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V:
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2)2)
JS9 7
THE CHAUTAUQUA LITERARY AND
SCIENTIFIC CIRCLE.
?ounftc* in 1878.
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6. Individual Readers, no matter how isolated, may have all
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who complete the course.
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12. Young People's Reading Course, to stimulate the reading
of good literature by the young.
For all information concerning the C. L. S. C. address
The Chautauqua Office,
Buffalo, N. T.
THE REQUIRED LITERATURE FOR 1897-98.
Imperial Germany (illustrated) . By Sidney Whit-
man $1.00
The Social Spirit in America. By Professor
Charles R. Henderson, The University of Chicago 1.00
Roman Life in Pliny's Time (illustrated). By
Maurice Pellison 1.00
A Short History op Mediaeval Europe. By
Professor Oliver J. Thatcher, The University of
Chicago • . 1.00
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liam H. Goodyear, Lecturer to the Brooklyn
Institute 1.00
The Chautauquan, a monthly magazine (12 num-
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I ^ twrtKUK rti\u mirnta:
THE GERMAN EMPIRE
From a photograph by E. Hitber, Berlin, reproduced by penn.
Cbantauqua "Kea&lnfl Circle Xttetatute
IMPERIAL GERMANY
A CRITICAL STUDY
FACT AND CHARACTER
SIDNEY WHITMAN. F. R. G. S.
MEADVILLE PENNA
FLOOD AND VINCENT
Cbt 'Mautauqua^Centutp pte#
Copyright, 1897
By Flood & Vincent
The Chautauqua- Century Press, Meadwlle, Pa., U. S, A.
Electrotyped, Printed, and Bound by Flood & Vincent.
DEDICATED
TO
PRINCE BISMARCK
BY
THE AUTHOR
The required books of the C. L. S. C. are recommended by a
Council of six. It must, however, be understood that
recommendation does not involve an approval by the
Council, or by any member of it, of every principle or
doctrine contained in the book recommended.
' \
r\
PREFACE
TO THE PRESENT EDITION.
Books — things that are born of toil and a nervous
sanguine temperament — have, as a rule, but a short
time to live. Indeed, in proportion to the increase of
the literary output of the world does the life of the
average book — I am assured — shrink from a span of
years into one of a few months only.
In such circumstances it is only natural that a distant
publisher's request to a writer to reedit and bring up
to date a book of his, which has already passed the
Methusalatine age of eight full years, should be a source
of the liveliest gratification to him and nerve him to do
his best.
Therefore in supervising this latest English edition of
' ' Imperial Germany ' f I have gladly done all in my
power to correct previous errors and to add here and
there a few pregnant data. Of valued assistance to
me in this work has been a personal memento — the
very copy of "Imperial Germany" which Prince Bis-
marck read and annotated with remarks and corrections
in his own handwriting. Among the latter are several
important historical data, which I have thus been able
to rectify in the present edition. I have also endeav-
ored to carry the subject up to date, as far as I deem
this last course to be possible. For the three most
striking events — if I may call them so — which have
taken place in Germany since the book was first written,
I hold to be the increase of social democracy, the vast
vi Preface to the Present Edition.
growth of German commercial prosperity, and, lastly,
the rise in the estimate of the historian of the person-
ality of Emperor William the First
In conclusion, I may add that it has afforded me par-
ticular satisfaction to assist my American publishers
in their spirited intention of illustrating this edition.
For this purpose I have placed a number of autograph
portraits of eminent Germans — presented to me from
time to time — at their disposal. I trust that these
much- valued tokens of personal friendship, gained in
the exercise of my literary calling, may contribute
somewhat to the interest of the book.
Sidney Whitman.
London^ January \ 1S97.
PREFACE
TO THE FIRST LONDON EDITION.
Germany is a giant in its cradle,, whose growth and develop-
ment will some day astonish the world. — A.J. Mundella, M.P.,
i860.
Those whom circumstances have enabled to glean a
more than superficial knowledge of other countries than
their own are often struck by our general apathy toward,
or at least want of touch with, nationalities that have
much in common with us, not to mention close prox-
imity of geographical position. Even more than this ;
many of us must often have been painfully surprised to
note how such want of touch has contributed to warp
the judgment of men far above the average in intellect
and culture, as well as those in responsible political
positions.
When I say want of touch, I mean it to apply more
to intellectual than to material matters ; and when I say
ignorance or apathy, I also mean it to apply more to the
affinities of race and character than to the mere utilita-
rian subjects of every-day life.
I do not aim to draw attention to the material aspects
of German life, except indirectly and in so far as they
are the result of something deeper. This something I
endeavor to present with its advantages and its draw-
backs — namely, the general character, ethical and
aesthetical, of the great people to whom we are allied
by ties of blood as well as by tradition. Thus, it has
not been my aim to write an all-round work on Ger-
• •
Vll
viii Preface to the First London Edition,
many, such as Mr. Escott's comprehensive work on
England, but rather to deal with a few of the leading
characteristics of Germany, which I have observed
closely in the country itself, and which I think likely
to interest Englishmen generally ; and if I only succeed
in inspiring in a few of my readers an increased interest
in the great Teutonic nation whose power, in our day,
is one of the safest guarantees of European peace, I
shall not have written in vain.
Some of the conclusions I have reached may seem, at
first sight, somewhat contradictory, but they will be
seen to depend upon the varying points of view from
which they are regarded. It has been my aim to speak
the truth fearlessly.
Sidney Whitman.
London, November i, 1888,
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER PAGBn
I. The German Character in Politics . 15
«
II. Intellectual Life 36
III. Educational • ... 66
IV. The Prussian Monarchy 77
V. Paternal Government 102
VI. Bismarck * 129
VII. The Army 158
VIII. The German Aristocracy 191
IX. German Society 211
X. Womankind and Family Life .... 228
XL The Philistine 243
XII. Commerce and Manufacture .... 256
XIII. The German Press 276
XIV. Summary and Conclusion 290
Appendix 307
IX
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
The German Confederation at the Peace of Vienna, 1815.
(Two-page colored map) Front lining pages
Emperor and Empress of the German Empire . . Frontispiece
Page
The Imperial Palace, Strassburg 17
Building in which the Old German Kings and Roman
Emperors were Crowned, Frankfort-on-the-Main . . 21
The Door of the Wittenberg Church against which Luther
Nailed his Famous Theses 22
The Palace of the Grand-Duke of Mecklenburg-Schwerin,
Schwerin 28
Hermann von Helmholtz 39
Dr. Robert Koch 40
Prof. Wilhelm C. Rontgen 41
Dr. Theodor Mommsen 42
Statue of Goethe, Berlin 43
Heinrich von Sybel 45
Paul Heyse 47
Gustav von Moser 49
The University of Konigsberg, where Kant Taught ... 51
The Brandenburg Gate, through which the Victorious
Troops entered Berlin in 187 1 57
Richard Wagner 62
Wagner's Theater, Bayreuth 64
Adolf Menzel 65
The University of Bonn, where the Present Emperor
Studied 69
The University of Strassburg 73
Palace of Emperor William I., Berlin 78
The New Imperial Palace, Potsdam 82
Emperor William 1 87
Emperor Frederick III 93
The Royal Palace at Charlottenberg, where Emperor
Frederick III. Died 95
Emperor William II 97
xi
xii Maps and Illustrations,
Page
Emperor William II., his Mother, the Empress Frederick,
his Grandmother, Queen Victoria, and Three English
Uncles 98
Grand-Duke of Baden 100
Albert, King of Saxony 101
The Reichstag Building, Berlin . . . 105
The Coronation Hall of the Hohenstaufen Emperors, in
the Town Hall at Aix-la-Chapelle 114
General Post-Office, Bremen 122
The New Railway Station, Cologne 123
The Imperial Yacht "Hohenzollern" at Anchor in the
Kaiser Wilhelm Canal 125
Prince Bismarck 131
Princess Bismarck 138
Prince Bismarck, his Wife, Children, and Grandchildren,
and Lenbach and his Wife 147
Herbert Bismarck 153
A Cavalryman 159
A Prussian Officer 161
Alfred Krupp 164
Officers of the First and Second Cavalry Regiments of the
Prussian Guard 166
The Helmet worn by Bismarck during the War of 1870 . 168
An Officer of the Hussars, Saxony 171
An Orderly of the Cuirassiers 173
An Officer of the Guard, Prussia 175
Moltke before Paris, in company with his Aides-de-camp . 179
Monument of Victory, Leipzig 181
Count von Moltke 187
Count von Moltke and Friends at his Country-seat, Creisau 189
The Royal Festival Hall, Carlsruhe 196
Neuschwanstein, one of the Castles of the late King Lud-
wig of Bavaria 202
The National Gallery, Berlin, with Frederick's Bridge in
the Foreground 207
The Royal Theater, Wiesbaden 213
Opera House, Frankfort-on-the-Main 219
The Strassburg Cathedral 223
The "Frauenkirche," Dresden, the Finest Protestant
Church in Saxony 226
Maps and Illustrations.
xin
^!^ ar * u ?! where Luther translated the Bible .... ^233
239
245
rp, XT T - » aui UU3 v«suc un uie Knine 252
• The New Exchange, Konigsberg 258
Courtyard of the Wartburg . 2 _ Q
Museum and Lustgarten, Berlin . .' 2 %
Rheinstein," a Famous Castle on the Rhine
The Royal Palace of Saxony, Dresden ... \ '.'.'' 262
Mainz Cathedral ' ' 266
The Ducal Palace, Brunswick . . .' 2y2
The Fountain of Professor Begas, in front of the' Em-
peror's Palace, Berlin ... 278
The Cathedral of Cologne . 28s
The Town Hall, Hamburg 28 X
The Court Theater, Dresden
Bridge over the Elbe, Hamburg ^
The Royal Palace am
The German Empire 3 o 7
*" — -x,, liOlllUUIg 2QQ
The Royal Palace and Grounds, Carlsruhe 303
The German Empire, 1871. (Two-page colored map) '
End lining pages
IMPERIAL GERMANY.
