty to build great
ships for trade, they were like to prove skilful and bold in
navigation, but never industrious in traffic. It is true that
the arch-traitor Tyrone, upon his good successes, grew at
last so proud, as in a treaty of peace he propounded an
article, that it might be lawful for the Irish to build great
armed ships for trade, and men-of-war for the defence of the
coast ; but it was with scorn rejected by the Queen's Com-
missioners. Lastly, I think I may boldly say, that no
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IBELAND 289
island in the world hath more large and commodious havens
for the greatest ships — and whole fleets of them — than Ire-
land hath on all sides; excepting St. George's Channel,
which hath many flats, and the havens there be few, small
and barred, or unsafe to enter ; for, otherwise in one-third
part of Ireland, from Gklway to Killybegs in the north, it
hath fourteen large havens, whereof some may receive two
hundred, some three hundred, some four hundred great ships,
and only two or three are barred and shallow, besides divers
large and commodious havens in Munster.
Having spoken particularly of their horse and foot and
shipping, I will add something in general of the Irish wars.
It hath been observed that every rebellion in Ire-
of the land hath grown more dangerous than the former,
^^1^ and though mariners are industrious and vigilant
in a tempest, yet the English have ever been slow
in resisting the beginnings of sedition, but as mariners sleep
securely in calms, so the English having appeased any rebel-
lion, ever became secure without taking any constant course
to prevent future dangers in that kind. In this last rebellion
I am afraid to remember how little that kingdom wanted of
being lost and rent from the English Government, for it was
not a small disturbance of peace or a light trouble of the
state, but the very foundations of the English power in
that kingdom were shaken and fearfully tottered, and were
preserved from ruin more by the Providence of God out of
His great mercy (as may appear by the particular aflfairs at
the siege of Einsale) than by our counsels and remedies
(which were in the beginning full of negligence, in the pro-
gress distracted with strong factions, and to the end slow
and sparing in all supplies), so as if the Irish soldiers which
were at first unskilful (and ought to have been so kept in
true policy of state) as in short time they grew skilful and
ready in the use of the piece, the sword and other arms, and
very active and valiant in light skirmishes, had likewise
attained the discipline of war to march orderly and fight
upon the plain, to assault and keep forts, and to manage
great ordnance (which they neither had nor knew to use) ; if
U
802 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBI8H HI8T0BY
rebels against the state, who after becoming a subject was
hardly drawn to serve the state with thirty foot at the inva-
sion of the Spaniards, and yet thought he deserved thanks
and reward for that poor supply. I cannot wonder enough,
how the lords of Ireland can be so kind in their own a£fec-
tions as having maintckined some 15,000 men in rebellion,
they should think much in time of peace to pay the stipends
of magistrates and judges, and to maintain the small
remnant of the English army, being some 1,200 foot and
under 500 horse. Of old after the first conquest, when
Ulster was obedient to the state, that province alone paid
30,000 marks yearly into the Exchequer, and besides (as
many relations witness) maintained some thousands of foot
for the state service, yielding also timber to build the King's
ships, and other helps of great importance to the state. No
doubt Ireland, after the rebellion appeased, was in short time
like to be more rich, and happy in all abundance, than ever
it had been, if the subjects would delight in the arts of
peace ; and the fertility of Ireland yieldeth not to England
if it had as many and as industrious inhabitants. In
summer it hath less heat than England, which, proceeding
from the reflection of the sun upon the earth, is abated by
the frequent bogs and lakes (which, together with raw or
little roasted meats, cause the country diseases of fluxes and
agues fatal to the English), but this defect might be helped
by the industry of husbandmen draining the grounds, and
may hinder the ripening of some fruits, but no way hurts
the corn, though perhaps it may cause a later harvest than
England hath. Again in winter, by the humidity of sea and
land, Ireland is less subject to cold than England, so as
the pastures are green, and the gardens full of rosemary,
laurel and sweet herbs, which the cold of England often
destroyeth. It passeth England in rivers and frequent
lakes abounding with fish, whereof one lake [river] called
the Bande [Bann] yieldeth 5001. yearly rent by fishing. The
havens from Galway to Calebeg [Killybegs], a third part of
the kingdom, are fourteen in number, whereof some will
receive two hundred, some three hundred, some four hundred
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IBELAND 803
great ships, and only two or three of them are barred and
shallow, and all these with the other harboors, creeks, and
seas on all sides of Ireland abound with plenty of excellent
fish, if the inhabitants were indnstrioos to get them for
food and traffic.
For the increasing of the King's customs in time by
insensible degrees, it was thought the Irish were not likely
to repine much thereat, since that burthen grieveth none
that are content with native conmiodities, and a£Fect not
foreign luxuries, but they have been little used to taxes and
tributes upon their land, and have ever kicked at the least
burthen in that kind for the service of the state, only bearing
it cheerfully for their own ends, as to support the Popish
religion, and to maintain agents in England, to plead for
that iemd other clamorous grievances. Howsoever the
question is not how willingly they will yield profit to the
King, but how it may be most commodiously raised. To
which purpose in regard the wealth of Ireland consists
especially in cattle and victuals, and wanted nothing more
than money, the^best relations of the Irish estate in those
times of the rebellion appeased, though not so fit to raise
it by new compositions of all countries, and increasing the
old, as by making Ireland only to bear the charge of the
magistrates* and judges' stipends, and moreover (as it were)
a nursery for some competent English forces, extracting old
soldiers from thence upon occasion of service, and sending
new men to be trained up in their place. This done, whereas
foreign enemies heretofore thought Ireland the weakest place
wherein England might be annoyed, henceforward, they
would rather dare to invade England than Ireland thus
armed. And the rents by compositions would be a trifle in
respect of this profit of cessing soldiers. By cessing^ I mean
the allotting of certain numbers to each city and shire to be
maintained by them, who would be as so many spies to
observe their parlies and conspiracies, and as garrisons in
towns to keep them in awe, whither they might be sent in
* The eTils of cessing are fully disoossed in Spenser's View of the State of
Ireland,
364 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
greater or less numbers as the public service required.
Provided always that this cessing should be to the King's
profit only, not (as it was in the last rebellion) for the
captain's profit, who took all the profit thereof without
taking a penny less pay from the state, or making any
satisfaction to the subjects, though they had their hands to
charge them. As this cessing was thought to be most
profitable to the state (easing it of the army's charge,
especially for victuals, whereof the public stores could
never be replenished but with far greater expense than any
compositions were like to yield), so was this kind of charge
most easy for the Irish abounding in victuals. Provided
that the soldiers were restrained from extorting by violence
more than should be due to them, and the due provision were
gathered by orderly course. For prevention whereof, and
for the soldiers' safety, they should not lie scattered in the
country, but together in garrisons, yet not leaving it in the
power of the Irish to starve them, but they fetching in
victuals aforehand, if according to order it were not brought
to them. Provided also, that the soldiers travelling for any
service should in like sort be restrained from extortions.
When the rebellion was ended, and the English army in
strength, this course was thought easy to be settled, and if
at any time after the state should think fitter to receive
yearly rents it was not doubted but this course for a time
would after make the people glad to raise their composi-
tions so as the cessing might be taken away. And by this
practice we see that France hath of late raised great
tributes, increasing them upon new burthens of war, and
so making the most seditious to abhor troubles, and love
peace.
Then it was projected that commissioners should be
sent over out of England, to view such lands, for which
small or no rent had long been paid to the King, upon false
pretence that they lay waste. To raise the rents of those
undertakers in Munster, to whom the Queen having
granted to some three thousand, to some more, acres of good
land for small rent, or they having bought it at second-hand
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 806
at so easy a price, as some of them raised as much profit in
one year as paid the purchase, and they having broken all
their covenants with the Queen, not peopling the land with
English tenants, nor having English servants, but using the
Lrish for both, as serving upon base conditions, and not
building their castles, but su£fering the old castles to go to
ruin, and so in the rebellion being betrayed by their own
Irish men, and having no English to serve the state, or keep
their own possessions, were forced upon the first tumults to
quit their lands, or charge the Queen with warders to keep
their castles, for which causes, if their estates were not taken
from them upon breach of covenants, yet at least they deserved
to be charged with greater rents. To tie them strictly to be
observing hereafter of all covenants, for the publiagood, upon
pain to forfeit their grants. To dispose for the King's best
profit all concealed lands given to superstitious uses, which
were thought of great value. To dispose of spiritual lands
and livings by custody to the King's profit, for a time till
a learned clergy might be settled. To rate the cessing of
soldiers in Ulster, where it was thought the people would
willingly bear any reasonable burthen, so they might be
freed from the great lords' tyranny. To do the like in other
parts of the kingdom, at least for a time, since if after yearly
rents were thought more commodious the people would
more willingly raise the compositions to be freed from this
cessing, and maintaining of garrisons. Lastly, to raise the
customs by degrees, and to consider what privileges of cities,
or of private men, for that present deserving little of the
state, were fit to be cut o£f, or restrained.
By these means it was thought no difficult thing in few
years highly to raise the King's revenues, and to reform
in some good measure the civil and ecclesiastical policy.
Provided that these commissioners, being of the best sort
for nobility and experience, were after the first reformation
continued still in that employment, and sent over once in
five years, or like space of time, to visit that kingdom,
especially for administration of justice, yet by the way (with
arts of peace, and by degrees) for settling and increasing the
X
806 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
King's revenues, which we see daily and wisely to have been
done in England. Thus the Irish, bearing common and
equal burthen with the English, should have no just cause
to complain, and finding rebellions to increase their burthens
would be taught to love peace ; the English should be eased
from bearing the wonted burthen of their seditions ; the
King should have means in Ireland to reward his magistrates
and servants in that kingdom. And it was hoped such
treasure might in time be drawn out of Ireland as might in
some measure repay the great expenses England hath here-
tofore disbursed to keep Ireland in peace, without raising
any least profit from a conquered kingdom.
To conclude, as I have taken the boldness plainly and
truly to give some light of the doubtful state of Ireland
^^ about the time of the last rebellion, so methinks no
Conola- Irish or English-Irish of these times should take
^^^' oflfence at any things I have written if they be clear
from the ill affections wherewith those times were polluted
(I mean in general, since I have not concealed that some of
them deserved well in those worst times). And for all other
men I trust that in their love to truth and for the use may
be made of this plain narration in future times, they will
pardon any rudeness of style or errors of judgment which I
may have incurred. God is my witness that I envy not to
the English-Irish any wealth, liberty, or prerogative they
may justly challenge, nor yet to the mere Irish a gentle and
moderate government, so the English-Irish had the noble
and faithful hearts of their progenitors towards the Kings
of England, or that leniency would make the Irish more
obedient, which heretofore hath rather puffed them with
pride and wanton frowardness. But as they were both in
those times very disobedient (if not malicious) to the State
of England, I have been bold to say that things so standing,
England ought to use power where reason availeth not.
Nothing is so proper as to rule by force whom force hath sub-
jected. To keep the Irish in obedience by arms who were first
conquered by arms, and to use the like bridle towards the
English-Irish, who degenerating became partners in their
THE COMMONWEALTH OF IRELAND 807
rebellions. To impose laws on them l^ authority for the
public good, whom reason cannot persuade to make them
by consent for their own good. To reform the old colonies
deformed by their own faults, and to establish them by
planting new. And to take the sword out of madmen's
hands, for such are they that use arms against those that
armed them. All subjects must be kept in duty by love or
fear; love were better towards both, and especially the
English-Irish ; but the mere Irish are more pliable to fear,
iind such of the other as by habit have gotten their barbar-
ous affections must be manacled in the same chain with
them. Reformation is necessary ; neither of them admits any.
We must reform, and that will gall them, and their pride in
those times was likely to make them kick. It remained that,
by constant counsel and all honest means, we should take
from such subjects all power to wreak their malice. For to
use remedies sufficient to provoke them to anger, and to
withhold those that might suppress their fury, were great
folly. In a word, nothing is more dangerous than middle
counsels, which England of old too much practised in Ireland.
To what purpose are good laws made, if the people cannot
be led or forced to obedience ? A man in those days might
more easily lead bears and lions than the Irish. If Orpheus
himself could not make those stones and trees dance after
his harp, then Hercules and Theseus must make them follow
their clubs. The marshals must make them feel punish-
ment whom philosophers and lawgivers find without all
feeling of their public good. Let any man who hath been
served with Irish footmen in sober sadness tell me the truth,
if he have not always found them most obedient (by general
experience) under a hard hand, but stubborn and froward
towards their masters as soon as they are well clothed and
set on horseback, for they are all in their opinion and they
all will be gentlemen, which poverty made them forget.
This properly belongs to the mere Irish, but such of the
English-Irish as are become of that nature must be content
to be joined with them, till they return to English manners
and affections. Some of our old governors wisely observed
x2
308 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
this nature of the Irish, and practised the right coarse to
bridle it, proclaiming their commands at the point of the
sword. Such was the Lord Gray, in the late Queen's reign
Lord Deputy of Ireland, who knew best of all his prede-
cessors to bridle their fierce and clamorous nation.^ Such
was Sir Bichard Bingham,' though only a subordinate
governor of the province of Connaught, who with a handful
of soldiers, and a heavy hand of justice, taught us what
reformation might be wrought this way if it were constantly
and sincerely followed. But I know not upon what grounds
of policy the counsellors of our state in those days did not
approve their actions. For the complaints of the subdued
Irish (which no nation can more skilfully frame to gain, or
at least tie, their judges, they being always clamorous, but
in adversity as abject suppliants as proud enemies in pro-
sperity)— I say their complaints found such pity in the royal
(may I with leave say womanly ?) breast of the late famous
Queen, and such favour with the lords of her council
(perhaps desiring the present, rather than durable peace of
that kingdom), as these late rebels were sent back comforted
for their losses with fair promises ; and the magistrates, re-
called into England, reaped heavy reproof for their merited
reward. So as their successors, either terrified by that ill
success or ambitious to gain the hearts of the Irish (at
which the counsels of the next Deputy seemed to aim),
or upon vain hope to reduce that nation to obedience by
leniency, did in aU judicial causes so much respect the Irish,
as to that end they spared not to lay unequal burthens some-
times on the English. Thus new magistrates bringing new
laws and counsels wrought that confusion which they sought
to avoid. For one Deputy was sharp and severe, another
a£fable and gentle, whereas in all good governments, howso-
ever the magistrates are changed, the face of justice should
> Arthur, 14th Baron Grey de Wilton (1536-98), was Lord Deputy of
Ireland 1580-2. It was as his secretary that Edmund Spenser came to
Ireland.
* Sir Richard Bingham (1528-.99) was appointed Governor of Connaught
in 1584. His vigorous methods were successful, but severe, and brought
him into con^ct with the Deputy, Sir John Perrot.
THE COMMONWEALTH OP IRELAND 809
constantly remain one and the same. And what prejudice
to the conmionwealth this com^e hath of old wrought in
Ireland particularly experience hath made manifest. Qod
grant that hereafter we may at least (according to the Latin
proverb) grow wise with the wounded fisherman, and as in
the last rebellion we were good Epimethei, to discern (by
the sense of ill accidents) the true causes thereof, so here-
after we may become provident Promethei, in diverting fore-
known dangers, before they fall heavily upon us.
c
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF IRELAND
OF IBELAND: TOUCHING NATURE AND MANNERS. BODIES AND
WITS. MANUAL ARTS. SCDSNCBS. UNIVERSITIES. LANGUAGE.
CEREMONIES. PARTICULARLY IN MARRUGES. GHILD.BEAR-
INGS. CHRISTENINGS, AND FUNERALS ; AND ALSO OF THEIR
DIVERS CUSTOMS. PASTIMES, EXEBCISES, PARTICULARLY OF
THEIR HUNTING, HAWKING, FOWLING, BIBDING AND FISHING.
In this chapter I will speak of the mere Irish. Only I will
say for the English-Irish that they may be known by the
description of our English at home. Bat as horses, cows,
and sheep transported out of England into Ireland do each
race and breeding decline worse and worse, till in few years
they nothing di£fer from the races and breeds of the Irish
horses and cattle, so the posterities of the English planted
in Ireland do each descent grow more and more Irish, in
nature, manners and customs, so as we found in the last
rebellion divers of the most ancient English families, planted
of old in Ireland, to be turned as rude and barbarous as any
of the mere Irish lords. Partly because the manners and
customs of the mere Irish give great liberty to all men's
lives, and absolute power to great men over the inferiors,
both which men naturally aflfect. Partly because the mere
Irish of old overtopped the English-Irish in number, and
nothing is more natural — yea, necessary — than for the less
number to accommodate itself to the greater. And especially
because the English are naturally inclined to apply themselves
to the manners and customs of any foreign nations with
whom they live and converse, whereas the mere Irish by
nature have singular and obstinate pertinacity in retaining
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF IBELAND 811
their old manners and costoms, so as they could never be
drawn, by the laws, gentle government, and free conversation
of the English, to any civility in manners or reformation in
religion.
Now to return to the mere Irish. The lords, or rather
chiefs of countries (for most of them are not lords from any
grants of our kings, which English titles indeed they despise),
prefix O or Mac before their names in token of greatness,
being absolute tyrants over their people, themselves eating
upon them and making them feed their kern, or footmen, and
their horsemen. Also they, and gentlemen under them,
before their names put nicknames, given them from the
colour of their hair, from lameness, stuttering, diseases, or
villainous inclinations, which they disdain not, being other-
wise most impatient of reproach, though indeed they take
it tather for a grace to be reputed active in any villainy,
especially cruelty and theft. But it is strange how contrary
they are to themselves, for in apparel, meat, fashions, and
customs they are most base and abject, yet are they by
nature proud and disdainful of reproach. In fighting they
will run away and turn again to fight, because they think it
no shame to run away and to make use of the advantage they
have in swift running; yet have they great courage in
fighting, and I have seen many of them suffer death with as
constant resolution as ever Bomans did. To conclude this
point, they know not truly what honour is, but according to
their knowledge no men more desire it, affecting extremely
to be celebrated by their poets, or rather rhymers, and
fearing more than death to have a rhyme made in their
disgrace and infamy. So as these rhymers — pestilent
members in that commonwealth — by animating all sorts by
their rhymes to licentious living, to lawless and rebellious
actions, are so much regarded by them as they grow very
rich, the very women, when they are young and new married,
or brought to bed, for fear of rhymes giving them the best
apparel and ornaments they have.
The Irish are by nature very factious, all of a sept or
name living together, and cleaving close one to another in
813 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
all guarrels and actions whatsoever, in which kind they
willingly sofifer great men to eat upon them, and take what-
soever they have, proverbially saying Defend me and spend
me ; but this defence must be in all causes, just or unjust,
for they are not content to be protected from wrong, except
they may be borne out to do wrong.
They are by nature extremely given to idleness. The
sea coasts and harbours abound with fish, but the fishermen
must be beaten out before they will go to their boats.
Theft is not infamous but rather commendable among
them, so as the greatest men a£Fect to have the best thieves
to attend upon them ; and if any man reprove them, they
answer that they do as their fathers did, and it is infamy for
gentlemen and swordsmen to live by labour and manual
trades. Yea, they will not be persuaded that theft displeaseth
God, because He gives the prey into their hands, and if He be
displeased, they say, yet He is merciful and will pardon them
for using means to live. This idleness makes them also
slovenly and sluttish in their houses and apparel, so as upon
every hill they lie lowsing themselves, as formerly in the
discourse of the Commonwealth.^ I have remembered four
verses, of four beasts that plague Ireland, namely, lice upon
their bodies, rats in their houses, wolves in their fields, and
swarms of Bomish priests tyrannising over their consciences.
This idleness also makes them to love liberty above all things,
and likewise naturally to delight in music, so as the Irish
harpers are excellent, and their solemn music is much liked
of strangers ; and the women of some parts of Munster, as
they wear Turkish heads and are thought to have come first
out of those parts, so they have pleasant tunes of Moresco
dances.
They are by nature very clamorous, upon every small
occasion raising the hobou (that is a doleful outcry), which
they take one from another's mouth till they put the whole
town in tumult. And their complaints to magistrates are
commonly strained to the highest points of calamity, some-
times in hjrperbolical terms, as many upon small violences
* Bee p. 241 supra.
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OP IRELAND 313
offered them have petitioned to the Lord Deputy for justice
against men for murdering them, while they stood before him
sound and not so much as wounded.
In the late rebellion we found the Munster men to betray
the Earl of Desmond, their chief leader, into our hands, for
their own pardons and rewards of money. But howsoever
the state by public proclamation did set a great reward upon
the head of Tyrone to any should bring his head, and a
greater to any should bring him alive, yet the northern men
could not be induced by any rewards of money or pardons
for their own estates and lives to betray him — no, not when
themselves were driven to greatest misery, and he forced to
hide his head in the woods without any forces, and only was
followed by some few of his most trusty vassals. In like
sort by experience we reputed the northern men of better
nature and disposition to peace, to civil government, and
reformation of religion than the Munster men, at that time
rebels. For howsoever the northern men followed their
lords with all their hearts and powers in rebellious and
unlawful actions, yet they did it because they lived by them,
and had feeling of their power ready at hand to do them
good or hurt, and had formerly no knowledge of the King's
power and justice, but far off, and not ready to support and
protect them in their obedience, whereas the Munster men
had long lived happily under the protection of the state and
English laws. Yea, when the wars were ended and the
English judges went their circuits through all Ireland, the
northern people more obediently and more joyfully than any
other received the English laws and government to protect
them from the oppression of great lords and their swordsmen.
And howsoever the northern men were generally Papists,
yet we considered that they must be so or of no religion,
having not formerly been taught any other, whereas
the rebels of other parts, by long conversation with
the English and living among them, had forj:nerly had
great opportunity to be well instructed in religion and civil
manners.
314 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBI8H HISTORY
It is an old saying,
Rustiea g^ns optima fUns, peMima rid^ns.
The oouniry clowns are best when they do weep,
And worst when they in plenty laugh and sleep.
And this saying may more truly be spoken of the Irish
than any other nation. For nothing more brings them to
obedience than poverty, and heretofore they never had plenty
but presently they rushed into rebellion. For particular
experience, let them witness who have kept Irish footmen,
if ever they could bring any of them on foot again whom
once they had set on horseback, and if they have not had
better service from them whom they kept most bare in
apparel or money, and most subject to correction, than
from those they kept most bountifully and used most freely
and gently. [^ They are by nature superstitious, and given
to use witchcrafts. The approved author by Mr. Camden,*
cited in his own words, saith they salute the new moon with
bended knee, saying to it ' Leave us as sound as thou findest
us.* He adds incantations they use against wolves, their
opinions that itome one shall die if they find a black spot
upon a bared mutton bone, and their horses shall live long
if they give no fire out of the house, and that some ill-luck
will fall to their horses if the rider, having eaten eggs, do
not wash his hands after them, or be not careful to choose
the eggs of equal bigness. That they are much offended if
a man conmiend their cattle, except withal he say God save
them, or else spit upon them. That some men's eyes bewitch
their horses, and if they prove lame or ill, old women are
sought for to say short prayers and use many incantations
to recover them. That if a man fall on the ground, he
useth to turn thrice about towards his right hand, and to dig
up a sod of earth with his sword or knife, to prevent ill-luck.
' The passage in brackets has not been printed by Mr. Hughes in Shake-
speare's Europe*
' See the account of the native or wild Irish in the chapter on * The Ancient
and Modem Customs of the Irish * in Gamden*s Britannia. This chapter first
appeared in the sixth edition published in 1607. The author, a priest named
Good, was a contemporary of Mory son. —Camden's Britannia, edition of 1722,
p. 1415.
THE MANNBB8 AND CUSTOMS OF IBBLAND 815
That they use many like incantatioufi when they g6 to fight.
That women divorced bewitch the men putting them away
for the disabiUty of generation, and many diseases against
which men use the help of witches. But I will omit many
other superstitions and witchcrafts which he there relates. . .
The same author relates that the Irish were great swearers
and forswearers, presuming upon God's mercy, and that to
make them keep faith there was no other means but to have
them swear before the altar, upon a book opened and laid
upon their head, and to swear by some saint or with kissing
of a bell, or to swear by the head of the lord of their
country which they most feared. Because those lords used
to extort cows from them for perjuries, as having therein
abused their names.!
The bodies of men and women are large for bigness and
stature, because they are brought up in libjorty and with
loose apparel, but generally the very men are observed to
have little and ladylike hands and feet, and the greatest
part of the women are nasty with foul linen, and have very
great duggs, some so big as they give their children suck
over their shoulders. The women generally are not strait-
laced, perhaps for fear to hurt the sweetness of breath, and
the greatest part are not laced at all. Also the Irish are
generally observed to be fruitful in generation, as at Dublin
in the time of the last war, it was generally known for
truth that one of the Segers,^ while she lodged in the house
of Mistress Arglas, bore five children at one birth, and we
all know an alderman's wife that bore three at a birth, |
with many like examples.
For the wits of the Irish, they themselves brag that
Ireland yields not a natural fool, which brag I have heard
divers men confirm, never any to contradict. My honoured
lord the late Earl of Devonshire till his dying day kept
an Irishman in fool's apparel, and commonly called his lord-
ship's fool ; but we found him to have craft of humouring
every man to attain his own ends, and to have nothing of
a natural fool. But fot the Irish generally they are subtle
* PerhaiNirSagnbve.
316 ILLU8TBATI0NS OF IBISH HISTOBY
temporisers, and because they have been used to frequent
change of governors, if they cannot attain their own ends,
they labour by all shifting devices to delay their adversaries
prevailing against them till a new governor be sent, as
crafty Davus in the comedy, thinking he had done well to
put off his young master's marriage but for one day, hoping
that some new impediments might therein arise. They are
crafty to observe their governors' humours, and to present
to them at their "first coming causes of justice formerly
determined against them, from whom if they can get (while
they are yet unpractised in the affairs) any new decree con-
trary or differing from the old, they will not cease to make
new trouble to their adversaries. Yea many, getting the
governor's hand to their petitions, though nothing to their
favour, yet have made such use of it with their adversaries
at home as if it had been an absolute grant of their requests.
If they can fasten upon their governors any bribe (which
is always cows), they hold them as slaves for ever. And
if they will not be corrupted, but execute justice against
them, then are they most clamorous in complaints to the
supreme magistrate, or to the State in England, and when
the inferior governors are called to Dublin, or the Lord
Deputy recalled into England, they fly after them with open
throats to load them with false calumnies, especially if
these governors happen to be in any disgrace with the state,
or have any great enemies at home glad to back their com-
plaints.
[^ Touching manual arts I have showed that the Irish are
most slothful, the swordmen holding it infamy to labour, but
none to steal, which may suffice for that point.
Sciences, We read that in the very primitive Church Ireland
^"itieB^ yielded many and learned men called monks, but
Lan' far differing from those of the Boman Church at
^^'^*^®' this day. Yet I should think they were rather
esteemed for holiness than for learning in sciences. For
howsoever the Irish are naturally given to religion (which
was holiness in them, but grown to superstition in their
^ The remainder of this chapter is now printed for the first time.
THE MANNBBS AND CUSTOMS OP IBELAND 317
successors), and are also naturally given to a monkish life of
ease, yet what learning they had there was gotten among
the Britains and Scots. For I read not of any universities
or public schools the Irish had of their own, and their natural
disposition to this day makes me think they were not
laborious in the study of sciences. In succeeding ages they
grew more and more superstitious and ignorant, their priests,
monks, and bishops growing generally illiterate, except some
few in latter times bred in the universities of the Boman
religion, whereof very few or none were of profound learn-
ing. And their common lawyers likewise were bred in the
Inns of Court in London. But at the end of Tyrone's
rebellion, the late famous Queen Elizabeth having founded
a college or university near Dublin for education of Ihe Irish,
many of whom have therein attained to good reputation of
learning, and some few have been reputed in the profession
of divinity (for which the said college was chiefly founded)
equal to the best and most learned doctors of England, as
no doubt they want not wit to attain learning when they
will be industrious. And since that time (besides the fruits
and hopes of this university) the kingdom hath out of
England been fully furnished with many learned and grave
bishops, and as well judges as inferior pleaders of the
common law.
Touching the Irish language. It is a peculiar language,
not derived from any other radical tongue (that ever I could
hear, for myself neither have nor ever sought to have any
skill therein) ; but as the land, as I have showed, hath been
peopled by divers nations besides the first inhabitants, so
hath the tongue received many new words from them,
especially Spanish words from the people coming thence to
inhabit the west parts. Sut all I have said hereof might
well be spared, as if no such tongue were in the world
I think it would never be missed either for pleasure or
necessity.
Touching ceremonies of state or of civil actions, the mere
Irish being barbarous, and loving so to continue, cannot be
acquainted with them, which they afifect not. For marriage
318 ILLDSTBATI0N8 OP IBISH HISTORY
I will only say of the Engliah-Irish that they keep it orderly
as in England, save that in respect of the law forbidding
Cere. them to marry with the mere Irish, the citizens
^JJ2cu-* t^l^g wives within their own walls were grown to
lu;ly be all of kindred one with another, and so forced
^^* to marry those of near kindred ^
Q^^^ Touching child-bearing, women within two hours
ings, after they are delivered, many times leave their
^Wvotb"* '^^ *^ 8^ ^^P *°^ drink with women coming to
Onstonui. visit them ; and in our experience a soldier's wife
delivered in the camp did the same day, and within few
hours after her delivery, march six miles on foot with the
army to the next camping place. Some say that commonly
the women have little or no pain in child-bearing, and attri-
bute the same to a bone broken when they are tender
children ; but whatever the cause be, no doubt they have
such easy deliverance, and commonly such strange ability
of body presently after it, as I never heard any woman in
the world to have the like ; and not only the mere Irish,
but most of the English-Irish dwelling in the cities. Mid-
wives and neighbours come to help women to be delivered
commonly more for fashion than any great need of them ;
and here is no talk of a month's lying-in, or solemn
churching at the end of the month, as with us in Eng-
land. They seldom nurse their own children, especially
the wives of lords and gentlemen (as well mere Irish as
English-Irish). For women of good wealth seek with great
ambition to nurse them, not for any profit, rather spending
much upon them while they live, and giving them when
they die sometimes more than to their own children. But
they do it only to. have the protection and love of the parents
whose children they nurse. And old custom is so tmiied
into a second nature with them as they esteem the children
they nurse more than their own, holding it a reproach to
nurse their own children. Yea, men will forbear their wives'
bed for the good of the children they nurse or foster, but
* A few sentences as to the morality of mere Irish, taken directly from
Camden's Britannia, are omitted here.
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OP IBBLAND 819
not nursing thei^ own. Yea, the foster-brothers^r-I mean
the children of the nurse and strangers that have sacked her
milk — love one another better than natural brothers, and hate
them in respect of the other. And by frequent examples we
have seen many mourn for their foster-brothers much more
than they would have done for their natural brothers ; and
some to oppose their own brothers to death that they might
save their foster-brothers from danger thereof. The worst
is that these nurses with their extreme indulgence corrupt
the children they foster, nourishing and heartening the boys
in all villainy, and the girls in obscenity.
In christenings and like rites of religion they use
generally the rites of the Boman Churchy the which they
persist with obstinacy, little care having been taken to
instruct them in the reformed doctrine. But in all things
they intermix barbarous customs, as when the child is
carried to be baptised they tie a little piece of silver in the
comer of the cloth wherein the child is wrapped, to be given
to the priest, and likewise salt to be put in the child's mouth.
And at christenings they have plenty of drink and of flesh
meats to entertain the friends invited. Yea, among the very
English-Irish remaining Papists, the father entertains the
guests, though he be a bachelor and have disvirgined the
mother, for it is no shame to be or to beget a bastard.
Banquets of sweetmeats are unknown to the mere Irish, and
the nurses are rather beneficial to the children they foster
than receive anything of them or their friends (as in the
Commonwealth above written I have showed in the abuse
of fostering children, both among the mere Irish and also
among the English-Irish).
Touching funerals, when they be sick, they never speak
to them of making any will, neither care they to have any
made, for the wife hath the third of goods, and the children
the rest divided amongst them, and the land, after their law
of tanistry, (which they willingly observe rather than the
English) is commonly possessed by the most active and
powerful of the sept and kindred, bearing all one simame ;
so as the uncles on the father's side or the mother's many
320 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
times invade it, excluding the sons. Neither do they
who visit the sick person speak aught to him of good
counsel, for his soul's health, which sad discourses they
think like to increase his sickness, taking it for a despe-
rate sign of death if the sick person desire to receive the
sacrament. But all their speeches tend to mirth and hope
of recovery; and the sick person hath about him many
lights and great show of company, as if thereby they could
keep him from death. Whereof I remember an English
gentleman, who, seeing a sick lord of great quaUty thus
surrounded with lights and hundreds of men and women
attending in his own and the next chamber, said merrily to a
friend : ' If this man think not better of repentance than he
doth, all this light and company cannot keep him from the
hands of death and the devil.' And when the sick person
draweth to the point of death, the near friends and all
the company call and cry out to him, as if they would stay
his soul from departing by remembering the goodness of the
wife or husband and children, and the wealth and friends to
be left behind him, reproaching him with unkindness in
forsaking them, and asking whither and to whom he will go
to be in better case than he is with them. When the sick
person is dead they make a monstrous cry, with shrieking,
howling, and clamping of hands ; and in like sort they follow
the dead body at the burial, in which outcries the nurse,
the daughters and the concubines are most vehement. The
women especially and children do weekly visit the graves of
their dead friends, casting flowers and crosses upon them, with
weeping and many prayers for the dead. In like sort, with out-
cries, they bewail those that die in the war, and in ptealths or
taking preys, though they think the death of them more happy
than any other. The septs of one name carry deadly feud
towards the man who kills any of their name, and towards
all that are of the same name or sept of him who killed him.
Touching divers customs, they seldom eat wild fowl or
fish, though they have great plenty of both, because they
will not take pains in catching them, and so leave them
all for the Enghsh. They gladly eat, raw herbs, as water-
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OP IBELAND 321
cresses and shamrocks, and most commonly eat flesh, many
times raw; and if it be roasted or sodd, they seldom eat
bread with it or any meat, holding him a churl who hath any
bread left after Christmas, save that they keep most of their
com for their horses, whereof they take special care. They
drink much nsquebagh, which is the best aqua vitcd ^ in the
world, and mnch sack, but seldom any claret wine. They
swallow lumps of butter mixed with oatmeal, and often let
their cows blood, eating the congealed blood with butter,
and love no meat more than sour milk curdled.' In their
frequent drinkings and those feasts of flesh, not only the
mere Irish, but also the old inhabitants of English-Irish have
the German fashion of putting frolics about the table, as
pinching and kissing over the shoulders, and many strange
ways, and the manner is to sup where you dine.
GeneraUy, or most commonly, the men go bare-headed,
except they wear a steel helmet ; but they wear long curled
hair, which both men and women nourish long and take
pride in it, especially if it be yellow. The men wear long
and large shirts, coloured with saflEron, a preservation against
lice, they being seldom or never washed. The men wear
short coats and straight trousers, or breeches, and both men
and women wear long mantles for the uppermost garment,
which the men at night cast into the water, and so upon the
ground sleep in them cast over their heads. The women
wear many yards of linen upon their heads, as the women
do in Turkey ; and wear so many bracelets and necklaces,
as rather load than adorn. The men, as well mere Irish as
the old inhabitants of the English-Irish, hold it a shame
to go abroad or walk with their wives, and much more to
ride before them on horseback. They hold it a disgrace to
ride upon a mare.
As conquered nations seldom love their conquerors, so in
those times Shane O'Neill, the great lord of the North,
is said to have cursed his people, at his death, if any of them
* See note at p. 226 supra,
' See note on bonnyolabber, p. 280 supra.
322 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
should build houses or shire towns, to invite the English-
men to live among them. And in most customs they affected
to be contrary to the English. Myself have heard a worthy
old captain, who had served long in Ireland, relate some
forty customs clean contrary to the EngUsh, which I have
now forgotten and therefore will only instance one or two of
them, namely that women took horse on the contrary side to
the Englishmen, with their faces turned the contrary way, and
that the Irish used no harness or traces for horses drawing
in the plough or drawing sledges with carriage, but only
fastened the plough and the carriage by withes to the tails
of the horses (or garrans, for so they call them), whereby the
tails of them are commonly pulled off, and the very rumps
bared. To omit the rest which I cannot remember, we
generally observed that not only the women of the mere
Irish, but also the old English-Irish, who could speak
English as well as ourselves, yet durst not speak it with us
if their husbands or their fathers were present. They keep
the old calendar, and only the cities have clocks, and keep
them as we do in England.
Touching pastimes. They exceedingly delight in playing
at cards and dice, especially at dice ; and professed gamesters
PaBtimes, go about, carrying cards and dice with them,^ and
Hmiti^r they will not only play for all the money and
Hawking, clothes they have, but even for the members of
and Rsh- their body at a rate of money, suffering themselves
"i8- to be tied by those members and to be led about
till they can free them by pajring the rate of money. They
delight much in dancing, using no arts of slow measures or
lofty galliards, but only country dances, whereof they have
some pleasant to behold, as Balrudery, and the Whip of
Dunboyne, and they dance about a fire commonly in the
midst of a room holding withes in their bands, and by
certain strains drawing one another into the fire ; and
also the matachine dance, with naked swords, which they
make to meet in divers comely postures. And this I have
seen them often dance before the Lord Deputy in the houses
' Carrows, see p. 248 supra.
THE MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OP EBBLAND 328
of Irish lords ; and it seemed to me a dangerous sport to
see so many naked swords so near the Lord Deputy and
chief commanders of the army in the hands of the Irish
kerne, who had either lately been or were not unlike to
prove rebels.
Touching exercises, the activity of their bodies, as well
in swift running on foot as in the nimble mounting their
horses without stirrups, with the dexterity of using skeans
and darts and riding swiftly, shows that they are well
breathed in like exercises.
Touching hunting, Ireland yields some reasonable plenty
of fallow deer, as well closed in parks (namely one at
Maynooth, belonging to the Earl of Kildare, and another in
Munster, then belonging to the Earl of Ormond, and a third
lately made in the north, as I hear, by the lord of Belfast) as
also running loose in the woods of the north, of Ophaha, of
Leix, and of Munster. And it also yields a few stags or red
deer,^ running loose in the woods bordering upon Lecale in
the north, and the other woods above-named. And this
plenty is the greater because ordinary persons dare not, and
great lords of the mere Irish will not, hunt them. For the
mere Irish delight not in the sport, nor care to eat such
meats. So as in the time of war, and for all the time I
lived there, the English conmianders and gentlemen of the
army for the most part enjoyed this game running loose in
the woods. The Irish used to kill both fallow and red deer
by shot with the harquebus; and commonly catched his
stags by driving them into nets, shouting with a great
noise upon the contrary side from the nets, which made
them go forward and go into the nets, or by the way
stand gazing till they might be shot. They also had an art
to catch stags by singing a certain tune upon all sides about
them, by which music they fall dovm and lay as sleeping.
Also they catched both fallow and red deer by springes of
arms of trees, or young trees half cut and lightly fastened
to the ground, upon which while the deer browsed they
were caught by the trees, which being loosened from the
' See note 3, p. 222 mpra.
t2
324 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
ground rose up and many times hoisted and gripped them far
from the ground. But of late some of the English have
brought hounds and greyhounds out of England and some-
times used to hunt these deer with dogs. And at the end
of the rebellion Ireland had great store of hares, but very
foggy (?), being not breathed with coursing. The Irish grey-
hounds are so high that they overbear the hares when they
have turned them. But after the wars many of the
English brought over English greyhounds and hounds to
course and hunt them as we do.
Ireland is much annoyed with innumerable wolves,^ which
they labour not to destroy for very idleness, though they have
excellent greyhounds bold to fasten on them. So as they
not only destroy their cattle, but also the fallow and red
deers in the woods, which in time of the rebellion they
were observed to hunt very cunningly. And one of our forts
of Munster, which could not be victualled, being far within
the rebels' country, was twice relieved by stags hunted by
wolves and falling near it. The Irish hold it ominous to
meet wolves, and have many enchantments against them.
Sir Bichard Bingham, governor of Connaught, was observed
to have a great disaster upon the meeting of wolves ; and
we read that the Emperor Charles V., having met a
wolf, did in the same journey break his leg. The Irish
also and the English observed that before the defeat of
Blackwater and upon divers like disasters, the wolves were
seen to enter the villages and the towns of Ireland.
Touching hawking, Ireland in time of the war had great
plenty of partridges and pheasants, so as in Munster it was
well known that sixty pheasants were served at one feast.
And myself living there found this plenty, but thought that
the pheasants of Ireland were nothing so good meat as the
English, or at least I am sure that they were most eaten by
the servants attending at the table. They had also plenty of
sea-fowl, but birds in the woods and groves were in divers
parts rare and few ; whereof I heard some yield this reason,
that they were scared from them by the frequent shooting of
* See note 2, p. 222 aupra.
THE MANNEBS AND CUSTOMS OP IRELAND 325
pieces in the woods and underwoods, where the Irish kerne
used commonly to lurk and to skirmish with the English.
No country is more abounding with fish, as well sea fish in
the frequent harbours and upon all the coasts, as fresh
fish ; especially excellent trouts in the frequent rivers and
brooks. To conclude, the idleness of the Irish, and their
having no delight in their meats, yielded to the English
a plentiful enjoying of these games, as well for the sports as
the meats.
II
A VISIT TO LEGALE, IN THE COUNTY OF DOWN,
IN THE YEAR 1602-8
By Sm JoBiAS Bodley
The intrinsio interest of this humorous narrative of the holiday
excursion of a knot of English officers in Ulster in the last days
of Elizabeth's reign derives an extrinsic attraction from the fact
that its author was a brother of the famous founder of the Bodleian
Library. Sir Josias Bodley was the youngest of Sir Thomas
Bodley's four brothers. Not much is known of his early life, but
Anthony Wood's statement that he spent some time at Merton
College, Oxford, is confirmed by the evidence of classical reading
which the narrative of his Irish tour affords. After serving some
years in the Netherlands, Bodley came to Ireland in 1598, and
seems to have spent his remaining years in that country. His
earliest experience of the country was gained in the war with Tyrone.
He served under Essex and Mountjoy, and is frequently mentioned
by Fynes Moryson in his account of the Irish wars as holding
considerable commands in various parts of Ireland. In March
1604 he was knighted by Mountjoy. After the pacification of
Ireland he was appointed to superintend the Castles of Ireland.
In 1609 Bodley was selected to survey the Ulster Plantation,
and in recognition of this work received the appointment of
director-general of the fortifications of Ireland, a post which he
held until his death. Bodley, who died August 19, 1617, was
buried at Christ Church, Dublin, August 26, 1617 (Finlayson's
* Monumental Inscriptions in Christ Church Cathedral, Dublin,'
p. 72). Transcripts of the ' Descriptio Itineris ad Lecaliam in
Ultonia' are among the manuscripts at the British Museum
(Add. MS. 4784, f. 87) and at the Bodleian Library (Tanner
MS. 444). The transcript from which the version here printed is
translated was copied by Bishop Beeves from that at the British
A VISIT TO LEGALE 327
Museum, and is in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin
(MS. No. 734). This translation is also by Bishop Reeves, by
whom it was published in the ' Ulster Journal of Archaeology '
for 1854 (vol. ii. pp. 73-99). Comparison with the manuscript
in the Bodleian, and with a further copy formerly in the Phillipps
collection which has recently been acquired by the University of
Dublin, shows the British Museum version from which Dr. Beeves
took his transcript to be less accurate than the others.
AN ACCOUNT OF A JOURNEY OF CAPTAIN J08IA8 BODLEY
INTO LECALE, IN ULSTER, IN THE YEAR 1602-3
Good God ! What have I taken on me to do ? ^ Truly I
am an ass, otherwise I would never have undertaken so
* The opoDing paragraphs of the original * Desoriptio,' taken from the
transcript in the Bodleian Library, will give the reader a sufficient idea of
Bodley's 'Latinity.* It is printed in full, from Dr. Beeves's transcript in
the library of Trinity College, Dublin, in the Ulster ArcJuBological Journal,
ii. p. 73, et seq.
' Deus bone, quid ego in me sascepi ? Sane ego sum asinus, aliter nunquam
suscepissem tam grave onus ; sed nihil refert ; faoiam quod potero, ut ilia oanis
Coppingeri, qua) semper fecit snam bonam voluntatem. Ego cepi in manu
deolarare quid aooidit in Itinere quod fecimus ad Lecaliam, Gapitanus Gaul-
feildus, Gapitanus Jonsonus et ego, euntes ad visitandum Sirrum Bichardum
Morrisonum, amioum nostrum, et ad reoreandum nos ibi. Et ego narrabo
omnia ordine; quia ordo est pulchra res, et omnes amant ilium, praeter
milites Irlandicos, qui sunt pessimum genus hominum ; [si saltern illos homines
licet appellare, qui vescuntur gramine, et sunt animo vulpes et factis lupi.]
Sed ad rem.
Prssdictus Dominus Morrisonus mittebat literas ad nos valde hamanas,
quibus invitabat nos ad custodiendum Natalitias (quas Angli Christmas vocant)
apud se. Sed quia Sirrus Arthurus Ghichesterus, Sergeantus Major totias
exercit^is, convocarat nos cum nostris oohortibus in illo ipso instante, ad
pugnandum cum Tyrone, qui fuit tunc in sylvis Glenconensibus cum multis
vaccis at panels militibus, nos non potuimus ire pro illo tempore in Lecaliam ;
sed ivimus ad dictum Dominum Arthurum, et cum illo mansimus per sedecim,
yel septendecim dies in campis sine facere aliquid magnum malum ad
Tyronum ; quia iUe Tyronus est pessimus nebulo, et valde cautus, et subtilis, et
non vult esse verberatus, nisi super bonos terminos ; tamen nos pugnavimus
bis cum illo in ipsis sylvis, et fecimus ilium currere ad fortitudines suas : sed
postea linquentes circa ilium locum unum garrisonum bene munitum discessimus
singuli cum bona venia et bona voluntate,
Jam venit nobis in mentem dicta invitatio Sirri Biohardi et post delibera-
tionem (quia rebus inchoantibus deliberatione, perlclitantibus audacia,
utendum est, ut ait Seneca) nos putavimus bonum ire illuc, quamvis Natal itiaB
jam essent octo dies prsBteritaB, quia non dubitavimus esse bene venti etiamsi
fuit in Quadragesima. Fuit hoc determinatum in urbe Armachensi, ubi est
gubemator nnus valde honestus homo cum barba nigra, qui tractat omnes
A VISIT TO LEGALE 329
heavy a burthen; bat no matter, I shall do what I can,
like Coppinger's dog, who always took her own way.
I have taken in hand to recoimt what happened in a
journey which Captain Gaulfeild,^ Captain Jephson,^ and I
made to Lecale, to visit our friend Sir Bichard Morrison '
and divert ourselves there. And I shall narrate everything
in due order; for order is a fair thing and all love it,
except the Irish men-at-arms, who are a most vile race of
men, if it be at all allowable to call them ' men ' who live
upon gra.ss, and are foxes in their disposition and wolves in
their actions. But to our business.
The aforesaid Master Morrison sent very kind letters to
us, inviting us to keep the Nativity (which the English call
' Christmas ') with him, but, as Sir Arthur Chichester, the
bene, secnndum parvam habilitaiem suam, et tractaret multo melius, si haberet
plas illius rei qnam Angli vocant * meanes.'
1 Sir Toby Caulfeild, 1565-1627, first Baron, and ancestor of the Earls of
Charlemont, came to Ireland in 1599 with the Earl of Essex. He was appointed
by Mountjoy governor of the fort of Charlemont, and rewarded by James I. by
the grant of extensive estates in Ulster.
' Sir John Jephson seems also to have come to Ireland with Essex. He
was at first attached to the army in Connanght under Sir Conyers Clifford,
and was present at the battle of the Curlew Mountains, on the Sligo borders
of Boscommon, at which that commander was defeated and slain. Jephson's
valour on this occasion has been eulogised by Fynes Moryson, in his
Itinerary^ Part II. p. 38. He was at this period quartered at Carrickfergus as
second in command to Sir Arthur Chichester. In 1604 he was knighted.
Jephson married the daughter and heiress of Sir Thomas Norris, and acquired
large estates in co. Cork. In the Bodleian MS., and also in the British
Museum transcript, the name is spelt Jonson throughout. Bishop Beeves in
his notes observes that no officer of the name is mentioned by Fynes Moryson,
whereas a Captain Jephson was certainly a brother officer of Bodley*s. It may
be added that the voluminous lists of the officers of the army in Ireland, printed
in the IrUh State Paper Calendars^ confirm Dr. Beeves's view.
' Sir Bichard Moryson, 1571-1628, a younger brother of Fynes Moryson,
served in Flanders under Sir Boger Williams (see post, p. 386). In 1599 he
accompanied Essex to Ireland, and was knighted by him at Dublin. Under
Mountjoy he was governor successively of Dundalk, Lecale, Waterford and
Wexford. In 1609 he became Vice-President of Munster, and represented
Bandon in the Parliament of 1613. After several unsuccessful efforts to obtain
the presidency of Munster, he secured in 1618 a grant of the office in reversion,
but did not live to succeed to it. He had meantime left Ireland on being
appointed Lieutenant-General of the Ordnance in England. Moryson's wife was
a daughter of Sir Henry Harrington. His daughter Letitia married Lucius
Cary, Lord Falkland.
330 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
serjeant-major of the whole army, had convoked us with
all our companies at that very moment to fight with Tjrrone,
who was then in the woods of Glenconkein^ with much
cattle and few fighting men, we could not go at that time
to Lecale, but joined the said Sir Arthur, and remained with
him for sixteen or seventeen days in the field, without
doing much harm to Tjrrone ; for that Tyrone is the worst
rascal, and very wary and subtle, and won't be beaten
except on good terms. However, we fought him twice in
the very woods, and made him run to his strongholds. So
after leaving about that place a well-provided garrison, we
each departed, with full permission and goodwill.
We now remembered the said invitation of Sir Bichard,
and after dehberation (for in the conmiencement of affairs
deliberation should be used by those adventuring bold
attempts, as Seneca says), we thought it good to go thither,
although it was now eight days after the Nativity, because
we did not doubt our being welcome though it had been
Lent. This was resolved on in the city of Armagh, where
there is a Governor,' a very honest fellow with a black
beard, who uses every one well according to his poor ability,
and would use them much better if he had more of the
thing the English call ' means.'
We set out from that city for the town commonly called
Newry,' which was one day's journey. There, to speak
truth, we were not very well entertained, nor according
to our qualities, for that town produces nothing but lean
beef, and very rarely mutton, the very worst wine, nor was
there any bread, except biscuits, even in the Governor's
house. However, we did our best to be merry and jocund
with the bad wine, putting sugar in it (as the senior lawyers
are used to do with Canary wine), with toasted bread, which
in English is called * a lawyer's nightcap.' There we found
* A forest of great extent on the borders of Derry and Tyrone. See Part I.
p. 167 supra,
' Dr. Beeves in his notes suggests that Bodley here refers to himself. But
the Governor of Armagh in 1608 was Sir Henry Donvers.
■ Cf. the references to Newry in the aooounts of Sir W. Brereton at p. 372
infra and of M. Jorevin de Bocheford at p. 421 infra.
A VISIT TO LEGALE 331
Captain Adderton,^ an honest fellow and a friend of onrs, who,
having nothing to do, was easily persuaded to accompany ns
to Lecale.
So the next morning we fonr take horse and set out.
We had no guide except Captain Caulfeild, who promised he
would lead us very well. But before we had ridden three
miles we had lost our way and were compelled to go on foot,
leading our horses through bogs and marshes, which was
very troublesome, and some of us were not wanting who
swore silently between our teeth, and wished our guide at
a thousand devils. At length we came to some village of
obscure name where, for two brass shillings, we brought
with us a countryman who might lead us to the island of
Magennis,* ten miles distant from the town of Newry, for
Master Morrison had promised he would meet us there.
The weather was very cold, and it began to roar dread-
fully with a strong wind in our faces when we were on the
mountains, where there was neither tree nor house ; but
there was no remedy save patience. Captain Bodley alone
had a long cloak with a hood, into which he prudently thrust
his head, and laughed somewhat into himself to see the
others so badly armed against the storm.
We now came to the island of Magennis, where, alighting
from our horses, we met Master Morrison and Captain
Constable,^ with many others, whom, for the sake of brevity,
I pass by. They had tarried there at least three hours
expecting our arrival, and in the meantime drank ale and
* A Captain Henry Adderton, or Atherton, held a command at Mount Norris,
CO. Armagh, from 1603 to 1606.— CoZ. 8. P. (Ireland), 1603-6. Like his fellowR
he had come to Ireland with Essex, and was first employed ander Sir Henry
Harrington in the expedition against Phelim McPheagh O'fiyme in oo. Wioklow
(Dymmok's Treatise of Ireland, p. 42).
* At Castlewellan, eo. Down.
* Sir Ralph Constable was at this time stationed at Carriokfergus.
He too was present at the battle of the Curlew Mountains, and took part also
in the fight on the Blaokwater, July 16, 1601. In a letter from Chichester to
the Earl of Salisbury, dated July 17, 1606, Constable is commended as having
* in the busiest times of the rebellion proved himself a very worthy and valiant
gentleman,' qualities which in 1604 procured him the distinction of a knight-
hood at the hands of the Deputy, Sir George Carew.— CaZ. S. P. (Ireland),
1608-6, p. 619.
332 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
usquebaugh with the Lady Sara,^ the daughter of Tjrrone,
and wife of the aforesaid Magennis ; a truly beautiful
woman ; so that I can well believe these three hours did not
appear to them more than a minute, especially to Master
Constable, who is by his nature very fond not of women
only, but likewise of dogs and horses. We also drank twice
or thrice, and after we had duly kissed her we each prepared
for our journey.'
It was ten or twelve miles from that island to Down-
patrick, where Master Morrison dwelt, and the way seemed
much longer on account of our wish to be there. At length,
as all things have an end, and a black pudding two (as the
proverb hath it), we came by little and little to the said
house. And now began that more than Lucullan entertain-
ment, which neither Cicero, whose style in composition I
chiefly imitate (although Horace says, * 0 imitatores, servum
pecus ! ') nor any other of the Latin or Greek authors, could
express in suitable terms.
When we had approached within a stone's-throw of the
house, or rather palace, of the said Master Morrison,
behold! forthwith innumerable servants! Some light us
with pinewood lights and torches because it is dark ; others,
as soon as we alight, take our horses and lead them into a
handsome and spacious stable, where neither hay nor oats are
wanting. Master Morrison himself leads us by wide stairs
into a large hall, where a fire is burning the height of our
chins, as the saying is, and afterwards into a bed-chamber
prepared in the Irish fashion.
Here, having taken ofif our boots, we all sit down and
converse on various matters : Captain Caulfeild about supper
and food, for he was very hungry ; Captain Constable about
hoimds, of which he had there some excellent ones, as he
himself asserted ; and the rest about other things. Master
Morrison ordered a cup of Spanish wine to be brought, with
burnt sugar, nutmeg, and ginger, and made us all drink a
> Sarah, daughter of Hugh O'Neill, died 1638.
< See as to the custom of taking drink at the hands of the lady of the
house, Gkmon'a Description^ p. 860 infra*
A VISIT TO LEGALE 833
good draught of it, which was very grateful to the palate,
and also good for procuring an appetite for supper if anyone
needed such.
In an hour we heard some one down in the kitchen
calling with a loud voice, * To the dresser.' Forthwith we
see a long row of servants decently dressed, each with dishes
of the most select meats, which they place on the table in
the very best style. One presents to us a silver basin with
the most limpid water, another hands us a very white towel ;
others arrange chairs and seats in their proper places.
Denique quid verbis opus est ? spectemur agendo
(as Ajax says in Ovid). Grace having been said, we begin
to fix our eyes intently on the dishes whilst handling our
knives ; and here you might have plainly seen those Belgian
feasts, where
In principio est silentium,
In medio stridor dentiom,
Et in fine romor gentium.
For at first we sat as if rapt and astounded by the variety of
meats and dainties — like a German I once saw depicted
standing between two jars, the one of white wine, the other
of claret, with this motto : * I know not which way to turn.'
But after a short time w© fall to roundly on every dish,
calling now and then for wine, now and then for attendance,
everyone according to his whim. In the midst of supper
Master Morrison ordered to be given to him a glass goblet
full of claret, which measured (as I conjecture) ten or eleven
inches roundabout, and drank to the health of all and to
our happy arrival. We freely received it from him, thanking
him, and drinking, one after the other, as much as he drank
before us. He then gave four or five healths of the chief
men and of our absent friends, just as the most illustrious
lord, now Treasurer of Ireland,^ is used to do at his dinners.
And it is a very praiseworthy thing, and has perhaps more
in it than anyone would believe; and there was not one
* Sir George Carew, the well-known statesman of Elizabeth, and oolleotor
of the invaluable manascript materials for Irish history known as the Carew
Papers,
334 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
among us but did pledge him and each other without any
scruple or gainsay, which I was very glad to see, for it was
a proof of unanimity and assured friendship.
For there are many (a thing I can't mention without
great and extreme sorrow) who won't drink healths with
others, sitting, nevertheless, in the company of those who do
drink, and not doing as they do, which is of all things the
most shameful. And since I have now happened upon this
discourse on drinking I will say something, by way of
digression, on the subject. Not long ago I was in company
with some boon companions who were drinking healths in
usquebaugh, when one was present who wished to appear
more abstemious than the rest, and would not drink with
them, to whom one of them, who could not speak Latin as well
as I do, said these words : ' Si tu es plus sapientis [sic] quam
nos sumus, tu es plus beholden to God Almighty quam nos
sumus,' which was most nobly said and very apposite. And
I saw with my own eyes, when I was in Poland, a certain
person sitting at table with many others, and refusing to
drink as they drank, thrust out of doors by the head and
shoulders with great disgrace, and made almost unfit for all
civilised society. For at table he who does not receive
whatsoever healths may be proposed by another does so,
either because he likes not the proposer, or him to whom
they drink, or the wine itself. Truly I would not willingly
have any dealings with him who undervalues either me or
my friend, or, lastly, wine, the most precious of all things
under heaven.
But if any such person thinks he should go excused
because he cannot bear wine, owing to the wealmess of his
brain, he may depend on it that it happens through his own
fault ; to wit, because he does not sufficiently accustom him-
self to wine ; for by a daily and frequent use of wine he will
so easily familiarise himself to it (for custom, according to
Galen, is second nature) that he may quaff as many cups
as he pleases, not only without injury, but even with the
greatest pleasure and delight. But if he abstains from
potations because he thinks that from them arises the cause,
A VISIT TO LEGALE 336
sometimes of quarrels, sometimes of mischief, let him mider-
stand that such things happen not from wine but from the
vicious natures of men, from which it is rather to be
deduced that, by a continual habit of drinking, we may
avoid, when drunk, those vices we endeavour to avoid when
sober. And for my part I have ever thought the abstemious
are self-conscious of some great crime, which they fear they
would betray if drunk. For wine is the father of Ebriety,
but Ebriety is the mother of Truth, although some say that
Truth is the daughter of Time ; but they think so because
wine is always drunk in good time, and it requires time to
make a man drunk.
But I think I hear some severe Cato — such as they are
who place their greatest happiness in long and ' well got-up ' ^
beards — I say I think I hear him saying, * Dost thou to us
praise drunkenness, which enervates not only the powers of
the body, but enfeebles the spirit and dulls the sharpness of
the intellect?' Silence, I prithee, my good Cato, unless
you first of all explain to us what drunkenness is ; for he
who well explaineth teacheth well. There are certain
gradations of drunkenness; there are certain limits; nor
can he be in reality styled a drunkard who is occasionally
conquered by wine ; but he who so indulges that, neglecting
all other business, he hath always his nose in the cup,
without regard to the place where, the persons with whom,
or the time when, he drinketh.
For I maintain that being drunk is nothing else than
being sometimes rationally mad, just as if one should take
any medicine that intoxicates the brain, or produces perhaps
nausea, vomiting, or sleep; of which there are many, as
antimony, nux vomica, opium, mandrake, and such like,
and yet which may subsequently expel some disease, and
conduce to health. Even Hippocrates himself, the prince of
physicians, recommends amongst other things that contri-
bute to health, an immoderate potation of wine at least once
a month. And I remember having heard that a certain
most learned physician, when he was asked by a friend
* Comptia or completis in the original.
336 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
why he drank so much wine himself, and was aknost
daily drmik, although to others he preached abstinence from
wine, whereby they might prolong their life, replied that
he lived more in one day by Uving his own way and
according to his own will, than if he had lived a whole
year according to the laws of physic. And certainly there
are more old drunkards than old physicians, as Babelais
says.
I could, indeed, adduce in corroboration of my opinion,
almost innumerable instances of illustrious and learned men
who were wont to get drunk after the manner I have
mentioned. But what need is there for particular examples
when so many countries on the globe are so addicted to
potations that you would suppose they did scarcely anything
else than drink — to wit, Flanders, Germany, Poland, Den-
mark, Sweden, Norway, with many others, now too tedious
to particularise. Much more could be said on this point,
but I wish not to amphfy farther, for the thing is as clear
in itself as the day. I will therefore conclude with these
lines of Horace, which are worthy of being inscribed in
letters of gold on every table :
Quid non ebrietas designat? Aperta reoondit ;
Spes jubet esse ratas : in prelia trudit inermem,
Sollioitis animis onas eximit ; addocet artes ;
Foecundi calioes quern non f ecere disertum ?
Contraota quern non in paupertate solutum ? *
Let US now return to Lecale, where the supper (which,
as I have said, was most elegant) being ended, we again
enter our bedroom, in which was a large fire (for at the
time it was exceedingly cold out of doors) and benches for
sitting on, and plenty of tobacco, with nice pipes, was set
before us. The wine also had begun to operate a little on
us, and every one's wits had become somewhat sharper ; all
were gabbling at once, and all sought a hearing at once, like
what Sir Eoger Williams,* of worthy memory, used to call
* Horace, EpistleSy Book I. 5th Ep. Aperta recondit is a misquotation for
Horace's Operta recludit,
* Sir Roger Williams was a distinguished Elizabethan soldier. He
fought under Sir Thomas Norris in the Low Countries in 1577 and was present
A VISIT TO LEGALE 337
<his academy/ to wit, where all were speakers and no
listeners. And it is not true what some say, ' When wine is
in wit is out/ unless they mean thereby, that when anyone
is full of wine, then his wit, which was previously hidden
and unknown, exhibits itself openly and plainly. For if any
sober person had been present at that time in any comer of
the room, I doubt not that he would have heard very remark-
able and witty things, which I cannot now recollect.
I remember, however, that we conversed profoundly
about things political, economical, philosophical, and much
else ; and amongst other things we said that the time was
now happily different from when we were before Kinsale at
Christmas of last year,^ when we suffered intolerable cold,
dreadful labour, and a want of almost everything, drinking
the very worst whiskey.* We compared events, till lately
unhoped for, with the past, and with those now hoped for.
Lastly, reasoning on everything, we conclude that the verse
of Horace squares exceedingly well with the present time
namely,
Nuno est bibendam, nono pede libero
palsanda tellos.
at Zutphen in 1586. Camden in his Annals has several references to Williams,
who was the author of A Brief Discourse of War, 1590, which he dedicated to
Essex.
Miss Strickland records a good story of Williams* bluntness : * Elizabeth
was very delicate in her olfactory nerves, and affected to be still more
sensitive on that point than she really was. One day that valiant Welsh
commander, Sir Boger Williams, knelt to prefer a petition which her Majesty
was determined not to grant, and did not like to be compelled to refuse. Ob-
serving that his boots were made of rough, untanned leather, instead of answer-
ing him she turned away with a gesture of disgust, exclaiming, " Pho, Williams 1
how your boots stink I " " Tut, madam," replied the sturdy Williams, who
understood her meaning, " it is my suit that stinks, not my boots.*' '—Strickland's
Lives of the Queens of England, edition of 1861, iv. p. 709.
* Bodley, with most of his comrades in the visit to Leoale, was present
under Mountjoy at the siege of Kinsale, September to December 1601.
' Dr. Beeves here notes that this sentence is obscure in the original, and
conjectures that some words may have been omitted from the British Museum
transcript from which he copied. A comparison with the version in the
Bodleian and that recently acquired by the Library of Trinity College, Dublin,
shows that two or three sentences have been omitted. They are, however, of
no importance to the narrative.
Z
338 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
Therefore, after a little, Captain Jephson calls for usque-
baugh, and we all immediately second him with one consent,
calling out * Usquebaugh, usquebaugh ! ' for we could make
as free there as in our own quarters.
Besides it was not without reason we drank usquebaugh,
for it was the best remedy against the cold of that night,
and good for dispersing the crude vapours of the French
wine ; and pre-eminently wholesome in these regions, where
the priests themselves — who are holy men, as the Abbot of
Armagh, the Bishop of Cashel, and others, and also noble
men, as Henry Oge McMahon McHenry, and men and
women of every rank — pour usquebaugh down their throats
by day and by night, and that not for hilarity only which
would be praiseworthy, but for constant drunkenness which
is detestable.
Therefore after everyone had drank two or three healths,
still discoursing between each health on grave affairs re-
lating to the State (amongst which many things concerning
Marius and Sylla, concerning CsBsar and Pompey, and also
about Marcus Coriolanus, were most learnedly handled
and most keenly argued) we all at once agree to go to
bed. For, what because of the assailing fumes of the
wine which now sought our heads and, by reason of the
coolness of our brains, diffused themselves over our eyes,
what because of the fatigue from the previous day's journey,
and what because of the hour itself, when the sun had
advanced from the east to the meridian line of the other
hemisphere, fifteen degrees, six minutes, five seconds and
four-thirds, we thought it right (as I have said) to rest for
some hours. And behold now the great kindness that
Master Morrison shows towards us ! He gives up to us his
own good and soft bed, and throws himself upon a pallet in
the same chamber, and would not be persuaded by anything
we could say to lie in his own bed ; and the pallet was very
hard and thin such as they are wont to have who are
called ' Palatine ' of great heroes.
I need not tell how soundly we slept till morning, for
that is easily understood, all things considered— at least, if
A VISIT TO LEGALE 339
the old syllogism be true, ' He who drinks well sleeps well.'
We did not, however, pass the night altogether without
annoyance, for Captain Constable's dogs, which were very
badly educated (after the northern fashion), were always
jumping on the beds, and would not let us alone, although
we beat them ever so often, which the said Constable took
in dudgeon, especially when he heard his dogs howling ; but
it was all as one for that, for it is not right that dogs, who
are of the beasts, should sleep with men who are reasoning
and laughing animals, according to the philosophers.
When the sun, on the line of the ecliptic, over the poles
of the Zodiac, had already made almost the fourth part of
his daily journey above our horizon, and the domestics,
knowing that it was time for us to rise, came in to light the
fire, we all suddenly awoke, and saluted each other as is the
custom with the well-educated. Before we get out of bed
they bring to us a certain aromatic of strong ale com-
pounded with sugar and eggs (in English, 'caudle'), to
comfort and strengthen the stomach ; they also bring beer
(if any prefer it), with toasted bread and nutmeg to allay
thirst, steady the head, and cool the liver ; they also bring
pipes of the best tobacco to drive away rheums and catarrhs.
We all now jump quickly out of bed, put on our clothes,
approach the fire, and, when all are ready, walk abroad
together to take the air, which in that region is most salu-
brious and delightful, so that if I wished to enumerate all
the advantages of the place, not only powers (of description)
but time itself would be wanting. I shall therefore omit
that, as being already known, and revert to ourselves, who,
having now had a sufficient walk, returned to our lodgings
as dinner time was at hand.
But how can we now tell about the sumptuous prepara-
tion of everything ? How about the dinners ? How about
the suppers ? How about the dainties ? For we seemed as
if present (as you would suppose) at the nuptial banquet to
which some Cleopatra had invited her Antony; so many
varieties of meat were there ; so many kinds of condiments,
about every one of which I would willingly say something,
z 2
340 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY
only that I fear being tedious. I shall therefore demon-
strate from a single dinner what may be imagined of the
rest. There was a large and beautiful collar of brawn with
its accompaniments, to wit, mustard and Muscadel wine ;
there were well-stuffed geese (such as the Lord Bishop is
wont to eat at Ardbraccan)/ the legs of which Captain Caul-
feild always laid hold of for himself; there were pies of
venison and of various kinds of game ; pasties also, some
of marrow with innumerable plums, others of it with
coagulated milk, such as the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of
London almost always have at their feasts ; others, which
they call tarts, of divers shapes, materials, and colours,
made of beef, mutton, and veal. I do not mention, because
they are reckoned vulgar, other kinds of dishes, wherein
France much aboimds, and which they designate quelq*-
choses. Neither do I relate anything of the dehcacies which
accompanied the cheese, because they would exceed all
belief. I may say in one word that all things were there
supplied to us most luxuriously and most copiously.
And lest anyone might think that God had sent us the
meat but the devil the cook (as the proverb says), there was
a cook there so expert in his art that his equal could scarce
be found ; and I shall now say one big (superbum) word —
I believe that Master Eobert, the cook who presides over
the kitchen of the Lord Deputy (with pardon be it spoken)
is not a much better cook, or more skilled in his art than he
— and his name is Phihp. And truly this may suffice as to
the dishes and dainties, for a word is enough to the wise.
If you now inquire whether there were any other amuse-
ments besides those I have related, I say an infinite number
and the very best. For if we wished to ride after dinner
you would have seen forthwith ten or twelve handsome steeds
^ See the account of Mountjoy's yisit to Ardbraccan in Fynes Moryson^a
Itinerary, Part II. (p. 91, of the folio of 1617) :— * The 15th of March his lord-
ship drew to Ardbrachin, the Bishop of Meath's hoosCi six miles distant (from
Trim), where his lordship had appointed the adjoining garrisons to meet him
the next day.* The bishop was Dr. Thomas Jones, afterwards Archbishop of
Dublin.
A VISIT TO LEGALE 341
with good equipments and other ornaments, ready for the
road. We quickly moimt ; we visit the Well and Chair of
St. Patrick,^ the ancient fort, or any other place according to
our fancy, and at length returning home, cards, tables, and
dice are set before us, and amongst other things, that Indian
tobacco (of which I shall never be able to make sufficient
mention) and of which I cannot speak otherwise ; whereas
there are many who loathe it as not at all pleasant or
necessary ; and they do not so, like others who unnaturally
and from antipathy dislike certain foods, just as Captain
Morris hates eels, Captain Sydney cheese, Captain Wind-
sor ^ mutton chops, and Captain Bodley usquebaugh, never-
theless, admitting these things to be good in themselves,
and freely allowing them to others ; whereas those good
fellows (of whom I speak) not only contemn tobacco them-
selves but also advise others against it.
And I have now, for twelve years and more, been
expecting some sound reason from them to confirm that
opinion, but have, as yet, heard none (that is worth a
farthing), nor shall I ever hear one. Almost all have but
one argument, that would make a dog laugh and a horse
break his halter, saying that neither our sires nor grand-sires
took tobacco, yet they lived I know not how long. So,
indeed, they lived imtil they died, despite of tobacco ; but
who knows if they might not have lived longer had they
used tobacco ? And if one who now uses tobacco die of any
disease, who knows if he might not have died sooner if he
had abstained from tobacco ?
And do not reject as ridiculous and entirely false that
some tobacconists, being dissected after death, have been
found to be black inside, because (if such hath ever hap-
pened) it proceeds from the vitiation or corruption of the
blood, or from the superabundance of the atrabilious
^ At Struel, near Downpatriok. See Harris's History of Down, p. 25,
and Reeves's Ecel, Antiq, p. 42.
' Captain Edward Morris was quartered at Mountjoy, oo. Tyrone, at this
time. Col, 8. P. (Ireland), 1603-6, p. 91. Captain John Sidney, or Sydney,
was quartered at Cavan, and Captain Sir William Windsor, or Winsor, at
Drogheda. Ibid, p. 92. Sydney was knighted in 1604.
342 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
humour, or, lastly, from the morhus GallicuSy or any other
indisposition of the body ; for physicians very well know,
and with their opinion I agree, that tobacco, nevertheless,
may contain in itself something divine, and may conduce
wonderfully to our health.
Whence, I prithee, could I bring stronger or surer
testimony than that so many noble and, at the same time,
wise men (besides countless others) delight in it extremely ?
And from the time it was first discovered it hath maintained
the same repute for so many years ; nor hath it ever had an
enemy except the ignorant, who, either on account of the
cost (for it is sold dear) or because he imagined himself
awkward in properly or skilfully imbibing it, was deterred,
as it were, on the very threshold. Indeed, from my experience,
I have so much in view its innumerable and unspeakable
benefits, that I might even venture to say (with the poet) :
Our moriatur homo qai fomat in ore tobacco ? *
And now once more to our Lecale, where, amongst other
things that contributed to hilarity there came one night after
supper certain maskers of the Irish gentry, four in number,
if I rightly remember. They first sent in to us a letter
marked with * the greatest haste ' and * after our hearty
commendations,' according to the old style, sasdng that they
were strangers just arrived in these parts, and very desirous
of spending one or two hours with us; and leave being
given, they entered in this order : first a boy, with lighted
torch ; then two beating drums ; then the maskers, two and
two ; then another torch. One of the maskers carried a
dirty pocket-handkerchief with ten pounds in it, not of
bullion, but of the new money lately coined, which has
the harp on one side and the royal arms on the other.