Suggested Readings. — Europe in the Nineteenth Century,
by H. P. Judson, Chaps. V., VI., VIII., XIII., and XXX. ;
The Nineteenth Century, a History by Robert Mackenzie, Book
III., Chap. III. ; Appendix of this volume, page 307.
CHAPTER I.
THE GERMAN CHARACTER IN POLITICS.
Nie war gegen das Ausland
Ein anderes Land gerecht wie Du ;
Sei nicht allzu gerecht ! Sie denken nicht edel genug,
Zu sehn, wie schon Dein Fehler ist. 1
— Klopstock.
I.
Eighteen centuries ago Tacitus exclaimed, ' ' May
the Germans, as they cannot love us, at least retain their
hatred of each other, so that, when Rome begins to
totter, she may at least find support in the discord of
that race."
On March 23, 1887, Bismarck said in the Prussian
Herrenhaus (House of Lords), "The German lives by
quarreling with his countrymen."
The opinion held by the Roman historian, coinciding Lack of
almost word for word with that of the greatest German among the
# Germans.
politician of our time, might well illustrate the undying
tenacity of popular characteristics, and banish optimistic
1 Ne'er was a people just towards the stranger as thou art.
Be not too just ; they think not nobly enough to see
How fair thy failing is.
15
i6
Imperial Germany,
Unreadiness a
national
idiosyncrasy.
This trait
illustrated in
Hamlet.
Admixture of
Slavpnic blood
a benefit.
expectations from the recent constellation of German
greatness.
Allied to this traditional incapacity for united action,
history records a strange unreadiness for action of any
decisive kind. The French knew this by experience,
and always associated the idea of unreadiness with the
Germans — they were always waiting to be attacked.
Napoleon aptly suggested this in a letter during one of
his campaigns. * * Send me biscuits and brandy for
50,000 men ; it is easy enough to beat the Germans, but
not without the biscuits, ' ' etc. Ludwig Borne tells us a
German will wear his coat threadbare while making up
his mind whether to have a new button sewn on it.
Their sayings, " Nach und nach" (Little by. little),
" Eile mit Weile" (Haste with leisure), reflect this
national idiosyncrasy.
Thus Shakespeare is supposed to have portrayed the
typical German in Hamlet — the philosophizing prince,
who utters the wisest axioms without being able to bring
himself to act upon them.
If this portrayal be true, then an explanation is found
for the fact that the Germans could never help them-
selves until men were found at the head of affairs who
united the idealism of a Hamlet with the bold decision of
an Anglo-Saxon Cromwell.
More than this, the salvation of Germany had to come
through a people that was not purely German by race.
Bismarck himself has stated his conviction that to the
admixture of Slavonic blood in the old Prussian prov-
inces are due those blind, dog-like, tough qualities of
devotion and obedience that enabled Frederick the
Great to win his famous battles, and thus to lay
the foundation of Prussia's hegemony of to-day. The
inhabitants of the old provinces of Prussia are in unity
The German Character At Politics. 17
of patriotism and power of recovery more like the
French than those of any other part of Germany.
This material, led by genius, has always done its work
cleanly. It met the Austrians at Leuthen, in the slant- j
ing battle-line of Epaminondas, 36,000 against 85,000.
It drove the French like hares at Rossbach. The
French never properly realized this, and only remem-
bered Jena, when this same material, defectively organ-
ized and led by hopeless imbecility, went down before
the greatest captain of the age. The French remem-
bered the Germans only as a disunited herd, that
always waited to be attacked and never took the offen-
sive. They forget that those days are gone forever, ipecUJUy. '
since Prussia, who always took the initiative, leads the
van. The defensive is an Austrian speciality ; it is
typical of that brave, but unready, indolent nation
i8
Imperial Germany.
Austrian
indolence vs.
Prussian
aggressiveness.
Prussian virtues
unrecognized.
A gradual
change in the
national
character.
which in 1866, true to its old instincts, gloated over its
cleverness in enticing the Prussians into Bohemia in
order to eat them on arrival.
Formerly, this Austrian characteristic distinguished all
Germany ; to-day, Prussia is striving hard to eradicate
it. Yet even now, wherever Prussia is not directly
administrative, a trace of that delightful little German
quality, procrastination or unreadiness, shows its cloven
foot, not to mention the still older idiosyncrasy of
discord and doctrinarism. This leads us to believe that
if the Prussians had not brought the Germans salvation
they would never have had it, and that without Prus-
sia's guidance they would forfeit it again to-morrow and
let their country once more become the battle-field of
Europe.
Yet these procrastinating, unready Austrians were
always popular with the masses in the same proportion
as the Prussians were disliked, even in provinces such
as those of the Rhine, which but recently came under
Prussian sway. Only the intellectual few long ago
recognized the superb qualities of honesty, economy,
order, and devotion to duty which everywhere marked
the Prussian administration. Thus the recognition has
been a slow process based on respect, the safest of
foundations. And those who turned their sympathies
to Austria have had time to discover that, in this
instance, the head offered little justification for the lean-
ings of the heart.
It would seem that national characteristics — which,
like all other characteristics, according to Darwin, must
be the result of infinitely long-standing influences — die
hard. Happily, a national character is not composed
of one or even two unfortunate traits, but of many
qualities, some of which neutralize or nullify the work-
The German Character in Politics. 19
ing of others. Thus the Germans, whom only yester-
day we witnessed reddening their fields with blood in
fratricidal strife, we have beheld in our time throng-
ing around the great emperor William in a genuine
outburst of patriotic ideality, ready to call out, * * Ha\J,
Caesar, we, about to die, salute thee ! ' '
All well-wishers of Germany must hope that this
genuine feeling of patriotism will long form a rallying-
point around which all shall gather who are prepared to
do and die for their country.
II.
It is a peculiar fact, and one that speaks highly for
the intellectual capacities of the race, that, whereas all Germans their
j . • 1 • j j •*.• own severest
times and many countries have produced severe critics critics,
of the German character, the bitterest censors have
been found among eminent Germans themselves. The
nation of thinkers and critics has indeed produced
severe critics of themselves — anatomists who have
studied the anatomy of character from their own body
politic. It is scarcely necessary to do more than men-
tion the names of Frederick the Great, Lessing, Goethe,
Schopenhauer, and, to-day, Bismarck himself. These
men have accused the nation of its dilatory failings; its
doctrinarism, and its tendency to discord. And yet
this very German people has always had a word of
appreciation, sometimes even an extravagant admira-
tion, for the good qualities of other nations.
Yet it is only fair to ask : may not this old-time in-
capacity of rallying around one central personage, this
doctrinarism, be the unfortunate result of that anxious The German
and hopeless pondering over and striving for an impos- ^hfndrancelo 11
sible ideal which has enabled the Germans to achieve JJJJJjJJjJ 1
such wonders in the fields of science and philosophy?
20
Imperial Germany,
Result of
incapacity in
Poland.
National unity
a long-coveted
possession.
Has not this politically unfortunate characteristic been
intensified by exceptionally unfavorable historical cir-
cumstances? And may we not assume that the fact
that the old German Empire was an elective kingdom
for so long a period largely fostered national discord ?
There is only one other example of an elective king-
dom in history with which to draw a parallel, and in the
very mention of its name the moral is self-evident —
Poland ! The incapacity of the exalted few in whose
hands the national destinies were collectively placed, to
subordinate their pretensions to rule to the claim of any
one family in the interests of all, has had in both in-
stances similar, though fortunately not equal, results.
Surely there is something interesting and instructive
in the above, for there is no denying the long-standing
popular longing for national unity. Does not the
legend of the emperor Barbarossa bear witness to it?
Does not a gleam of romance break through the Middle
Ages and show us the ideal figure of the Hohenstaufen
emperor Frederick II. (A. D. 1250)? And has not
popular sentiment woven a wreath of undying poetry
around the person of this cultured and unfortunate
champion of national greatness against papal suprem-
acy?