They were dressed in shirts with many ivy leaves sewn
* At the period at which Bodley was writing the controversy as to the use
of tobacco was at its height. James I. had not yet published his well-known
Counterblast to Tobacco, which did not appear till 1604. But since its
introduction into England in 1586 by some returned Virginian colonists its
use had become sufficiently general to have provoked much social controversy.
Several works on the subject appeared between 1590 and 1602. See Arber's
edition of A Counterblaste to Tobacco in * English Reprints,* pp. 85-94.
A VISIT TO LEGALE 343
on here and there over them, and had over their faces masks
of dog-skin with holes to see out of, and noses made of
paper; their caps were high and peaked (in the Persian
fashion) and were also of paper, and ornamented with the
same leaves.
I may briefly say we play at dice. At one time the
drums sound on their side, at another the trumpet on ours.
We fight a long time a doubtful game ; at length the maskers
lose, and are sent away, cleaned out (vacui). Now whoever
hath seen a dog struck with a stick or a stone run out of the
house with his tail hanging between his legs would have (so)
seen these maskers going home, without money, out of
spirits, out of order, without even saying * Farewell ' ; and
they said that each of them had five or six miles to go to
his home, and it was then two hours after midnight.
I shall now tell of another jest or gambol which amongst
many the domestics of Master Morrison exhibited for us.
Two servants sat down after the manner of women (with
reverence be it spoken) when they * hunker,* only that they
(the servants) sat upon the ground ; their hands were tied
together in such a manner that their knees were clasped
within them, and a stick placed between the bend of the
arms and the legs, so that they could in no way move their
arms ; they held between the forefinger and thumb of either
hand a small stick almost a foot in length and sharp at the
farther end. Two are placed in this way : one opposite the
other at the distance of an ell. Being thus placed they
engage, and each one tries to upset his opponent by
attacking him with his feet, for being once upset he can
by no means recover himself, but presents his rear to his
upsetter for attack with the aforesaid small stick,^ which
* Bishop Beeves has the following note on this game : * Here is a most
graphic description of a game still common in the North of Ireland at harvest
homes (provincially chums) and at Halloween and ChristmaB merrymakings.
It is called in this part of Ireland '* skiver {i^, skewer) the goose,'* and is a
very good representation of that biped trussed and prepared for the spit. As
now generally practised the pointed stick is properly dispensed with, and the
attack is confined to the parties endeavouring to upset each other by pushing,
in which the aggressor is frequently ** hoist with his own petard," aa much to
344 ILLUSTBATIONS OF lEISH HISTOBY
made us laugh so for an hour that the tears dropped from
our eyes, and the wife of Philip, the cook, laughed, and the
scullion, who were hoth present. You would have said that
some barber-surgeon was there, to whom all were showing
their teeth. But enough of these matters ; for there would
be no end of writing were I to recoimt all our grave and
merry doings in that space of seven days. I shall therefore
make an end both of the journey and of my story. For
on the seventh day from our arrival we departed, mourn-
ful and sad; and Master Morrison accompanied us as far
as Dundrum,' to whom each of us bidding farewell, and
again farewell, and shouting the same for a long way,
with our caps raised above our heads, we hasten to our
quarters, and there we each cogitate seriously over our
own affiiiirs.
the amusement of the oompaoy as it appears to have been enjoyed by Bodley
and his brother warriors.* Ulster Journal of Archceology, ii. p. 94, note,
' Dandram in oo. Down, about ten miles from Downpatrick.
Ill
A DISCOUBSE OF IRELAND, ANNO 1620
By Luke Gernon.
Of the author of this ' Discourse of Ireland/ which is preserved
among the Stowe Papers at the British Museum/ and has not
hitherto been printed, not much can now be ascertained. But the
accuracy of the endorsement on the manuscript, which ascribes it
to one Luke Gernon, is borne out by the internal evidence of the
narrative. The writer mentions that he was resident in Limerick,
the seat of the presidency of Munster, and that he was a member
of the council by which the affairs of the province were ad-
ministered. And it appears that one Luke Gernon was appointed
to the office of Second Justice of the province of Munster in 1619.'
Gernon became a member of the King's Inns at Dublin in the
same year, and it is perhaps reasonable to identify him with the
' Lucas Garnons of Beds, gent.,' who was admitted to Lincoln's
Inn on May 5, 1604. That he held that position at least nominally
until the Restoration appears from the patent of appointment of
his successor, one John Naylor, and the provision of a pension of
1001. a year in Gemon's favour, payable out of the ' casual profits
of the provincial courts in Ireland.' Of Gemon's career prior
to his appointment to the provincial judgeship nothing can be
ascertained. His name, which is an old one in the counties of
Louth and Meath, suggests an Irish origin. But a letter of Sir
William St. Leger, President of Munster from 1626 to 1642, to
Dudley Carleton, Lord Dorchester, the well-known Secretary of
State to Charles I., speaks of Gernon as having been recommended
for preferment by *his friends in Hertfordshire/' where, as in
other English shires, families of the name were long seated.
> The Disoourse is to be found in Siowe MSS. vol. 28, folio 5. The mana-
script contains no clae to the authorship beyond the endorsement, in a
seventeenth -century hand, * A Disoourse of Ireland by L. (demons.'
* Liber Munerum Hibemia, vol. i. pt. ii. p. 186.
» S. P. (Ireland), vol. 261, No. 131.
346 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
These friends may however have been his wife's relatives, for it
appears that there was some connection between Mrs. Oemon
and the second Lady Dorchester,^ and the latter seems to have
used her good offices, but unsuccessfully, to procure Gemon's
promotion to a judgeship in Dublin. The whole tone of the
' Discourse ' suggests, however, that the author was of English
birth, and he was quite certainly bred in England.
Gemon remained in Limerick until the outbreak of the rebel-
lion of 1641, when, like most persons in the south of Ireland
connected with the English interest, he fell upon evil days. A
petition sent by his wife to Cromwell^ in 1653 describes him as
having been deprived of all his estate to the value of 3,0002., and
as having been constrained with his wife and four small children
*to travel all naked through woods and bogs in the depth of
winter,' whereby one of his children was ' starved to death ' and
Mrs. Gemon lost the use of her limbs. Cromwell, it appears from
this petition, had when in Ireland granted Gemon a pension of
100 marks per annum, probably at the instance of Lord Orrery,
with whose father, the great Earl of Cork, Gemon had been well
acquainted.^ The pension, however, had not been paid, hence the
petition to Cromwell. The earlier petition by Gernon himself on
which Cromwell first granted a pension contains a declaration
by Gemon of his * free submission ' to Cromwell's Government, but
his claims to the Protector's favour seem to have been based chiefly
on those of the suppliant's wife, ' a lady of quality whose worth
the petitioner doth much tender,' and who was certified by
Archbishop Ussher to be ' a most fit object of Christian charity.'
That Gemon survived the Restoration, and that his pension of
100 marks was continued to him by the Duke of Ormond's
Government appears from a letter of Lord Orrery's, but the exact
date of his death is unknown. In 1673, however, administration
in respect of the goods of * Luke Gernon, lately of Cork, Esquire,
deceased,' was granted to his principal creditor, one Thomas
Sheridan. A daughter of Gemon's, marrying a Royalist officer
of Bandon, became in 1659 the mother of Nicholas Brady, the
joint author with Nahum Tate of the metrical version of the
Psalms.^ Another of Gemon's descendants, through the same
' Cdl, 8. P. {Ireland), 1626-32, p. 598.
2 S, P. (Ireland), vol. 283, No. 308.
* Lord Cork's diary ooatains entries of loans of 20/. and IQl. in 1622 and
1627 to ' Mr. Seoond Justioe Gtemon.' — Lismore Papers, 1st series, ii. pp. 61
and 241.
* Brady's Records of Cork, i. p. 182.
A DISCOUBSE OP IBELAND 347
allianoe, Maziere Brady, was Lord Ghanoellor of Ireland in the
last oentury.
Gemon's ' Disoourse ' is undated, but apart from the fact that it
was manifestly written within a short time of his arrival in
Munster, the approximate date of its composition appears from the
narrative. Gemon states at p. 350, ' It is now since she (Ireland)
was drawn out of the womb of rebellion about sixteen years, by'r-
lady nineteen,' and as Tyrone's submission was made in 1603,
this would show his 'Discourse ' to have been written between 1619,
the year of the writer's appointment, and 1622. A more precise
reference at p. 354 reduces this period of three years to one. The
fire at Galway mentioned as having ' happened in May was twelve
month ' is known to have occurred in 1619.^ The vnnter of 1620
is therefore the most probable date of the ' Discourse.'
Gemon's narrative is full of many of the mannerisms of the
time, and in certain passages he expresses himself vnth a freedom
not quite appropriate to the social amenities of the twentieth
century. Such colloquial licence seems less jarring in the garb
of seventeenth-century orthography, and for this reason the
spelling of the original manuscript has been retained.
' See Hardiman's History of Oahoay, p. 101.
A DISCOURSE OF IRELAND
When I am playing at poste and payre,^ my opposite
challengeth w*** two comiters; If I answer him w*** two
other, and rest, I have but a faynte game, but if I see that,
and revye w*^ foure more, my game is a vigorous game, that
will hold water. So it is in letters. You have written unto
me, and I have answered, if it should stopp there, it were a
signe of could friendshipp. I must revye it w*^ something
that may be plausible and delightfull. I am casting for an
essay. Should I tell of our old trickes. It is a pleasant thing
to reeorde, but not to rescribe. Olde things are paste, and
new things come in place. Should I speake of matters in
England h<Bc vobis dicenda relvnquo. What then ? On the
backe of your letter there is mscribed Ireland. Ireland
shall be my theame, not so much because I am resident there,
* * Post and pair ' is explained in Nares's Glossary (ed. Halliwell and Wright,
1867, ii. p. 676) as a * game on the cards, played with three cards each, wherein
much depended on vying ^ or betting on the goodness of your own hand.' In
certain points, which are specified by Nares, ' it would,' he says, * much resemble
the modem game of commerce.' Ben Jonson in The Masque of Christmas
(1616) introduces Post and Pair among the ten sons and daughters of Christmas.
* Post and Pair, with a pair-royal of aces in his hat ; his garment all done over
with pairs and purs ; his squire carrying a box, cards and counters.' Nares
has a long note on * Pur ' (s, v.), of the meaning of which he is uncertain. In
Jonaon's Works (ed. GifiFord, Chatto & Windus, iii. p. 107) will be found a note
by Qifford, in which he refers to haying read prose descriptions of the game,
and quotes from John Davies's Wittes Pilgrivmgey part of a poem entitled
* Mortall Life compared to Post and Pare.' The whole of this poem will be
found in Qrosart's 'John Davies of Hereford,' Wittes Pilgrimage, p. 38.
Jonson again mentions * post and pair ' in his Masque of Love Restored (speech
of Plutus as Cupid). The game is spoken of by Heywood in A Woman Kilde
with Kindness (Pearson's Heywood, 1874, ii. p. 122). In Halliwell's Dictionary
of Archaic and Provincial WordSf references are given under * Post and Pair '
to * Florio [Italian Diet., under Gile], p. 210 ; Taylor's motto, 1622, sig. D, iv.'
See also T. L. O. Davies, A Supplementary English Glossary (1880) under
* Post ' and under • Greek.'
A DISCOURSE OF IRELAND 349
as for this cause that it will be most appropryated to yo''
love, for though you would not look into Ireland but for me,
yett when you look after me, yo'^ imaginacon transports
yo'^self into Ireland. Do you look that I should describe
the clymat, the degrees, the scituation, the longitude, the
latitude, the temperature, &c. Go look in yo' mapps, I
must have a more guaynt and genuine devise. It was my
chance once in a place, but I know not where, to see a
map of Europe, and it was described in the lineam^ of a
naked woman, and upon the surface was a mapp of the
countreyes. I dare not set downe how every country was
placed, least I should misplace them, but one was in her
forhead, another on her right brest, another on her lefte,
others in her armes, others on her thighes, and Fraunce w^^ a
pope was in her plackett. In such a forme will I represent
our Ireland, and yett, if my cunning fail me not, I v^ill de-
pa3nit her more lively and more sensible to yo'^ intelligence
then if you had her in a table.
This Nymph of Ireland, is at all poynts like a yong
wenche that hath the greene sicknes for want of occup]dng.
She is very fayre of visage, and hath a smooth skinn of
tender grasse. Indeed she is somewhat freckled (as the
Irish are) some partes darker than other. Her flesh is of a
softe and delicat mould of earthe, and her blew vaynes
trayling through every part of her like ryvoletts. She hath
one master vayne called the Shanon, which passeth quite
through her, and if it were not for one knot (one mayne
rocke) it were navigable from head to foot. She hath three
other vaynes called the sisters, the Seuer, the Noyer & the
Barrow, w*^** rysing at one spring, trayle through her middle
partes, and ioyne together in theyr going out.^ Her bones
' Cf. Spenser's Faery Queene, Book IV. canto zl. 42 :
And there the three renowmed brethren were,
The first the gentle Share that, making way
By sweet Clonmell, adomes rich Waterford ;
The nextf the stubbome Newre whose waters gray
By f aire Kilkenny and Bosspont^ boord ;
The third, the goodly Barow which doth hoord
Great heapes of salmons in his deepe bos6me.
360 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
are of polished marble, the grey marble, the blacke, the redd,
and the speckled, so fayre for building that their houses
shew like coUedges, and being polished, is most rarely
embelished. Her breasts are round hillockes of milk-yeelding
grasse, and that so fertile, that they contend w^^ the vaUyes.
And betwixt her leggs (for Ireland is full of havens), she
hath an open harbor, but not much frequented. She hath
had goodly tresses of hayre arboribusq' conue, but the iron
mills, like a sharpe toothed combe, have netted & poled her
much, and in her champion partes she hath not so much as
will cover her nakedness.^ Of complexion she is very tem-
perate, never too hott, nor too could, and hath a sweet breath
of favonian winde. She is of a gentle nature. If the anger
of heaven be agaynst her, she vdll not bluster and storme,
but she will weepe many dayes together, and (alas) this last
summer she did so water her plants, that the grasse and
blade was so bedewed, that it became unprofitable, and
threatens a scarcity. Neyther is she frosenharted, the last
frost was not so extreame here as it was reported to be
in England. It is nowe since she was drawne out of the
wombe of rebellion about sixteen yeares, by'rlady nineteen,
and yet she wants a husband, she is not embraced, she
is not hedged and diched, there is noo quicksett putt into
her.
How shall I describe her townes, her people, her flockes.
Her townes shall be her paUaces. I have sacred warrant. The
daughter of Zion is all desolate, her pallaces are destroyed.
Those which are called by the name of cittyes are DubUn,
Waterford, Corke, Lymerick, Galloway, Killkenny, the Derry
and Colrane. A poynt must serve for a description, but
I will place it in that part w*^** is most worthy of yo*" appre-
hension.
Dublin is the most frequented, more for conveniency
then for Maiesty. There reside the deputy, and the
Councel ; there she receyves intelligences, advertisem*', in-
structions. The buildings are of timber, and of the English
forme, and it is resembled to Bristol!, but falleth shorte.
> See Part I. p. loO aupra.
A DISCOURSE OF IBELAND 361
The circuit of the Castle is a huge and mighty wall four-
square, and of incredible thicknes, built by King John, w^'^in
it are many fayre buildings, and there the deputy keeps his
court. There are two cathedralls under one Ajrchbishopp.
St. Patrickes, and Christchurch. St. Patricks is more vast
and auncient, the other is in better repayre.^ The Courtes of
Justice (the same as in England) are kept in a large stone
building pcell of Christchurch, w*"^ is built in forme of a
crosse, at the foure ends are the foure courts well adorned,
the middle is to walk in. There is a house of Courte where
the Judges and other lawyers have chambers,' and a coihon
hall to dyne in, and it is called, the Innes, the Judges, and
the Kings Councell make the Benche, in w*^*" number I am,
the rest are barristers, and attumyes. further there is a
CoUedge w"^** is also an University. You will expect to know
the state of our state. It is not very magnificent, nor to be
disregarded. There is a presence where they stand at all
times uncovered, and a clothe of state under w^ the deputy
sitteth. When that he sitteth at meate, there sitt of men of
quality as many as the table will contayne. When he goeth
abroad in solemne manner, all whom it concemes do attend
him. Before him goe the gentlemen captynes, knights, and
oflScers, all on foote. Then cometh the deputy ryding in
state, and before him a knight bareheaded carrying the
sword. After the deputy, the nobles, the Councell, and the
Judges, all in footeclothes. His guarde consists of fifty tall
men, they weare not redd coates, but soldiers cassockes, and
halberts in theyr handes.' On principall festivalls, the
herauld goes before him in a cote of armes.* So much of
Dublin. I may call it her Whyte hall. Lett us tak our
ioumey to Waterford.
Waterford is scituated upon the best harbour, and in a
* This is incorrect as to the relative antiquity of the two cathedrals.
St. Patrick's Cathedral was consecrated in 1191, Christ Choroh in 1038.
^ The King's Inns had been quite recently constituted. See a4 to the
allocation of chambers in 1609, Duhigg's History of the King's Inns, p. 75.
* See Part I. pp. 86-6 supra,
* See plate vi. to Derrioke's Image of Ireland, illustrating Sir Henry
Sidney leaving Dublin Castle on a State progress.
362 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
pleasant and temperat ayre. The buildings are of English
forme, and well compact. There is a fayre cathedraU, but
her beauty is in the key, for the wall of the towne extend-
ing for neare half a mile along the water, between that and
the water, there is a broad key maynly fortifyed w*** stone
and stronge piles of timber, wheer a shipp of the burden of
1000 tunnes may ryde at anchor. It was famous for
merchandise, but her high stomacke in disobeying the state,
depryved her of her magistrate, and now she is in the
govemem' of a souldyer.^ In her prosperity, there was a
league between her and Bristoll that theyre merchants
respectively should be exempted of custom, but now she
complayns that Bristoll refuseth her. Our next iomey is
to Corke.
Cork is a porte of the sea also, but stands in a very
bogge and is unhealthy. The building is of stone, and built
after the Irish forme, w^^ is Castlewise, and w*** narrow
windows more for strength then for beauty, but they begin
to beautify it in better forme. There is the quarry of redd
marble, w*^^ maketh the towne appeare of a ruddy colour.
There is also a cathedrall but in decay. It is a populous
towne and well compact, but there is nothing in it remEurke-
able. There is nothing to comend it but the antiquity,
and nothinge dothe disgrace it so much as thejnr obstinacy
in the antick religion. Passe on to Ljonerick.
Lymericke is the place of my commerce, lett me entertayn
yo" w^** a broad cake, and a cupp of sacke as the maner is,
you will be the lesse sensible of my tediousnes. Lymericke
divides itself into two partes, the high towne, w*'^ is com-
passed w^^ the Shanon, and the base towne, and in forme
it doth perforth resemble an hower glasse, being bound
together by that bridge w^^ divides the two partes. A
philosopher that saw a little towne w*** a wyde open gate,
gave warning to the citizens to shutt up theyr gate, least the
towne should runne out. The founders of this citty were
more considerate, for they have fensed the base towne w***
such a huge strong wall that travaylers aflBrme, they have
* Waterford was without a charter from 1617 to 1626.
A DISOOUBSB OF IBELAND 363
not seene the like in Europe. It is a mile in compasBe, and
three men a breast may walke the roand.^ Notw^standing
thejrr provydenoe I am of opinion that that part hath crept
over the bridge into the high towne, for now there is
nothing remayning in that part, bat a street of decayed
houses, w^^ orchards and gardens, saving a church and a
storehouse, monum^ of former habitacon. The other
parte is a lofty building of marble. In the highe streete it
is builte from one gate to the other in one forme, like
the Colledges in Oxford, so magnificent that at my first
entrance it did amase me, sed intus cadavera, noysome, &
stincking houses. The cathedrall is not large but very light-
some, and by the provydence of the Bishop ^ fayrely beauti-
fyed w^^in, and as gloriously served w^^ singing and organs.
There is in this citty an aimcient Castle, the Bishop's
pallace, and a stone bridge of fourteen arches.^ But that w®^
is most notorious to my iudgem^ is the key wall. This wall
is extended from the towne walle into the middle of the
rjrver, and was made for a defense and harbor for the ship-
ping. It is in lengthe about 200 paces, and it is a double
wall. In the botome it is a mayne thicknes, and so con-
tinueth untill it be raysed above high water. Then there
is w^^'in it a long gallery arched over head, and w***
windowes most pleasant to walke in, and above that a
tarace to walke upon w*** fayre battlem*", at the end of it
there is a round tower w^** two or three chambers, one above
the other, and a battlement above. This towne now
reioyceth in the residence of the president. The presidency
is kept in the forme as it is in Wales.^ A president, two
Justices and a Councell. We sitt in councell at a table.
* The walls of Limerick were dismantled in 1760. Only a very smalt
portion now remains.
' The Bishop of Limeriok in Oemon's time was Dr. Bernard Adams.
This prelate, who held the see from 1604 to 1626, was a fellow of Trinity
College, Oxford. Ware has recorded his munificence as a restorer of the
cathedral. Ware's Bishops,
* See the drawing in Dinely's Tour^ p. 109. The bridge is also well shown
on a map by Thomas Phillips, drawn in 1685, which is preserved at Kilkenny
Castlo. See Ormonde Papers^ ii. p. 310.
* See Part I. p. 180 supra,
A A
364 ILLDSTEATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
When the president goeth forthe, he is attended in military
forme, when he rydeth, w'** a troupe of horse, when he
walketh, w^ a company of foote, w^^ pikes and musketts in
hand. I have kept you too long at Lymerick, lett me con-
dacte you towards Galloway.
I was never there myself, but it is reported to be the
Windsore of Ireland.^ It hath been praysed for the magnifi-
cent building and a stately Abbey there, used for a parish
churche.2 g^t a, great fyer w*''* hapned in May was twel-
month did consume 400 houses, and utterly defaced the
Abbey being so vehement that the bodyes of the dead Ijring
in vaults were consumed to ashes. They beginne to reedify.
lett us retume by Eillkenny.
Kilkenny is an inland towne scituate in a pleasant
valley, and upon a fresh rjrver. It is praysed for the
wholsom ayer, and delightfull orchards and gardens, v^^
are somewhat rare in Ireland. The houses are of grey
marble fayrely builte, the fronts of theyr houses are sup-
ported (most of them) w^^ pillars, or arches imder w°^ there
is an open pavement to walke on. At the one end of the
towne is a large cathedrall, at the other end, a high mounted
Castle appertayning to the Earles of Ormond, but now it is
allotted to the portion of the Countesse of Desmond.^
The other two Cyttyes, the Derry, and Colrane are of
> This will appear an exaggerated eulogy, but the relative importance of
Galway among Irish cities was greater in Gemon's day than it has been in
later times. It was then accounted the second city in Ireland, and is so
placed as late as 1652 by Boate : ' Next to Dublin is Galway, the head city of
the Province of Ck>nnaught to be reckoned, as well for bigness and fairness as
for riches.* Boate places the cities of Ireland in this order : 1, Dublin ;
2, Galway ; 3, Waterford ; 4, Limerick ; 5, Cork ; 6, Londonderry.— Jr^^fui's
NcUurM History, chap. i. And see Lady Fanshawe*s Memoirs, pp.;86-90.
' The Collegiate Church of St. Nicholas, Galway, was founded in 1320.
' Elizabeth, only daughter of Thomas, tenth Earl of Ormond, being a ward
of James I. was given in marriage to his favourite, James Preston, created
Earl of Desmond. Under an award of James I. the Castle and a great portion
of the extensive Ormond estates were, at this time, divorced from the bearer of
the hereditary honours of the Butler family. But they were reunited a few
years later than Gemon*s narrative in the person of the Countess of Desmond's
only daughter Elizabeth, who married the twelfth Earl of Ormond, afterwards
50 well known as the first Duke of Ormond.~See Ormonde Papers, vol. ii. New
Series, p. 845.
A DISCOURSE OF IRELAND 366
the new plantacon in the Northe, they are reported to be
fayrly built, but they are like new pallaces, they are not
slated nor the flowers layd yett let them alone till they be
finished.
To the inferior places I will not invite yo**, onely cast yo'
regard upon Yonghall and Bandonbridge.
Yoaghall is a sea towne, and little inferior to the cittyes.
It is scitaated between Waterford and Corke, and is a
lurcher, for it hath gotten the traflick from them both,
especially for transporting of cattle.
Bandonbridge is a new plantation begun w^^ in these
fifteen yeares, and is encreased to be neare as large as
Lycester. It reioyceth in the patronage of that happy man
Richard Boyle, now Earle of Corke, by whose procurem^ it
is now engirting w*** a new wall for w** the province is
taxed at 5" the plowland. It is estimated that the charge
will amount to 4000".
In this peregrination you have viewed the country in
passing, the villages are distant each from other about two
miles. In every village is a castle, and a church, but bothe
in ruyne. The baser cottages are built of underwood,
called wattle, and covered some w^ thatch and some w^*^
green sedge, of a round forme and w^'out chimneys, and to
my imaginacon resemble so many hives of bees, about a
country farme. In the end of harvest the villages seem as
bigg agayne as in the spring, theyre come being brought
into theyr haggards, and layed up in round cockes, in forme
of theyr houses. And by the way, there is no meate so
daynty as a haggard pigg, a pigg that hath been fedd at
the reeke, take him at a quarter old, and use him like a
rosting pigg ; because his biggness should not be ofifensive,
they serve him up by quarters. Here I would conclude w***
our buildings, but when I look about I cannot but bewayle
the desolation w^** cyvill rebellion hath procured. It lookes
like the later end of a feast. Here lyeth an old rujmed castle
like the remaynder of a venyson pasty, there a broken forte
like Bf minced py half subiected, and in another place an old
abbey w^^ some turrets standing like the carcase of a goose
AA2
866 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
broken up. It makes me rememb'' the old proverb.-^It is
better to come to the end of a feast, then the beginning of a
fray. But I have held yon too longe among this rubbish.
Lett us converse w^^ the people. Lord, what makes you
so squeamish — be not afiErayd. The Irishman is no Canniball
to eate you up nor no lowsy Jack to offend you.
The man of Ireland is of a strong constitution, tall and
bigg limbed, but seldome fatt, patient of heate and colde,
but impatient of labour. Of nature he is prompt and in-
genious, but servile crafty and inquisitive after newes, the
simptomes of a conquered nation. Theyr speach hath been
accused to be a whyning language, but that is among the
beggars. I take it to be a smooth language well comixt
of vouells and of consonants, and hath a pleasing cadence.
The better sorte are apparelled at all poynts like the
English onely they retayne theyr mantle w""^ is a garment
not indecent.' It differs nothing from a long cloke, but in
the fringe at the upper end, w^^ in could weather they weare
over their heades for warmth. Because they are comanded
at publicke assemblyes to come in English habit, they have
a tricke agaynst those times, to take off the fringe, and to
putt on a cape, and after the assembly past, to resume it
agayne. If you aske an Irishman for his cloke, he will tell
you it is in his pockett and show you his cape. The churle
is apparelled in this maner. His doublett is a pack saddle
of canvase, or coarse cloth w^^'out skirtes, but in winter he
weares a frise cote. The trowse is a long stocke of frise, close
to his thighes, and drawne on almost to his waste, but very
scant, and the prydc of it is, to weare it so in suspence, that the
beholder may still suspecte it to be falling from his arse. It is
cutt w*^ a pouche before, w*^** is drawne together w"" a string,
he that will be counted a spruce ladd, tyes it up with a
twisted band of two colours hke the string of a clokebagge.
' It is inierosting to compare Gemon's description of the dress of the
native Irish with Spenser's account of it a quarter of a century earlier. View
of the State of Ireland, p. S9 (Prof. Morley's edition). Gernon*s is written in
a much more liberal spirit than the poet's. For a careful account of Irish
dress see Joyce's Social History of Ireland, ti. p. 189 et seq. See also Fynes
Moryson's observations at p. 821 supra*
A DISCOURSE OF IRELAND 867
An Irishman walking in London a catpurse took it for a
cheate, and gave him a slash. His broges are single soled,
more rudely sewed then a shoo but more strong, sharp at
the toe, and a flapp of leather left at the heele to pull them
on. His hatt is a frise capp close to his bead w^^ two lappetts,
to button under his chinne. And for his weapon he weares
a skeyne w®^ is a knife of three fingers broad of the length
of a dagger and sharpening towards the poynt w^ a rude
wodden handle. He weares it poynt blanke at his codpiece.
The ordinary kerne seldome weares a sword. They are also
wedded to theyr mantle, they plow, they ditch, they thressh
with the3rr mantles on. But you look after the wenches.
The weomen of Ireland are very comely creatures, tall
slender and upright. Of complexion very fajrre & cleare-
skinnd (but frecled), w*** tresses of bright yellow hayre, w®^
they cha3me up in curious knotts, and devises. They are
not strait laced nor plated in the3rr youth, but suffred to
grow at liberty so that you shall hardely see one crooked or
deformed, but yet as the proverb is, soone ripe soone rotten.
Theyr propensity to generation causeth that they cannot
endure. They are wemen at thirteene, and olde wives at y^
thirty. I never saw fayrer wenches nor fowler calliots,' so
we call the old wemen. Of nature they are very kind and
tractable. At meetings they offer themselves to be kiste
w^^ the hande extended to embrace you. The yong wenches
salute you, conferre w*** you, drinke w^** you w^^'out controU.
They are not so reserved as the English, yett very honest.
Cuckoldry is a thing almost unknowne among the Irish.
At solemne invitements, the Ben]rtee, so we call the goodwife
of the house meets at the hall dore w^** as many of her
femall kindred as are about her all on a row ; to leave any of
them unkist, were an indignity though it were done by the
lord president.
I come to theyr apparell. About Dublin they weare
the English habit, mantles onely added thereunto, and they
^ It is difficult to aoooant for the etymology of calliot. It ia perhaps
the same word as calUt, a scold. Or it may be connected with eaUoU whieh
Nares define*! as ' a kind of scall cap or any plain coif ' sach as matrons might
wear.
868 ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY
that goe in silkes, will weare a mantle of country making.
In the country even among thejnc Irish habitts they have
sundry fashions. I will beginne w^*' the ornament of theyr
heads. At Eillkenny they weare broad beaver hatts
coloured, edged w*** a gold lace and faced w'** velvett, w*** a
broad gould hatt band. At Waterford they weare capps,
turned up w*** furre and laced w*** gold lace. At Ljrmerick
they weare rolles of lynnen, each roll contayning twenty
bandies of fjrne Ijmnen clothe (A Bandle is half an ell ^), and
made up in forme of a myter. To this if it be could weather,
there is added a muf9er over theyr neck and chinne of like
quantity of linnen; being so muf9ed, over all they will
pinne on an English maske of blacke taffaty, w®^ is most
rarely ridiculous to behold. In Conaught they weare
rolles in forme of a cheese. In Thomond they weare ker-
chiefs, hanging downe to the middle of theyr backe. The
maydes weare on the forepart of theyre head about foure
yards of coloured ribbon smoothly layd, and theyr owne
hayre plajrted behind. In other places they weare theyre
hayre loose and cast behind. They weare no bands, but
the ornament of theyr neckes is a carkanett of gold-
smyths worke besett w*** precious stones, some of them very
ritch, but most of them gawdy and made of paynted glasse
and at the end of them a crucifixe. They weare also
braceletts, and many rings. I proceed to theyr gowns.
Lend me yo** imaginacon, and I will cutt it out as well as
the tayler. They have straight bodyes, and longe wasts,
but theyre bodyes come no closer, but to the middle of the
ribbe, the rest is supplyed w*^ lacing, from the topp of their
breasts, to the bottome of theyr plackett, the ordinary sort
have only thejrr smockes between, but the better sort have
a silke scarfe about theyre neck, w^ they spread and pinne
over theyre breasts. On the forepart of those bodyes they
have a sett of broad silver buttons of goldsmiths worke sett
* * The clothing ia a sort of frieze, of aboat twenty inches broad, whereof
two foot, called a handle, is worth from 3^. to ISd. Of this, seventeen
bandies make a man's suit, and twelve make a cloak.'— Sir W. Petty's Political
Anatomy of Ireland^ chap. zii.
A DISCX)URSB OF IBELAND 369
ronnd about. A sett of those buttons will be worth 40'-
some are worth 5"- They have hanging sleeves, very
narrow, but no arming sleeves, other then theyre smocke
sleeves, or a wastcoate of stripped stuffe, onely they have a
wrestband of the same cloth, and a lyst of the sEune to ioyne
it to their winge, but no thing on the hinder part of the
arme least they should weare out theyr elbowes. The better
sort have sleeves of satten. The skyrt is a piece of rare
artifice. At every bredth of three fingers they sew it quite
through w^^ a welte, so that it seemeth so many Ijrstes putt
together. That they do for strength, they girde theyr gowne
w^^ a silke girdle, the tassell whereof must hang downe poynt
blanke before to the fringe of theyr peticotes, but I will not
descend to theyr petycotes, least you should thinke that I
have bene under them. They beginne to weare knitt stockins
coloured, but they have not disdayned to weare stockins of
raw whjrte frise, and broges. They weare theyr mantles
also as well w*^ in doors as w*** out. Theyr mantles are
commonly of a browne blew colour w*^ fringe alike, but
those that love to be gallant were them of greene, redd,
yellow, and other light colours, w^'' fringes diversifyed.
An ordinary mantle is worthe 4", those in the country w^**
cannot go to the price weare whyte sheets mantlewise. I
would not have you suppose that all the Irish are thus
strangely attjrred as I have described. The old women are
loath to be shifted out of thejrr auncient habitts, but the
younger sort, especially in gentlemens houses are brought
up to resemble the English, so that it is to be hoped, that
the next age will weare out these disguyses. Of theyr
cleanlynes I will not speak.
* which hidden sure is best.
Happy is he, that will belieye, and neyere seek ye rest.
Lett US not passe by theyr entertaynem^", I will not leade
you to the baser cabbins, where you shall have no drink but
Bonyclabber,' milk that is sowred to the condition of butter-
* The whole of the quotation is not decipherable in the MS.
' See p. 230 supra.
y^
S6D ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
milk, nor no meate, but mullagham (mallabanne), a kinde of
choke-daw cheese, and blew butter, and no bread at yo' first
o5ming in, but if you stay half an hower you shall have a cake
of meale unboulted, and mingled w^** butter baken on an yron
called a gridle, like a pudding cake.^ But we will goe to
the gentleman that dwells in the castle. See the company
ycmder, they are ryding to a coshering, lett us strike in
among them. (Cosherings are publick invitations, by occa-
sion of marriages, neighbourhood or the like, and for the
present q[>en house.) Marke how they be mounted, some
upon sidesadles, and some upon pillyons. The Irish saddle
is called a pillyon, and it is made on this forme. The tree
is as of an ordinary saddle, but the seate is a playne table of
two foote longe, and a foote broad or larger, high mounted,
and covered with a piece of chequered blanketting. It is
not tyed w^^ girths, but it is fastned w^^ a brest plate before,
and a crupper behind, and a sursingle in the middle. The
men ryde upon it astryde, w^** theyr leggs very farr extended,
and towards the horse neck. If the horse be dull, they
spurregall him in the shoulder. It seemeth very uneasy to
us, but they affirme it to be an easy kind of ryding. If it be,
it is very usefull, for a man may ryde astryde, a woman may
ryde a syde, and a man may ryde w^^ a woman behind him,
all upon the like saddle. It is an excellent fashion to steale
a wench, and to carry her away.
We are come to the castle already. The castles are built
very strong, and w"* narow stayres, for security. The hall is
the uppermost room, lett us go up, you shall not come downe
agajme till tomorrow. Take no care of yo' horses, they shall
be sessed among the tenants. The lady of the house meets
you w*^ her trayne. I have instructed you before how to accost
them. Salutations paste, you shall be presented w^'' all the
drinkes in the house, first the ordinary beere, then aquavitae,
then sacke, then olde-ale, the lady tastes it, you must not re-
fuse it. The fyre is prepared in the middle of the hall, where
* Dinely's enumeration of the food of the people (Tour, p. 23) is very
eimilar to (Jernon'a. Bat by Dinely's time, about two generations later,
potatoes had become part of * the dyet of the vulgar Irish.'
A DISCODBSB OP IRELAND 861
you may soUace yo'selfe till supper time, you shall not want
sacke and tobacco. By this time the table is spread and plen-
tifully furnished w^** variety of meates, but ill cooked, and w^^
out sauce. Neyther shall there be wanting a pasty or two
of redd deare (that is more coihon w^^ us then the fallow).
The dishe w""^ I make choyce of is the swelld mutton, and
it is prepared thus. They take a principall weather, and
before they kill him, it is fitt that he be shome, being killed
they singe him in his woolly skynne like a bacon, and rost
him by ioynts w^^ the skynne on, and so serve it to the table.
They say that it makes the flesh more flrme, and preserves
the fatt. I make choyce of it to avoyd uncleanely dressing.
They feast together with great ioUyty and healths around ;
towards the middle of supper, the harper beginns to tune
and singeth Irish rymes of auncient making. If he be a
good rymer, he will make one song to the present occasion.
Supper being ended, it is at your liberty to sitt up, or to
depart to yo*" lodgeing, you shall have company in both kind.
When you come to yo** chamber, do not expect canopy and
curtaynes. It is very well if your bedd content you, and if
the company be greate, you may happen to be bodkin in the
middle. In the morning there will be brought unto you a
cupp of aquavitae. The aquavitse or usguebath of Ireland is
not such an extraction, as is made in England, but farre
more qualifyed, and sweetened with licorissh. It is made
potable, and is of the colour of Muscadine. It is a very
wholsome drinke, and naturall to digest the crudityes of the
Irish feeding. You may drink a knaggin w***out oflfence,
that is the fourth parte of a pynte. Breakfast is but the
repetitions of supper. When you are disposing of yourself to
depart, they call for Dogh a dores, that is, to drink at the
doore, there you are presented agayne w^*" all the drinkes in
the house, as at yo** first entrance. Smacke them over, and
lett us departe.
Should I enter into a discourse of the conditions of the
people, theyr poUicyes, theyr assemblyes called parly hills,
the3rre husbandry, theyr huntings, w^^ are strange kind of
excursions, the passages of theyr lives, the antickes at theyr
363 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTOBT
buryalls, I could tell as much as most of my time, but I liste
not to make it a labour. A word of the provisions of
Ireland and but a word.
What feeds on earth, or flyea in th'ayre, or swimeth in
ye water, Lo, Ireland hath it of her owne, and lookes not
for a cater. But I have drawne you too farre a field, keepe
your self in England, farewell.
[Endorsed : A diMoone of Ireland by L. Oernons.]
IV
TBAVEL8 OF SIB WILLIAM BBEBETON IN
IBELAND, 1686
This account of Ireland in 1685 is extracted from the ' Travels in
Holland, the United Provinces, England, Scotland and Ireland,
1634-1635,' of Sir William Brereton, Bart., the well-known
Parliamentary general.^ Brereton's journal of his travels, after
remaining for two centuries in manuscript, was printed in 1844
from the original in the possession of Sir Philip de Malpas Grey
Egerton, and forms the first volume of the publications of the
Ghetham Society. The manuscript had previously undergone
some curious vicissitudes, and a high testimony to the interest and
value of Brereton's narrative of his adventures at home and abroad
is supplied in Sir Walter Scott's warm approbation. Scott strongly
urged its publication, actually ' tendering his own services as editor,
and offering to supply all the necessary explanatory notes.' Most
people will share the regret of Mr. Hawkins, the editor of the
Ghetham Society's volume, ' that this most valuable offer should
have been declined.'
Although the existence of the manuscript was known to writers
on Irish antiquities for many years prior to its being printed,
Brereton's narrative has been little noticed by writers on Ireland.
Monck Mason was shown it by Sir William Betham, and in a note
at p. 7 of his < History of St. Patrick's Cathedral,' published in
1820, he printed Brereton's description of the appearance of that
edifice in 1635. Dubourdieu in his 'Statistical Survey of the
Gounty of Down,' published in 1802, printed the paragraphs of the
journal which relate to that county, and the same writer also
refers to the narrative in his ' Survey of the Gounty of Antrim '
(1812). Dubourdieu mentions, on the authority of Bishop Percy,
with whose ownership the Ghetham Society's pedigree of the
manuscript begins, that the journal belonged to the well-known
antiquary, General Vallanoey, who had bought it at an auction in
1791. It was doubtless on Vallancey's death in 1812 that Bishop
' For his charaoter as a soldier see Cltirendon, ii. p. 112.
864 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
Percy acquired the manuscript.^ Portions of the Irish narrative
were also printed by the Rev. Sir Francis Lynch Blosse in the
' Church of Ireland Magazine ' for 1826, but without any attempt
at annotation, and in D'Alton's ' History of Drogheda ' part of
Brereton's account of that city is given, as the description of ' an
anonymous traveller.' The fact that the Irish journal occupies
barely a fifth of the Chetham Society's publication has caused it
to be overlooked even by writers interested in the historical topo-
graphy of Ireland, as well as by the historians. It is not mentioned
in Anderson's ' Book of British Topography,' and the writer of
the notice of Brereton in the ' Dictionary of National Biography,'
though he states that Brereton's travels extended to Ireland,
mentions the diary only as affording information regarding the
social condition of England and Scotland. Neither Froude nor
Lecky in their rapid surveys of seventeenth century history, nor
Gardiner in the admirable Irish chapters of his chief work, makes
any mention of Brereton's narrative. Although the Chetham
Society's edition of the Travels is now out of copyright, the Irish
Section has not been printed here without the courteous con-
currence of the present secretary. Those notes to the Chetham
edition which have been utilised in this volume bear the initials
of Mr. Hawkins. For the remainder the present editor is re-
sponsible.
^ Dobonrdieo's Statistical Survey of the County of Downy in the Royal
Dublin Society's series of Sonreys, Dnblin, 1802, p. 807.
TRAVELS OF SIB WILLIAM BREBETON IN IBELAND,
1685
Jtdy 4. — We went from hence* to the Port Patrick,
which is foul winter way over the mossy moors, and there
we found only one boat, though yesternight there were fif-
teen boats here. We hired a boat of about ten ton for five
horses of ours, and for five Yorkshiremen and horses ; for
this we paid 1^. and conditioned that no more horses should
come aboard, save only two or three of an Irish laird's, who
then stayed for a passage, and carried his wife and three
horses. His name is Levinston, laird Dun Draide.^ Here
we shipped our horses two hours before we went aboard.
It is a most craggy, filthy passage, and very dangerous for
horses to go in and out; a horse may easily be lamed,
spoiled, and thrust into the sea ; and when any horses land
here, they are thrown into the sea, and swim out. Here was
demanded from us by our host, Thomas Marsh-banke, a
custom of 2s. an horse, which I stumbled at, and answered
that if he had authority to demand and receive it, I was
bound to pay it, otherwise I was free to pay or refuse : here-
with he was satisfied, and declined his further demand.
Here is a pretty chapel lately built by Sir Hugh Mont-
gomeries,^ laird of Dunskie on this side, where he hath a
I Hugh Boyd's inn at tho Chapel, now Stranraer. Brereton elsewhere
speaks of this house as tho best inn in Scotland.
* Sir WiUiam Livingston of Kilsyth had charters of the lands of Duntreath,
the place perhaps here called Dandraide. — E. H.
' Sir Hugh Montgomery, created Viscount Montgomery of the Qreat Ards by
James I. in 1622, died in the year following Brereton's visit. He was the ancestor
of the Earls of Mount Alexander, a title created by Charles II. at his restoration,
which became extinct in 1758. See the Montgomery ManuacriptSt by the Bev.
George Hill ; Belfast, 1869.
366 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
castle, and of Newton de Clanboyes ^ on the Irish side, where
he hath a market town.
The boatman that carried us in a bark of about fifteen
ton, his name was David Dickie, who hath a dainty, fine,
pretty, nimble boy to his son, who will make a good sailor.
The boat is a good sailing vessel, with good expert mariners,
but not manned with sufficient number of men. She took
in four horses more than we covenanted, and was so much
overthronged with passengers as we had not every man his
own length allowed to lie in at ease. Our horses were
shipped about two hour, the wind being north-west ; but
turning into the south-west, or rather west-south-west, we
went not aboard until after three hour ; the wind then being
so much averse and so directly against us, as that we could
not get out of the haven, so as they were constrained to haul
out with a cock-boat a good way. We were got clear out of
the haven about four hour, and before we had sailed a
league, the wind was more averse ; but presently favouring
us something more with a full gale of wind, we had so
speedy a passage as that by six hour we were within sixteen
miles of the coast of Ireland. The wind then failed, and was
sometimes very weak and poor, and sometimes due west and
directly averse, yet we passed on though slowly, and about
eight or nine mile from the coast of Ireland we passed the
Strangawre,^ which is a mighty high running channel, where
there is a concurrence and confluence of three strong tides,
which run about nine or ten mile in length, and about two
mile in breadth ; these occasioned by the islands and points
of land ; but when we passed them, the wind was so weak,
as it was there more calmed and less troubled than in any
other part of our passage. We had no sooner passed the
Strangawre, but (although when we went aboard it was very
calm and like to be fair weather, which gave encouragement
to them to hazard a passage by night) the wind failed us,
* Now Newtownards. The borough roceived a charter from James I., and
continued to return two members to the Irish Parliament from 1613 until the
Union, when it was disfranchised.
^ Strangford is so called from the strong and dangerous currents of the
lough or fiord.— Joyce's Irish Namea of Pldces, i. p. 107.
TBAVELS OP SIB WILLIAM BBBBETON 367
and we were much a£fected with the apprehension of the
inconvenience of lying at sea all night, because the tides are so
strong as they would carry us with the ebbing water down
towards the isles of Scotland, the wind also being either so
averse as to bring us back to the shore of Scotland, or to
concur with the tide to carrry us down towards the isles of
Scotland; but then suddenly arose a strong wind and
storms of rain, which did come out of the west and from the
landward, which did much perplex the sailors, so as they
were constrained to take down, and did in all haste take
down, the lower part of the mainsail and the foresail, which
they call the main bowline or main bonnet. Two or three
of these showers and storms did follow one another, which
though they did increase and renew our fears, yet it pleased
God (who knows better what might conduce unto our safety
than ourselves) to make these storms the instruments of
bringing us to harbour about two hour upon the coast of
Ireland, under the Black Bock,^ which is in the island of
Hague ;^ hereby we were sheltered all night from most
cruel, violent, and tempestuous storms, which did much alSect
and discourage us, though we lay at anchor and under the
shelter of a high hill. Here we took up our lodging in
this open boat, and suJOTered a wet cold lodging, yet it pleased
God that I took no cold, nor did any other distemper seize
upon me save only a f aintingness when I came on shore, and
an extreme purging, although the sea wrought effectually and
plentifully with me, and purged me more by vomit only
when I was at sea than ever formerly, so as my stomach
was not only cleared and discharged of phlegm, but also of
abundance of choler and green stuff.
Twixt Erwin in Scotland and Colrane' in Ireland are the
highest running seas about the sound of Kaughrick,* which
is an island belonging to the Earl of Antrim. The shortest
passage 'twixt Scotland and Ireland is from Mule Eenteir,'
a rock or point of the Highlanders in Scotland, which is
' Black Head. " Island Magee.
' Irvine in Ayrshire ; Coleraine, co. Londonderry.
* Bathlin Island. * Mull of Cantire.
368 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
sixteen mile to the Fair-head or Marble-head ^ in Ireland ;
this is only a passage for the Highlanders; from Port
Patrick to Garrick-Fergns is about nineteen leagues, and to
Donoh-a-Dee,^ or Groomes Port, about fifteen leagues, as
one of the sailors informed me. At our landing in Ireland,
the ship came as near the shore as she durst, and all the
h(»rses were thrown into the sea, and did swim to land, and
climb a great steep rock.
Jidy 5. — Upon the Lord's day in. the morning we went
ashore the coast of Ireland, in the Isle of Mague, where we
were landed upon the rock, whence we found a difficult uid
tedious passage ; and at the top of the hill we were very
civilly and courteously entertained by a Scotch gentleman,
who lives in a mean, poor house, hath good store of com,
milk, calves, and kine ; hence we went to Carrick-Fergus,
corruptly called Knock-Fergus, which is four miles, and
came thither about two hour. Took up our inn in Mrs.
Wharton's house, who is a Chester woman, a neat woman
in her house ; good lodging and usage, sixpence ordinary,
fourpence a night hay and oats, sixpence peck provender.
This town, so called from one Fergus, who built the
castle, and from Carrick, which in Irish signifies a rock ; ^
and indeed the town may well take his denomination from
the castle, which is seated upon a rock, and commands both
town and haven. Almost all the houses in this town were
built castle-wise, so as though the Irish made spoil of and
burnt the town, yet were they preserved unbumt. This is
but a pretty little town within the walls of a very small
extent and capacity ; the only grace of this town is the
Lord Chichester's house,* which is a very stately house, or
* Fair Head or Benmore in Antrim. ' Donaghadee, co. Down.
' Aooording to MoSkimin, the historian of Carrickfergus, who follows
Campion, the name commemorates King Fergus, first King of Scotland, said to
have heen lost in a storm off this plaoe, b.c. 820.
^ Cf. the description of the Castle and town of Carrickfergus in the Descrip-
tion of M. Jorevin de Rocheford, p. 423 infra. Bee also McSkimin's History
of Carrickfergus, The Lord Chichester referred to by Brereton was Edward,
second Baron and first Viscount Chichester, brother of the well-known Lord
Deputy of Ireland, by whom the mansion at Carrickfergus was built in 1618,
on the site of a suppressed Franciscan monastery. An excellent account of
TRAVELS OF SIB WILLIAM BBEBETON 369
rather like a prince's palace, whereunto there belongs a
stately gate-house, and graceful terrace and walk before the
house, as is at Denton my Lord Fairfax house. ^ A very
fair hall there is, and a stately staircase and fair dining-room
carrying the proportion of the hall ; fine garden and mighty
spacious orchards, and they say they bear good store of fruit.
I observed on either side of his garden there is a dove-house,
placed one opposite to the other in the comer of the garden,
and 'twixt the garden and orchards a most convenient
place for apricots or some such . tender fruit, to be planted
against the dove-house wall, that by the advantage of the
heat thereof they may be rendered most fruitful, and come
sooner to maturity, but this use is not made thereof. Very
rich furniture belongs unto this house, which seems much to
be neglected and begins to go something to decay. It is a
most stately building, only the windows and rooms and
whole frame of the house is over-large and vast ; and in this
house you may observe the inconvenience of great buildings
which require an unreasonable charge to keep them in
repair, so as they are a burthen to the owners of them.
There is maintained in this town two companies of
soldiers, the one a troop of horse, the other of foot, consist-
ing of fifty in either company, under the command of my
Lord of Chichester's eldest son.' The troop of horse were
lately sent to attend my Lord Deputy, in this progress very
completely furnished, well horsed, and in red coats all suitable.
It is reported of this town that they have been always
loyal and faithful to the state of England.' This is seated
Joymonnt, as the maneion was called from Ohiohester's patron, Moontjoy, will
be found in the Ulster Journal of Arehaology, vii. p. 1, in an article on * The
Palace of Carrickfergns.* About 1780 Joymount was pulled down to make
way for a gaol and court house. See also the Montgomery Manuscripts, p. 424.
' Near Bkley in Yorkshire.
' Arthur, the eldest son of Viscount Chichester, was, in March 1647, created
Earl of Donegall in his father's lifetime.
* Carrickfergus is reported to have been founded by Hugh de Lacy, the
younger, who endowed a Franciscan friary there in 1289. The statement in
the text is substantially true. In 1816 the town was taken by the Braces and
held against the English forces for two years. And in 1678 it was sacked by
Sir Brian MacPhelimy. But with these exceptions it remained at all times a
stronghold of English power.
BB
370 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
upoD a loch which comes from the sea, and is navigable
with the tide for small vessels to the quay. This loch runs
all along to Belfast, which is eight mile from Carrick-
fergus, and is thither also navigable ; it is about three or
four miles broad, well furnished with fish, and also with fowl
in winter. Here upon that part of this loch next to Belfast
I observed a convenient seat. From Carrickfergus to Belfast
you ride all upon the loch-side ; it is most base way, and deep
in winter and wet weather, though now it is hard and dry.
Jul/y 6. — This town of Carrickfergus is governed by a
mayor, sheriff, and aldermen, endowed with great privileges,
and is the shire town. At Belfast my Lord Chichester hath
another dainty stately house (which is indeed the glory and
beauty of that town also), where he is most resident, and is
now building an outer brick wall before his gates. This is
not so large and vast as the other, but more convenient and
commodious ; the very end of the loch toucheth upon his
garden and backside ; here also are dainty orchards, gardens,
and walks planted.^ Near here unto, Mr. Arthur Hill (son
and heir to Sir Moyses Hill) ^ hath a brave plantation, which
he holds by lease, which still is for thirty years to come ; the
land is my Lord Chichester's, and the lease was made for
sixty years to Sir Moyses Hill by the old Lord Chichester.
This plantation it is said doth yield him a 1,000/. per annum.
Many Lancashire and Cheshire men are here planted ; with
some of them I conversed. They sit upon a rack rent, and
pay 5«. or 6«. an acre for good ploughing land, which now is
clothed with excellent good com. From Belfast to Linsley
Garven ' is about seven mile, and is a paradise in comparison
of any part of Scotland. Linsley Garven is well seated, but
> Belfast Castle, long the seat of the Earls of Donegall, originally a possession
of the O'Neills, was granted to Sir Arthur Chichester by James I. The splendid
mansion built by Chichester was destroyed by fire in 1708. The site is now
occupied by the Castle Market. See Benn's Hilary ofxBeLfast, i. pp. 15, 86, 293.
^ Sir Moyses Hill, Provost Marshal of Ulster, came to Ireland in 1573, and
was ancestor of the Marquesses of IX>wn8hire. The plantation was at Hillsboro',
00. Antrim, where Sir M. Hill first settled. HiUsboro' Fork in oo. Down was not
built till 1641. Benn's History of Belfast, i. p. 85. See also the Ulster Jwimal
of Archaoiogy, iy. p. 80.
' Or Lisnegarvey, the modern Lisburn.
TBAVBL8 OF SIB WILLIAM BBBBETON 371
neither the town nor country thereabouts well planted, being
almost all woods, and moorish until you come to Dromore.
This town belongs to my Lord Conoway,^ who htkib
there a good handsome house, but far short of both my
Lord Chichester's houses, and this house is seated upon an
hill, upon the side whereof is planted a garden and orchard,
and at the bottom of which hill runs a pleasant river which
abounds with salmon ; hereabouts my Lord Conoway is now
endeavouring a plantation, though the land hereabouts be
the poorest and barrenest I have yet seen, yet may it be
made good land with labour and charge.
From Linsley Garven to Drom(»re is about seven mile.
Herein we lodged at Mr. Haven's house, which is directly
opposite to the Bishop of Dromore ' his house, which is a
little timber house of no state nor receipt. His chaplain's
name is Ldgh, bom in Manchester. This is a very dear
house : 8d. ordinary ourselves, 6d. our servants, and we were
over-reckoned in beer. This town, as it is the seat of the
bishop of this see, so he is lord of it, and it doth wholly bdong
unto him. Li this diocese, as Mr. Leigh his chaplain
reported, this is the worst part of the kingdom, and the
poorest land and ground, yet the best church livings, because
there are no impropriations.
At my coming to Carrickfergus, and being troubled with
an extreme flux, not as yet come to so great height as a
bloody flux, my hostess, Miss Wharton, directed me the use
of cinnamon in burnt claret wine, or rather red wine, as
also the syrup and conserve of sloes well boiled, after they
have been strained and mingled according to discretion with
sugar, they are to be boiled with sugar until they be cleared,
having been first boiled in water until they be softened, and
then strained.^
> Edward, second Visooant Ck)nwa7and Killultagh, saoeeeded his father in
1681, and died in 1655, leaving an only son, at whose death in 1683 the title
became extinct. These Irish estates passed nltimately to the Marquesses of
Hertford.
' Theophilns Bnekworth was Bishop of Dromore from 1618 to 1662. From
the outbreak of the rebellion of 1641 nntil his death he resided at Gambridge,
his native city.
' A lengthy passage descriptive only of Brereton's ailments daring his Irish
B 9 2
872 ILLDSTBATIONS OF IRISH HIBTOBY
July 7. — We left Dromore and went to the Newrie,'
which is sixteen miles. This is a most difficult way for a
stranger to find out. Herein we wandered, being lost
amongst the Irish towns. The Irish houses are the poorest
cabins I have seen, erected in the middle of the fields and
grounds, which they farm and rent. This is a wild country,
not inhabited, planted^ nor enclosed, yet it would be good
com if it were husbanded. I gave an Irishman to bring us
into the way a groat, who led us like a villain directly out of
the way and so left us, so as by this deviation it was three
hour before we came to the Newrie. Much land there is
about this town belonging to Mr. Bagnall,^ nothing well
planted. He hath a castle in this town, but is for most
part resident at Green Castle ; a great part of this town is
his, and it is reported that he hath a 1,0002. or 1,5002. per
annum in this country. This is but a poor town, and is
much Irish, and is navigable for boats to come up unto
with the tide. Here we baited at a good inn, the sign of
the Prince's Arms. Hence to Dundalk is eight mile ; stony,
craggy, hilly, and uneven, but a way it is nothing difficult to
find. Before you come to Dundalk you may discern four or
five towers or castles seated upon the seaside.
This town of Dundalk hath been a town of strength,
and is still a walled town, and a company of fifty soldiers
were here in garrison under the command of Sir Faithful
Fortescue.' This town is governed by two bailiffs, sheriflfs,
tour and the remedies he applied to them is omitted here. The bloody flux and
other difleaseB prevalent in Ireland in the seventeenth century are scientifically
disensaed according to the learning of his day by Boate in his Ireland*s
NiUurall History, chap. zxiv. See pp. 130-1 of the Chetham Society's
edition.
> Now Newry. So called from the Irish lubhar, meaning a yew tree. St.
Patrick is said to have planted a yew tree at the monastery here.— Joyce's Irish
Names of Places, i. p. 512.
' Newry was granted as fee by James I. to Marshal Bagnal in 1613, in which
year the town was incorporated by charter. Cf, the aocoant of Newry in
Bodley's Visit to Lecale, p. 380 supra.
' Sir Faithfol Fortescue, 1581-1666, (instable of Carrickfergus Castle, took
an important part in the Ciyil War both in Ireland and England. At Edeghill
his action in going over to Prince Bapert with his cavalry had much to do with,
the fortunes of that fight.
TRAVELS OF SIB WILLIAM BBEBETON 373
and aldermen ; ^ the greatest part of the inhabitants of the
town are popishly a£fected, and although my Lord Deputy,
at the last election of burgesses for the Parliament, com-
mended unto them Sir Faithful Fortescue and Sir Arthur
Teringham,^ yet they rejected both, and elected a couple of
recusants. One of the present bailiffs is popish. Abund-
ance of Irish, both gentlemen and others, dwell in this town,
wherein they dare to take the boldness to go to mass,
openly. This town seated upon the sea, so as barks may
come within a convenient distance with the flood ; much low,
level, flat land hereabouts, which is olten overflowed in the
winter, and here is abundance of fowl, and a convenient
seat. Here we lodged at one Mirs. Yeasie*s house, a most
mighty fat woman ; she saith she is a Cheshire woman, near
related in blood to the Breretons, desired much to see me ;
so fat she is, as she is so. unwieldy she can scarce stand
or go without crutches. This reported one of the best inns
in the north of Ireland; ordinary 8t2. and 6t2., only the knave
tapster over-reckoned us in drink.
July 8. — We left Dundalk and came to Tredaugh,' which
is accounted sixteen mile, but they are as long as twenty-two
mile.* About five mile hence we saw Sir Faithful Fortescue's
house or castle,^ wherein for most part he is resident, which
he holds by a long lease upon a small rent under my Lord
Primate of Armagh. This is a dainty, pleasant, healthful,
and commodious seat, and it is worth unto him about [ ].
During ten miles riding from this town, much rich com
land, and the country well planted; the other six miles
towards Tredaugh, until you come near unto it, not so rich
nor so well husbanded.
* See D'Ahon^B History of Dundalk,
^ Sir Arthar Tyringham was of oonsiderable influence in Ireland, and upon
the breaking oat of the rebellion in Ireland in 1641 was oommissioned, with
Arthur, afterwards first Earl of Donegall, to command in chief within the county
of Antrim.
^ Drogheda.
* Sixteen Irish miles are the exact equivalent of twenty-two English ones
The distances as given by Brereton are usually in Irish miles.
^ Dromiskin, oo. Louth.
374 ILLDSTBATI0N8 OF IBISH HI8TOBT
This town, as it is the Ucgest and best built town I have
yet seen in Ireland, so it is most commodioasly seated upon a
good navigable river, called Boyne, whereinto flows the sea
in BO deep a channel (thongh it be very narrow) as their
ships may come to their doors.^ This river is built on both
sides, and there is on either side a convenient quay ; a stcme
wall built all along the river, so as a ship may lie close unto
this quay, and may unload upon her. It is like the quay
of Newcastle, and those channels I have seen in Holland in
their streets. This town is also commodiously situated for
fish and fowl. It is governed by a mayor, sheriffs, and
twenty-four aldermen ; most of these, as also the other
inhabitants of the town, popishly affected, insomuch as those
that have been chosen mayors, who for the most part have
been recusants, have hired others to discharge that ofiSce.'
One man (it is said) hath been hired by deputation to execute
that place thirteen times ; the present mayor also is but a
deputy, and the reason why they make coy to execute that
office is because they will avoid being necessitated to go
to church.
I observed in this city divers fair, neat, well-built houses,
and houses and shops well furnished, so as I did conceive
this to be a rich town, the inhabitants more civilised and
better apparelled. But this is graced with nothing more
than my Lord Primate's palace, which is seated near unto
the east gate. This is a neat, handsome, and convenient
house, built within this twenty years by Primate Hampton.'
The building is foursquare, of wood, rough-cast and not
high ; an handsome, plain, though long and narrow hall, two
dining-rooms, one little neat gallery which leads into the
chapel, which also [is a] pretty little plain and convenient
chapel, whereinto there lead two ways, the one at the great
* C/. the desoription of Drogheda, by Jorevin de Bocheford, pp. 417-8 in/ro.
' See D*Alton*8 History of Droghedet.
' During the wars of the O'Neills Armagh was praotioally inaooessible lo the
Primates, and their principal residence was at Drogheda as the nearest point
in their diooese to Dublin. Primate Hampton, however, I'epaired the cathedral,
and built a palace at Armagh as well as at Drogheda. He was Primate from
1618 to 1624.
TBAVBLS OP SIB WILLIAM BBEBETON 875
door out of the hall or court, the other, which is more private,
out of the gallery; there is a Uttle pair of organs herein.
Whilst Dr. Usher * (my Lord Primate that now is) is here
resident, he preacheth constantly every Lord's day in the
morning in the church. There is a sermon therein in the
afternoon, and after the same is ended, one of my Lord's
chaplains repeats his sermon in his own chapel, whither not
only all his own family resort, but also (the common door
being open) those of the town that please may resort there-
unto. In one of the dining-rooms is this conceit : the arms
of this see and bishopric, and Bishop Hampton's own arms
or coat enquartered together, and underneath is this inscrip-
tion or motto: 'Fac tu similiter/ Here is a pretty neat
garden, and over against the window in the gallery end, upon
a bank, these words in fair great letters are written : * O man,
remember the last great day I ' The bank is bare, the propor-
tion of the letters is framed and cut in grass. In this palace
the Primate is most resident when he is not at Dublin.
In this town are two churches, one placed on the one
side the river, the other on the other, over which is a wooden
bridge. In the great church ' my Lord Primate preacheth
every Sabbath. In the body of the church, over against the
pulpit, the communion table is placed lengthwise in the
aisle ; the body of the church is kept in good repair. The
chancel, as no use is made of it, so it is wholly neglected
and in no good repair ; only herein is a fair monument for
my Lord Moore,' his lady. Sir Edward Moore and Sir
Thomas Moore, his sons, and their wives and children ;
amongst these is one erected for the Lady Salisbury,^ now
' Primate James Uflsher, Archbishop of Armagh, 1624 to 1655. His nnde,
Henry Ussher, was Primate from 1596 to 1613.
' 8t. Peter's, Drogheda.
' Sir Garret Moore was created Baron Moore 1615, and Viscount Moore of
Drogheda 1621. He was aooused of complioity with Tyrone, but was acquitted,
and was subeeqnently a principal undertaker in the Ulster plantation. He died
in 1627, having married Mary, daughter of Sir Henry Golley, of Castle Garbery,
eounty Kildare.
* Lady Salusbury, widow of Sir Edward Moore, married as her second
husband Sir Henry Salusbury of Leeweny, in Denbighshire, who was created a
baronet in 1619. She was a daughter of Sir John Vaughan, Lord Carbery.
376 ILLUSIBATIONS OF IRISH HISTOBT
living at Chester. On the other side, opposite hereunto, is
Sir Fnuicis Boe's monnment, who died when mayor ; he is
pictured in his scarlet gown.^
July 9. — ^From Tredaogh we came to the Swordes, which
is fourteen miles thence, and six from thence to Dublin.
Here we lodged at the sign of the Boot, a tavern, and were
well used, and found far better accommodation in so mean a
village than could be expected. The way from Tredaugh
hither as damty fine a way as I ever rid, and a most plea-
sant country; greatest part com upon the very sea-coast,
almost Wirrall-like,' and very good and well-eared com ; the
barley now beginning to turn, and will be ripe before the
rye. Upon the left hand, about three miles from Tredaugh^
my Lord N.' hath a pleasant-seated house or castle, the
prospect whereof commands the sea, and a most plain,
rich-champaign com country towards the land.
About two or three mile from Swordes my Lord Chief
Baron ^ hath a dainty, pleasant, high-built wood house, and
much right and brave land about it, this placed on the right
hand ; his name is [Sir Bichard Bolton]. On the other hand,
about half milcy Sir [ ] hath a gallant pleasant
* Sir Frmndfl Boe was a disttngiiiBhed soldier in the Irish campaigns of
Eflsez and Mounijoy. He was knighted by Sir George Carew 29 Sept. 1608.
See Metcalfe's Book of Knights, His name however is not in the list of mayors
as given in D'Alton's JSMory of Droghoda.
* Wirral, a hondred of Oheshire, north-west of Chester, between the river
Dee and the Mersey, which now gives its name to the north-western division of
the county.
' The only nobleman of Ireland at this time with this initial was Visconnt
Netterville, whose handsome residence was at Dowth, upon the banks of the
Boyne.— B. H.
* Sir Bichard Bolton, 1570-1648, Attomqr-General of the Court of Wards,
Lord Chief Baron from 1636 to 1689, when he became Lord Chancellor of
Ireland. He edited the StaMu of MUxnd, 1621, an early legal treatise on the
office of Justice of the Peace for Ireland, and has been credited with the aothor-
ship of a * Decburation setting forth . . how the Laws of England came to be of
force in IreUnd.' (See Harris's fifftsmeca, part iL) Bolton, who was created a
peer by Charles L in 1645, was a dose confidant of Strafford, and was impeached
by the Irish House of Commons f6r his share in that statesman's policy in 1 64 1.
The house mentioned, which was named Brazeei, was burned by Owen Roe
O'Neill in 1647.
TRAVELS OP SIE WILLIAM BBERETON 377
seat ^ ; also ^ [ ]. Here I saw very fair large
English kine ; I enquired ihe price, which was about 21. or
21. 10s. or 31. These worth in England double the price^
Land here sold for about twenty years' purchase, set some
for 55. or 6^. an acre, and meadowing for 21. an acre, some
for 1^. Some land about Dublin is set for 2Z., 3Z., and U. an
acre.
We came to the city of Dublin, July 9, about 10 hour.
This is the metropolis of the kingdom of Ireland, and is
beyond all exception the fairest, richest, best-built city I have
met with in this journey (except York and Newcastle). It
is far beyond Edinborough ; only one street in Edinborough
(the great long street) surpasseth any street here. Here is
the Lord Deputy' resident in the Castle, and the state and
council of this kingdom. There is also an Archbishop of
Dublin, which is the second in the kingdom. Archbishoprics
in Ireland : 1. Armathe ; 2. Dublin ; 3. Gasiell ; 4. Tuam.
Bishoprics in Ireland about eighteen, as they are now
united.*
This city of Dublin so called, it is seated upon the river
Liffie, which is not navigable about the bridge, nor far, nor
flows not above one mile higher. The river is no good
channel, but full of shelves and sands ; and here is a very vile
barred haven, over which few ships can pass that carry four
hundred ton or thereabouts. The harbour here is very
naked, plain, and the least shelter and protection from storms
that I have found in any haven ; the most ships ride by the
Binge's end, which is a point which runs into the sea, but it
is so low, as it is very poor and bare shelter, and little defence
against the violence of the storms, so the King's ship which
lies here to scour the coasts (which is said to be the * Ninth
* This was probably Brackenstown, afterwards the residence of the Viscounts
Molesworth as the heirs of Chief Baron Bysse. See D' Alton's History of the
Co. Dublin, p. 828.
^ This may have been Lissen Hall, the seat of Sir Edward Bolton.
' Thomas Viscount Wentworth, afterwards Earl of Strafford.
* Besides the archbishops there appear to have been twenty Irish bishops
at this time : Ardfert, Clogher, Cloyne, Glonfert, Cork, Derry, Down, Connor,
Dromore, Elphin, Ferns, Kildare, Kilfenora, Killala, Killaloe, Kilmore, Limerick,
Ossory, B aphoe, Waterford.
378 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTOBT
Whelpe/ ^ and the ' Bosaventure/ a tall stout ship) is con-
strained to remove for harbour, sometimes under the Head of
Howard,^ sometimes under the opposite shore.
As I came from Dublin to Hacguett's town,' I saw the
head of the Liffie, where she breaks out of the mountains ;
this is not above seven miles from Dublin, and yet fetcheth
a course of forty mile before it come to Dublin.
There are about thirteen churches in this city. Christ
Church, a cathedral, where the Lord Deputy and State
frequent ; the chancel is only made use of, not the body of
the church, wherein are very great strong pillars, thoagh
very short ; the chancel is but plain and ordinarily kept, the
body of the church a more stately building. St. Patrick's
Church is a cathedral and prime church in this kingdom.
It is denominated from St. Patrick, the tutelar saint and
protector of this kingdom. It is in best repair and meet
neatly whited and kept of any church I have seen in Scotland
or Ireland, especially in the chancel, wherein it is curiously
and very artificially arched, and whited overhead. The body
of the church is a strong ancient structure, wherein are great
and strong pillars, but this is not floored overhead. This
structure affords two parish churches under one roof, in
either of which there is a sermon every Sabbath. In a
comer, a small part of the middle aisle, there is a pretty,
neat, convenient place framed, wherein there is a sermon
every Sabbath at ten hour ; and this though it be very little
and narrow, yet it is sufliciently enlarged to receive a great
congregation, by reason of capacious galleries round about,
wherein are abundance of seats placed one above another
with great advantage of room. There is also at one hour
in the afternoon a sermon in the quire, in the higher end
whereof was a very famous, sumptuous and glorious tomb of
my Lord of Corke's.^ This by the commandment of the
• See p. 406 infra, ^ Howth.
' Hacketstown, in the oo. Carlow, is about fifteen miles from the head of the
Liifey in the Dublin mountains. The river runs a devious course throuf<h
Kildare and Dublin, as stated in the text. See p. 886 infra.
* This monument, ereeted by the well-known Bichard Boyle, first Earl of
Cork, to the mismory of his second wife Katherine, daughter of Sir Geoffrey
TRAVELS OF SIB WILUAM BBEBETON 379
Deputy is taken down, and is now to be erected in the side
of the same quire. The marble whereof this was made was
gotten within two miles of this city.
St. Warburr's is a kind of a cathedral ; ^ herein preacheth
judicious Dr. Hoile,' about ten in morning and three in after-
noon, a most zealous preacher, and general scholar in all
manner of learning, a mere cynic. St. Owen's^ is the parish
wherein my Lord Primate was bom ; and here in this church
doth he preach every Lord's day at eight hour, whilst he is
in town. I heard him upon Sabbath last, the most excellent,
able man, and most abundantly holy, gracious man that
I have heard. St. Bride*s where Mr. Jerom^ preacheth.