Since that time the Germans have ever been fighting
for union, and often in the agony of strife have they
forgotten what they were striving for, and thought only
of feud and batde.
III.
After the death of the emperor Frederick II. of
Hohenstaufen the power of the petty princes and of
the aristocracy increased so immeasurably that there
failed to rise to the surface any one predominant influ-
The German Character in Politics. 21
ence for long. The German king and emperor of the
Holy Roman Empire, elected from the many rulers,
was always powerless to further the consolidation of
national unity. Yet the national longing still survived .
and embodied itself in the myth of the Kyffhauser, '
where Barbarossa sat in somnolent state, guarded by
ravens, biding the time of the reawakening of national
unity and splendor.
o Roman Emj*kkoks
We require an effort of the imagination even to recall
that there was a time when the German emperor ruled a j
country on which the sun ne'er set, when Germany was '
the home of merchant princes who helped their monarch
from their private means, 1 when German architecture
was the most splendid, when German life was the
most luxurious, and German manufactures the most
renowned. It was the time of Charles V. of Hapsburg,
"The rich Fuggers of Augsburg, who assisted Charles V. with their wealth.
Imperial Germany.
when France's king was Germany's prisoner, when
Spain, with its newly discovered American possessions,
and the whole center of Europe, from the Netherlands to
the frontier of Poland to the east and unto the Alps to
the south, bowed to German sway.
That was the moment for a great political figure to
appear, and, rallying the nation around it, to consolidate
a strong hereditary empire in the center of Europe. The
dawn of a new
era full of bright
hope had begun,
for Luther had
appeared on the
sceneand, single-
handed, stood his
ground against
the powers of
Rome. "Yes, I
will go to Worms ,
even if the house-
tops are crowded
with devils," said
this mighty Ger-
man. A spiritual
The Door of the Wittenberg Church against Bismarck was
which Luther Nailkd his Famous Theses. ,
there to point to
a new God, but the Hapsburg emperor was no King
William to draw the sword in his name.
Thus the Reformation, instead of uniting Germany,
led to its deepest political degradation— the "Thirty
Years' War" — out of which it emerged with its popu-
lation reduced from sixteen millions to less than five,
and with a loss of national wealth from which it has
even now only partially recovered.
The German Character in Politics. 23
For centuries the kaiser was mqre or less a foreign
potentate. The national feeling longed for a German
kaiser,, not for a Spaniard or even an Austrian.
Through long ages the Germans were like the frag-
ments in a kaleidoscope, without cohesion, yet present-
ing brilliant, unexpected pictures, rarely colored, but
repeated at the will of a stranger. Bismarck has said,
1 1 The Germans are capable of everything if once anger
or necessity should unite them."
This we have seen to be true, but it wanted the uniting
central personalities, and only when these came could
the best capacities of the race find expression. That an
indomitable spirit worthy of a great nation was never Military worth
• • iii«. tm r 1 . • • • °f the Germans
wanting is proved by history. The fighting capacities proved by
and fidelity of even mercenaries of German blood at lsory '
all times and in all parts of the world — in Rome, the
Italian republics, and America — are attested by many
writers. Even in recent times, when Napoleon I. was
deserted by his followers, those with German names
were most true to him. When in 1821 the news reached
Paris of the death of Napoleon at St. Helena, General
Rapp, one of his most faithful Alsatian followers, burst
into tears. It was in a crowded drawing-room, and
everybody present immediately withdrew from the
vicinity of the sturdy Teuton and left him standing
alone in his honest grief. The company included many
who had served Napoleon in his time, but one and all
were afraid of showing sympathy with their dead master.
This German militant fidelity (Deutsche Treue) is no A n example
vain boast, though through the lack of unity it had little j^Sty?" 1
to hold to or to encourage it. In the " Thirty Years'
War, ' ' the Germans fought the battles of others. The
" Seven Years' War," which first gave Protestant Ger-
many a chance, yet failed to afford a rallying-point to all.
24
Imperial Germany.
Lack of
nationality
mirrored in the
language.
Strange, indeed, it is that the rich German language,
although it has a word for " patriotism, ' ' has none for
1 ' patriot. ' ' Yet, strangely significant, it has even a
word for being without a country, a unique word,
Vater/ands/os, thus pointing to the history of its past.
The hope of
unity not lost.
Its expression
in the Revolu-
tion of 1848.
IV.
After Napoleon I. had made a clean sweep of the
political chessboard, and he in his turn had vanished to
eat out his ambitious heart in a desert island, the diffi-
culty still remained — whom to invest with the national
aspirations. Had a Cavour arisen then to champion
the nation's legitimate rights against the jealousy of the
allied powers, Germany would certainly have annexed
Alsace in 1815, Lorraine might still be French, and the
War of 1870 might never have taken place !
However, the idea of unity, nurtured at all times at
the universities, lived on among the true aristocrats of
the nation and among the best of every class, from the
highest to the humblest. But it maintained itself most
vigorously in the middle class, and, stronger than ever
through the sad period of reaction from 18 15 to 1848, .
it found popular vent in that noble song, ' ' Was ist der
Deutschen Vaterland ? ' ' which answered the question in
the refrain :
Where'er the German tongue doth sound,
There must the Fatherland be found.
This national feeling culminated in the Revolution
of 1848. The people asked not for a republic; they
longed for unity. And its expression was not thrown
away ; although fruitless at the time, the Frankfort Par-
liament prepared the way for Prussia.
In the foreground stood Austria and Prussia, con-
The German Character in Politics. 25
scious of the national longing, jealously confronting
each other. But until the latter had shown, as if by
magic,
When Prussia's eagles swept fair Austria's lands
in seven days, that she could beat the former, few could
discern in her the realizer of popular dreams. The Prussia's
r r victory.
hopeless misery of the past had left the petty fear of be-
coming ' l Prussianized ' ' to obscure the greater goal : to
rise through Prussia to a greater Germany.
Only when the late emperor William had fulfilled the
promise he held out in 1866, that he would hold the in-
terests of Germany paramount and highest, did the
gradual revolution of feeling become complete — the
recognition by the vast majority that the national receives™ 06
ideal had at last been in a great measure realized by rec °sn itlon -
Prussia.
Such are the broad outlines of fact bearing on the
realization of the national longing for unity. Yet it
would be gross superficiality to think that the lucky
rolling of the iron dice alone brought it about. When
Napoleon I. vanquished Prussia and humbled her to the
dust in one day, the best qualities of a nation awoke
from a long sleep.
Prussia was not allowed to keep a standing army
above 42,000 men. Stein, Scharnhorst, and Von der
Knesebeck (a weighty man, little known to popular
readers) planned a secret system by which the greater
part of the male population was speedily drafted through
the army between the years 1807 and 18 13. This sys-
tem was secretly and successfully carried out without a test of
Prussian
coming to the knowledge of the French. A people loyalty.
that could act thus was worthy to form the nucleus of a
new empire. It remains one of the grandest traits of
national character in history, this instance of not one
26
Imperial Germany,
The key to
Prussian
success.
single traitor being found among a whole people. This
effacement of the individual before the interests of the
community runs like a red thread through the history
of civil as well as of military Prussia. It found its high-
est manifestation in the year 1813, when six per cent of
the entire population of Prussia rushed to arms — a pro-
portion never before attained by any state, except, per-
haps, that of Sparta.
It is in the grit of the Prussian character, and its
gradual recognition by Germany as a whole, that we
must seek the real key to what the thoughtless crowd
would put down as the mere natural results of fortunate
soldiering alone.
The House of Hohenzollern has fostered the hardiest
qualities of a strong, hardy race, and forged a sword for
it. The genius of its leaders has guided the. working
out of its highest destiny in our time.
German
institutions an
obstacle to
unity.
V.
German unity has been fought for and gained in spite
of desperate opposition from within and from without ; it
has still to encounter many more or less inimical in-
fluences from within. In addition to the difficulties
arising from unfitness of character were differences of
institutions both social and legal. The North, princi-
pally Protestant, is still in part intensely aristocratic,
and, recently, has been honeycombed by socialism ;
whereas the West and the South, which felt the waves
of the French Revolution, are democratic, besides be-
ing largely Catholic. There are millions of Germans
who place their allegiance to the pope above that to
their sovereign. It is German stubborn doctrinarism
which makes this possible — instinctive doctrinarism in
those who do not even know the meaning of the word.
The German Character in Politics. 27
For Catholics in other countries have rarely allowed
their religion to nullify their patriotism.
The pope himself soon dropped his attempts to side Irish Md
with the English government against the Irish peasants ^™Jg^
when the latter, through their Protestant representa-
tives, plainly intimated that they would have none of his
interference. But Irish patriotism is doubtless a hardier
plant than German Vaterlandsliebe (love of country) has
hitherto been. It is only in Germany that a man such
as the late Dr. Windhorst, a sworn hater of Germany
united under Prussia, could have the following he had.