July 10. — This day I dined with my Lord Primate of
Ireland, Dr. Usher, who is a tall, proper, comely man, about
fifty-six years of age ; a plain, familiar, courteous man, who
spends the whole day at his study, except meal time. He
seems to be a man of pregnant parts, who hath good intelli-
gence; he is well read in antiquities. His entertainment
Fenton, was at the time of Brereton'e visit the suhjeot of a controverBy which
may be said to have had consequences affecting the course of Wnglish history,
since it was to the quarrel with the powerful Earl and his family, originating in
this dispute, that the vehemence of the Irish evidence by which the charges
against Strafford were supported on his trial was largely due. The monument
is now at the extreme west end, on the south side of the nave. See Mason's
History of St. Patrick's^ notes, p. liii. The monument which, as visitors to
St. Patrick's Cathedral are aware, is very massive and elaborate, was designed,
as we learn from Lord Cork's diary, by ' Mr. Leveret, the pursuivant at arms,'
who received 40^ for the model. It was executed by one Edward Tingham,
a stone-cutter at Chapelizod, near Dublin, at a cost of 400{. Lismore Papen,
First Series, iii. 31, 171. A yet more elaborate monument in the same style was
raised by Lord Cork in 8t. Mary's Church, Toughal, where it may still be seen.
' 8t. Werburgh's was used as a kind of ehapel royal for the Viceroys, being
regarded as the parish church of Dublin Castle. See Hughes's Church of 8t,
Werburgh, Dublin, 1889.
^ Nathaniel Hoyle, D.D., bom at Sowerby, Yorkshire, educated at Magdalen
College, Oxford, removed to Dublin, became fellow of Trinity College, and ulti-
mately Vice-Provost and Professor of Divinity. Having been driven from
Ireland by the rebellion he was i^ppointed Master of University College, Oxford,
in the chapel of which college he was buried, 1654. He was abused by Walker,
praised by Wood, and respected by Ussher.— £. H.
> St. Audoen's.
* Rev. Stephen Jerome. See Carroll's Sueoession of the Clergy in St,
Bride' 8 i Dublin. St. Bride's disappeared from the roll of Dublin churches late
in the nineteenth century.
380 ^ ILLUSTBATIONS OF IBISH HISTOBT
good and pliantifiil, but nothing canons nor jdzcessive. He
is a most holy, weil-affected bishop, a good companion, a
man of good disconrse. Having some conference with him
abont the reading of the book which gives liberty for recrea-
tion npon the Lord's day,^ he nsed this expression: that
there was no clause therein commanding the ministeirs to
read the book, bat if it were pablished in the charch by the
clerk or churchwardens, the King's conmiand is performed ;
this was his sense and opinion.
Here was this day at dinner Doctor Richardson,' bishop
of (Ardagh), a Cheshire man bom, an able man, and good
scholar; he was born near Chester, and married Sir Henry
Banbury's daughter, whom I went to visit after dinner ; a
tall, handsome, fat woman. This bishop is an intelligent
man, and gave me good resolution and satisfaction in many
things.
Hence I went to the Castle, wherein my Lord Deputy
resides, within which are both the Houses of Parliament,
whereof I took a view : much less and meaner than ours.
The Lords' house is now furnished with about sixty or
seventy annours for horse, which are my Lord Deputy^s :
this a room of no great state nor receipt. Herein there sat
the first session about eighty lords ; not so many the latter.
The Commons House is but a mean and ordinary place ;
a plain, and no very convenient seat for the Speaker, nor
officers.^ The Parliament men that sat in this house were
about 248. There are about 30 or 32 shires, which send 60
or 64 knights for the shire, the rest are burgesses.
Here in this Castle we saw the council chamber, wherein
stands a very long table, furnished with stools at both sides
* The Book of Sports, first pablished nnder King James in 1618, subseqaenUy
under King Charles, October IB, 16S8.
* He WM a grave man and good divine. Edaoated in the University of
Dublin ; bom 1684, died 1868, aged. 74. He was the aathor of Choice Oba^rva-
tiUms and EtqpUmaUona upon the Old Tutament, foL 1666 ; a work which
earned him the praise of * being extraordinary Teztnary.* Richardson, who
was consecrated Bishop of Ardagh in 1688, left Ireland at the outbreak of the
rebellion of 1641, and never returned to his see. Vide Cotton's Faeti EcclesitB
Hibemicce, iii. p. 184.
' See Part I. p. 28 supra.
TBAVEL8 OP SIB WILLIAM BBEBBTON 381
and ends. Here sometimes sit in council about 60 or 64
privy councillors. Here we saw the hall, a very plain room
and the dining-room, wherein is placed the cloth of estate
over my Lord Deputy's head, when he is at meat.' Beyond
this is the chamber of presence, a room indeed of state ; and
next unto this is there a withdrawing chamber, and beyond
that a pretty, neat, short gallery, which leads to the council
chamber; this was lately built by my Lord Falkland, whilst
he was here Deputy ; the lower part of it is built arch-
wise and very gracefully, so as it is a great ornament to the
Castle, about which there are very high walls and of great
strength, and a drawbridge which is pulled up every
night.
The command which this Castle hath over this city is
from some of the leads and towers above on the top of the
Castle, whereupon there is ordnance planted ; and one fair
brass piece of ordnance is placed in the court before the
gate. Parker ^ conunitted a forfeiture here in taking out the
stopple, for which he was seized upon, and I paid 6(2. to
redeem him. Here my Lord Deputy hath lately erected a
gallant, stately stable, as any I have seen in the King's
dominions; it is a double stable, there being a strong wall
in the middle, to either side whereof stand the horses' heads.
Thirty horses may stand at ease on either side, the stalls
being very large ; these are exceeding high, at least five or
six yards, and very near the same breadth ; no planks made
use of, but Holland bricks placed upon the edges, whereon
the horses lie and you walk ; these as easy to walk upon as to
lie upon, and these are made of Holland earth, which is
harder and more durable much than our clay; with these
the streets are paved in Holland.^
July 11. — We went to Sir Thomas Botheram ^ (who is a
privy councillor), who used us respectively, and accompanied
^ See Part I. p. 22 supra, ' Perhaps Brereton's servant.
* See Part I. p. 28 aupra.
* Sir Thomas Botheram held the office of Overseer of Fortlfioations in con-
junction with Nicholas Pynnar in saocession to Sir Josias Bodley. He was
member for Tuam in Strafford's Parliament of 1684, and became a member of
the Irish Privy Ck>ancil.
380 ' ILLUSTKATIONS OP IBISH HISTOBT
good and plentiful, but nothing curious nor excefidve. He
is a most holy, well-affected bishop, a good companion, a
man of good discourse. Having some conference with him
about the reading of the book which gives liberty for recrea-
tion upon the Lord's day,^ he used this expression : that
there was no clause therein commanding the minist^:« to
read the book, but if it were published in the church by the
clerk or churchwardens, the King's command is performed ;
this was his sense and opinion.
Here was this day at dinner Doctor Richardson,' bishop
of (Ardagh), a Cheshire man bom, an able man, and good
scholar; he was bom near Chester, and married Sir Henry
Bunbmry's daughter, whom I went to visit after dinner ; a
tall, handsome, fat woman. This bishop is an intelligent
man, and gave me good resolution and satisfaction in many
things.
Hence I went to the Castle, wherein my Lord Deputy
resides, within which are both the Houses of Parliament,
whereof I took a view : much less and meaner than ours.
The Lords' house is now furnished with about sixty or
seventy armours for horse, which are my Lord Deputy's :
this a room of no great state nor receipt. Herein there sat
the first session about eighty lords ; not so many the latter.
The Commons House is but a mean and ordinary place ;
a plain, and no very convenient seat for the Speaker, nor
officers.^ The Parliament men that sat in this house were
about 248. There are about 30 or 32 shires, which send 60
or 64 knights for the shire, the rest are burgesses.
Here in this Castle we saw the council chamber, wherein
stands a very long table, furnished with stools at both sides
* The Book of Sports, first published under King James in 1618, subsequently
under King Charles, Ootober 18, 1638.
^ He was a grave man and good divine. Educated in the University of
Dublin ; bom 1684, died 1658, aged 74. He was the author of Choice Obseroa-
turns and Explanations upon the Old Testament, fol. 1655 ; a work whioh
earned him the praise of 'being extraordinary Textuary.' Bichardson, who
was consoorated Bishop of Ardagh in 1633, left Ireland at the outbreak of the
rebellion of 1641, and never returned to his see. VicUi Cotton's Fasti Bcclesia
Hihemica, iii. p. 184.
* See Part I. p. 28 supra.
TBAVBL8 OP SIB WILLIAM BBBRBTON 381
and ends. Here sometimes sit in council about 60 or 64
privy councillors. Here we saw the hall, a very plain room
and the dining-room, wherein is placed the cloth of estate
over my Lord Deputy's head, when he is at meat.' Beyond
this is the chamber of presence, a room indeed of state ; and
next unto this is there a withdrawing chamber, and beyond
that a pretty, neat, short gallery, which leads to the council
chamber; this was lately built by my Lord Falkland, whilst
he was here Deputy ; the lower part of it is built arch-
wise and very gracefully, so as it is a great ornament to the
Castle, about which there are very high walls and of great
strength, and a drawbridge which is pulled up every
night.
The command which this Castle hath over this city is
from some of the leads and towers above on the top of the
Castle, whereupon there is ordnance planted ; and one fair
brass piece of ordnance is placed in the court before the
gate. Parker ^ conunitted a forfeiture here in taking out the
stopple, for which he was seized upon, and I paid 6d. to
redeem him. Here my Lord Deputy hath lately erected a
gallant, stately stable, as any I have seen in the King's
dominions; it is a double stable, there being a strong wall
in the middle, to either side whereof stand the horses' heads.
Thirty horses may stand at ease on either side, the stalls
being very large ; these are exceeding high, at least five or
six yards, and very near the same breadth ; no planks made
use of, but Holland bricks placed upon the edges, whereon
the horses lie and you walk ; these as easy to walk upon as to
lie upon, and these are made of Holland earth, which is
harder and more durable much than our clay; with these
the streets are paved in Holland.^
Jtily 11. — We went to Sir Thomas Botheram ^ (who is a
privy councillor), who used us respectively, and accompanied
^ See Part I. p. 22 supra, ' Perhaps Brereton's servant.
* See Part I. p. 28 supra,
* Sir Thomas Botheram held the office of Overseer of Fortlfioations in oon-
junction with Nicholas Pynnar in snooession to Sir Josias Bodley. He was
member for Tuam in Strafford's Parliament of 1634, and became a member of
the Irish Privy Ck>ancil.
380 ^ ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
good and plentiful, but nothing curious nor 0xce8sive. He
is a most holy, well-affected bishop, a good companion, a
man of good discourse. Having some conference with him
about the reading of the book which gives liberty for recrea-
tion upon the Lord's day,^ he used this expression : that
there was no clause therein commanding the ministe^rs to
read the book, but if it were published in the church by the
clerk or churchwardens, the King's command is performed ;
this was his sense and opinion.
Here was this day at dinner Doctor Richardson,^ bishop
of (Ardagh), a Cheshire man bom, an able man, and good
scholar; he was bom near Chester, and married Sir Henry
Bunbury's daughter, whom I went to visit after dinner ; a
tall, handsome, fat woman. This bishop is an intelligent
man, and gave me good resolution and satisfaction in many
things.
Hence I went to the Castle, wherein my Lord Deputy
resides, within which are both the Houses of Parliament,
whereof I took a view : much less and meaner than ours.
The Lords' house is now furnished with about sixty or
seventy armours for horse, which are my Lord Deputy*s :
this a room of no great state nor receipt. Herein there sat
the first session about eighty lords ; not so many the latter.
The Commons House is but a mean and ordinary place ;
a plain, and no very convenient seat for the Speaker , nor
officers.^ The Parliament men that sat in this house were
about 248. There are about 30 or 32 shires, which send 60
or 64 knights for the shire, the rest are burgesses.
Here in this Castle we saw the council chamber, wherein
stands a very long table, furnished with stools at both sides
' The Book of Sports, firsi published under King James in 1618, subsequently
under King Charles, October 18, 1638.
'^ He was a grave man and good divine. Educated in the University of
Dublin ; bom 1684, died 1668, aged 74. He was the author of Choice Oba^rva-
lions and Explanations upon tJte Old Testament, fol. 1665 ; a work which
earned him the praise of * being extraordinary Teztuary.* Bichardson, who
was consecrated Bishop of Ardagh in 1638, left Ireland at the outbreak of (he
rebellion of 1641, and never returned to his see. Vide Cotton's Fasti Bcclesia
Hihemica, iii. p. 184.
» See Part I. p. 28 supra.
TBAVEL8 OP SIB WILLIAM BBEBBTON 381
and ends. Here sometimes sit in council about 60 or 64
privy councillors. Here we saw the hall, a very plain room
and the dining-room, wherein is placed the cloth of estate
over my Lord Deputy's head, when he is at meat.' Beyond
this is the chamber of presence, a room indeed of state ; and
next unto this is there a withdrawing chamber, and beyond
that a pretty, neat, short gallery, which leads to the council
chamber; this was lately built by my Lord Falkland, whilst
he was here Deputy ; the lower part of it is built arch-
wise and very gracefully, so as it is a great ornament to the
Castle, about which there are very high walls and of great
strength, and a drawbridge which is pulled up every
night.
The command which this Castle hath over this city is
from some of the leads and towers above on the top of the
Castle, whereupon there is ordnance planted ; and one fair
brass piece of ordnance is placed in the court before the
gate. Parker ^ committed a forfeiture here in taking out the
stopple, for which he was seized upon, and I paid 6d. to
redeem him. Here my Lord Deputy hath lately erected a
gallant, stately stable, as any I have seen in the King's
dominions ; it is a double stable, there being a strong wall
in the middle, to either side whereof stand the horses' heads.
Thirty horses may stand at ease on either side, the stalls
being very large ; these are exceeding high, at least five or
six yards, and very near the same breadth ; no planks made
use of, but Holland bricks placed upon the edges, whereon
the horses lie and you walk ; these as easy to walk upon as to
lie upon, and these are made of Holland earth, which is
harder and more durable much than our clay; with these
the streets are paved in Holland.^
July 11. — We went to Sir Thomas Botheram * (who is a
privy councillor), who used us respectively, and accompanied
^ See Part I. p. 22 supra. ' Perhaps Brereton's servant.
* See Part I. p. 28 supra,
* Sir Thomas Botheram held the office of Qyerseer of Fortlfioations in oon-
junction with Nicholas Pynnar in snooession to Sir Josias Bodley. He was
member for Tuam in Strafford's Parliament of 1684, and became a member of
the Irish Privy Ck>ancil.
380 ^ ILLUSTKATIONS OF IBISH HISTOBY
good and plentiful, but nothing curions nor excessive. He
is a most holy, well-affected bishop, a good companion, a
man of good discourse. Having some conference with him
about the reading of the book which gives liberty for recrea-
tion upon the Lord's day,^ he used this expression: that
there was no clause therein commanding the ministers to
read the book, but if it were published in the church by the
clerk or churchwardens, the King's command is performed ;
this was his sense and opinion.
Here was this day at dinner Doctor Richardson,' bishop
of (Ardagh), a Cheshire man bom, an able man, and good
scholar; he was bom near Chester, and married Sir Henry
Bunbury's daughter, whom I went to visit after dinner ; a
tall, handsome, fat woman. This bishop is an intelligent
man, and gave me good resolution and satisfaction in many
things.
Hence I went to the Castle, wherein my Lord Deputy
resides, within which are both the Houses of Parliament,
whereof I took a view : much less and meaner than ours.
The Lords* house is now furnished with about sixty or
seventy armours for horse, which are my Lord Deputy*s :
this a room of no great state nor receipt. Herein there sat
the first session about eighty lords ; not so many the latter.
The Commons House is but a mean and ordinary place ;
a plain, and no very convenient seat for the Speaker, nor
officers.^ The Parliament men that sat in this house v^ere
about 248. There are about 30 or 32 shires, which send 60
or 64 knights for the shire, the rest are burgesses.
Here in this Castle we saw the council chamber, wherein
stands a very long table, furnished with stools at both sides
' The Book of Sports, first published under King James in 1618, subsequently
under King Charles, October 18, 1633.
^ He was a grave man and good divine. Educated in the University of
Dublin ; bom 1684, died 1658, aged 74. He was the author of Choice Obsfirva-
tions and Explanations upon tlte Old Testament, fol. 1655 ; a work which
earned him the praise of * being extraordinary Teztuary.* Bichardson, who
was consecrated Bishop of Ardagh in 1638, left Ireland at the outbreak of the
rebellion of 1641, and never returned to his see. Vide Cotton's Fa^ti JScclesict
Hihemica, iii. p. 184.
* See Part I. p. 28 supra.
TRAVELS OP SIB WILLIAM BBBBBTON 381
and ends. Here sometimes sit in council about 60 or 64
privy councillors. Here we saw the hall, a very plain room
and the dining-room, wherein is placed the cloth of estate
over my Lord Deputy's head, when he is at meat.' Beyond
this is the chamber of presence, a room indeed of state ; and
next unto this is there a withdrawing chamber, and beyond
that a pretty, neat, short gallery, which leads to the council
chamber; this was lately built by my Lord Falkland, whilst
he was here Deputy ; the lower part of it is built arch-
wise and very gracefully, so as it is a great ornament to the
Castle, about which there are very high walls and of great
strength, and a drawbridge which is pulled up every
night.
The command which this Castle hath over this city is
from some of the leads and towers above on the top of the
Castle, whereupon there is ordnance planted ; and one fair
brass piece of ordnance is placed in the court before the
gate. Parker ^ committed a forfeiture here in taking out the
stopple, for which he was seized upon, and I paid 6d. to
redeem him. Here my Lord Deputy hath lately erected a
gallant, stately stable, as any I have seen in the King's
dominions; it is a double stable, there being a strong wall
in the middle, to either side whereof stand the horses' heads.
Thirty horses may stand at ease on either side, the stalls
being very large ; these are exceeding high, at least five or
six yards, and very near the same breadth ; no planks made
use of, but Holland bricks placed upon the edges, whereon
the horses lie and you walk ; these as easy to walk upon as to
lie upon, and these are made of Holland earth, which is
harder and more durable much than our clay ; with these
the streets are paved in Holland.^
July 11. — We went to Sir Thomas Botheram * (who is a
privy councillor), who used us respectively, and accompanied
^ See Part I. p. 22 supra, ' Perhaps Brereton's servant.
* See Part I. p. 28 supra.
* Sir Thomas Botheram held the office of Overseer of Fortifications in oon-
junction with Nicholas Pynnar in suooession to Sir Josias Bodley. He was
member for Tuam in Straflford's Parliament of 1684, and became a member of
the Irish Privy Ck>ancil.
S8S ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTOBT
me to the Castle, and showed me the courts of justice, which
are conveniently framed and contrived, and these very capa-
cious ; the Star-Chamber,^ the Chancery, the King's Bench
and Common Pleas — these rooms as useful as ours in England,
but here is not such a stately structure or hall to walk in
as Westminster Hall. I saw also the church, which was
erected by the Jesuits, and made use by them two years.
There ivas a college also belcmging unto them, both these
erected in the Back Lane. The pulpit in this churdi was
richly adorned with pictures, and so was the high altar,
which was advanced with steps, and railed out like cathe-
drals ; upon either side thereof was there erected places for
confession; no fastened seats were in the middle or body
hereof, nor was there any chancel ; but that it might be
more capacious, there was a gallery erected on both sides,
and at the lower end of this church, which was built in my
Lord Falkland's time, and whereof they were disinvested
when my Lord Chancellor and my Lord of Cork executed
by conmiission the Deputy's place. This college is now
joined and annexed to the College of Dublin, called [Trinity],
and in this church there is a lecture every Tuesday.^
We saw also St. Stephen's Hall, wherein are dii^osed
about eighteen scholars, who are also members of the
college whereunto this hall is annexed. This sometimes
was a cloister for the Capuchins, who said mass, and
preached in a pretty httle chapel or chamber ; this was hke-
wise taken from them about that time, and now there is
prayers in it twice a day. My Lord of Cork allowed 40Z.
per annum to maintain this lecture in the Jesuit's church,
but now hath withdrawn this exhibition.' In this street
> The Irish Star-Chamber was more asually called the Court of Castle-
Chamber. It is so describe^l in soccesgive patents ; but its fonetions and juris-
dietioD were in all respects simUar to those of the English StarChamber. The
Court of Castle-Chamber sunrived the Bestoration ; at least appointments to
offices ooonected with H were made as late as 1661.— Z/tier Munerum Hibemi^^
vol. i. part ii. p. 180.
2 The great Earl of Ootk has left a desenption of this bnilding, afterwards
known as Kildaxe Hall, which aoeords ia its details with Brovton's account.
Vide MahafTy's Epoch in Irith History, pp. 21, 4.5, 218.
* According to Lord Cork's diary the endowment was 301. a year, of which
TBAVBL8 OF SIB WILLIAM BBBBETON S8S
which is called the Bridge Street, almost opposite to this hall,
there died this day an Irish merchant, and as we passed by
we heard either his wife or sister roaring ont as though i^e
were violently distracted ; this they say is very ordinary with
the Irish, and is their custom.
I went this day to view the college, which is called
Trinity College, and was erected by Queen Elizabeth, and
endowed with about 1,4002. per annum. There is a pro-
vost hereof. Dr. Chappell,^ a vice-provost, and six senior
fellows, whose fellowships are worth 91. per annum, besides
their diet ; there are eight junior fellows, whose fellow-
ships are worth, besides their diet, SI. per annum; poor
scholars about sixty, whose scholarships are only worth
their diets. There are about sixty poor scholars, and
about fifteen fellow commoners. In the chapel is a
monument for Dr. Challoner,' sometimes provost of this
college, and father to my Lord Primate's wife. Here-
unto belongs a pretty little convenient garden. This house
is seated in a good air, out of the city, and near the
sea. They glory much in their library, whereof I took a
full view, and there were showed unto me many manu-
scripts: one they highly esteem, which they call Friar
Bacon's work, and say the same is not anywhere extant
save with them ; but he must have a stronger faith to
believe it than mine, for it is new bound, a very fair manu-
script without any blot or blemish ; it treats of all manner
of learnings ; but that it is Friar Bacon's work doth not ap-
pear eith^ in the frontispiece, title, or any part of the book,
as also the subject seems unto me, and the style not to be
Friar Bacon's work ; but here it is so received and reported.'
202. was provided by the Earl of Kildare, and 101. by Lord Cork.— Liamore
Papers, Ist 8er. iii. p. S2.
' William Chappell, Dean of Cashel* was appointed proroet in 1684, com-
Becrated Bishop of Cork and Ross 1688. He retained the provostship until 1640.
* Dr. Luke Chahmer was one of four originAl fellows of this institution, and
treasurer of the fund for building it, but never piovost. On his deathbed he
recommended his only daughter, Phcebe, to Ussher for a wife. He died 161^
E. H.— Chaioner has been called the real founder of Trinity Colkce. See
MahalTy's Epoch in Irish Sistory.
' * We have a fine copy of the Opua ifajus of Roger fiaoon, of the still
384 ILLTJBTBATIONB OF IBISH HD3T0BT
This library is not large, well contrived, nor well furnished
with books. They say it is to be disposed of to some other
uses, and a new library and schools to be erected.
Jfdy 12. — I heard my Lord Primate at eight hour at St.
Owen's Chnrchy which is his parish, ^wherein he was bom,
where he preacheth ev^ Sabbath whilst he is in Dublin. I
never heurd a more powerful and convincing sermon, and
indeed he is a most holy and heavenly man, and as pregnant
witted as any I have heard. He doth most industriously
apply his study, which he hath placed at a good distance
from his house to prevent distraction and diversion by the
access of any company to visit him, who are not admitted to
disturb his studies. This his course and order is so public as
that few come to him at any time of the day, save at the
hours of reUoation, which is from eleven to one, and also
about supper time ; the rest of the day, ham five in the morn-
ing tmtil six in the evening, is spent ordinarily in his study.
Ji% 18. — I dined with him also, and then he was much
more free and ftimiliar with me. I had much private con-
ference with him, and after dinner he took me into his closet,
where although there be not very many books, yet those that
are, much used and employed. Herein he shewed me the
whole books of the Waldenses, which are very rare ; they cost
him 22Z. sterling ; they are in octavo, about ten or twelve vol.
The language wherein they are printed is a miscellaneous
language, 'twixt French and Spanish ; these were sent him
from a counsellor in France, as also a copy of the plots
and designs and proceedings of the inquisitors in France.
He shewed me his Articles of Beligion, printed 1563 ; but I
left mine with him, which was more ancient and orthodox
than his. He did enforce me to take away and read a
packet of news (which came unto him there) before himself
had cast an eye upon it.^
onprinted pcxrtion of which I gate, many yean ago (in Procudtngs of Royal
Itiaih Aeadmnyn Tol* vu-)! ft detailed aoocmnt.'— J. K. Ingram's lAhrary of Trinity
CoUege, DnhUn, p. 19.
I Primate Ussher's Ulnraiy, as is weU known, oliimately found its way to
the Ubrary of Trinity College. * The fiile of the History of ths Waldenses has
been thns described by Ussher's chi^lain, Dr. Nicholas Bernard. While
TRAVELS OP SIB WILLIAM BBBBETON 386
At ten hour this Lord's day I heard Dr. Hoile preach at
St. Warburrs, and at three in afternoon in the same church.
He is a most holy man, full of zeal and grace, a general
scholar, bnt not sufficiently furnished with words to express
that fulness of matter which aboundeth in him ; who is a
mere cynic to the world, but doubtless a gracious man in the
sight of God. You may with much ease and conveniency
hear four sermons every Lord's day, and, as I was informed,
six sermons may be heard on one day. This city of Dublin
is extending his bounds and limits very far ; much additions
of building lately, and some of those very fair, stately and
complete buildings ; every commodity is grown very dear.
You must pay also for an horse hire 1^. 6d. a day ; here I
met with an excellent, judicious, and painful smith. Here
are divers conmiodities cried in Dublin as in London, which
it doth more resemble than any town I have seen in the
King of England's dominions.
July 14. — Upon Tuesday, July 14, I left Dublin and
came to Hacquetts Town, about eleven hour at night. It is
accounted twenty-seven miles, but it is as long as thirty-
seven. After you pass four miles from Dublin, you travel
through the mountains, which are dry land, and some of
them good pasture for cattle that are young, and sheep, but
these are not sufficiently stocked. Towards evening we
passed through troublesome and dangerous ways and woods,
and had wandered all night had we not hired an Irish
guide, by whose direction we arrived at eleven hour at
Hacquetts Town, where we lodged in a little low, poor
thatched castle. Here Mr. Watson, a Lancashire man, hath
a plantation. As we passed this way I observed the head
of the river Liffie, which comes under the bridge at Dublin,
whence it is made navigable by the flood, which goeth a mile
above the bridge, and little further; I passed also, about
travelling in Wales two of his trunks full of books were broken open by some
soldiers, " amongst which he lost two manuscripts of the History of the WaldenseSt
which he never got again; most of the other books were returned bj the
preachers exhorting of all sorts in their sermons to that end ; but those two
manuscripts, though the most meanly clad, he could never hear of." '—Ingram's
Library of Trinity College^ p. 7.
C C
886 ILLUSTEATIONS OP IRISH HISTOBY
eighteen miles from Dublin, by the head of the Slane,^
which runs to Waxford,' and is there navigable, and twenty
miles above Waxford.
This town, called in Irish Haggers town, is built upon
my Lord of Ormond's land, which he holds by lease for
about fifty years ; this is in the province of Leinster, and in
the county of Catherloe.^ It is lately made a market town
(a poor one) ;* it is most inconveniently seated amongst the
mountains, a barren dry soil, and not easily improved and
made rich. A branch of the river of the Slane runs below
this town, wherein are but a few straggling houses. Some
land is here set by Mr. Watson at 2$. and some at 3s. id. an
acre, as to John Torkinton, and for thirty years. Here is
good butter made as in England, and they say good cheese,
but I tasted none. This is in the diocese of Loghlein,^ and
so is Sir Morgan Eavanagh ^ his estate ; the bishop hereof
was lately Dean of Limbreck, Dr. [Andrews].^ Here Mr.
Watson hath erected a dainty new church, and maintains a
good minister, Mr. Boote's wife's brother. He allows him 40L
pension per annum and bis house, and a competent provision
of ground. He paid for the purchase of this lease above 5002.
fine, and he pays also an lOOZ. rent. He hath already im-
proved it unto more worth than 4002. per annum, and hath
much prejudiced his plantation by insisting upon overhard
conditions and demands. Here we were very courteously
and kindly entertained all night by Mr. Needham, and [ ]
who married Mr. Watson's sister.
July 15. — We went hence through Mr. Watson's woods,
wherein is very little good timber, the most small, old, and
decayed, and those trees which seem best are shaken and
unsound at heart. When we went out of his grounds
we entered upon Mr. Chambeirs' land, and saw abundance
' Slaney. « Wexford. * Carlow.
* A patent for a market for Haoketstown was granted to the Earl of Ormond
in the year of Brereton's visit.
* Leighlin.
* Morgan Eavanagh, of Borris and Pouhnonty, died 1636, a direct ancestor
of the Eavanaghs of Borris, oo. Carlow.
' See Part I. p. 182 supra.
TBAVBLS OF SIB WILLIAM BBEBETON 387
of woods, more than many thousand acres ; and some of
those parts through which we travelled the ground was so
thronged and pestered with wood which was fallen and lay
upon the ground, as the ground was thereby made of no use.
Out of this part of the wood the best hath been made use of
for pipe-staves, which were sold for 61. a 1,000 : upon every
1,000 of these there is now a custom imposed of 3Z., which
doth so much deduct as there is no valuable advantage, the
charge of hewing being 12. 10s., besides conveying them down
by water to Ennerscoflf,* which is twelve miles, at which time
there is required the aid and endeavour of a hundred men
to conduct and guide them in this narrow, shallow, and
crooked river, which runs through this wood.
Before we passed this wood and river, we passed by
Minmoare, a little Irish town, where a brother of Chambers
dwelleth. Two miles hence is Camue,' the town wherein
Mr. Chambers his castle is erected, and which is a neat,
rough-cast, and well-contrived, convenient house. Here
calling to drink a cup of beer (the weather being extreme
hot), Mr. Chambers overruled us to stay all night, where we
had very free and courteous entertainment. Two of his
daughters, now married, are with my Lord Brabseon's [Bra-
bazon's] lady, and Mr. Sandeford's wife.^ Here is now Mr.
Odell, who doth commend and magnify beyond all measure
the park belonging to this house, which is about seven miles
in compass, and wherein are both fallow and red deer good
store. Here is good butter and cheese made, and they say
fair English cattle are here bred, though the ground seems
but barren and poor, and moorish hereabouts ; but here hath
a brave large scope of ground, and it is of the best sort that
this county of Wickley yields. Nor far hence, about a quarter
of a mile, he hath erected an iron-work, which is called a
' Ennisoorthy. ' . Caraew, oo. Wicklow.
' Galoot Chambre, of Denbigh in Wales, and of Carnew in the ooanty of
Wicklow. He left a son and two daughters : Elisabeth, married to Francis
Sandford ; and Mary, married in 1632 to Edward, Lord Brabazon, afterwards
the second Earl of Meath, who was drowned, 1676, between Holyhead and
Beaumaris. Upon this lady and her heirs the Wicklow estates were settled.—
E. H.
0 c 2
388 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTORY
[ ]. Herein the sows ^ of iron which are brought from
Bristow are melted into iron bars. They stand in 51. a ton,
being laid down at the door, and are worth in bars xxlb. a ton.
July 16. — ^We left Camue about seven hour, and
went thence into the county of Wexford to Glaghaman/ by
Lord of Baltamoare's' town, where he hath a brave house,
but of no great strength, nor built castle-wise. Here I saw
lime burnt, wherewith they use to enrich their ground.
This town is seated upon the bank of river Slane, which
doth hence carry down to Ennerscoflfe, and so to Wexford,
all pipe-staves, boards and other timber which grows in the
woods near adjoining. We passed through Sir Morgan
Kavanagh's woods, wherein (we were informed in the morn-
ing at Carnew) there were lurking about sixteen stout rebels,
well appointed, every of them with his pistols, skene, and
darts ; they have also four long pieces, but we saw none,
only we had one lusty fellow in jealousy^ in the wood.
Herein there hath been good store of good timber, though
now there remains little timber useful, save to bum, and
such as cumbreth the ground, but they say he hath better
timber in his more remote woods from the river. This is a
conmiodity which will be much wanting in this kingdom,
and is now very dear at Dublin. In this wood there runs
a little river which divides the counties of Wexford and
Catherloe, over which when we had passed we went to
Glenmoullen,^ the castle and seat of Sir Morgan Kavanagh,
who seems to be a very honest, fair-dealing man, and his
lady^ a good woman, but both recusants. Here we were
' We know not whether ' sow ' is a term now used amongst iron manu-
facturers, or whether the modern word ' pig * is used as more delicate, or
expressive of a different form or weight of rough metal.— £. H.
'' Clohamon.
' Cecilins Calvert, Lord Baltimore, to whom Charles I. granted the province
of Maryland, with very extensive powers, in 16B2. ~E. H.
* Jealousie, t.e. lattice or grate, from behind which anyone may unperceived
watch another.— £. H. But the expression may here mean suspicion.— C. L. F.
* Clonmullen Castle appears by the Ordnance survey of Ireland to be
situated in the parish of Banagh, co. Carlow, on the borders of Wexford.— £. H.
* This lady was Eleanor, third daughter of Edmund, second Lord Mount,
garret. — E. H.
TRAVELS OF SIB WILLIAM BBEBETON 889
entertained with good beer, sack and claret, whereof he was
no niggard. He demands a 1,0002. per annum, and a 1,0002.
rent for twenty town lands, and, as he saith, it is ' about
12,000 or 13,000 acres, but I cannot conceive it less than
20,000 acres ; much hereof mountain wood, and the rest but
poor land, all overgrown vdth fern and bracken, and not to
be improved but vdth great charge and trouble.
Here he showed me a convenient seat for an iron- work,
which may be supplied with sufficient water and charcoal ;
for this respect I do believe he doth set a far higher valuation
and price upon his lands, which he doth much overvalue and
esteem. In this wood I observed and tasted of the dew
which fell upon the oak leaves, which glistened and shined
and tasted like honey; doubtless this kingdom is a most
fruitful place for bees. This castle and seat of Sir Morgan
Kavanagh is an old, high, narrow, and inconvenient building ;
the stairs leading up into the dining-room and chambers
being narrow and steep, like a steeple stair ; this also seated
in a most solitary, melancholy place, woods on two sides and
plains on the other ; these are moors and mountains, whereon
they say there are wolves. This also is in the Dufferie,^
which hath always been reputed a thievish place, but Sir
Morgan being demanded, said that the sixteen rebels before-
named were most conversant about Boss and in the county
of Kilkennie.
In the way to Ennescorffie,^ about two miles thence on
the other side the Slane, I went to survey (over the river)
the manor of the Ollort,' in the county of Wexford, in the
parish and diocese of Femes and Loghlein, which is to be
sold vdth these parcels following : Taebcurrye, Taenknock,
Rahennemouye, BoUincahine, and Sherewelch. Hereunto
belongs a court-leet, a court-barron, and one fair. It is
mortgaged by one Mr. Darbie Cavenah, in Irish called Dor-
maunt MacDouUin. This land is now in mortgage to one
> See Part I. p. 158 tupra. The name is preserved in Daffry Hall, a seat of
the Cololoughs, in the parish of Templeshanbo, oo. Wexford.
* Enniscorthy.
' Oulart. Oulart Hill was the scene of one of the insurgents' sncoesses in
the rising of 1798.
390 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IBISH HISTOBY
Turner, an apothecary in Dublin, for 800/., and may be
redeemed whensoever the money is paid. This land adjoins
to Sir James CaroU's * new and stately house, which hath
almost sunk him by the charge of building the same. It is
called Ballyeskeme. This land lies upon the bank of the
Slane, which is plentifully furnished with salmon and trouts ;
down this river abundance of timber is conveyed down to
Waxford, so to be transported by sea. Upon this river
bank many pleasant convenient seats for houses or tovc^s
may be found out. Here are coneys belonging hereunto.
It will keep cattle, and good sheep and horses ; these I saw,
though by reason of the most extreme, violent drought both
that land and all this country is burnt up and no grass, so as
you cannot look upon this land but with much disadvantage ;
yet it seems to be a good-natured earth, but it hath been
overtilled, and much wronged by the Irish husbandry. It is
given in for 1,000 acres, but it is by those who know not
how to guess at 1,000 acres : for doubtless there is no less
than 1,000 acres of arable and pasture land, which may be
made rich land by lime, which may be conveniently provided
very cheap for 2d. a barrel, and may be conveyed by water
at a small charge. Our host, Mr. Plummer (who lives in
Ennerscoffie, and is a Scotchman ; his wife an English-
woman), affirmed that the third part of the com (for so the
Irish tenants sow their landlords' grounds, and allow them
the third sheaf, and take two sheaves for their pains) which
grew last year upon that ground was sold for 120Z. There
is meadow land and bog, which being guttered, ditched, and
drained (which may be done with 20/. or 80Z. charge) will be
good and rich meadow ; this is no less than 500 acres. Of
commoning also, which yields fern and gorse, and would
be made good land with a small charge, there is about 800
acres. Here is woodland belonging hereunto, but how much
I am uncertain. Little good timber I saw ; some part of the
wood may easily be cleared of the ouUers ^ and underwood,
^ Sir James Carroll, four times Lord Mayor of Dublin in the reigns of
James I. and Charles I.
' Alder trees.
TRAVELS OF SIR WILLIAM BRERETON 391
and made good meadowing. Here is as handsome an Irish
hall upon this gromid as ever I saw in this kingdom, and if
Sir James Carroll will part with his house, it stands most
conveniently to be occupied herewith ; and it is generally
believed that both house and lands may be purchased
upon easy terms. This were a brave seat for a younger
brother, but this will not be sold, for Mr. Darbye Gavenah
himself came to me at Washford, and would have made
a lease for twenty-one years for 200 years, paying in the
interim ten shillings an acre, which was a most senseless
demand, and as much as the lands can be improved unto at
the end of the 200 years ; hereupon we brake off.
This kingdom is now divided into four provinces :
I. Linster ; 2. Munster ; 3. Ulster ; 4. Connaught. Linster
containeth these counties: 1. Eastmeath; 2. Westmeath;
3. Dublin; 4. Eildare; 5. Louth — these five called within
the English Pale ; 6. Longford ; 7. King's County ; 8. Queene ;
9. Eilkennie, one of the finest counties in Ireland ; 10. Carloe ;
II. Wexford; 12. Wickley. Munster divides itself into
these shires and counties : 1. Waterford ; 2. Tiperarie and
Gross Tiperarie ; 3. Corke, greatest in Ireland ; 4. Eerrie,
furthest point of Ireland, south-west ; 5. Limbreck, the richest
land ; 6. Toemond.^ Ulster : 1. Donegall, furthest north-west
county ; 2. Enneschelyn, or Fermanough ; 3. Gavan ; 4.
Monohain ; 5. Tyrone ; 6. Londonderie ; 7. Armath ; 8.
Downe-Patrick ; 9. Antrim, wherein stands Carick-Fergus.
Connaught: 1. Gallaway; 2. Mayeo; 3. Bosscommon; 4.
Letrim ; 5. Sligoe.^
We lodged on Thursday, July 16, at Ennerscorffie,' at
one Andrew Plummer, a Scotchman, his wife an English-
woman, where we paid 1*. ordinary for ourselves and 6d. for
our servants. Here is a neat little castle in good repair.
This and the town and the lands hereabout belong unto
Sir Henry Wallope,* who hath a very brave command and
royalty and revenue hereabout. This town is seated upon
^ Glare. * See Part I. p. 108 et seq. nupra. ' Enniscorthy.
* Sir Henry Wallop, ancestor of the Earls of Portsmouth. His father, who
had been Lord Justice of Ireland in 1582, and Lord Treasurer 1679-99, received
large grants of land in Wexford.
892 ILLU8TBATI0NS OF IBISH HISTORY
the fair river Slane, which ebbs and flows even to this town,
the greatest part of all the wealthy inhabitants whereof
(there cannot be many) are wood merchants. Here our
host informed us that Mr. Chambers had now at least, there
landed and coming down the water, an hundred thousand
pipe-staves, &c., which were worth at Wexford ten (shillings)
an hundred : there his money to be received, out of which
he cannot gain less than half in half.
July 17. — Here I bought of John Torkinton a little white
mare ; the price was 2h 45. He said if I returned her to
Hacquetts Town when I had finished my journey, I should
not abate above 3(2. a day. I tried also a grissell gelding, for
which I deposited 42. 2$. 6d, and covenanted in this manner :
that if I returned the horse within thirty days I was to receive
my money back again, allowing an abatement of Is. a day
for so many days as I had the horse ; only by this agreement
I was to keep the horse ten days at least, so as if I returned
him next day, I must abate 10^. of the 42. 2s. 6d. This horse
was one Mainwareing's,' steward to Sir Henry Wallope :
he descended out of Garingham house, and is uncle to Mr.
Mainwareing that now is.* This money was left with
Mr. Andrew Plummer, who undertook the performance of
conditions.
Here we parted with Mr. Needham, who appointed with
me to meet me on Tuesday morning next at Carick,' where
my Lord of Ormond lives. Hence I sent to Dublin by
John Torkinton the two horses there hired, which were
* Roger Mainwaring, fourth son of Henry Mainwaring, of Eermincham or
Garincham, sheriff of Cheshire, 1676, was appointed in 1612 by Sir Henry
Wallop, constable, governor and keeper of Enniscorthy Castle, with aU
jurisdictions and privileges, and general receiver of all his rents, <&c., with the
yearly fee of 201. English money. He died without issue. Carincbam is now
held by Mr. Uniacke, descended from an heiress of the Mainwarings ; but the
name of Mainwaring was assumed, in 1809, by sign manual, by another
descendant, in the female line, of the same heiress. Sir W. Brereton afterwards
calls him cousin, but the pedigrees do not show this exact alliance. There
were at an earlj period intermarriages which might have occasioned the use of
a word which is sometimes applied in a very general way. — E. H.
* Possibly Mathew Mainwaring, who was constable of Dublin CastU in 1635,
was one of the same family.
' Carrick-on- Suir.
TEAVELS OP SIB WILLIAM BBEBBTON 398
promised to be delivered there the day following, which I
made use of, and was to pay for five days, for which I paid
in Dublin 128. beforehand.
We went hence towards Wexford, which is accounted
eight mile, but they are very long miles. We crossed the
water at Ennerscoffie on horseback, and at the Carick, a mile
from Wexford, we passed over a narrow ferry ; all the grass
in the country is burnt up, and here they complain of drought,
and affirm they never felt such extreme scorching hot weather
in Ireland. Here are divers of the Boches, which have much
land about Wexford, and who would willingly set or sell ;
their land lieth very convenient for a Cheshire man.
About a mile hence lies a farm called the Park, which is
now leased unto one Mr. Hardye, an Englishman, who lives
upon it, and hath an estate in it about thirteen years. The
landlord is one Mr. William Synode [? Synnot], of the Lough, a
man that needs money. This land is almost 162. per annum.
He saith it contains about three hundred acres, others say two
hundred acres, and that it will keep twenty or thirty milch kine,
yield sufficient com for a small family, affords abundance of
rabbits, whereof here there are too many, so as they pester the
ground, and here may be more fish and fowl provided than
to keep a good family, for on three sides it is compassed with
great loughs a mile or two broad, so as the flood being in it
flows to the very bank sides ; when the flood is out, the shore
being mud is bare and dry ; when the tide is out, the depth
of the mud is half a yard or a yard ; but I could not find the
mud bare, and this was the reason given by Mr. Hardye,
that so long as the wind blows west, it clears it of water, but
now the wind being at east keeps the tide in; when the
flood is in, it is said to be not above one yard deep of water
(except at some extraordinary spring tides). I cannot believe
but that this mud vdll much fertilise and enrich the ground.
This I do believe is a place of much security to such cattle or
goods as are therein kept, and they affirm that they have not
lost any since they came thither, which is about eight years.
Here is the best feeding for fowl that I ever saw. This
grass which comes from the mud is good food for them, and
394 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
there is a good store of it ; and here is a little grove of oaks^
wherein is no good timber, but it so stands as it is most
strong shelter to the fowl that feed or frequent under it.
Here is the most commodious and convenient seat for a
c(oy) ^ that ever I saw, but there is no more room whereupon
to erect a 0(07) betwixt the water and an high bank of the
wood than four or five rood in breadth, but sufficient in length
so as you must either make so much of the mud firm land,
whereupon to build your c(oy), or else you must only make
good one side with two pipes, or you must erect your work
upon a point of land which lieth much eastward, and is in
view of the town, and much more inconvenient, or you must
carry away abundance of earth to make a pond, and pipes in
some ground, as yet much too high at the north-west end of
the wood. Here grew oilers ^ sufficient to plant a coy, and
here is sufficient wood to cleave into stakes for all uses ; and
as I am informed, reed may be provided out of Sir Thomas
Esmond's lands which is on the other side the water, and all
necessaries may be supplied by water from the Slane. Mr.
Hardye demands for his interest, which is for thirteen years,
552., and will abate nothing.
And herein grow good cherries, and all wood here planted
flourisheth well. Mr. Turner, father-in-law to Mr. William
Synode, demanded an lOOZ. fine for a lease of eighty years in
reversion after the determination of the thirteen years now
in being ; of the unreasonableness of which demand being
convinced, he sent next day a messenger and letter to his
son-in-law, Mr. Synode, who desired to know what I would
give. I would oflfer nothing, but Mr. Main waring offered 201.
per lease for eighty (years). Mr. Turner replied that 40Z.
would not be accepted, and an augmentation of the rent 4L
per annum from 16Z. to 20/. Upon this we broke ofif.
We lodged at Wexford at the sign of the Windmill at
the house of Paul Bennett. This town is seated upon a
* Coy, an artificial snare or decoy for catching wild fowl. These coys were
fashionable at this period, and Brereton describes more than one such in his
Travels,
' Alder trees.
TRAVELS OF SIB WILLIAM BBEBETON 395
brave spacious harbour, capacious of many thousand sail,
but it is much prejudiced and damnified by a most vile
barred haven, which, notwithstanding, is far better than
formerly. Two narrow bands of sand run along on both
sides the channel into the sea, betwixt the points whereof is
the channel or passage. Trade much decayeth in this town,
and it is very poor by reason of herring fishing here failing.
They report here of an incredible multitude of herrings
ordinarily taken in one night, in this large and vast harbour,
by five or six men in one boat of ten ton burthen, sometimes
to the value of 20/., sometimes 40/., sometimes more. This
was informed me and affirmed by one that ordinarily fished
here and took this proportion. Now of latter times, the
herrings have forsaken this coast, this town is much im-
poverished and decayed. Their quays go to ruin, and are in
no good repair ; there belonged sometimes unto every great
merchant's house seated on the shore either a quay, or a part
interest in a quay, or a private way to the quay. Their
haven was then furnished with five thousand sail of ships
and small vessels for fishing, and is now naked.
July 18. — This day I went to the court (the assizes being
now here held for this county of Washford, which began on
Wednesday last, and ended this day), where is their shire
hall. The judges that ride this circuit are Sir George
Sherley,^ Lord Chief Justice of Ireland, and Sir John
Fillpott,^ one of the judges in the Common Pleas, a little,
black, temperate man. The one — ^viz., my Lord Chief
Justice — sits upon Isie-prices,' the other upon matters of mis-
demeanours and trials for life and death. Here I saw four
justices of peace sit upon the bench with Sir John Philpott,
amongst which was one Devereux and my cousin Main-
wareing, uncle to Mr. Mainwareing of Caringham that now
is, a courteous, grave, civil gentleman, who came from the
bench and saluted me in the hall, and accompanied me to
the tavern, and bestowed wine upon me. He is agent
' Sir George Shurley was L.C.J. of Ireland 1625-39.
' Sir John Phillpott, third Justice of the Common Pleas, 1621-37.
' Nisi prius.
896 ILLOSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
unto Sir Henry Wallopp, and is a justice of peace of this
county, and was a burgess for the Parliament.^ He told me
there were three rebels condemned, as also he advised me
rather to go by BaUiehack and by the way of the Passage
than by Boss, because of the rebels which frequent there-
abouts ; hereof he said there were about six or eight, and
these furnished with some pieces, pistols, darts and skenes,
and some of them most desperate spirits, and so cruel, that
the inhabitants of the country dare scarce travel that way ;
these are proclaimed rebels, and such as are to be hanged,
drawn and quartered so soon as they are apprehended. So
also are those to be dealt withal who are not to be executed.
One of them I saw in the streets returning towards the
castle, and the women and some other following making
lamentation, sometimes so violent as though they were
distracted, sometimes as it were in a kind of tune singing ;
one of these ('twas said) was his wife. This is the Irish
garb.* This town is governed by a mayor, and two bayliffs
or sheriffs, and ten or twelve aldermen.
Beyond the bar also it hath a very safe harbour, and
shelter for ships to ride at anchor in, who want tide to
bring them into the haven. Sir Adam Cotcliffe ' told me that
he had dined at Milford in Wales, and supped in this town,
which is about twenty-four hours* sail from Bristol!, and as
much to Dublin.* By reason of the assizes here, the inhabi-
tants of the country resorted hither in greater numbers and
better habits (Irish garments I mean) than I have yet seen.
Some gentlewomen of good quality here I observed clothed
in good handsome gowns, petticoats and hats, who wore
Irish rugs which have handsome, comely large fringes, which
go about their necks, and serve instead of bands. This
* Roger Mainwaring was member for Carysfort in the Parliament of 1634.
« Habit.
* Sir Adam Colclougb, of Tintem Abbey, in the coanty of Wexford, was
the son of Sir Thomas Colclough of Tintem and Martha, daughter of Arch-
bishop Adam Loftus. He was created a baronet in 1628.
* Though always recognised as one of the shortest passages between Eng-
land and Ireland it is only in the twentieth century that the advantages of
the route have been fully appreciated. It is about to become the medium of
a rapid service.
TRAVELS OP SIB WILLIAM BRERETON 397
i^ggy fringe is joined to a garment which comes romid
about them, and reacheth to the very ground, and this is an
handsome, comely vestment, much more comely as they are
used than the rug short cloaks used by the women upon
festival days in Abbeville, Bullein, and the nearer parts
of Picardie in Fraunce. The most of the women are bare-
necked and clean skinned, and wear a crucifix tied in a
black necklace, hanging betwixt their breasts. It seems
they are not ashamed of their religion, nor desire to conceal
themselves ; and indeed in this town are many papists.
July 19. — The present mayor, Mr. Mark Cheveu,
attended the judges to the church door» and so did the
sheriff of the shire, both which left them there, and went to
mass, which is here tolerated, and publicly resorted unto in
two or three houses in this town, wherein are very few
Protestants, as appeared by that slender congregation <«t
church where the judges were. This morning I went unto
and visited both the judges, and was respectively used by
them ; the mayor, a well-bred gentleman, an inns-of-court
man, who is a counsellor, a gentleman that hath an estate
in the country, and was knight of this shire for last Parlia-
ment, invited me to dinner as also to supper with the judges.^
He is an Irishman, and his wife Irish, in a strange habit, a
threadbare short coat with sleeves, made like my green coat
of stuff, reaching to her middle ; she knew not how to carve,
look, entertain, or demean herself. Here was a kind of beer
(which I durst not taste) called charter beer, mighty thick,
muddy stuff ; the meat nothing well cooked or ordered. Much
discourse here, complaint and information given against the
rebels, the captain whereof is called Simon Prendergrasse,
whose brother also will be brought in trouble for relieving,
&c. Three carriers were robbed betwixt Boss and this town
on Friday last, and two other travellers, and one in his
lodging, by three of these rebels well appointed, who said
if they could have taken my Lord of Eildare,^ who passed
* Biohard Cheevers was member for Wexford in 1634. He appears to have
died shortly after Brereton's visit in February 1635-6.
' George, sixteenth Earl of Kildare.
898 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IBISH HISTOEY
through them nakedly attended, he should have procured
their pardon. There was a letter sent and read this night
at supper, advertising a gentleman in town that last night
they came to his house with a purpose to take away his life,
because he prosecuted against them, and informed that they
had taken from him the value of 2002. The judge here said,
if all the justices of peace did not wait upon them to Boss,
to guard them from these rebels, he would fine them deeply.
The junior judge told me of a very wise demeanour of the
now mayor of Boss, who being informed that three of these
rebels lay asleep neax the town, and being required to send
out some ten or twelve with him to apprehend them, he
answered that he would provide for the safety of his town,
commanded the gates to be shut, the drum to be beat, and
pieces, warning-pieces, to be discharged, whereby they
awaked, and took notice thereof and escaped.
July 20. — We left Washford, and the Lord provided a
good guide for us, and directed us to a better course than we
intended, for instead of going over the passage (which was
this day so much troubled and so rough as my Lord of
Eildare was in great danger there, and himself and servants
constrained to cut the sail ropes and tacklings) we took up
our lodging at Tinterden,^ a dissolved abbey, where now
Sir Adam Cocliflfe lives, and where we were exceedingly
kindly and courteously entertained. Now my disease began
to increase upon me. This a very fair, large, stately house,
and of great receipt. He keeps a good house, and hath a
great estate here, and his lady is a dainty, complete, well-
bred woman. She is Sir Bob. Bich his daughter. The
land on this side Washford about four or five miles, and
so to Ballihack, is much better land than that which I
saw in any other part of this county. This day we had
more rain than upon any day since we came from home.
Here they say no rain fallen this two months, all extreme
• Tintern, or Kinneagh, an abbey founded by William, Earl of Pembroke,
who placed in it Gisteroians from Tintern Abbey in Monmouthshire. It has
long been in the possession of the family of the Cololoughs E. H. See Uore*s
HisUyry of Wexford^ vol. ii.
TEAVBLS OP SIE WILLIAM BRERETON 399
dry, but nothing so much burnt up as in the other side of
this county.
Jidy 21. — We went home about eight hour, and came to
Ballihack, a poor little village on this side the passage
over the river of Waterford, which here is the broadest
passage said to be in Ireland, and a most rough, troubled
passage when the wind is anything high. Here last day
the boat, wherein my Lord of Eildare came over, was in
danger to be run under water by canying too much sail, and
running foul upon the passage boat. Down this river come
all the shipping for Waterford. Here we saw the * Ninth
Whelp ' lying at anchor, to guard the fleet which now is
ready to go hence to BristoU fair. Sir Beverley Newcombe
is captain of her, and is now at Waterford.^ They say there
are about fifty sail to go to St. James fair at BristoU. The
Irish here use a very presumptuous proverb and speech
touching this passage. They always say they must be at
BristoU fair, they must have a wind to BristoU fair, and
indeed it is observed they never fail of a wind to BristoU
fair ; yea, though the fair be begun, and the wind still averse,
yet stiU do they retain their confident presumption of a wind.
It is most safe here to hire a boat to pass over in, not with
horses, which is rowed over with four oars. I paid for the
hire of it 2^. This is a fuU mile over. The passage
boat which carries your horses wiU not carry at one time
more than two or three horses. Here is far better coming
into the boat and landing than at Port Patricke, but less
and worse boats. On Munster side is good lodging and
accommodation.
This day we passed over the land of a gentleman whose
name is [ ]. He died about seven days ago of a gan-
grene ; his fingers and hands, toes and feet, rotted o£f, joint
by joint. He was but a young man, of above l,000i. per
annum, and married an old woman, a crabbed piece of flesh,
who cheated him with a l,000i. she brought him, for which
he was arrested within three days after his marriage.
We came to Waterford about three hour, and baited at
1 See note at p. 405 infr<i.
400 ILLUSTBATIONS OE IBISH HISTORY
the King's Head, at Mr. Wardes, a good house, and a very
complete gentleman-like host. This town is reputed one of
the richest towns in Ireland. It stands upon a river (called
Watterford Biver),^ which maintaineth a sufficiently deep and
safe channel even to the very quay, which, indeed, is not
only the best and most convenient quay which I found in
Ireland, but it is as good a quay as I have known either in
England or observed in all my travels. A ship of three
hundred may come close to these quays. This quay is made
all along the river side without the walls, and divers fair and
convenient buttresses made about twenty yards long, which
go towards the channel. I saw the river at a spring tide
flow even with the top of this quay, and yet near the quay a
ship of three himdred ton full loaden may float at a low water.
Upon this river stand divers forts and castles which com-
mand it. At the mouth of the river is there a fort called
Duncannon, wherein lieth my Lord Esmond's company,
consisting of fifty good, expert soldiers.' Here is also a com-
pany of fifty soldiers, which are under the command of Sir
Greorge Flowre,^ an ancient knight. These are disposed of
in the fort, which is placed without the gate towards Caricke,
a pretty little hold, which stands on high and commands the
town. There stands upon this river the Carick twelve mile,
hence, and Clonmell about eight mile thence ; hither (as I
have heard) the river flows. There is, seated upon this river
also Golden Bridge, and there is a passage by water from
Cullen [?] and Limbrecke. This is no barred, but a most bold
haven, in the mouth whereof is placed an eminent tower, a sea
» The Suir.
^ A very full account of Duncannon Fort will be found in Here's History of
Wexfordy vol. iv.
■ Sir Gteorge Flower was an active oflScer employed against the rebels in
Ireland in 1600, and commanding a body of troops of from 1,200 to 2,000 men.
In 1601 he was made sergeant-major of his Majesty's forces, and performed
many gallant, daring, and successful achievements, for which he received the
honour of knighthood. In 1627 he was appointed governor and constable of
the fort then newly erected at Waterford, and appointed one of the comrais.
sioners to execute martial law within the province of Munster. Soon after this
he died. He appears, however, to have been alive, though ' an ancient knight,'
in 1636.— E. H. See Archdall's Lodges Peerage, v. 282, sub tit, Ashbrook.
TBAVBL8 OF SIB WILLIAM BBEBETON 401
mark, to be discerned at a great distance ; ^ yet this river runs
80 crooked as without a W. or N.W. Hence went a great
fleet to Bristoll fair, who staid long here waiting for a wind.
This city is governed by a mayor, baili£fs, and twelve
aldermen. Herein are seven churches; there have been
many more. One of these, Christ Church, a cathedral;
St. Patrick's, Holy Ghost, St. Stephen's, St. John— but none
of these are in good repair, not the cathedral, nor indeed are
there any churches almost to be found in good repair. Most
of the inhabitants Irish, not above forty English, and not
one of these Irish goes to church. This town trades much
with England, France, and Spain, and that which gives
much encouragement hereunto is the goodness of the
haven.
This town double-walled, and the walls maintained in
good repair. Here we saw women in a most impudent
manner treading clothes with their feet ; these were naked
to the middle almost, for so high were their clothes tucked
up about them. Here the women of better rank and quality
wear long, high laced caps, turned up round about ; these
are mighty high ; of this sort I gave William Dale money to
buy me one. Here is a good, handsome market-place, and a
most convenient prison that I ever saw for the women apart,
and this is a great distance from the men's prison. Herein
dwells a judicious apothecary, who hath been bred at
Antwerpe, and is a traveller ; his name is (as I take it) Mr.
Jarvis Billiard, by whose directions and good advice I found
much good, and through God's mercy recovered from my
sickness. After I had dined here, I went about four or five
hour towards Caricke, where I stayed at a ferry about a
mile from Waterford a whole hour for the boat, wherein we
and our six horses were carried over together.
Hence to Caricke is accounted nine miles, good large
ones, but very fair way, and very ready to find. We came to
Caricke about nine hour. We lodged at the sign of the
Three Cuts at Mr. Cronnomer's, where is a good neat woman.
Here my disease increasing, I wanted good accommodation.
> Hook Tower.
D D
402 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
Here is my Lord of Ormond's ^ house, daintily seated on the
river bank, which flows even to the walls of his house, which
I went to see, and found in the outer court three or four
hay-stacks, not far from the stable-door ; this court is paved.
There are also two other courts; the one a quadrangle.
The house was built at twice. If his land were improved
and well planted, it would yield him great revenue; for it is
said he hath thirty-two manors and manor-houses, and
eighteen abbeys. This town of Garick is seated upon the
bank of a fine, pleasant, navigable river, but it is a moat poor
place, and the houses many quite ruinated, others much
decayed ; here is no trade at all. This hath been a town of
strength and defence ; it is walled about, and with as strong
a wall, and that to walk upon, as is West Chester ; the
church in no good repair ; nor any of the churches in this
country, which argues their general disaffection unto religion.
Here in this town is the poorest tavern I ever saw — a little
low, thatched Irish house, not to be compared unto Jane
Eelsall's of the Green at Handforth.^ 'Twixt Waterford and
this town are many spacious sheep-pastures, and very fair
large sheep as most in England; the greatest part of the
land hereabouts is converted unto this use.
Jidy 22. — From this town I returned back to Waterford,
fearing indeed lest the coimtry disease should so far prevail
upon me as to disable me to endure, whereas indeed immedi-
ately after my departure I did begin by degrees to recover,
and was within a few days, and before my departure out
of that kingdom, perfectly recovered, and my body rather
inclined to be costive, but yet this did not continue with me
above two days ; and whereas I feared faintings by reason
of sea-sickness, I thank God I was nothing subject there-
unto, though I was never well at sea. Here, by promise, Mr.
Needham of Hacquett's Town stood engaged to meet me, and
sends in his stead Mr. Robert Cooke, an English gentleman
who lives about one or two miles from this town, upon a
* Jf^nes, twelfth Earl and first Duke of Ormond, whose talents and virtue
are too well known and appreciated to require or admit of notice here. ~ E. H.
* Near Stockport in Cheshire.
TRAVELS OP SIB WILLIAM BREBBTON 403
farm called Tibruchne (as I take it), which is my Lord of
[ ] land ; he is my Lord of Ormond's uncle. He
pays 1202. rent for this farm, and paid an 1002. fine ; his term
in it is twenty years or thereabouts. The quantity of the
ground hereunto belonging, as he valueth and esteems it to
be, about 1,000 acres English measure ; but, upon my view
and survey thereof, I could not judge it to be less than 1,200 or
1,400 acres. This is all good land, and a great part marsh
land lying along the river in common and not enclosed,
which, if it were but divided and enclosed, would peld more
than the rent of the whole, and this would be a small charge
to make only ditches ; this is commodiously, sometimes and
not over often, watered and enriched by this navigable great
river, which runs all along this ground a mile or two.
Here I observed a very convenient seat [ ]. This
was this day overflowed with the tide, by reason of a strong
east wind concurring with this high St. James' flood ; here
abundance of fowl in winter. Here is a very fair, handsome
English stone house, new built, and also a castle, to both
which there comes up at every tide in a deep lough or channel
sufficient water to carry a boat, and when the tide is gone
out this is dry ; so as if a net be placed in the mouth of it
(which is but narrow) you may be thereby furnished with
salmon, flookes, and other fish sufficient. There is now an
Englishman tenant, who lives in the castle, who keeps a
dairy and rents thirty kine from him, who keeps them
summer and winter ; for every cow he is to pay 11, 10^. per
annum, and half of the calves, all which are to be reared.
I tasted of their milk, butter and cheese, and it was
excellent good; I never drunk so good buttermilk. Here
the milk is so good, as they chum that in the evening which
was milked in the morning, so as the buttermilk is much
sweeter and wholesomer; they never yet sold any cheese,
only butter at 4d. a pound. Here I saw abundance of
cheeses. Here is a town hereunto belonging, inhabited by
Irish, who have no longer estate than from year to year ;
they pay neither here nor elsewhere no rent in money,
only plough the ground to the parts, and allow the landlord
D D 2
404 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IBISH HISTORY
a third part ; this is so slothfully and improvidently ordered
as the ground is much impaired, and yields nciuch less
than if well husbanded. But these unprofitable commodi-
ties may be removed at pleasure, and without any manner
of inconvenience, exclamation or exception. Mr. Robert
Cooke, who now dwells here, affirmed that this farm would
keep 120 kine and their increase, sufficiently plentifully,
both summer and winter. There is one now tenauit upon
another part hereof who will take the whole one half of the
farm, so much as is grassing ground for cattle, and will pay
902. per annum ; and indeed Mr. Cooke is so honest a gentle-
man as I cannot but believe his report. He saith it will
also keep five or six hundred sheep, as good fair sheep as are
Leicestershire or Northamptonshire, and sufficient good
com land may be reserved as will employ two ploughs;
besides the moor, which is a rich marsh like Saltney,^ will
keep abundance of young cattle, horses and colts, and in my
judgment this marsh land cannot be less than 400 acres.
Herein although the salt water this day overflowed in my
view, yet owlers * grow and prosper well ; hence you may go
conveniently enough to Caricke to church, the church in
this town being in decay. Mr. Cooke will part with his
interest herein, and demands his 100/. fine and the rent of
1202. per annum; the reason why he will part with hie
interest is because he hath a kinsman of his name partner
with him, who fails in the payment of his part of the rent,
for which his cattle was distrained.
July 23. — This day I rested at King's Head at Mr.
Warde's and prepared barley water, cordials and perfumes
to take to sea, to preserve me from fainting, whereunto I
was nothing subject (I thank God) at sea or land. Herein
I made use of and spent most of the afternoon with Mr.
Jarvis Billiard, the apothecary, who showed me the best
Mercator that ever I saw in my life ; and indeed before my
departure hence I was freed from that indisposition.
J^dy 24. — Next morning I went down to the passage,
which was so thronged as I could not be furnished with
» In Flintshire. ' Alders.
TBAVBLS OF SIR WILLIAM BREBETON 406
coBvenient lodging : hard bed, without curtains, air or case-
ments, a com room. We lodged at the Bell — 6(2. ordinary — a
most unquiet house at this time. The wind stood well for
them (if they could have gotten out to sea) two or three days
before, but it was so strong as they durst not adventure out
of the river, for fear of being thrown upon some of the
crooked points in this river.
July 25. — But upon St. James day the wind was
sufficiently calmed, and stood fair, and they in * The Whelp '
discharged a piece of ordinance to summon us aboard very
early, so I was constrained to go aboard without my break-
fast. There I bought half a mutton, cost 3«., and eggs seven
a penny, and three pullets at 3(2. apiece, but wanted a
stomach to make use of any save eggs and pullets. About
six hour I went aboard one of the King's ships, called the
< Ninth Whelp/ which is in the King's books 216 ton and
tonnage in King's books.^ She carries sixteen pieces of
ordinance, two brass sakers, six iron demi-culverin drakes,
four iron whole culverin drakes, and four iron denod-cannon
drakes. They are called drakes. They are taper-bored
in the chamber, and are tempered with extraordinary
metal to carry that shot; these are narrower where the
powder is put in, and wider where the shot is put
in, and with this kind of ordinance his Majesty is much
affected. This ship is manned with sixty men ; the captain
is Sir Beverley Newcomen ; ' lieutenant, John Newcomen ;
master, William Brooke ; master's mate, William Purser,
who hath lost an arm — a temperate, well-governed, and
* The Ninth Whelp was long on this station. She is frequently mentioned
in the Lismore Papers ai earrying the first Earl of Cork and his fortunes. It
was the EarPs habit to reoompense such services handsomely. * Landed all safely
at Bristol, August 4 (1638)/ he notes, ' and I gave to the Captain Owens a
fair sword, a silver belt, and all that was left of a hogshead of olaret wine.' —
Lismore Papers. The Ninth Whelp was lost at sea in 1840. CaL 8. P,
(Ireland), 163a-47.
' Sir Beverley Newcomen, Bart., of Eenagh, oo. Longford, oonunanded the
ships employed to guard the Irish coast at this period. In 1619 he had been
granted the office of Admiral of Ireland. Sir Beverley was drowned in 1687
by the upsetting of a pinnace in which he went to sound Waterford Harbour.
His only son perished with him« He represented Tralee in Strafford's Parlia-
ment of 1634. Oal. S. P. (Ireland), 1638^7, pp. 68, 95, 168.
406 ILLDSTBATI0N8 OF IBISH HISTORY
well-a£fected man ; master gmmer , Joseph Dudley ; boatswaiD,
corruptly called boseon, John Green; purser, Thomas
Morgan ; Serjeant, Nathaneell Gilson ; and indeed the most
of the better sort of the rest civilised and well-governed men,
and divers of them I observed attentive and diligent at
prayer. We had (through God's Mercy) a quick, pleasant,
and dainty passage, for within twenty-six hours after we
parted with Ireland, the utmost point I mean of Irish shore,
we were landed at Minehead in Somersettshire. This is a
most dainty, steady vessel, so long as she carries sail, and a
most swift sailer, able to give the advantage of a topsail to
any of the rest of this fleet, for whom we made many stays,
and yet could not keep behind them, so as they did not put
up all their sails as they otherwise might, but suited their
course to the pace of this fleet, whom they waited upon to
waft over from Waterf ord to BristoU fair, and to guard them
from the Turks, of whom there was here a fear and rumour
that they were very busy upon the coast of Fraunce.' These
are full of men, ordinance and small shot. This day we caused
match to be made ready and prepared, and looked for them
about Lundye next morning, but saw none, only it was the
captain's care to see all the sail before him ; for which end
staying often, the vessel then (as also when she wanted sail)
tottered and rolled intolerably; this did make me vomit
extremely, and much more sea-sick than otherwise.
Here the captain's cabin was taken up by Alderman
Joanes, of Dublin, and Dr. [Tilson],^ Dean of Christ Church
in Dublin, who came in her by sea from Dublin to Water-
ford, and so thence for Bristoll ; and the captain himself
lodged in the master's cabin, so as I could not be accommodated
with any more convenient cabin than the master gunner^s
cabin in the gun-room, but I could not endure under hatches,
nor was I any longer in this cabin than about four hours in
the night, during which time I could not rest; the ship
' The descent of the Turks on another port in the sooth of Ireland, celebrated
by Thomas Davis in The Sack of Baltimore^ had ocoarred only three years
earlier.
' Henry Tilson, Dean of Christ Church, 1634, consecrated Bishop of Elphin
1639. He was one of Strafford's chaplains.
TBAVELS OP SIB WILLIAM BBEBETON 407
tossed so exceedingly so as I thought it had been tempestuous,
and yet was it very cakn, fair and moon-shine night ; and
sometimes the waves flashed into the ship at the loop-holes at
stem, so as I could not endure in bed longer than one watch,
from ten to two hour, and then I arose and went to the
hatches, and presently we discovered Lundye, which seems
like a high rock in the sea, and is an island ; this is accus-
tomed to be the pirates' harbour and shelter, but now we
could not discover any.
The remarkable points, shores, sands, rocks and islands
in this passage are these: on Washford side Dunkannon,
which is a fort wherein my lord Esmond's company is
desposed ; and a low point whereon is placed the tower of
Waterford, a white eminent conspicuous seamark; hence
about four miles are two islands called the Saltes [Salteso].
On Waterford side is Grayden Head [Creaden Head], and
the utmost point is called Horsele£fe8, so called from a shelf
of sand. Hence to Lundy is about thirty leagues.
D D 4
V
IBELAND UNDEB THE BE8T0BATI0N
By Albert Jouvin, de Rocheport.
This description of Ireland in the reign of Charles II. is taken
from a translation of a French original which appeared in the
second volume of Orose and Astle's ' Antiquarian Repertory/
Both in the first edition of the ' Repertory/ which was issued in
1779, and in the second, published in 1809 by Edward Jeffery, the
name of the French author is given as M. Jorevin de Rocheford, and
the notes of the English editors constantly refer to the author as
'Monsieur Jorevin/ But though they state that the work was
published in Paris in 1672, the editors nowhere mention its title.
A diligent search through all available biographical and biblio-
graphical dictionaries entirely failed to identify any such author,
and this volume had already passed through the press before any
further information regarding the book and its origin could be pro-
cured. It was only on the eve of publication that a visit to the
Biblioth^ue Nationale at Paris enabled the present editor to
establish the writer's identity. None of the catalogues in the library
contained the name Jorevin de Rocheford ; but in Pdre Lelong's
' Biblioth^ue Historique de la France/ 1778, mention was made of
a work by Albert Jouvin, de Rochefort, published in 1672, in three
volumes, each of two parts, of which the full title proved to be : ' Le
Voyageur d'Europe ; o4 sont les Voyages de France, d'ltalie et de
Maltre, d'Espagne et de Portugal, des Pays-Bas, d'Allemagne et de
Pologne, d'Angleterre, de Danemark et de Su^de ' : Par Monsieur
A. Jouvin, de Rochefort : Dedi6 & Monsieur de Pomponne, S6cr6taire
d'Estat. Paris, 1672. At pp. 472-93 of Part VI was found the
original from which the translation here reprinted was made for the
* Antiquarian Repertory.' Beyond the description of the author
in Lelong's catalogue as ' Tr^sorier de France ' nothing further has
been ascertained concerning M. Jouvin's career.^
1 The precise date of Jouvin's visit to Ireland, or indeed of any portion of
his extended travels, is nowhere mentioned in his book. If he is accurate his
tour must have taken place in June 1666, since the mutiny at Carrickfergus is
known to have occurred in May of that year. But this inference is inconsistent
with the prior mention in the English part of the Tour of the launch of the ship
* Charles * in the presence of Charles II. and his consort, an incident which
Pepys has recorded under date March 8, 1667-8 {Pepys^s Diary y ed. Wheatley,
vii. 848). It is, however, certain that the Tour was made in the latter years of
the Duke of Ormond's second tenure of the Irish Viceroyalty, which terminated
in November 1668.