But sentiments which owed their origin to Catholic
or papal partisanship have often been taken up by
those who had no other excuse for sharing them than
blind party passion and envy. They have often been
adopted by men who were neither separatist Alsatians
nor Catholic Poles, but bona-fide, self-asserting Ger-
mans.
Because advocates of social reforms cannot have them
carried out in their own way, jealousy bids them do
their best to asperse the motives of others equally well
intentioned as they themselves (though this must be jealousy a
admitted to be also a parliamentary characteristic nearer nationaHmity.
home). It is even on record that a Heidelberg pro-
fessor of world-wide reputation, who had preached the
gospel of unity all his life, rushed away to Italy in
the sulks when it came in a form different from that
which he had prescribed for it !
Because the ' ' Iron Chancellor ' ' was diffident of the
practicability of the theories of political economy, which
Liberal enthusiasts would have had him accept as the
crowning of the state edifice, therefore every initia-
tive of the state must be opposed, and this only too
often in a petty venomous spirit. It is not so much
Imperial Germany.
opposition itself as the spirit of it which is to be
deplored. The long- in creasing hate and estrangement
■ between the different political parties are already showing
the incapacity of parliamentary government to harmo-
nize the differences of feeling in the community ; if any-
thing, it only tends to accentuate them. Even if some
of these elements do not direct their energies against
unity itself, they have often been directed against the
avowed policy of its immediate founders.
Still, we are in fairness bound to ask ourselves : may
not some of the opposition Bismarck always encountered
The Palace of the Grand-Duke of Mecklbhburg-Schwerin,
Echwehin.
in the execution of his far-seeing plans often have been
an exaggerated manifestation of that independence of in-
dividual conscientious thought which will not yield itself
captive even to the glamor of military prowess ? And,
if it be so, can we help bestowing a mite of admiration.
The German Character in Politics. 29
even where we feel bound to condemn its results?
Can we, again, refuse a tribute of respect when we
meet such instances of personal unselfish devotion to
a lost cause as from time immemorial every turn of the Effect of
. loyalty to a
political wheel of fortune has called forth in Germany ? lost cause.
We may deplore the attachment to a lost cause that
obscures the vision for a broader and nobler one which
has grown into a splendid reality, but we cannot con-
demn the instinct that blinds those to the future whose
hearts unselfishly cling to a past, be it never so poor
in the eyes of the onlooker. 1
But, besides opposition of the kind hinted at above,
there remains much that cannot be put down either
to noble or unselfish motives.
The petty but honest feeling of narrow state loyalty
has been Germany's political curse, for it obscured the
horizon of a broader national firmament ; but the idea of
unity has had other enemies to deal with. These, if not
so powerful in the aggregate, have yet caused Ger-
many's leaders many a pang of sorrow and disappoint-
ment. We mean that spirit of Philistinism, of envy and Thc "P' 1 ]} 1 5 f
. . . . J envy and dis-
distrust, alternating with indifference, which only the trust an enemy
stirring hours of a death-grapple cast temporarily in the
background. It comes to the front again in all its ugli-
ness with the return of peace and security.
Such are some of the dangerous elements Germany
will still have to grapple with when those mighty men
have all passed away to whom the Fatherland is so
immensely indebted.
VI.
Misfortune has taught the Germans many a lesson,
1 Many of the faithful partisans of the late king of Hanover would, after 1866,
have had only beggary to look forward to, Had it not been for the far-sighted
policy of reconciliation of Bismarck.
3o
Imperial Germany,
Germany's
and doubtless benefited them ; still, they have not
passed through the fire of the past without the develop-
ment of peculiarities of character which are more or less
distinctly traceable to the sufferings they have endured.
Germany's It is difficult to believe that some of the petty failings
recentgrow?h° of to-day were existent in the olden times of national
splendor. In those days German life could not show
that amount of littleness, of hyper-sensitiveness, of per-
sonal spite and petty malice and envy, which have often
been noticed and deplored in later times.
Such qualities could not flourish amidst the pomp
and panoply of national prosperity. They could only
be the ugly offshoot born of oppression, poverty, and
misery. And now that there seems a great future in
store for Germany, her friends can but hope that quali-
ties which owed their existence to misfortune — as
disease owes its presence to dirt — will gradually dis-
appear before the reawakening of the best instincts of
a mighty race. This is the more to be wished for as
such qualities are largely answerable for the perpetua-
tion of the oldest German national failing, discord.
That a broader national feeling has steadily increased
since 1870 is admitted on all sides. Yet these are not
the only effects of victory ; it has put many off their
guard as to the dangers to be provided against in the
future.
The history of a thousand years is not nullified by
the victories of one generation, even though such victo-
ries be the result of a long-sustained system of discipline
and a universal acceptation of heroic duty. The defects
of the national character which bade Teutons themselves
desert their national hero, Arminius, which enabled a
Richelieu to sway the conduct of the * i Thirty Years'
War, ' ' defects which have made Germans slavishly bow
Discord the
oldest national
failing.
Influence of
past history
not easily
destroyed.
The German Character in Politics. 31
down to rulers whose titles were gained in return for the
slaughter of their own countrymen 1 — such may have
been scotched, but they were not killed at Sadowa or
Sedan. Nor were they choked by the proclamation of
the German Empire at Versailles.
The political pauperism of the past, the petty and
half-dormant, if not torpid, social life of centuries, have
generated idiosyncrasies that will only be gradually
obliterated by sustained moral effort. The constant
danger arising from these is intensified when we bear in
mind what has just been noted — the social and political
differences in the population of North and South.
The Germans are a sensitive people, and yet, with this i m p art iaiity of
and all their peculiarities, they possess a dispassionate iatfonaftrait.
impartiality of judgment in some things which is in many
ways remarkable. The Germans often use the word
Objectivitat (objectiveness), and they have some reason
for doing so. Bismarck has accused them of being
ashamed of their nationality abroad and of adopting
the bad qualities of the people among whom they live.
With regard to the first accusation, a foundation for it
in the past cannot be denied. But there was also some-
thing to explain it ; the national tendency to objective-
ness explains it.
Germans abroad have generally come from a class why Germans
that has more acute perceptions for material than for the?r a patriot-
ideal advantages. Thus, in coming abroad, seeing larger
practical and material conditions of life, they looked
back with contempt on the petty parochial character of
life in their native land ; those that leave their country
do not, as a rule, possess sufficient ideality to cherish
1 The present titles of the rulers of Saxony, Bavaria, Wurtemberg, Baden,
and Hesse-Darmstadt were the creations of Napoleon I. In each case they
signify a step in advance on the previous one held by their possessors.
ism.
32
Imperial Germany.
Practicality vs.
idealism.
Attitude
toward their
enemies.
their country for the sake of that quality, though there
have been at all times exceptions. The German abroad
becomes more practical, but he generally loses in a spir-
itual sense ; he assimilates the utilitarian features of the
country he lives in, only too often to lose touch with the
ideality of his native land, which should make him
prouder of his country than of her recent victories.
This bewildering outward aspect of practical life in Eng-
land and America also explains why traveling English-
men are so often unable to appreciate what is in reality
the strong side of German life — its mental and ethical
culture. They see the outside only, and, as this has
hitherto been more striking in our country, the average
Englishman's opinion of Germany has ever been a shal-
low one.
This German objectiveness is shown in their estimate
of their enemies. The English and French either hate
and slander their enemies or when they have beaten
them hold them in contempt. Napoleon I. always
felt a strong contempt for his enemies. Not so the
Germans. They invariably speak with respect of their
opponents, even be they those they have beaten —
such as the Danes, the Austrians, and the French— or
the Russians. It is perhaps one of their soundest
national traits, from a military point of view, that they
invariably over-estimate their foes, for this characteristic
has certainly not made them afraid to meet them. Even
the inimitable Boulanger they at first took seriously
and only spoke of him with contempt when he showed
characteristics that would have ruined him in twenty-
four hours had he been a German.
Bearing the character of the military successes of
Germany in mind, we have always been impressed with
the ' * comparative ' ' absence of national self-assertion.
IStlC.
The German Character in Politics. 33
The Prussians, who used to be considered individu-
ally and collectively arrogant and overbearing, even by JSJSance
the Germans themselves, have largely lost the reputation
for these attributes now that their worth has been more
generally recognized, for in the lack of honest recogni-
tion such qualities often have their origin. We shall
deal with the Philistine by himself, but the more intelli-
gent the individual we meet, the more moderate the
views invariably held ; and even among the compara-
tively uncultured that senseless bounce which we often
deplore in other nations is for the most part absent.
VII.