DESCRIPTION OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND AFTER
THE RESTORATION "^
Bt Jobbvin db Bochbford.
Chester lies at the mouth of the river Dee, where it enlarges
itself into the form of a gulf, in which by the assistance of
the tide vessels come up to the town. On this account it
may be reckoned among the good sea-ports, since it is the
ordinary passage of the packet-boat, messengers and mer-
chandise, going from England to Ireland.
The plan is nearly formed by two great streets, which
cross each other in the middle, and as they are very broad at
this crossing, they make a fine and spacious area, which
serves for the market-place, in which is the town house.
Turning on the right hand, the way leads to the great church,
where I saw a tomb worth remarking. The waU on the
bridge is very agreeable ; the gate which shuts it in is like
* The following is the note prefixed by Grose to his reprodnction of M.
Jorevin de Booheford's Travels :
* The descriptions of England, by Messieurs Perlin and De la Serre, which
form the preceding article, show the opinion foreigners entertained of this
country in the reigns of Edward VI. and Queen Mary, as well as some of the
prevailing manners and customs of those times. The reader, it is more than
probable, will be glad to see the observations of other travellers on the same
subjects at a later period. Under this supposition a translation is here pre-
sented of the travels of Monsieur Jorevin de Booheford : at least, that part
which treats of England and Ireland. This book was printed at Paris in 1672
in three volumes duodecimo, and is now extremely rare.
* Monsieur Jorevin, though far from a writer of the first rank, appears to
have been rather superior to either of the gentlemen above mentioned ; his
abstract of our national history is false and ridiculous, even beneath criticism ;
but his descriptions of places, buildings, Ac, seem to have been accurate, as
they still retain striking likenesses of the respective subjects, notwithstanding
the alterations which must necessarily have happened in the space of nearly a
century and a half. In a word, though he is an indifferent historian, he is a
tolerable topographer.'
410 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IRISH HISTOBY
a strong little castle ; there is then a saborb. Chester is
esteemed one of the strongest towns in England, on account
of its fine high walls, the many towers by which it is
defended, and its strong castle, standing in the highest part
of the town, which it commands. It has been much damaged
during the late wars. Under the usurpation of Cromwell
the town was almost entirely ruined, after having sustained
a long siege. The first thing I did on my ajrival at Chester
was to learn when the packet-boat would sail for Dublin ; it
had set o£f some days before ; but I found a trading vessel
laden with divers merchandises, in which I took my passage
for Ireland. This vessel was at anchor in the gulf, near the
little village of Birhouse,^ eight miles from the town. Here
are some large storehouses for the keeping of the merchan-
dise to be embarked for Ireland, as is generally done every
month from hence to Ireland, and reciprocally from Ireland
to England, from whence all the letters, the messengers, and
vessels that are to pass go first to the village of Holeyd,'
which is in the island of Mona or Anglesey, as a place of
rendezvous, there being a very good harbour, from whence a
boat conmionly sets out for Dublin.
I embarked, then, in this vessel, which set sail at four
in the afternoon, the weather bad and rainy ; on account
whereof, after we got out of the gulf and the mouth of this
river, within sight of the town of Flint and its strong castle,
we chose not to expose ourselves much to the sea, when the
wind was so furious and so contrary that it split all our sails,
and obliged us to put out all our anchors, one of which
broke as the storm augmented. This, together with the
horrid spectacle of surrounding rocks, which seemed to
threaten our destruction, threw us into great terrors, the sea
seeming opening to swallow us up, without any resource.
This lasted all the night, but the dawn of day brought us a
stark calm, attended with rain, which ceased when the wind
became fair, although this did not last long ; for as we could
not, for want of depth of water, pass the straits that lie
between the land and the Isle of Anglesey, we turned round
* Perhaps Burton, eight miles from Chester. * Holyhead.
DBSCBIPTION OF ENGLAND AND IBELAND 411
about to go to the village of Holeyd, distant from Chester
more than sixty miles, to embark the merchandise and pas-
sengers, who come to this place as a rendezvous from Eng-
land to go to Dublin, the capital town of Ireland. We
anchored in this port ; during which time we went to walk
in the village and about the island, which seemed fruitful in
com. We saw the post arrive, who gave his packet to the
captain of our ship. There were a good many persons who
waited for a passage to Ireland. Among them was a young
man who spoke a little French ; he was a clockmaker, and
had worked in the galleries of the Louvre in Paris ; with
whom, entering into some discourse, touching the skill and
valour of the English, he said he should not fear two French-
men. ' It would not be,' said I (in answer to him), ' a man
of your sort that could terrify me sword in hand,' when all
on a sudden he drew his sword, crying out, ' Defend your-
self.' Whilst I learned to fence at Borne, there were several
English with whom I practised, whose faults I easily dis-
covered ; and, in fine, observing this young man assaulted
me precipitately, by keeping always on the defensive, and
considering his default, I retired a long way, which caused
this young, giddy-headed fellow to throw himself almost out
of all kind of guard. He had a sword of the French fashion,
long and slender, that would not cut, which is the ordinary
way of using the sword in England. Stopping, then, all on
a sudden, I gave him a thrust in the under part of the right
arm, which made him cry out to me, in the presence of many
persons, who prevented me from killing him in the rage I
was then in at being attacked by such a young coxcomb. I
broke his sword on a rock, after having disarmed him, and
he was blamed by all for having attacked me without cause.
This did not prevent our embarking with a very favourable
wind, which carried us that day to Dublin, a distance of fifty
miles.
DUBLIN.
Dublin is the capital city of the kingdom of Ireland,
situated on the river Lefifer,^ where the tide rises near two
* LifFey.
412 IliLUSTBATIONS OF lEISH HI8T0BY
fathoms, by which large barks are brought up to a quay in
the middle of the town, and loaded Tesiels remain at anchor
at its mouth, under cover of some high mountains, which
run out into the sea in form of a promontory. We landed
at the little village of Banesin,^ which is on the borders of
that little gulf, from whence we entered into a great suburb,
where stands the college of the University, which I visited
after having found an inn at the Mitre, in the little part of
the town,^ separated by the river which runs through it.
On the morrow, being accompanied by a French merchant
who lived there, I went to see this grand college. I was
introduced to the principal,' who was a man of great wit
and learning. He showed me a fine library, in which were
many very scarce books ; among others he lent me that of
Camdenus Britannicus, who has written the history and
description of England, enriched with maps of every county
and the plans of all the cities. This man was curious to
hear me speak of the city of Paris, and of the French
customs, and seemed astonished that out of mere curiosity
I should come to see Ireland, which is a country so retired,
and almost unknown to foreign travellers. He likewise
showed me a fine garden, very well taken care of, wherein
was a great parterre representing a sun-dial, and in the
middle a tree that served for the gnomon. There was a
vine nailed against the back part of a chimney exposed to
the mid-day sun, and yet nevertheless its grapes never would
ripen, the climate being too cold, which is the case virith
many fruit trees that cannot live here, or at least bring their
fruits to maturity. In the garden is a very fine terrace,
from which is a view of this great sea-port. I was shown
from the terrace the mountain of Flinlimont,^ which is in the
principality of Wales, in England ; the weather, it is true,
was then very fine and clear. This grand college has two
* Bingsend. ^ Oxmantown.
' The Provost of Trinity College at this time was Dr. Thomas Seele. See
Mahaffy*8 Epoch in Irish History, 1591-1660, p. 253.
* The Welsh mountains are occasionally visible from the neighbourhood of
Dublin — a presage always of bad weather. But Plinlimmon is certainly nol
within range at any time.
DESCRIPTION OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND 418
large courts, encompiusBed with lodgings ; the schools are in
the second, as also the church, where he showed me the
tomb of a doctor who founded and endowed this university.^
He afterwards invited me to dinner, where I had great
pleasure, not so much for the good cheer, as because during
that time he entertained me with the account of many fine
things respecting the kingdom of Ireland.
I returned him thanks, in leaving him to see the palace
of the Viceroy, Monsieur the Duke of Ormont, uncle to the
King, who has a fine court, and a suite altogether royal ;
among them are several French gentlemen.' This Castle is
at one of the ends of the town, and within its ancient walls,
which at present do not contain one third of its extent. The
Castle is strong, enclosed by thick walls, and by many round
towers that command the whole town ; on them are mounted
a good number of cannon. The court is small, but the
lodgings, although very ancient, are very handsome, and
worthy of being the dwelling of the Viceroy. The principal
gate is in a great street, called Casselstrit, that runs from one
end to the other of the town ; in the middle of it is an open
space in which the principal streets of Dublin meet. That
of Aystrit ' is fine ; in it is the town-hall with a fine clock,
< Dr. Luke Cbaloner. See Dr. Mahaffy's Epoch in Irish History, ohap. ii.,
and p. S88, note 2, supra.
' The impresBions of another Frenchman, who Tisited Ireland in 1644,
regarding Dnblin and the Viceregal Coart, have been recorded in the Tour of
M. Bonllaye le Oonz, edited in 1887 by T. Grofton Groker, as follows :—* There
are fine hoildingv in Doublin ; a college and many churches, amongst which is
that of St. Patrick, the apostle of the country. In the choir are displayed the
arms of the old English knights, with their devices. I went there on Sunday
to witness the ceremonial attending on the Viceroy. I saw much that was
really magnificent. On leaving the church there marched before him a
company of footmen, beating the drum, and with match-locks ready for action.
Then followed a company of the halberdiers, his body-guards, and sixty gentle-
men on foot, with four noblemen well mounted, and the Viceroy in the midst
upon a white Barbary horse.'
* By * Casselstrit ' is meant Castle Street, and by * Aystrit * is meant High
Street. M. Jorevin de Bocheford*s shots at English street nomenclature are
often odd enough. Thus, in the English part of his Tour, Hyde Park appears
as * Ayparte.* His account of this is characteristic : * Among these (gardens)
is Ayparte, which is the common walk and jaunt of the coaches of London,
where we plainly perceived that the English ladies are very handsome, and
that they know it very well.*— iln^ Rep, iv. p. 566.
414 ILLUSTBATIONS OP IBISH HISTOBT
which is before Christ Church. This great church seems to
me to have been some abbey ; the cloisters are converted
into shops of tradesmen, and the abbey-house serves for the
court in which pleadings are held. This same street passes
by the open place called Fichsterit,^ which is the fish-market,
that terminates at one of the ancient city gates between two
great towers, where are the two prisons. Beyond this is a
great suburb, which is at present both the best and largest
part of Dublin. A little river runs through the largest
street, called Tomstrit,' wherein dwell several workmen of
different trades for the conveniency of this rivulet, of which
they make use, and that waters and cleanses all the suburb,
the houses of which are fine and straight. I went to see the
metropolitan church of St. Patrick, tutelar of all Ireland :
it has been much damaged by thunder, and principally its
high tower. There is an open spot used for the market-
place like that called the Haymarket. Here is a large
covered market-house. So that Dublin, with its suburbs, is
one of the greatest and best-peopled towns in Europe, and
the residence of all the nobility of the kingdom of Ireland.
There is a stone bridge, which joins that small part of the
town called Oxmonton to the greater. On that side which
lies by the water is a great quay, where are the finest
palaces in Dublin. I was there shown the ancient abbey of
St. Mary, formerly, after that of Armagh, the richest in the
whole island ; at present only the ruins of it are remaining.
I lodged in this suburb, from whence I often went to walk
in the great meadows by the side of the river, contemplating
the country and the situation of this famous town, which
seemed to me to be near high mountains on one side, and on
the other adjoining to a fine country, with this advantage
that it is in the middle of the island of Ireland ; so that the
produce of the country may be conveniently brought thither
from every part, as well as what comes by sea from foreign
countries, with which, by the means of its port, it may
traffic.
One may go to the town of Kilkenny, which lies fifty
» Fishamble Street. « Thomas Street.
DBSCBIPTION OP ENGLAND AND IRELAND 415
miles from Dublin, to see the fine castle of Monsieur the
Duke of Ormont, rich on every side with marble, and
ornamented with many things so curious, that those who
have seen it say that it surpasses many palaces of Italy.
It is only ten leagues from Waterford, which is one of the
good sea-ports of this kingdom, as are those of Wexford,
Cork, Eonsale, Limerick and Galway, from whence sail
every year many vessels, loaded with leather, butter, cheese,
tallow, salt meat, and fish ; as also with a kind of cloth
manufactured in the country, which is very cheap, and is
carried to Spain, Italy, and often to the American Islands,
from whence a return is made of divers merchandises of
those countries, as I have observed in several sea-ports of
this kingdom, which is the richest of all Europe in things
necessary for human life, but the poorest in money. This
causes provisions to be so cheap, that butter and cheese are
commonly sold at a penny the pound ; a pound of beef, at
the butchery, for eight deniers ; veal and mutton a penny ;
a large salmon just out of the sea, threepence ; a large fresh
cod, twopence; a pair of soles, or quaviver, above a foot
broad, a penny ; an hundred herrings, threepence ; so that
one is served with flesh and fish in the best manner for
twelvepence a day. In fine, this is the land of plenty.
And, moreover, on the road, if you drink two pennyworth of
beer at a public-house, they will give you of bread, meat,
butter, cheese, fish, as much as you choose; and for all
this you only pay your twopence for the beer, it being the
custom of the kingdom, as I have experienced wherever I
have been.
This island is between the degrees 61 and 66. It may be
about 200 French leagues in length, and fifty in breadth. It
has several large towns, great castles, and good sea-ports.
They have suffered much in the last civil wars on account
of religion, when they were almost all ruined, the inhabitants
punished, and the rest banished from the kingdom for having
resisted the will of their King, and persisted in following the
Catholic religion, which was rooted in the hearts of many.
These have been forbidden, upon pain of death, to return.
416 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IBISH HISTOBY
for fear that the religion might in time revive, and little
by little increase in the kingdom. In truth the Irish are
naturally inclined to the Catholic religion ; there are even in
Dublin more than twenty houses where mass is secretly said,
and above a thousand places, and subterraneous vaults and
retired spots in the woods, where the peasants assemble to
hear mass celebrated by some priests they secretly maintain.
I consider it as a fact that one third of the Irish are Catholics,
wherefore if any Catholic prince was to attempt the conquest
of Ireland, I believe he would be readily seconded by the
inhabitants. On this account perhaps it is that there are
garrisons in all the maritime places, and the entries and
ports are always guarded. There are several great lakes,
and large bodies of standing water in the middle of this
kingdom, all full of fish ; and in some places very high
mountains, such as those of Tome, Anna, [?] and those near
the town of Armagh, which was formerly the capital of the
kingdom, but has been ruined in the wars between the
Protestants and Catholics, when it was burned, so that at
present it is but a kind of deserted village. There are, how-
ever, among these mountains many great meadows, where a
number of cattle are fed, for which the country seems more
proper than for the growing of com, so that many persons
live on the produce of their lands, without having any inter-
course with the towns ; on which account it is said by many,
that in Ireland there are provinces inhabited by savages.
Ireland is commonly divided into four provinces : these
are, Ultonia,^ Connacie,' Lagenie and Momonie,* sub-
divided into their counties. There is but one principal and
large river in all the kingdom, which is called Shannon.
Those who would go from Dublin to London must take the
great road from London to Bomek,^ to St. Alban's, Dunsta,^
Brigil,® Stanistritford,^ Daventry, Couentra,® Colsid,* Leche-
fild,^® Strone," Nantich,**^ Chester ; here is the packet-boat
and ordinary passage to Dublin, which is 120 miles ; so that
' Ulster.
' Connaught.
* Leinsier and Munater.
* Bamet.
^ Danstable.
• Brickhill.
^ Stony Stratford.
• Coventry.
• ColeshiU.
'• Lichfield.
>* Stone.
" Nantwioh,
DESCRIPTION OP ENGLAND AND IRELAND 417
from London to Dublin it is 270 miles, or 120 common
French leagues.' Those who go from Dublin to Edinburgh,
the capital of the kingdom of Scotland, must take the way
I did, along the sea-coasts by several little ports, where one
may often meet with a passage for Scotland ; although they
say the packet-boat, which is the ordinary one, goes from
Portpatrick, that consists of five or six houses near Olderflet,^
six miles from Knock Fergus [Carrickfergus], and arrives at
Donocady [Donaghadee], crossing an arm of the sea about
fifteen miles broad. From thence one may go straight
to Edinburgh, without going through the town of Glasco.
This is the shortest way from Dublin, the capital of Ireland,
to Edinburgh, the capital of Scotland, being 200 miles,
or 100 common leagues of France.
I left Dublin in my way to Scotland, and on my route
passed through an agreeable country, having a view of the
searcoast and the towns of Sandr6 and Souldres,^ where is
a ruined castle. On the way we saw several of these small
castles, all ruined in the last wars. I found afterwards
some meadows, and many herds of oxen, cows and calves,
which are not naturally large, the climate of this country
being too cold, but when transported into a warmer country
they become large and robust. From thence the road lies
by Axdof,^ and a castle near Bardelet.^ In the inland parts
of Ireland they speak a particular language, but in the
greatest part of the towns and villages on the sea coast only
English is spoken. At length I arrived at
DROOHEDA.
Drodaph ^ is one of the biggest and most populous towns
in the kingdom, occasioned by her- traffic on the sea, as well
I Much information concerning the communication between London and
Dablin in early times has been gathered together in a series of papers con-
tributed to the Irish Builder for 1897 by Mr. F. Elrington Ball, M.B.I.A.
^ Olderfleet is at the extremity of the peninsula which forms the haven of
Lame. Its castle, built by the Bissets, a Scotch family, dated from the reign
of Henry III. Olderfleet was the scene of the landing of Edward Bruce and
his army in 1315.
* Santry and Swords. * Ardeath, in Meath.
« The identity of this castle is doabtful. * Drogheda.
£ £
418 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTOBY
on account of the goodness and safety of its port, as of its
being placed in a country full of all kinds of provisions, and
situated on the river Boyne, bordered by two hills, whereof
it occupies the greatest part, which makes it a very strong
place, with a castle in the highest part of the town, on the
side by which I entered, where it appeared almost in rains ;
but the walls of the town are still entire and defensible ; here
is always a garrison, as in the most important place of the
kingdom. Passing over a bridge, which joins this part of the
town to the larger, you come to a great quay, bordered by
vessels, which come hither from all parts of Europe. The
tide here rises near a fathom and a half, and the river would
be deep enough, and capable of bearing large vessels, if the
entrance had not been greatly damaged, and almost stopped
up by the sands which it brings with it from the mountains
wherein it rises. From this bridge you come to a fine and
broad street, which forms a square in its centre, which
serves for a parade ; here is the town-house, towards which
tend most of the best streets in the town. I was there on a
Sunday, and was told that if I was desirous of hearing mass,
one would be said at two miles distance from the town. It
would be astonishing to relate the numbers of Catholics that
I saw arrive from across the woods and mountains to
assemble at this mass, which was said in a little hamlet,
and in a chamber poorly fitted up. Here I saw, before mass,
above fifty persons confess, and afterwards communicate
with a devotion truly Catholic, and sulBBicient to draw these
blind religionists to the true faith. The chapel in which the
priest celebrated mass was not better adorned than the
chamber ; but God does not seek grand palaces, He chooses
poverty and pureness of heart in those that serve Him. This
priest infoDooied me that the Irish were naturally inchned to
the Catholic faith, but that there were many in diflferent
parts of the kingdom who found great difficulty to perform
freely the functions of their religion. He had studied long
in France, and spoke the French language well. He told
me the Irish Catholics did not eat either flesh or eggs on
Wednesdays, Fridays, or Saturdays ; that they followed the
DESCRIPTION OP ENGLAND AND IRELAND 419
commandments of the Church, and of our holy Father the
Pope, whom they acknowledged for chief of the Catholic,
Apostolic and Boman Chmrch. This good man discoursed
with me touching many difficulties there were in exercising
the Catholic religion among the Protestants. He kept me
with him for the space of half a day. Thence I returned to
lodge at Drodaph. I left it on the next morning, and came
into an open country, by a road almost all paved, to Doulers^
and Eeltron,^ on a river, from whence you approach the sea-
side, which you must follow, and afterwards pass over a
river near Dondalk.
DUNDALE.
Dondalk is a small town, consisting almost of one great
street, situated near the bank of a small river, which at high
water has sufficient depth to bring vessels nearly up to the
town, if the sands did not choke the entry. Near it are to
be seen a chain of high mountains, which nm out into the
sea, where they form a promontory, seen in front on leaving
the town after passing this river, over which there is no
bridge. I never saw finer fish, and so great a variety as in
the market of this little place. It must be owned that the
coasts of Ireland and Scotland are the most abundant in fish
of any in Europe. Water-fowl are frequently here taken in
such quantities, and sold so cheap, as to take away the
pleasure of sporting for them ; for my part I will say that I
could never have believed it, however it might have been
affirmed to me, if I had not seen them in flocks on the sea-
shore, and sometimes the air for leagues together darkened
by these fowl. There are besides, in the interior parts of the
country, several large lakes and pools full of fish. Among
these in the province of Ultonie, that of St. Patrick's
Purgatory is remarkable ; it has a little island, where, near
a convent, the voices of divers persons may be heard under
a rock, groaning and lamenting like the souls of persons
suffering in purgatory ; therefore the inhabitants of the
place say that St. Patrick, the apostle of Ireland, besought
I Dunleer. ' Oaatlebellingham.
■ I 2
420 ILLUSTBATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
God that He would cause the cries of the souls in purga-
tory to be heard here in order to convert the people to the
Christian religion, whence this lake has been named St.
Patrick's Purgatory, or the Purgatory of the Island.^ One
may from this judge, that in general fish is as plenty in the
middle of the island as on the sea-coasts which sorroond
it. It is sajring everything to relate that navigators who
frequent these parts, complain that their vessels are some-
times obstructed by the quantities of fish they meet with in
their course.
It is a peculiarity in this island that there are no venom-
ous animals, not even frogs, toads, lizards, spiders, nor any
other kind, which is a mark of the purity and goodness of
its air. Some persons have tried the experiment whether
any creatures of this sort brought from other places would
live here, but it is a certainty that they die as soon as they
arrive in the country ; and farther it is said, that the touch
of a native of Ireland proves mortal to any of these animals
in any foreign country whatsoever, and that a circle being
made about any venomous creature with a stick which grew
in this island, the animal will instantly die. Let not, then,
the island of Malta boast of being the only island in the
world which neither nourishes nor sufiers any venomous
animals, since we have that of Ireland so near to us which
has this natural virtue, enjoyed by Malta only some little
time, and that by a particular miracle of St. Paul, as the
sacred history informs us, and as we have related in the
voyage to Malta.
After having passed the little river at the end of Dondalk,
you must ascend the high mountains which enclose the
small town of Cariinf ort ; ^ these I left on my right, and on
the left hand Armagh, distant about twenty miles from
thence. It was formerly the capital town of this kingdom,
and in Catholic times had an archbishopric, one of the four
which are in this island, with over nine-and-twenty bishop-
rics : at present it is only a village, remarkable for the fine
> In Lough Derg, co. Donegal. See note at p. 220 supra.
* Carlingford.
DESCBIPTION OP ENGLAND AND IBELAND 421
antiquities of an abbey and its handsome church, equal in
size to the largest in all England. The way by these moun-
tains is through a desert strewed with flint and other stones,
from whence one sees on the left hand some valleys filled
with cattle, where I passed a river, and farther on came
down over a large wooden bridge, and arrived at Newry. A
great gulf is formed here that brings vessels up to the town,
which is situated on an eminence, extending to the river's
side. Here I feasted on fish, which made me halt here for
the space of two days, during which time I diverted myself
with walking and visiting the environs. From hence I set
out for the mountains by a desert road, covered with flint
stones, to Braklen.^ Continuing still by the mountains, I
came to a river, from whence I arrived at Dromore, upon a
liver. They pretended to me that it was a good town, and
had formerly a bishopric,^ but there is no appearance of it.
I remember I eat of a salad made according to the mode of
the country, of I know not what herbs ; I think there were
sorrel and beets chopt together ; it represented the form of a
fish, the whole without oil or salt, and only a little vinegar
made of beer, and a quantity of sugar strewed over it, that it
resembled Mount Etna covered with snow, so that it is im-
possible to be eaten by any one not accustomed to it. I
made my host laugh heartily in the presence of a gentleman,
a lord of the town, on asking for oil to season this salad,
according to the French fashion, and after having dressed it,
I persuaded the gentleman to taste it, who was pleased to
hear me speak of the state and customs of France. He had
studied at Dublin, and told me he was extremely desirous of
seeing France, and that before he died he would certainly
make that voyage. He begged me to stay only eight days in
his house, promising that I should pass my time in all sorts
' Loaghbrickland.
' The traveller's astonishment at the aspect of Dromore is not surprising.
The ancient Cathedral had been a rain before the Reformation. Partly rebuilt
in the reign of James I. by Bishop Baokworth, it was destroyed daring the
civil strife which foUowed the Bebellion of 1641. Jeremy Tayh>r who ruled
the diocese at the time of this visit contented himself with building a modest
church in lien of a cathedral.
422 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTOBT
of pleasores and diversions, both of walking and the chase ;
that he rarely saw any strangers or Frenchmen pass through
those parts, and he was still more astonished when I informed
him that I came only out of curiosity, after having visited
the most southern parts of Europe. He showed me many
curiosities in his cabinet, as well as all the apartments of his
castle, which were well furnished, and hung with tapestry.
He knew not how sufficiently to entertain and make me
welcome, in order to induce me to remain with him some
dajrs ; but as I had resolved to prosecute my journey, I was
obliged to thank and take leave of him. He conducted me a
mile on the way, after which I got to Hilbara,^ otherwise
Tilburg, where there is a large castle, one of the finest in
Ireland, situated on a river which runs out of a large pool,
where I passed over a great causey, which finished where the
mountains begin near Lenegiardin,' whose large castle and
its garden are filled with wonders, like many others in the
same town, which is on an eminence, the foot whereof is
washed by the river. After this the country is but ill-
cultivated, and com dear.
Few windmills are to be seen in Ireland. They eat here,
as well as in some parts of Scotland, cakes called kets, which
they bake on thin iron plates over a fire ; being sufficiently
baked on one side, they turn them on the other, till they
become as dry as a biscuit. They are made without leaven,
and sometimes so ill baked that a person who is not used to
them cannot eat them ; nevertheless throughout all the inns
on the road no other sort of bread is eaten ; however, they
do not spare to cover them with butter, and thick cheese,
here very cheap, costing only a penny per pound. The
common people live chiefly on this, especially in places
distant from the rivers and lakes. Afterwards I arrived at
Belfast, situate on a river at the bottom of a gulf, where barks
and vessels anchor on account of the security and goodness
of the port; wherefore several merchants live here who
» Hillsborough, co. Down. Not to be confounded with the earlier Hillsboro*.
CO. Antrim, close to Belfast. See p. 370 supra.
^ Lisnegarvey, the modern Lisbnm.
DESCRIPTION OF ENGLAND AND IRELAND 428
trade to Scotland and England, whither they transport the
superfluities of this country. Here is a very fine castle, and
two or three large and straight streets, as in a new-built
town. One may often procure a passage here for Scotland,
but as I could not meet with one, I went to Knockfergus,
which is at the entry of this gulf, and within eight miles of
Belfast.
GABBIOEFEBGUS.
Knockfergus is a strong town, and one of the most ancient
in the kingdom ; it is situated, as it were, at one of the ends
of the island, at the entry of a gulf environed by mountains,
whereby it is sheltered from the wind, having besides a port,
enclosed by a great mole built with flints, composing a large
quay in the form of a semicircle, by the side of which there
are always a number of vessels. The entrance is defended
by a huge castle on the sea-^hore, elevated upon a rock, that
renders it difficult to be scaled. There are garrisons in both
the town and castle, as there are in all the strong places in
Ireland. I was not disappointed in procuring a passage for
Scotland, but the wind being contrary, obliged me to wait
eight days, during which time I walked about all the envi-
rons of the town, and upon the sea-shore, which are very
agreeable. I was well entertained here, both on fish and
flesh, for a shilling a day, exclusive of my horse, which I had
sent back to Dublin, where I hired him to this place. I
nevertheless began to tire, being without company, or any
person to discourse with, unless in the English language, in
which I had great difficulty to make myself understood in a
long discourse, as well as to understand what was said to me
in the same tongue, wherefore my whole amusement was to
walk and see the town, expecting the change of wind and
weather. They took me into the great castle, which is en-
closed by very thick walls, and defended by round towers
placed all about it, having in the middle a large keep, or
dungeon, over whose gate are many pieces of cannon ; these
command the city, and also the port. About a month before
my arrival the garrison was in arms against the Viceroy, who
424 ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTOEY
had not paid them.^ Being informed of this, he equipped
six large ships of war and three thousand land forces, and
besieged the castle, which resisted three months, without the
guns being able to do anything ; but provisions and ammu-
nition failing, the mutineers were obliged to make conditions
with the Viceroy, who caused five or six of the most guilty
to be punished. At the distance of about an hundred paces
in the city, near the sea-side, are still to be seen some old
towers of an ancient castle. Another day I went to see the
great palace, which is at one of the ends of the town. It is
a great square paviUon, having, I think, as many windows
as there are days in the year. The top is terraced, and sur-
rounded with balustrades ; the entry is handsome. You first
come into the outer great court, surrounded with the officers'
lodgings, having a gallery over it, from whence there is a
view of the sea and all over the town ; then you advance to
a drawbridge between two little turrets, which accompany a
small paviUon rising over the gate of the drawbridge ; this
leads from the first to the second court, and faces the grand
edifice. Its staircase is skdmirable, and its gate or door much
more so, on account of many pieces of sculpture and engrav-
ing with which it is ornamented. The town has properly
but two principal streets ; in the largest there is a market-
place, where are the town hall and parade ; a small river
runs through the middle of it, and empties itself at the port,
whither I often went to see if the wind had changed.*
The etymology of Knocfergus,^ according to the opinions
of many of the natives, comes from the embarkation made
by the King Fergus for Scotland, from near that rock on
which the castle stands ; a rock being in the Irish tongue
called Knock, or Karrick, which added to Fergus, the name
of the King, gave the name of Knock Fergus, or Karrick
Fergus, to this town.
' The mutiny at Carrickfergus was of serioas dimensions. See Carte's
Life of Ormond, ii. pp. 326-7, and McSkimin's History of Carrickfergus. See
also reference to the part played in suppressing it by the Irish Guards,
Part I. p. 91, supra.
' See p. 868 supra, and see also the Montgomery Manuscripts, p. 424, note.
' See p. 368 supra, note 2.
DESCRIPTION OP ENGLAND AND IRELAND 426
I knew that the common passage for the post and
packet-boat was six miles above the town, at a little village
called Lame, and that formerly this passage was to Arglas
and to Denocadi/ villages below Belfast ; but for security,
and finding an opportunity of passing from Knockfergus, or
Karrickfergus, in Scotland, I would wait for proper wind
and weather to do it. During my stay I saw the burial of
the governor of the town, who was carried in procession
about all the streets, followed by the most considerable
burghers of the town, and all the officers and soldiers of the
garrison, their arms trailing on the ground, with many
trumpets plashing sorrowfully and in a dismal tone, until
they came into the church, where, after all these ceremonies,
before he was put into the grave, they fired a general
discharge on the spot where he was placed, in the middle of
the church.*
As the water throughout England is in general unfit to
drink, they make a sort of beer they call Smal Bir, or .weak
beer, for the servants and children, instead of water. It is
made solely of what remains after they have drawn off the
good beer, by the addition of water passing through the
grains, which is afterwards well boiled up. This small beer
is extremely proper to quench thirst and to refresh, but has
neither strength nor nourishment.
The wind at length became favourable for leaving
Knockfergus, from whence we kept the Irish coast for some
time, until it was stark calm. This gave occasion to our
sailors to observe, that it was a presage of our having
presently a brisk gale ; and in effect, early in the morning,
so violent a wind arose that, though it was abaft, it obliged
us to take in all our sails, and run into the great gulf of
Dombritton,' at the entry of which there is the great rock
Aliza.^ The storm increased so much, that the sea often
covered our vessel, and passed over it, threatening to bury
' Ardglas and Donaghadee.
' This must have been a deputy or Constable of Carriekfergus. The
Qovemor at the time of de Bocheford*s visit was Arthur, first Earl of
DonegaU, who survived till 1675.
' Dumbarton. * Ailsa Craig.
426 ILLUSTRATIONS OF IRISH HISTORY
us in its waves. This gulf is skirted by high mountains and
bare rocks, whence we saw on the right hand Yrotien.^
Towards the approach of night the wind began to abate,
owing to some clouds portending rain and a change of wind,
which came on with a fxuy, and in so tempestuous a
manner that resistance was impossible, and in the little
gulf of Ejinock' our sailors were obliged to put out all the
anchors they had, trusting to the mercy of God, in whom
was placed all our hope. We arrived there after the storm
was over, which both wetted and greatly fatigued our
sailors, happy to get ofif so well. This town is the passage of
the Scotch post and packet-boat to Ireland ; its port is good,
sheltered by the mountains which surround it, and by a
great mole, by the side of which are ranged the barks and
other vessels, for the convenieucy of loading and unloading
more easily. We made good cheer together, as companions
of fortune. After which I left this town, and coasted the
gulf of Dombritton.
^ Perhaps Arran is meant. ^ Qreenook.
INDEX
Adams, Bernard, Bishop of Limerick,
363
Adderton, Captain Henry, 331
Addison, Joseph, Keeper of the Records
in Ireland, 36
Aldermen of Skinner's Alley, 196-203 ;
Charter Song, 202
Allen, Thomas, 191
Andrews, George, Bishop of Ferns,
164-6, 182 6, 386
Anglesey, Arthur, first Earl of, 167, 168
Armagh, 420 ; epigram on, 231
Armorer, Sir Nicholas, Qovemor of
Cork, 90
Arran, Earl of, 24, 63, 80, 82, 83, 84,
88
Ashtown Castle, 60
Athy, Sir Arthur, 163
Atwell's Tavern, Dublin, 208
Auckland, William Eden, Lord, 67, 69
Bacon, Roger, MS. of his Opus Majus,
383
Bagnal, Sir Henry, Marshal of Ulster,
372 n. 2
Bagnal, Sir Nicholas, 123
Ballast Office. 186-90
Ballihack (co. Wexford), 398-9
Baltimore, Cecilius Calvert, Lord, 388
* Bandies,' 368
Bandonbridge, 366
Bards, 247-8, 311, 361
Baronial divisions, Irish, 106
Barrington, Rev. Benjamin, 178
Barrington, Sir Jonah, his works
quoted, 70, 196
Battle-axes, Lord Lieutenant's guard
of, 86-7
*Bawns,' 222
Belfast, 422
Belfast Castle, 870
Bermingham family, 218, 219, 261
Billingsley, Major, 87, 92, 94
Bingham, Sir Richard, Qovemor of
Connaught, 308
Bishoprics, Irish, 377
BUuiuiere, Sir John, 69-72
Blosse, Francis Lynch, 364
Boate, Qerard, his * Natural History
of Ireland ' referred to, 149, 160,
364 n. 1, 371 n. 3
Bodley, Sir Josias, 297 n., 341; his
visit to Lecale, 326-44
Bolton, Sir Richard, Lord Chancellor
of Ireland, 376 n. 4
* Bonnyelabber,' 230, 369
Book of Sports, 880
Boullaye le Gouz, M., 413 n. 2
Boulter, Hugh, Archbishop of Armagh,
64
Bowling Qreen, Dublin, 169
Bradford, Dr. Alexander, 176, 178
Brady, Maziere, 847
Brady, Nicholas, 346
Bramhall, John, Archbishop of
Armagh, 184
Brehon judges, 274, 276, 284
Brereton, Sir William, Travels of,
363-407 ; referred to, 23, 149
Bristol fair, 399
Brouncker, Henry, Lord, 61
Bruces, their invasion of Ireland, 116,
146, 369 n. 3, 417 n. 2
Buckworth, Theophilus, Bishop of
Dromore, 371, 421 n, 2
Butt, Isaac, 199, 200
'Butter Captains,' 286
* Caluots,' 367
Camden's Britannia, 314, 412
Capel, Henry, Lord, 64
Carew, Sir George, 22, 126, 162,
240 n., 833
Camew, 387
Carriok-on-Snir, 401
Carrickfergus, 868, 369 n. 3, 423
Carroll, Sir James, Lord Mayor of
Dublin, 890
' Carrows,' 248, 322
Gary's Hospital, 22, 166
428
ILLUSTRATIONS OF IBISH HISTORY
Catholioism, 268, 878, 897, 401, 402,
415-6, 418
Caulfeild, Sir Toby, first Lord Cbarle-
mont, 829 n. 1
* Cessing,' 808
Chaloner, Dr. Luke, 883, 413
Chamber of Commeroe of Dablin,
origin of tbe, 190-5
Chambre, Galoot, 887
Cbapelizod, the King's House at, 58-5,
62-6
Chappell, William, Bishop of Cork, 388
Cheevers, Bichard, 397
Chester, 409
Chesterfield, Philip Stanhope, fourth
Earl of, 65, 66-7
Chichester, Sir Arthur, 21-2, 46, 120,
125, 166, 828, 370 n. 1
Chichester, Edward, first Viscount,
368
Chichester House, 166, 177
Chief Secretary's Lodge in PhoBuix
Park, 71-2
Churches, Dublin :
Christ Church Cathedral, 351, 378.