Up to the present, whatever may be said to the con-
« .... , . 1 ./-» r •*• The Germans
trary, chauvinism 1 is not a national German failing, notchauvin-
Some affect to deplore the marked military — not to say
nationally assertive — tendencies of the present emperor,
and look back with regret to the liberal and humani-
tarian temperament of his father. But one thing seems
certain : as long as in certain quarters humanitarianism
and liberalism imply a possibility of yielding one inch
of what has been gained by such sacrifices of blood and
treasure, so long Germany cannot afford to indulge too
readily in those excellent qualities. It is a sad truth,
but it is an important one. That arch-wiseacre, General
Ignatieff, has told the world that immediately after 1870
he ironically congratulated the Germans on having
annexed * ' an open wound ' ' in Alsace and Lorraine !
As if the French did not harbor revenge against
England during nearly half a century after Waterloo,
although England did not despoil France of an inch of
1 This term is derived from the name of a brave soldier, Nicholas Chauvin,
who was so devpted to Napoleon I. and so demonstrative in the display of
loyalty that the name has come to stand for an absurd or exaggerated patriot-
ism and military enthusiasm.
34
Imperial Germany.
Criticism of a
German
journalist.
Use of the
German
language in
Germany.
territory ! but, on the contrary, did all in her power to
prevent Germany generally from reaping the fruits of her
enormous sacrifice in fighting the first Napoleon by
retaking Alsace from the French. When will reason-
able beings be able to see that French vanity would
have been as irrevocably wounded by the loss of one
battle as by the loss of half a dozen provinces, and —
the most important point — that she would have re-
mained more powerful to resent it !
Immediately after the War of 1870, a brilliant Paris
journalist of German birth, Albert Wolff, wrote a book,
gingerly putting the French in the wrong, but closing
with the declaration that he was ashamed that his
native land had not used its victory to be generous and
forborne to wrest territory from France ! It is indeed a
sad inheritance from the past that such ideas should
find serious acceptance. People never think of suggest-
ing or expecting that the English, or the French, or the
Russians, are going to forego the fruits of victory or to
yield up the price of their blood. The Germans have a
right to be taken with equal seriousness, and their well-
wishers will not easily quarrel with the means they use
to attain that legitimate end.
Let the Germans taboo the French language, let them
decline to be addressed in that tongue. The time may
come when it will be considered as inconsiderate to
address Germans on equal conditions in any other
language than their own as it is now the case with
Frenchmen, Americans, or Englishmen. When that
comes to pass, then the nonsense of treating political
Germany as the poor boy of the nursery book will
cease, and until then it will be quite time to speak
of German chauvinism.
Amidst much mist and darkness there is a bright star
The German Character in Politics.
35
in the national character that has not shown itself of
late, for it requires defeat and national humiliation in
order to witness its brilliancy. It is German valor and
fidelity under defeat. It is one of the fairest attributes ^J-}*"
of the national character ; it is ideal. History is full of
it, and well may the nation be proud of its record.
Even that rabid chauvinist historian, Thiers, 1 has gone
out of his way to bear testimony to the fighting endur-
ance of defeated Germany, and to its fidelity to its
unfortunate leaders.
i " Histoire du Consulat et de PEmpire."
CHAPTER II.
INTELLECTUAL LIFE.
English
practicality.
Its type in
Darwin.
We classify a range of mountains according to the altitude of
its highest peaks. — Anon.
I.
If we follow the history of intellectual development in
England, and its bearing on the material achievements
of the English people, we perceive that one of the
reasons why they have achieved so much is that they
have rarely striven but for what they could grasp. Like
Bismarck in this, they have ever taken one thing practi-
cally in hand at a time.
There is comparatively little dreamy ideality in our
race ; and, in the higher Grecian sense of the word, of
that ceaseless striving after the ideally true and beauti-
ful, next to none. But, instead of this, we English have
ever possessed the great secret of attaining practical
success in what we soberly undertook. The wisdom of
common sense, thoroughly consistent with genius, has
alway3 been ours in a preeminent degree.
Darwin — perhaps the most typical Englishman of the
century — of all others, might have been justified in con-
juring up imaginary pictures of the past and evolving
ideals for the future ; yet he remains satisfied with
the positive — not to say negative — results of his re-
searches, and leaves ideal speculation to others. It has
been reserved for the Germans, and notably for Profes-
sor Haeckel, of Jena, to speculate where Darwin had
been content to glean facts.
36
Intellectual Life. 37
Thus, German idealism — in this instance revealing
itself in materialistic speculation — tells us what we -J^JjfJj,
' ' might ' ' attain, while our want of idealism is per-
haps the cause of what we * * have ' ' achieved.
But idealism does far more than this. It instinctively
bids us feel that knowledge of every kind is power to be
used for a high purpose. It embodies the highest aspi-
rations of genius, and is the key to the full understand-
ing of its loftiest flights. It is, strange to say, almost a
monopoly of the German race ; in fact, the people who
are nearest to them, such as the Dutch, notably lack it.
It is true, idealism has often spelt failure and reminded
us of Ikaros with the waxen wings. And yet the rest-
less striving after an — often unattainable — ideal is at the
root of some of the greatest thoughts of the Teutonic
muse, of German science, as well as of some of the best
manifestations of German character.
In science, the idealizing principle is perhaps more
active than anywhere else. It supplies initiative im- its service to
pulse, the interest of new colors and of knowledge
touched with wonder. The spectrum analysis is only
one of many illustrations. One of the most amazing in-
ventions of the century — the spectroscope — is the work
of two Germans, Bunsen and Kirchhoff.
German idealism places science on so high a pedestal
that money- making by its votaries is looked upon as
almost degrading. 1 In practical England, the more
1 Those organs of public opinion both here and abroad which have taken
part in a recent controversy, and in so doing have spoken disparagingly
of German men of science, have hardly shown a deep insight into their lead-
ing characteristics. They are a sensitive body of men, not devoid of pedantry,
and one individual is no sufficient measure to judge them by; but when the
consensus of their action is taken, it may safely be said to be above suspicion
of motive. For, generally speaking, though doubtless exceptions will be found
here as elsewhere, Germany's leading scientific men are of a stamp that would
not jeopardize the sincerity of their conviction for any worldly advantage
whatsoever.
science.
38
Imperial Germany.
money a man of science can make the higher he is
and^iTiish esteemed. We are more likely to worship outward
contrasted success in a thing than the thing itself. Hence, we are
more likely to accept charlatans than the Germans, and
science lacks with us the true spiritual dignity it pos-
sesses in Germany. Faraday — in this a rare exception —
held up a tradition which, alas ! has had no followers.
The simple, even humble, life that eminent men of
science often lead in Germany would seem astonishing
to us, who are accustomed to see men of science be-
coming social lions.
II.
Though many are of the opinion that the fine arts and
belles-lettres in Germany are to-day, with few excep-
tions, represented by a number of merely talented
persons, there can be no doubt of the array of great
names in the domains of science. ! Here we are met by
capacities of the very first rank, and that in almost every
branch. To mention a few names at random : We have
gr e ea?scientists. already referred to Bunsen and Kirchhoff, who conclu-
sively proved the existence of terrestrial matter in the
sun. To Professor Czermak Germany owes the discov-
ery of the laryngoscope. To Professor Helmholtz she is
indebted for the ophthalmoscope, which has revolution-
ized ophthalmic medicine, for many wonderful discov-
eries relating to the natural laws that govern acoustics,
i The following is from the pen of an American authority on the state of
science in Germany in the present day : " Three countries divide the scientific
world between them — Germany, England, and France. The writings of each
bear the stamp of their special character and qualities. Germany to-day is at
the head of the scientific world. At the beginning of the century it was France,
but German influence is now greater than ever that of France was. The
students that used to go to Paris now go to Germany. They come back
imbued with German doctrines, and with but one aim, that of propagating and
following these doctrines' out. Thus they have spread all over the world, and
have become accepted by nearly every European country."
Intellectual Life.
39
and for his philosophical works. The discoveries of
salicylic acid, cocaine, and, latest of all, saccharine, [
must be credited to German science of to-day. The re- <
cent discoveries of Dr. Koch have attracted the scientific
interest of the civilized world. The "X rays" of Pro-
fessor Rontgen need only be mentioned in order to
mark the epoch-making importance of the latest German
scientific triumph.
In Professor Virchow Germany has not only one of
the most eminent
anthropologists of
our time, but a
physiologist of
unique standing,
In surgery the
names of Langen*
of I
rli:
Billroth, of Vienna,
Nussbaum, of Mu-
nich, Scanzoni, of
Wurzburg, Es-
march, of Kiel,
speak for them-
selves. In jurispru-
dence the names of
Professor Wind-
I ... it- • Hhruamn von Heluholtz.
scheidt, of Leipzig,
Professor Gneist, since dead, and Dr. von Holtzendorf, -j?™ 61
of Munich, are of cosmopolitan renown, as may also be menol
said of the two eminent statisticians, Dr. Ernst Engel and
Laspeyres. In history Mommsen is still living to carry
on those earnest researches connected with the name of
his late compeer and master, Leopold von Ranke. In
geology the names of Professor Zirkel, of Leipzig, and
40 Imperial Germany.
Professor Rosenbusch, of Heidelberg, are as highly
esteemed as that of G. von Richthofen, of Berlin, is in
geography. In speculative science and metaphysics
men such as Eduard von Hartmann, who is of the
pessimistic
school, but with
a perhaps un-
conscious leaning
toward Herbert
Spencer, and
whose influence
is largely felt
throughout the
length and
breadth of the
Fatherland, and
Moritz Carriere,
the champion of
the so-called re-
alistic ideal
school, are more
or less represent-
Dr. Robekt Koch. . .... ,
ative. With
these we must mention the late Professor Paul de La-
garde, a man little heeded while he lived, but who since
his death has been largely recognized as one of Ger-
many's most original political thinkers, and Frederick
Nietzsche, now hopelessly insane, whose brilliant philo-
sophical writings have attracted the attention of think-
ers throughout Europe.
Although it is beyond our purpose to do more than
mention a few of the representative men of Germany
to-day, there is one reflection we cannot suppress, and
that is that almost all the above-mentioned eminent men
Intellectual Life.
are serving the state in some public capacity. There is
hardly one of Germany's great scientific exponents of J 1 *,""
speculative thought' who is not drawn away from the
drudgery of mere money-making and installed in some
position most fitted to enable him to spread and propa-
gate the fruits of his genius. Further, it is largely owing
to such men that theory has developed into method in
Germany and served the purpose of increasing the prac-
tical results of every kind of work in the country.
III.
In literature the greatest works of Lessing, Herder,
Goethe, and
Schiller show f
signs of a restless
craving to find a
higher and nobler
channel for ex-
pressing their
ideas. Literature
was to these men
a medium of con-
veying philoso-
phy under pleas-
ant and even
playful forms.
All had one end
in view — to strike
a chord of broad
common con-
sciousness.
■ 7 te
Prof. Wilhhlm C. Rontgkn
Herder was one
of the most egotistically ideal of men in native consti-
tution, yet we see him for years sacrificing his original
42 Imperial Germany.
powers of production to collecting the "folk-songs" of
his own and other nations, because his egotism was sub-
dued by an intel-
lectual German
sense of the com-
mon interests in
life, which should
be reflected in
song and story.
Lessing, in-
deed, always pro-
tested that he
was not a poet,
and that people
made a mistake
in calling him
one ; that he was
merely a poor
philosophical
critic, seeking
the best channel
to communicate
his ideas, which
he found in the
drama. Thus,
his "Nathan the
Wise" is still the
most eloquent
appeal in favor of
tolerance.
| The corre-
spondence be-
tween Goethe
Dr. thhodos mommseu. and Schiller
Intellectual Life. 43
proves how much their individual bent in this respect
was at one with the lessons of their greater works ; the
discipline of a high ideal was to be found in its applica-
tion in the commonest things. "Wilhelm Meister," in JgiitfL 1 *
its first aspect, seems the most ideal of books, and yet, schiner,
in its second part, it passes into a glorification of ordi-
nary domestic life and duty. Still more surprising is
the fact that Faust, after all his dreams and aspirations,
has to become
a reclaimer of
land and a road-
maker, and in
this to find the
way of his sal-
vation — con-
tentment and
peace.
No men of
equal eminence
were ever so lit-
tle pleased with
their efforts as
Goethe and
Schiller, for the
picture of some-
.l- -ni.- 1_ Status of Goethe, Bhklin.
thing still higher
was constantly before them to make them dissatisfied Their dissal
with their attempts and urge them on to greater efforts. ^"ir^k 1 '
This peculiarity of the German mind impresses us the
more when we recall Shakespeare, whose stupendous
genius apparently seems to have thrown off its immortal
products almost unconsciously.
According to the late Friedrich Bodenstedt, the emi-
nent German poet and translator of Shakespeare, the
44
Imperial Germany.
Germany's
eminent
translators.
dramatic poetry of his own country cannot compare in
originality with that of England. But German litera-
ture can boast of a speciality which, though far from
original, is yet unique and of far-reaching importance
as a means of culture.
We refer to the splendid array of literary men who
have devoted their whole life's work to the translation
of the masterpieces of foreign literature into German.
Their name is legion, and men among them, such as
Tieck, the two Schlegels, Voss, and Bodenstedt himself,
can be said to have contributed more to the culture of
the people by their translations than many well-known
writers by their original productions. Even a monarch
ranks among their number ; for the late king John of
Saxony translated Dante into German. No country can
compare with Germany in its array of literary talent,
which, led by true idealism to open up new channels of
literary wealth to the nation, devoted its labor in un-
selfish earnestness to the comparatively thankless task of
reproduction. Among such we must not forget to
mention one who is still living, Otto Gildemeister, of
Bremen, whose translations of Lord Byron and also of
several of Shakespeare's works are noted for their excel-
lence.
German
preference for
English novels.
IV.
At the present time other elements and a more cos-
mopolitan run of public taste have put their stamp on
the literary productions of the day.
Figuratively speaking, Teuton stomachs have been
satiated and German brains weary of the interminable
discursive novel of the first half of the century, dragging
its serpentine existence through eight or ten volumes,
and have long sought refuge in excellent translations of
Intellectual Life. 45
Walter Scott, Bulwer Lytton, Dickens, and other Eng-
lish writers.
Other branches of literature, too, suffered from heavi- a new d*-
ness of style when, about the time of the new order of compwii™.
things, a number
of bright essay-
writers came to
the front in Ber-
lin and offered
the public a taste
of the bright,
concise, and yet
light style of nar-
rative and essay
common in Eng-
land and France.
And the good
Berliners, who
had long chafed
under the bit of
cumbersome phi-
losophizing in
the name of
SchelHng and
Hegel, welcomed
the new depart- From an autograph portrait.
Hkikrich von Sybkl.
In this direction there can be no doubt that the late
Heinrich von Treitschke in the * ' Prussian Year- Cemta nsay-
Books," Paul Lindau in the "The Present," and many
others have not only done good work but have almost
founded a style of literature in which Germany had
hitherto been lamentably deficient. It is in part their
doing if we can no longer with justice smile at the un-
/
46 Imperial Germany.
varying * * ponderosity ' ' of German letters. Of course,
such masters of sparkling German prose as Heine, Scho-
penhauer, Borne, David Strauss, and Johannes Scherr
had preceded and influenced the public far more, even
by the mere form of their productions. Still the fact
remains that the German essay-writers of the last
twenty-five years have contributed their share toward
a more airy and crisp tone in the light literature of the
day.
In the late Gustav Freytag we name the most gifted
Freytag. and sterling of all German writers of fiction of our time.
He excelled in the portrayal of German life, not only
in the present, but in the past, and that with an un-
rivaled power and truth of interpretation. Freytag
possessed the genius of the true born romancist allied
to the conscientious thoroughness of the German pro-
fessor, without his pedantry. He never lent his pen to
pander to the sentiment of the hour, and his writings
are appreciated and admired by high and humble alike.
Some years ago the late emperor William conferred on
him the highest distinction — the order " Pour le M£rite"
(for merit), the same order that Thomas Carlyle was
proud to accept, although he refused the Grand Cross
of the Bath from his own sovereign. Next to Gustav
Freytag, Spielhagen perhaps stands highest among
German novelists.
Paul Heyse as a poet, a novel-writer, and dramatist
Paul Heyse occupies a very prominent position in the literary world.
A born poet, he strongly inclines toward the sentimen-
tal — not to say hyper-sentimental. Starting as a novel-
ist at an early age, he at once became the favorite of
German womankind. His descriptive power is southern
in its luxurious richness and dreaminess ; but, unfor-
tunately, most of his tales — for he is a story-teller more
Intellectual Life. 47
than a novel-writer (Germans, in their thoroughness,
making a great distinction between the two) — show a
want of manly ruggedness in conception and execution.
That is doubtless the reason his dramatic works have
hitherto only had a success really due to his other
work. Some of his lyric poems are remarkable for
their beauty of sentiment and diction.
Professor Ebers is another typical figure in literature. GeorgEi
HU SUCCeSS has novels.
been largely due
to his appeal to
that instinct — so
strong in the Ger-
man character —
which loves to
idealize the his-
tory of the far-
removed past.
Professor Ebers
is an eminent
scientific Egyp-
tologist, and his
novels, weaving
historical matter
into the form of
narrative ro-
mance, have not
only found count-
Germany, but they have been widely read in English
and other translations.
The late Friedrich Bodenstedt was not only a dra- Bodmitedt, ti
matic poet of signal culture and power, but was the Ii " c p m1 '
author of a somewhat exceptional feat in the history of
48 Imperial Germany,
literature, to which he owes his chief fame. He lived
for many years in the East, and besides a fascinating
account of life in Asia Minor, entitled "A Thousand
and One Days in the East,'* he published a collection
•« The Songs of of exquisite lyric poems under the title of ' ' The Songs
MirzaSchafly." qJ M j rza Schaffy> » It would lead us too f ar to dweU
on the excellence of this unique volume ; suffice it to
say that it was published under circumstances which
left the impression that the poems were nothing more
than translations of oriental poetry, such as the ' * Songs
of Hafiz ' * and others. This impression was the more
likely to gain ground on account of Bodenstedt's recog-
nized position as a translator of Shakespeare. However,
such was not the case ; the work is entirely original.