414
Jesuits' Church, 382
Bound Church, see St. Andrew's
St. Andrew's, 160-85
St. Audoen's (Owen's), 84, 379
St. Bride's, 379
St. Mark's, 168, 175-6
St. Michael's, 84
St. Patrick's Cathedral, 10, 17, 29,
34, 161, 168, 176, 351, 378, 414
St. Sepulchre's, 16
St. Werburgh's, 163, 173, 379, 385
Clarendon, Henry Hyde, Earl of, 63-4,
92-5
Clements, Nathaniel, 60, 68
Cleveland, Barbara Villiers, Duchess
of, 61-2
Clonmullen Castle, 388
Cloth, trade in, 415
Colclougb, Sir Adam, 896, 398
Connaught, ancient province of, 106,
111 ; presidents of, 130-1 ; shiring
of, 122
Constable, Sir Balph, 331
Constables of Dublin Castle, 36-8
Conway, Edward, second Viscount, 371
Cooper, Austin, his Diary quoted, 68
Cork, 261, 262, 283, 296, 352
Cork Hill, 32
Cork, Bichard Boyle, first Earl of, 150,
378, 382 n. 2, 405 n. 1
* Coshering,' 232, 360
Costumes, Irish, 261, 321, 356-9, 396
Counterblaste to Tobacco, 342 n.
Counties of Ireland, the : their origin,
constitution, and gradual delimita-
tion, 103 ; nomenclature of, 135
* Coy ' ( = wild-fowl decoy), 394
Creagh, Bichard, titular Ajrohbishop
of Armagh, 21
Cromwell, Henry, in PhoBnix Park, 51
Cromwell, Oliver, grants a pension to
Luke Gemon, 346
Croes Tipperary, county of, 133
Crow. John, 167
* Cuttings,' 245, 276
D'Alton, John, his King Jameses
Army List, 75
Dancing, Irish country dances, 322
Danish rule in Dublin, 1-2, 161
Danvers, Sir Henry, 330
Davies, Sir John, his LHaeovery of
Ireland quoted, 104, 107, W2,
237 n. 2 ; on counties palatine, 109 ;
referred to, 117, 120, 124, 145, 167 n.
Davison, Captain, 187-8
Deer, placed in Phoenix Park, 60 ; in
Glencree royal forest, 145; wild,
222, 323
Delany, Mrs., her references to the
Phcenix Park, 64-5
Derrioke, John, his Image of Ireland
referred to, 18 n. 2, 20, 32, 148, 223,
261 n. 2, 851 n. 4
Desmond, district of, 132
Desmond, Earl of, 215, 257, 313
I Diet, Irish, 225, 320-1, 359-61
Dillon, Sir Luke, Chief Baron, 253
! Dillon, Sir Bobert, C.J., 253, 256
I Dinely, Thomas, quoted, 150; his
I Tour referred to, 353 n. 3, 360 n.
I Discourse of Ireland, by Luke
I Gemon, 345-62
} Dodson, William, 56, 170
Donegall, Arthur Chichester, first Earl
of, 369, 373 n. 2
Dopping, Anthony, Bishop of Meath
172
Dorrington, Sir William, Colonel of
Irish Guards, 94, 95, 96
Dorset, Duke of. Viceroy of Ireland, 64
Dougatt, Dr. Bobert, 176
Dough Arra, co. Tipperary, 134
Drogheda, 373-4, 417-8
Dromore, 871, 421
Drummond, Thomas, Under-Secretary
69 n. 3
Drury, Sir WiUiam, 126, 126
Dublin : described by Gemon, 350-1 ;
by Sir William Brereton, 377-85 ;
by Jorevin de Bocheford, 411 ; by
Boullaye le Gouz, 413 n. 2 ; Bala-
eleififh and Divelin (old names for
DubUn), 217
Index
429
Dublin Castle, history of, 1-40; as
Parliament House, 27-9; as Law
Courts, 29-30 ; as Exchequer and
Mint, 30-2 ; as State Prison, 32-3 ;
as Record Office, 33-6; Constables
of, 36-8 ; Survey of, in 1624, 38-40;
visited by Sir W. Brereton, 380 ; by
Jorevin de Bocheford, 413 ; Ber-
mingham Tower, 32, 34
Dublin county, its former area, 124
Dubourdieu, Brereton *8 Travels quoted
by, 363
Duffries, the (Co. Wexford), 158, 389
Dun, Sir Patrick, his account of the
fire in Dublin Castle, 24
Duncannon Fort, 400
Dundalk, 372, 419
Dungannon, Marcus Trevor, Viscount,
first Banger of Phoenix Park, 59
Dymmok's Treatise of Ireland quoted,
148 n. 3, 152
Edgcuiibe, Sir Bichard, his Voyage
into Ireland, 13-14
Edinburgh, communications between
Dublin and, 417
English -Irish, the, Moryson^s account
of, 250
Enniscorthy, 389
Essex, Bobert Devereux, Earl of, 19,
46, 121, 234
Essex, Arthur Capel, Earl of, 23, 44, 61
Eustace, Sir Maurice, Lord Chancellor
of Ireland, 52, 55 n. 4, 167, 168
Evans, Mr., Dublin antiquary, 57 n. 2
Evelyn, John, 63
Exchequer, Dublin Castle used for, 30
Falkland, Henry Cary, Viscount, 22,
49
Falkland, Lucius Cary, Viscount,
329 n. 3
Feilding, Sir Charles, Lt.-Col. of Irish
Guards, 91, 94
Finglas, Patrick, C.J., 146
Fisher, Sir Edward, 48
Fitton, Sir Edward, President of Con-
naught, 130
FitzGibbon, John, Lord Chancellor,
179
Fitz-Henry, Meiller, Justiciary of Ire-
land, 5-7
Fitzjames, Duke of, fights duel in
Phoenix Park, 98
Fitzwalter, Thomas Badcliffe, Vis-
count, see Sussex, Earl of
Flower, Sir George, Governor of Dun-
cannon, 400
Flower, Sir William, Lt..Col. of Irish
Guards, 80-1, 89
Forest laws in Ireland, 145
Forests of Ireland, 143-59
Fortescue, Sir Faithful, 372
Foster-children, 244, 261, 318
Foster, John, Speaker, his connection
with St. Andrew's Church, 179, 197
Four Courts, Dublin, 29, 30 ft. 2
Fownes, Sir William, 171, 180
Fulbum, Stephen, Bishop of Water-
ford, 10
Funeral customs, 319
Galway, its earlier importance, 354
Galway, Lord, 64
Gardiner, Bobert, C.J., 253 n.
George, Prince, of Denmark, Lord
High Admiral of Ireland, 188-90
GenJdines, the, 252, 257
Gemon, Luke, his Discourse of Ire-
land, 345-62
Gilbert, Sir John, his works on
Dublin referred to, 18, 75 n., 190
Glenoree, royal folrest of, 59 n. 2, 145
* GUbs,' 261
Gomme, Sir Bernard de, his map of
the harbour of Dublin, 186
Gk)rmanston, viscounty of, 282
Grattan, Henry, proposed grant of
Phoenix Park to, 70; referred to,
197,206
Gregg, Bev. Tresham, 200
Gregory, Sir WUliam, 199, 200-1
Grenadier Guards, origin of the regi-
ment, 78
Grey de Wilton, Arthur, fourteenth
Baron, Lord Deputy of Ireland, 308
Greyhounds, 324
Grogan, Sir Edward, 199
Grose, the antiquary, on Jorevin de
Bocheford, 409 n.
Hacxetbtown, 378, 385-6
Halbertiers, Lord-Lieutenant*6 Guard
of, 86-7
Haliday, Charles, his Scandinavian
Kingdom of Z>f«62in referred to, 161,
169 n.
Hamilton, Sir F., his History of the
Grenadier Guards referred to, 77 n. 2
Hampton, Christopher, Archbishop of
Armagh, 374
Hansard, John, 176
Hardiman*8 Sta4>ute of Kilkenny
quoted, 105 n. 2
Haxdwicke, Lord, Viceroy of Ireland,
181
430
ILLUSTRATIONS OP IRISH HISTOBY
Harris, Walter, on Dublin Castle, 20
Hartley, Travers, first President of
Dublin Chamber of Commerce, 194
Hartwell, George, 179-80
Hawking, 224, 324
Hawkins, E., editor of Brereton's
Travels, 868-4
Henri de Londres, Arohbp. of Dublin,
builder of Dublin Castle, 6-8, 161
Henry H., visits Dublin, 4
Henry UI., adds chapel to Dublin
Castle, 8-9
Hewetson, Michael, Beotor of St.
Andrews and Archdeacon of Armagh,
174
Hill, Sir Moyses, 370
Hillsboro* (co. Antrim), 370
Hillsborough (co. Down), 422
Holyhead, 410-11
Hook Tower, 401
Howard, Thomas, 187
Hoyle, Dr. Nathaniel, 379, 385
Hughes, Mr. Charles, Editor of
Shakespeare's Europe^ 211
Hunting, 328
Hyde Park, Jorevin de Bocheford in,
413 n. 3
*Ibib8H* (««rfc), 274
Irish Guards, 74*102
Iron-works, 150, 154, 887, 889
Island Bridge, built by Sir H. Sidney,
45 n. 8
James I., his Counterblasts to Tobacco
referred to, 342 n.
James II., at Dublin Castle, 26
Jephson, Sir John, 329 n. 2
Jerome, Rev. Stephen, 379
Jesuits' Church, Dublin, 382
John, King, orders building of Dublin
Castle, 5 ; visits Dublin, 7
Johnston, Francis, 180
Joinville (or Geneville), Geoflfrey de,
111
Jones, Henry, Bishop of Meath, 169,
174
Jones, Sir Theophilus, 62, 85
Jones, Thomas, Archbishop of Dublin,
340
Joyce, P. W., his Irish Names of
Places referred to, 49, 135-6, 144,
372 n. 1
Joymount, Carrickfergus, 868 n. 4
I
Kavanaoh, Sir Morgan, 386, 388-9 i
Keating, James, Prior of Kilmainham, !
13-14 !
Kildare, George, 16th Earl of, 397-8
Kildare Hall, 882
KUkenny Castle, 354, 414-5
Kilmainham Priory, 44-8
King's House, see Chapelizod,
Kinsale, siege of, 287, 289, 292, 293,
337
Kirwan, Dean, 182
Knights Hospitallers, Kilmainham,
44
Knockfergus, see Carriokf ergas
Lancaster, palatinate of, 112
Language, Irish, 262, 317
Lame, 425
Laud, Archbishop, 164-6, 182-5
Law Courts, Irish, 29-80, 273, 382
Laws of Ireland, Moryson's account
of the, 273
Lawyers, Moryson's accoant of, 278-
281, 817
Lazy [Lazars] Hill, 167, 168, 175,
181 n. 2
Lecale, 219 *, Sir Josias Bodley's visit
to, 826-44
Le Fanu, T. P., on the royal Forest
of Glencree, 59 n. 2, 146 n. 2
Leinster, ancient province of. 107
110
Lever, James, 180
Lighting of Dublin streets, 181 n. 2
Limerick, described by Oemon, 352
Lingard, Dr. Bichard, 168, 172
Lionel, Duke of Clarence, his restora-
tions at Dublin Castle, 11
Lisnegarvey ( = Lisbum), 370, 422
Livingston, Sir William, 365
Loftus, Adam, Lord Chancellor of
Ireland, 164
London, communication between
Dublin and, 417
Londonderry, county of, 118 n. 2
Lord Lieutenant, title of, 234
Lucas, Dr., assists in founding Royal
Exchange, Dublin, 191
Lundy Island, 407
McMahon sept, origin of, 244
McSkimin, Samuel, historian of
Carrickfergus, referred to, 91 n. 1
368 nn, 3, 4, 424 n. 1
Mainwaring, Boger, 392
Malby, Sir Nicholas, President of
Connaught, 122
Marble, Irish, 360, 352, 379
Marshall, William, Earl of Pembroke
110
INDEX
431
Massingberd, Sir Oswald, Prior of
Kilmainham, 45
Meade, William, Recorder of Cork,
247
Meath, ancient province of, 106, 110
Mere Irish, the, Moryson's account of,
241
Milford route to Ireland, 396
Military a£Fairs, Moryson's account of,
284
Militia, City of Dublin, 85
Minstrels, Irish, 247-8, 311, 361
Mints, Irish, 30-2, 236
Monmouth, Duke of, intended grant
of Phoenix Park to, 61
Montgomery, Sir Hugh, let Viscount
Montgomery, 365
Moore, Sir Garret (Viscount), 375
Mornington, Richard Colley Wesley
(Wellesley), first Lord, 178
Morris, Capt. Edward, 341
Moryson, Fynes, 148, 211-3; extracts
from his Itinerary: A. 'The De-
scription of Ireland,' 214-32; B.
'The Commonwealth of Ireland,'
233-309; C. 'The Manners and
Customs of Ireland,' 310-25
Moryson, Sir Richard, Vice-President
of Munster, 212, 329 n. 3
Mountjoy, Charles Blount, eighth
Baron (Earl of Devonshire), 212,
225, 228, 234, 240 n.,246, 266, 276,
295, 315
Munster, ancient province of, 106,
129 ; Presidency and Presidents of,
130-1 ; shiring of, 130-3
Netterville, Viscount, 376
Newcomen, Sir Beverley, Admiral of
Ireland, 399, 405
Newry, 330, 372, 421
Newtown, Phoenix Park, 59, 68
Newtownards, 366
Nicholas, Captain John, 171
•Ninth Whelp,' guardship, 377-8,
405
Nomenclature of Irish Counties, 135
Nowel, Dean, his Elizabethan map of
Ireland, 104
O^Callaohan, John Cornelius, his
History of the Irish Brigctde re-
ferred to, 75
O'Cane, 277
O'Connell, Daniel, 199
O'Conor, Matthew, his Military
Memoirs of the Irish NatMrn^ 75
O'DonneU, Hugh Roe (Lord of Tyr-
connel), 268, 279
O'DonneU, Neill Garve, 244, 246
O'Donnell. Rory, first Earl of Tyr-
connel, 246, 279
Olderfleet, 417
O'NeiU, Henry Oge, 246, 280, 388
O'Neill, Hugh, see Tyrone
O'Neill, Lady Sara, daughter of
Tyrone, 332
O'NeiU, Shane, 290 n., 321
O'Neill, Turlongh Luineach, 290
Ormond, district of, 132
Ormond, James Butler, first Duke of,
24, 42, 43, 51, 52-3, 60-2, 77-80.
82, 87-8, 112, 402
Ormond, Thomas, tenth Earl of, 282
Orrery, Roger Boyle, Earl of, his SteUe
Letters quoted, 51
Ossory, Thomas, Earl of, 63, 89, 95
Oulart, or Ollart, 389
Ouzel Galley Society, 203-8
Palatine, Counties, 109, 111 n. 3
Pale, English, period of its shrinking,
116-7 ; its extent in 1596, 136
Parliament, Irish, its place of as-
sembly, 27-9, 380
Passes, names of, 147 n. 1
Pentarchy, Irish, 106
Perrot, Sir John, 18, 21, 120, 126-8,
130
Petty, Sir William, on planting in
Ireland, 150
Phillips, Dr. Marmaduke, 178
Phillips, Thomas, 353 n. 3
Phillpott, Sir John, Judge of Irish
Common Pleas, 395
Phoenix, etymology of the name, 49
Phoenix Park, 41-73; House, 52
Magazine, 52
Piers, Sir Henry, 147
Pies (Magpies), 223
PUlions, 360
Pipe-staves, trade in, 150, 225, 387,
392
' Plashmg,' 148
Ploughing by the tail, 263, 322
Polliurd, Sir John, first President of
Munster, 130
Portland, third Duke of, his letter to
Count Walsh de Serrant, 99
Post and Pair, game of, 348
Presidents of Connaught, 130-1; of
Munster, 130-1, 272 n. 1
Prior, Thomas, 155
Prison, Irish State, 32-3
Pynnar, Capt. Nicholas, 22 n. 3
432
ILLUSTRATIONS OF lEISH HISTORY
RiDcuFFB, Thomas, Me Sussex, Earl
of,
Bangerahip of PhoBniz Park, 59-60
RawBon, Sir John, Prior of Eihnain-
ham, 44
Record Offioe, Irish, 33-6
Beeves, William, Bishop of Down, his
Toumland DistribuUon of Irdand
qaotod, 105 ; his translation of
Bodley's Visit to Lecale, 326-7 ; on
game of * skewer the goose,* 843 n.
B^an, Maurice, his Chtomcle quoted,
6h.3
Bhehan, 216
Biohard II., his visits to Dublin, 11-
12
Biohardson, John, Bishop of Ardagh,
380
Booheford, Jorevin de, 24 ; his De-
scripUon of England and Ireland,
409-26
Boe, Sir Francis, 376
Botheram, Sir Thomas, 381
Bound Church, see St. Andrew's,
Dublin
Boyal Exchange, Dublin, 191
Bussell, Colonel John, 78
Saddles, Irish, 284, 360
St. Andrew's Church, Dublin, 160-
185
St. Audoen's Church, Dublin, 84, 379
St. Bride's Church, Dublin, 379
St. John, Sir Oliver, Lord Grandison,
49
St. Mark's Church, Dublin, 168, 175-
176
St. Michael's Church, Dublin, 84
St. Owen's Church, Dublin, see St.
Audoen's
St. Patrick, Order of, 283 n. 1
St. Patrick's Cathedral, Dublin, 16,
17, 29, 34, 161, 168, 176, 351, 378,
414
St. Patrick's Chair, Struel, 341
St. Patrick's Purgatory, 220, 419
St. Patrick's Well, Struel, 341
St. Sepulchre's Church, Dublin, 16
St. Stephen's Green, 43, 84
St. Stephen's Hall, 382
St. Thomas the Martyr, Dublin, Abbey
of, 16
St. Werburgh's Church, Dublin, 163,
173, 379, 386
Salnsbury, Lady, 375
Sankey, Sir Jerome, 51
' Scarborough leisure,' 162
Seele, Dr. Thomas, Provost of Trinity
CoUcge, Dublin, 412
Selden on * counties palatine,' 111 %, 3
Septs, Irish, 103-4
Serrant, Count Walsh de. Colonel of
Irish Guards, 97, 99, 102
Shakespeare's Europe, 211
Sheriffs, Irish, 113-6
Shires, division of Ireland into, 107
Shurley, Sir George, L.C^. of Ireland,
395
Sidney, Sir Henry, restores Dublin
Castle, 17 ; estaUishes Irish Record
Office, 35 ; resident at Kilmamham,
45; his work in shiring Ireland,
120-6
Sidney, Sir Philip, 121
Silken Thomas, siege of Duhlm Gastk
by, 14-15
' Skewer the goose,' game of, 343
Skinner's Alley, Aldermen of, 195-203
* Sow ' ( = * pig ' of iron), 888
Spanish-Irish relations, 215, 362, 266,
275, 281, 285, 287, 292, 300, 817,
401, 415
Spanish wine, 229, 274, 332
Spenser, Edmund, referred to, 308 n, ;
the Faery Queene quoted, 349 n.
Spiders, 143, 225, 420
Stanihurst, Bichard, his Latin poem
on Sir Henry Sidney quoted, 17 k.
2 ; referred to, 116, 124, 162
Stephens, Sir John, 90
Strafford, Thomas Wentworth, Earl
of, 18, 22-3, 35, 42, 50, 164-6, 182-
185, 378 n. 4
Strangford, 366
Strongbow, Bichard, 4, 252
Struel, St. Patrick's Well at, 341
Sunday observance in Dublin. 264,
384-5
Superstitions, popular, 314
Sussex, Thomas Badoliffe, Earl of.
Lord Lieutenant, 45, 118-9
Sutton, Sir Biohard, 47
Swift, Dean, quoted, 52, 151, 155 n. 1
181
Sydney (Sidney), Capt. John, 341
Tandy, Napper, 197
Tanistry, 243, 274, 319
Taverns, Dublin, 226; ISthcenturv
208 n. 1 ^'
Taylor, Jeremy, Bishop of Dromore
421 n. 2
Temple, Sir John, 68, 89, 168
Thingmount, the, 161, 169-70
Thomond (Clare), its government
123-4
* Tib and Tom,' 169
Tilson, Henry, Bishop of Elphin, 406
INDEX
433
Tintern Abbey (Wexford), 396 n. 3,
398 n.
Tipperary, two counties of, 133-4
Tiroonnell, Hugh Roe O'Donnell, lord
of, 279
Tobaooo controversy, 341-2
Townshend, Lord, Viceroy of Ireland,
67
Travers, John, 174
Treswell, Sir Daniel, Captain of the
guard of Battle-axes, 86; epitaph
on, 87
Trim, liberty of, 111
Trim Oastle, 34 n. 2
Trinity College, Dublin, 383
Turkish pirates, 406
Tyroonnel, Bory O'Donnell, first Earl
of, 246, 279
Tyroonnel, Richard Talbot, Earl of,
63, 64, 92-5
Tyringham, Sir Arthur, 373
Tyrone, Hugh O'Neill, second earl of,
219, 229, 253, 267-60, 271,272,286,
288, 290, 291, 813, 330
Ulstbb, ancient province of, 106, 111,
127 ; shiring of, 128 ; presidency of,
272 n. 2
* Undertakers,* 258, 259, 804
Usquebagh, 221. 226 n. 3, 229, 250,
338, 361
Ussher, James, Archbishop of Armagh,
184, 346, 375, 379, 384
VicBR£0AL Lodge, 60, 68, 70
Viscount, title of, 282 n.
Waldenaesj History of the, 384
Walshe, Sir Nicholas, his Report of
1606 to Lord Salisbury, 141
Wandesford, Sir Christopher, 167
Ware, Sir James (jun.), 174
Waterford, 216, 262, 266, 283, 296,
352, 399-401
Welsh mountains visible from Dublin,
412
Wentworth, Sir George, 166
Wentworth, Thomas, see Strafford
Westminster Hall, roofed with Irish
timber, 143
Wallop, Sir Henry, 391
Wexford, 394
William III., at Chapelizod, 64
Williams, Sir Roger, 386
Willoughby, Col. Francis, 90
Windsor (Winsor) Sir William, 841
Wolf-legends, 216
Wolves, 222, 324
Woods of Ireland, 143-59
Yarbanton, Andrew, 186
Yelvertoh, Barry, 72
Youghal, 355
Young, Arthur, quoted, 150, 151,
155-0
PRINTKD BY
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I/JXDON
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PAOB
BADMINTON LIBRARY (THE)- - 12
BIOGRAPHY. PERSONAL ME-
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CHILDREN'S BOOKS - - . 32
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COOKERY, DOMESTIC MANAGE-
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EVOLUTION, ANTHROPOLOGY,
&c.
FICTION, HUMOUR, &c. - . . 25
FINE ARTS (THE) AND MUSIC - 36
FUR, FEATHER AND FIN SERIES 15
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POETRY AND THE DRAMA -
POLITICAL ECONOMY AND ECO-
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RELIGION, THE SCIENCE OF
SILVER LIBRARY (THE)
SPORT AND PASTIME -
STONYHURST PHILOSOPHICAL
SERIES
TRAVEL AND ADVENTURE, THE
COLONIES, &c. . - . -
WORKS OF REFERENCE.
17
38
23
20
30
21
33
12
19
II
31
INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS.
Abbott (Evelyn)
(J. H. M.)
fy. K.) -
(E. A.) -
Acland (A. H. D.) -
Acton (Eliza) -
Adclborg(0.) -
Aschylus
Apacy (H. A.) -
Airy (Osmund)
Albemarle (Earl of) -
Alcock (C. W.)
Allen (Grant) >
AUgood (G.) •
Alverstone (Lord) -
Angwin (M. C.)
Annandale (N.)
Anstey (F.)
Page
3, 19, 22
• 17.18
17
Page
17
13, 20, 21
Anstruther Thomson (J.) 9
Baldwin (C. S.)
Balfour (A. J.)
Ball (John) -
Banks (M. M.) - -
Baring-Gould (Rev.
S.) - . .ai,38
Barnett(S.A.andH.) to
Baynes (T. S.) - - 38
Beaconsfield (Earl of) 25
Beaufort (Duke of)
12. 13. M
Becker (W. A.)
Beealy (A. H.) •
Bell (Mrs. Hueh)
Belmore (Earl of)
Bent (J. Theodore)
Besant (Sir Walter)-
Bickerdyke (j)
Aristopnancs
Aristotle -
Arnold (Sir Edwin) •
(Dr. T.) - -
Ashby (H.)
Ashley (W. J.) -
Atkinson (J. J.)
(Lc ■
Avebury (Lord)
Ayre (Rev. J.) -
Bacon
Bagehot (W.) -
Bagwell (R.) -
Bailey (H. C.) •
Bain (Alexander)
Baker (Sir 5, W.)
as
17
"i93
3
- 36
- 3.«>
ai
ai
31
- 9.17
9, ao, 38
3
25
- 9. 17
• II. 12
Blackbume (J. H.)
Bland (Mrs. Hubert)
Blount (Sir E.)
Boase (Rev. C. W.)
Boedder (Rev. B.)
Bonnell (H. H.)
Booth (A. I)
Bowen (W. E.)
Bottome (F
Brassey (Lady)
' (Lord) -
i Bright (Rev. J. F.) -
I Broadfoot (Major W.)
Brooks (H. J.)
lBrough(J.)
Brown (A. F.)
84
3
14. 15
15
24
9
5
?
38
as
9
II
14.20
Page
3
Bruce (R. I.)
Buckle (H. T.) -
BuU(T.) -
Burke (U. R.) -
Bnrne-jones (Sir E.)
Boms (C. L.) >
Burrows (Montagu)
Campbell (Rev. Lewis)
Casserly(G.) . . 3
Chesney (Sir G.) • 3
Childe-Pemberton(W.S.) 9
Chisholm (G. C ) • 31
C holmondeley-Ptnnell
(H.) ... 13
Christie (R. C.) • 38
Churchill (Winston S.) 4, 25
Cicero - - - 92
Clarke (Rev. R. F.) - 19
Clodd (Edward) • ai.30
Clutterbuck(W.J.)- 12
Cochrane (A.) - - a3
Cockerell (C. R.) - 11
CoIenso(R. j.) - 36
Collie (J. N.) - - la
Colville (Mrs. A) - 9
Conington (John) > 33
Converse (F.) - - 25
Conybeare(Rev.W.J.)
& Howson (Dean) 33
Coolidge (W. A. B.) 11
Corbett (Julian S.) • 4
Coutts(w.) . aa
Cox (Harding) 13
Crake mpv. A- D.) • 3a
Creighton (Bishop)
Cross (A. LO >
Crozier (J . B.) >
Cutts (Rev. E. L.)
Dabney (J. P.) -
Dale (L.) . -
Dallinger (F. W.)
Dauglish (M. G.)
Davenport (A.)
C.
Davidson
(W. L.) -
Davies(J. F.) .
Dent (C. T.) -
De Salis (Mrs.)
De Tocqueville (A.)
Dent (P. O.) .
Devas (C. S.) •
Dewey (D. R.) >
Dickinson (W. H.)
Dougall (L.) •
Dowden (E.) •
Doyle (Sir A. Conan)
Du Bois (W. E. B.)
Dunbar (Aldis)
(Mary F.) .
Elkind (Louis).
EUis (J. H.) .
(R. L.) .
Erasmus .
I Evans (Sir John)
Falkiner (C. L.)
Farrar (F. W.) .
! Fite (W.) . -
Fitrwygram (Sir F.>
Pag*
4.5.9
5
9.17
5
23
4
5
9
25
X9.J>
4
32
38
«5
40
25
5
25
25
5
15
17
3?
17
INDEX OF AUTHORS AND EDITORS— eonta
Page\
PUg€
I'ofd (H.) . -
«5:
amet (W.) • - 1^
itl
FounUin(P.) •
II '
ameaon (Mrs. Anna)
'i
I'owler (Kdith H.) -
26
efleriea (Richard) -
Francis (Francis) -
«5
ekyll (Gertrude) -
38
FrancU (M. E.>
26
eromederomeK.)-
37
Freeman (Kdward A.)
4. 5
ohnsonO&J. H.)
39
Fremantle (T. F.) -
15
onea (H. Bence) -
31
Fro»t(G.)-
38-
ordan (W. L.)
39
Froude (Jamcii A.) 4.9.1
.26
oyce(P. W.) - 6,*7
n
Fumeaux (W.)
^
ustinian - • •
Gardiner (Samuel R.)
4. 5 ■
C«nt(L) -
18
Gathorne-Hardy (Hon.
Kaye (Sir J. W.) -
16 Keller (A. G.) ■
6
A. E.) . . 15
21
Geikie (Kev. Cunning-
Ktlly(E.)- - -
18
ham) - - .
38 Kendall (H. C.) -
24
Gibson(C. H.)-
17 Kielmansegge (F.) -
38 Killick (Rev. A. H.) -
10
(iilkes (A. H.) - -
18
GleiR (Rev. G. R.) -
10 ' Kitchin (Dr. G. W.)
S
(tore-Booth (K.) -
31 Knight (E. F.) - - 11
1 12
Graham (A.) -
S K6stlin(J.)
16 Kristeller (P.) - -
10
(P. A.) - -15
37
(G. F.) - -
ao Ladd(G. T.) ■
18
Granby (Marquess 0!)
16,
Grant (Sir A.) -
17 91.33,24.37.32.39
Graves (R. P.) -
9 Upaley (G. T.)
5
(A. F.) - -
23 1 Uurie (S. S.) - -
, 18 , Lear (H. L. Sidney) -
6
Green (T. Hill) - 17
36
Greene (E. B.) -
5
Lecky (W. E. H.) 6.18
.34
Grevllle (C. C. F.) -
5
Lees (J. A.) - -
13
Groae(T. H.) -
18
Leslie (T.E.CUffe).
20
Groaa (C.)
S
Lieven (Princess) •
6
Grove (I-ady) -
11
Llllie (A. - - -
16
(Mra. Lilly)
»3
Lindley(J.) - -
31
GumhilKJ.) -
17
Lod« (H. C.) - .
5
Gwiltd.)- - -
31
Loftie (Rev. W. J.) -
5
Haggard (H. Rider)
Longman (C. J.) -12
(F.W.) • -
.16
11,36,97,381
16
HalUwell-PhillippsCl.)
Hamilton (Col. H. B.)
10 ■ (G. H.) - - 13
. IS
3 (Mrt.C.T.) -
36 ; Lowell (A. L.)-
37
Hamlin (A. D. F.) -
6
Harding (S. B.)
5 ; Lucian -
33
Hardwick (A. A.) -
11 [LutoaU>n-»ki(W.) -
18
Harmsworth (A. C.) 13
, 74 Lyall(Edna) - - 27,32
Hart (A H.)
s Lynch (G.)
6
Harte (Bret) -
97 (H. F.B.)- -
13
Harting(J.E.)- -
15 Lvtton (Earl of)
24
HartwiK(G.) - -
\o Macaulay (Lord) 7, ic
>.94
Harvcv Mrooks(i:.C.)
\S Macdonald (Dr. G.) -
24
Hassall (A.) -
X Macfarrcn (Sir G. A.)
37
H.itLhiI..C.1 -
•i MackaiKJ. W.) -10
.23
Haweis (H. R.) - •)
, 36 Mackenzie (C. G.) -
16
Head (Mm.) -
37 Mackinnon (J.)
-
Heaihcoic (J. M.) -
14 Macleod (H. D.)
3i'i
(C. G.) . -
14 Macpherson(Rev.H.A.]
l.S
Helmholtz (Hermann
. Madden (D. H.) -
16
von) -
30 Magnusson (E.)
■ Maher iRev. M.) -
28
Henderson (Lieut-
»9
Col. G. F. R.) -
9 Mallet (B.)
Henry (W.)
14 Malleson (Col. G. B.)
6
Henty (G. A.) -
HigginstMrs. N.) -
3a Marbot (Haronde) -
10
9 Marchment (A. W.)
2r
lliIey(R. W.) - -
q Marshman (J. C.) -
9
Hill iS. C.) -
5 Mason (A. K. \V.) -
27
Hillier (G. Lacv) -
13 MaskilyneiJ. N.) -
16
Hime(H. W.i:.) - aa
. ^S Matthav ilolna-i^ -
^-
Hod»rsonjShadworih)il>.^> Matthews (B.)
39
HotniR (F.> - -
?8 Maunder (S.) -
,u
Hoffmann (M -
W M.tx .Miillcr (F.)
Hv^an (J F^ -
Holmes (R R.)
9 10, 18. 20. 21, 22, 2:"
• 39
10 Mav (Sir T. Erskine)
7
Homer -
Z2 Meade (L. T.) -
32
Hope (Anthony)
37 Melville iG. J. Whyte)
27
Horace -
33 Merivale (Dean)
7
Houston (IV F.)
5 Mill ilohn Siuart) - 18
. 2v.>
Howard iLady Mabel >
2- .Millaif (J. G.) - - iC
11 Milncr(G.)
.30
Howiti iW.) -
40
HudM)n (\V. H.)
;o Monck(W. H. S.) -
19
Huish ,M. B.) -
3r Montague (F O -
Hullahil.i
.- Moore (T.>
'I
Hume iPaviJ) •
iS (Rev. Edward) -
I-
(M. A. S.)
; Moran iT. F.) -
7
Hunt Rev. W^
^ Morgan (C. Llovd) -
21
Hunter iSir W )
6 Morris (\V.) - 23, 23
24.
Huichinson .Horace (1
> 2', 28, 37
. 40
13. ics ^-
.3!> Mulhall iM. G.)
20
ln<eIow ilear^
3^ Myew(F.W H.> -
«9
Ingram \T. P '
6
Nanten (F.)
13
Neabit (E.)
Nettleahip (R. L.)
Newman (Cardinal)
Nichola (F. M.)
Norris (W. E) -
Oakeamith H.) -
Ogilvie (R.) •
Osbourne(L.) •
Packard (A. S.)
(W.) . .
Paget (Sir J.) •
Park (W.) - .
Parker (B.) - ^
Payne-GaUwey(SirR.)i4,x6
7
6
»4
9Z
a8
ai
33
xo
x6
40
Peara (E.)
Pearae (H. H. S.) -
Peek (Hedley) •
Pemberton (W. S.
Childe-) - -
Penrose (H. H.)
Phillipp9-WoUey(C.)xs,
Pierce (A. H.) - - xo
Pole(W.)- - - x6
Pollock (W. H.) - 13, 40
Poole (W.H. and Mra.) 36
Poore (G. V.) - 40
Portman (L.) • a8
Powell (E.) - • 8
Praeger (S. Roaamond) 33
Pritchett (R. T.) • 14
Proctor (R. A.) x6, 30, 35
Raine (Rev. James) • 5
Rankin (R.) - - 8, a;
Ransome (C>Til)
Reld (S. J.J .
Rhoades (J.) •
Rice (S. P.) - -
Rich (A.) •
Richmond (Ennia) •
Rickaby (Rev. John)
(Rev. Joaeph) -
Riley a. W.) - •
i Roberts (E. P.)
; Robertson (W. G.) -
Robinson (H. C.) -
Roget (Peter M.)
Stephen (Ledie)
Stephena (H. Mom
Stemberf (Com
9 j Adalbert) -
as I Stevena (R. W.)
Stevenson (R. M 1
StoiT (F.) -
Stnart-Wortley(Aj
Stubbea-W)-
(WT)- -
Sturgis (Julian)
Stntfield (H. E. M.)
Suffolk A BcrkshiP
(Earl of) •
Sollivan (Sir E.)
Sully (James) •
Sutherland (A. and C
(Alex.) -
Suttner (B. n»)
34 S\*erdrup (Ottoi
28 I Swinburne (A. J4
SymeiO. E.) -
, Tallentjrre (S. G4
Taylor (CoL Mcado>
Theophraatoa -
I Thomaa (J. W.)
Thoma»-Sunford ((
Tbompaon (N. G.)
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