11 The Songs of Mirza Schaffy " have run through more
than one hundred editions, and are destined to remain
a lasting monument to Bodenstedt's genius.
V.
In dramatic literature, although its critics continually
rail against the shallow taste of the day (as they have
done at all times), Germany possesses a long list of
names, which, if hardly in one instance equal to the
dramatists kest dramatic writers of France, are yet far above any
single one we could put forward among English living
authors.
Ernst von Wildenbruch is a dramatic author of depth
and power. In him the German ideal romantic tend-
ency is very strong, but, unfortunately (as is so often
the case with German writers), his characters lose them-
selves completely in philosophic concentration at the
expense of the action of the play.
Arthur Fitger is another writer of great dramatic
force and originality. His tragedy "Die Hexe" (The
Intellectual Life. 49
Witch) is a play of classic dimensions, and deals with
the religious intolerance oi past ages.
Richard Voss, Oscar Blumenthal, L'Arronge, Franz
von Schonthan, and Hugo Lubbliner, although scarcely £?£)!" ptay ~
typical enough to call for special notice, are yet original
and fertile writers
of great popular-
ity, and many of
their plays have
been honored by
translation and
adaptation.
Baron Gustav
von Moser is typ-
ically representa-
tive of a light and
airy dramatic
style, unembar-
rassed by heavy
ethical aims, and
yet far removed
from pruriency,
the former quali-
ties being at all
times rare in Ger-
man literature. He is entirely original both in his work- The : of
manship and in the characters he has drawn. The latter M ™*-
are taken from life, and include almost every type to
be met with, from the Prussian martinet general down
to the "boots" of a country inn. Not only do his plays
enjoy an unprecedented popularity in Germany, but
some of them have been even more successful in other
countries, and made large fortunes for English and
American theater proprietors, notably "Ultimo" (On
50
Imperial Germany.
Philosophy of
Hegel ana
Schelling.
Kant's
" categorical
imperative."
Change) and "Der Bibliothekar ' ' (The Private Secre-
tary).
Among more recent dramatists and novel-writers
Hermann Ludermann may be mentioned as enjoying
great popularity. Whether, however, his writings are
destined to last is a question which time alone can
answer. Nor must we omit to cite Dr. Max Nordau,
the gifted and versatile writer, whose recent work,
" Degeneration,' ' has enjoyed an extraordinary vogue
both in England and America.
VI.
In philosophy we find again the ideal influence pres-
ent. Especially is this noticeable in the works of
Schelling and Hegel, whose endeavor to solve the
dread secrets that surround us was strongly mingled
with the desire to find a solution which best accorded
with their ideal of the beautiful. But as the human
mind seems doomed to failure before these master-
problems, so also the philosophy of Hegel and Schelling
has but remained as a monument of the inability of
idealism alone to solve them. It was reserved for Kant
to pin down idealism to the realization of the call of
duty. In his own words thus defined : * * Duty— won-
drous thought that workest neither by fond insinuation,
flattery, nor by any threat, but merely by holding up
thy naked law in the soul, and so extorting for thyself,
always reverence, if not always obedience, before whom
all appetites are dumb, however secretly they rebel!"
Since Immanuel Kant spoke his last word, and
wedded ideality with the stern duty of ethics, no one
has been able to add to it. His dictum of the * * cate-
gorical imperative," the call of duty on us all to regu-
late our race toward the unattainable, remains to-day
Intellectual Life.
the key-note of German intellectual and ethical life. In
fact, it is impossible to study the ethical and intellectual
life of Germany without being impressed by the vast
influence which the teaching of the Konigsberg phi-
losopher still exercises over its best minds, and through
them almost unconsciously over the minds of the
masses. Even the sublime thoughts of Goethe and,
in our day, the speculations which the Germans draw
from the researches of Darwin seem only to have interi-
Thh University op KSnicsbbrc, where Kant Taught.
sified the influence of Kant. It seems as if, in a sea of
conflicting speculation, the intellect of the nation were
forced to turn back to that strong, courageous brain,
who said in effect :
We are unable to pierce the past, the future is hidden from
us, but the categorical imperative call of duty to be performed h'losno
stares us in the face — the obligation of one and all of us to do
our share, and to live up to the highest ethical and sesthetica!
standard we can formulate, without regard to reward or pun-
ishment, and before the worship of every other ideal.
52 Imperial Germany.
VII.
Thus we find the sense of duty meeting us every-
where in Germany in a strength hardly realized by
of duty. other countries. The narrow-minded selfishness of the
individual, the jealousy, the envy of the unit, shrink be-
fore the supreme spirit of altruistic virtue embodied in
this acceptation of the supremacy of duty.
The late Professor Billroth — a great German surgeon
and professor at the Vienna University — was once, years,
before his decease, given up by the doctors. He called
his younger colleagues around him and said :
We doctors mustn't deceive ourselves with regard to an
illness. We are familiar with death ; I more than you, for
I am nearer to it. I asked you to come here in order to say
good-bye to you. Who knows whether to-morrow* I shall
be able to do so ? I thank you all for your labors ; remain
faithful to science ; devote yourselves to it as hitherto.
This reference to duty — this key-note struck in the
supreme moment, with an entire forgetfulness of meaner
self — is one that finds an echo through the length and
breadth of the Fatherland in the hearts of its best and
noblest sons. It has a familiar sound to us, when we go
back to those annals that record the growing greatness
of England. Was it not the ever-memorable key-note
The key-note of Nelson' s message at the battle of Trafalgar ? It even
history. conveys a lesson to us in these latter days, when many
are groping their way to find an ethical standard to live
by ; for, according to a recent writer, "such knowledge
of God as he has vouchsafed to us is revealed to us by
our perception of causation and our idea of duty. ' ' *
Yet men like Billroth — and he was a representative
type — are not melancholy psalm-singers, who walk
l Article entitled " Sins of Belief and Sins of Unbelief," by St. George Mivart,
in the Nineteenth Century, October, 1888.
Intellectual Life. 53
through life crushed with the oppressive weight of a
dread ordeal ever staring them in the face. Far from it.
Billroth in private life was an accomplished musician and
painter. And this recalls another striking feature of
German intellectual life : its affinity to the spirit of
ancient Greece, the people of which were so gifted in
beautifying the life they led.
VIII.
In politics — that one science that people everywhere
take to without a question as to knowledge or fitness — pontics?
German idealism has counted its saddest failures. Nota-
bly was this so when, in the hopeless attempt to evolve
a system that would help the Fatherland, it was driven
to seek models abroad, and, above all, to fall in love
with the English methods of parliamentary government !
Luckily, the man of the hour put an end to that
when he told his countrymen, ' ' No, gentlemen ; only
with blood and iron shall we get what we are all striving and
for — a great united Fatherland. ' ' In the emperor polcy -
William and in Bismarck we find, for the first time in
Germany, the national tendency to idealize allied to the
rugged common sense of action, and the result has been
the fulfilment of a national dream that wanted this rare
union of qualities to find its realization. It was the
ideality of a great aim, nurtured in youth, that nerved
the late emperor William in those weary years of
struggle, and enabled him to organize his army and
join at last in the popular longing for unity. It was
this trait in his character that enabled him to feel
its echo in the hearts of the nation, and to build up the
national edifice.
But, while dwelling on the results achieved in the
present day, it is but just to refer to that high-minded-
The" blood-
iron "
54
Imperial Germany.
An instance of
. German
idealism.
Its presence in
Germany's
great men.
ness, even among German politicians of the past, that
did so much to make what has come to pass possible.
In connection with this we wish to translate a letter
of General Gneisenau to his king, Frederick William
III., in the year 1811 :
In my saying this, your Majesty will again hold me guilty of
poetry, and I will gladly own the impeachment. For religion,
prayer, the love for our sovereign, for our country, are nothing
but poetry ; no elevation of the heart without the sentiment of
poetry.
He who acts according to cool calculation must become
a confirmed egotist. '
The safety of the throne is based on poetry. How many of
us who look up with sadness to the tottering throne might find
a happy and peaceful position in modest retirement, some even
a life of luxury and ease, if, instead of feeling, he only wished to
calculate. Any master would suit him equally well, but the ties
of birth, of devotion, of gratitude, hatred against the foreign
invaders, attach him to his old master ; for his sake he will live
or die, for his sake he resigns his family happiness, for his sake
he will sacrifice life and property unto the uncertainty of hope.
This is poetry ; yes, even of the truest kind. Under its
influence I will endeavor to buoy myself up as long as I live,
and I will look upon it as an honor to belong to that enthusias-
tic band ready to surrender everything in order to regain all for
your Majesty. For truly such a resolve must be born of an en-
thusiasm that scorns every selfish consideration. Many are
there who think thus, and, conscious as I am of my incom-
petence in comparison, I will endeavor to act in their spirit.
Such is an instance of German poetic idealism. To it
we owe some of the most sympathetic traits of character
in modern German annals. It is notably present in
some of the well-known friendships of great men : in the
communion of minds, never so free from envy, of Luther
and Melanchthon, of Scharnhorst and Stein, of Bliicher
and Gneisenau ; in letters, in Goethe and Schiller, the
two Schlegels, the two Grimms ; and in science, the two
Intellectual Life. 55
Humboldts ; in our time, most glorious instance of all,
in the emperor William with his great paladins, Bis-
marck, Von Roon, and Moltke.
It is this ideal Germany that gained the admiration,
the enthusiasm, of Carlyle — the dreaminess of high-
souled poetry allied to the moral and nervous strength
for action.
IX.
If it be permissible to think that the English, by their
love of sport, of outdoor exercise and games, by their
cultivation of body generally, carry on the physical
traditions of ancient Greece, so we may say the Germans
in some measure represent the Greek element in an in-
tellectual as well as in an ethical sense.
An influence, if not directly derived from, yet dis- TheGreek
tinctly akin to that of Greece, is traceable, not only in German" 1
German thought, in literature, in the cultivation of the thou « ht -
fine arts, but also in the general spiritual acceptation of
life. It is embodied in the ethical and aesthetic feeling
of the people. Even their language has many affinities
with that of the Greeks, as is proved by their happy
renderings of Homer, the Greek dramatists, etc. But
if they offer us these affinities to the countrymen of
Plato, the practical lesson of their literature and phi-
losophy — self-renunciation in the delights of the ideal in
the one, and Kant's "categorical imperative' ' in the
other — will save them from the fate of the Greeks.
It is this culture — this truly classic sentiment — which r . _
J Its influence on
is reflected in literature and manifests itself in every German life,
walk of German life. It often strikes us as revealing
a relationship to an ethical creed of its own. It tends
to strengthen those feelings of veneration for the best
and highest which are so large a part of every sense of
56
Imperial Germany.
Ethical nature
of public
festivals.
A noted
instance of
loyalty.
religion — the love of the beautiful of the Greeks allied
to the true ethical feeling of Christianity. Its result
is the so-called Gemuthsliben of the Germans, an un-
translatable term which signifies * ' the life of heart and
mind combined." In its manifestation it tells us that
whatever individual coarseness of manner and feeling is
to be found in the Fatherland — and there is enough of
this — there yet dwells a spirit in Germany the posses-
sion of which other nations might well envy.
The sentiment of piety which we are accustomed to
seek for only within the walls of churches we find
present in the every-day life of the nation. That which
finds no scope in dogmatic casuistry seeks an oudet in
events of public and private life.
The public festivals of the nation have something truly
ethical in their character. . The celebrations of important
national events have a grace and dignity peculiar to
themselves ; the commemorations of great victories have
nothing boastful or vainglorious attached to them. 1
When war was declared in 1870, the inhabitants of
Berlin in their thousands sang patriotic songs and
cheered in front of the palace of their king, who came
to the historical corner window again and again to ac-
knowledge their greetings. At last one of his officers
came out and said to the people, ' ' Children, the king
must work with his staff right through the night, and
begs you will go home now, so that he may be undis-
turbed.' ' And, as if by magic, the whole vast place
was deserted.
Then, again, who that had the good fortune to wit-
1 We have heard, though we cannot believe it, that it is the intention of the
present emperor to discountenance the further annual celebration of the vic-
tory of Sedan. All those who have witnessed the harmless, simple character
of the Sedanfest—iox it is mainly a school festival— could only regret such a
decision.
Intellectual Life. 57
ness in 1871 the triumphal return of the troops could jun
ever forget a scene as impressive as it was free from
every element of vainglorious ness and vulgarity?
When the old emperor William I. died, and shortly
afterward his noble son, were not all, poor and rich
~1
e Victorious Tkoops
alike, admitted to look at them in death once more?
And what a lesson their conduct conveyed !
Such incidents are instructive as showing us the in-
stincts of heart and mind of a people. In fact, it is
almost necessary for a foreigner to have seen some such
great national manifestation of feeling in order to under-
stand the spirit that dwells beneath the rough outer
surface
Although some of the annual church festivals, such observance
as Easter, Whitsuntide, Christmas, no longer appeal in f e sSvaS, h
their ecclesiastical character to the masses as of old, yet
they are kept either in the form of a family festival, such
as Christmas, or in the open air in their relationship to
the reawakening of nature, as in the case of Easter and
Whitsuntide. On these two great festivals the people
5»
Imperial Germany.
German
reverence
for the dead.
Character of
the national
songs.
swarm out into the green fields, not to drink and run
riot, but instinctively to worship God in the contempla-
tion of his works, so beautifully described by Goethe in
the first part of ' ' Faust. ' ' The Germans are lovers of
nature in a sense that is perhaps only met with among
the Japanese, who have* special festivals all the year
round whenever certain flowers are in blossom — the
cherry, the plum, the iris, the chrysanthemum, and the
sacred lotus : it is part of their religion.
In the care the Germans bestow on the graves of
their dead, and in their, affectionate reverence, they
stand preeminent, as is evidenced by the beautiful
monuments erected all over the Fatherland in memory
of their brethren fallen in battle. He who could gaze
on the monument on the Niederwald in commemoration
of 1870-71 without feeling a thrill of piety can possess
little Gemuth, little sense of the ideal, no matter to what
nation he belongs. The German words for cemetery —
Friedhof (The court of peace), Gottesacker (God's
acre) — breathe an ideal sentiment peculiar to the
German nation. Even in familiarly speaking of the
dead, the German word selig (resting in God) has a
peculiar charm of its own. In this, as in many other
ways, the Germans remind us of the ancient Greeks.
That eminent Scotch thinker, Fletcher of Saltoun,
once said, "If I may make the songs of a people, let
who will make the laws. ' ' And no wonder, for it is far
easier to promulgate fifty laws than to make one song
which shall reach the heart of the people and reflect its
best aspirations. The best instincts of the German
people are embodied in their songs. Their ideality,
their patriotism, their love of the beautiful, their intense
love of nature, and even indirectly their very history,
all are reflected in their Volkslieder — the harmonious
Intellectual Life. 59
blending of poetry and song. A Volkslied, as distinct
from an evanescent popular ditty, is not made in the
ordinary meaning of the word ; it is created ; its origin
is divine. It is divine in the sense that it owes its
origin to that supernatural instinct in us which belies
our meaner nature, and bids us feel that there is some-
thing higher, something spiritual, in store for us.
X.
*
Germany is the country of the inimitable Volkslied,
A German
the home of musicians and composers, and yet it was a criticism on
celebrated German author, Karl Gutzkow, who wrote
thus :
In fact, what is music to us, these mathematics of sound ?
In great musicians I have always found people who, although
conversant with keys, can solve nothing for us. If listening to
music influences me to believe in the immortality of the soul,
it may influence others at the same time to take an opposite
view. No ; music will cease to belong to the highest arts.
Does it not already in the opera approach more and more to
mere declamation ?
The following sentences of Hermann Presber, the
novel-writer, are even more scathing :
Sound \der Ton] is the vibrating soul. But vibrating souls
are mostly devoid of intellect. Music is the only art in which, opinion
side by side with talent, stupidity gets on cheerfully, and may
even assert itself with arrogance. Yes, yes ! Music is the
most social and sociable of the arts. It is only a question
who is able to feel at home long in purely musical society.
Only give an individual the high C and the low C, and he, like
Philip of Macedon's gold-laden ass, will soon penetrate every
town and every boudoir.
These are strange words to us who are accustomed
to believe that a want of the appreciation of music
betokens a want of heart. But in some things we are
childlike enthusiasts compared to the Germans, par-
A novelist's
60 Imperial Germany.
ticularly as critics. For they, even when carried away,
are too likely to stop and inquire into the psychical
causes of their emotion.
Thus, not against music itself, but against the excess
musical of its cultivation, to the exclusion of more important
matters, many sober thinkers in Germany 1 have been
raising their voices of late. They are of opinion that,
excellent as the influence of music undoubtedly is in
itself, its excess is often injurious, and is indulged in at
the expense of the development of reading, sound think-
ing, and, above all, of high-mindedness. They know
by daily experience that a man may be an excellent
musician, and yet, in every other particular, a fool.
More than that, they see that the kingdom of Saxony,
the home of music preeminently, is also the head-
quarters of the German Philistines and of their dread
aifexampie^" 13 s P ecter social democracy. In Austria the music-gifted
Bohemians are on a very low level of morality and edu-
cation ; and in Vienna, where Beethoven and Schubert
lived and died, the cultivation of music has not, accord-
ing to all accounts, increased the logical powers or the
moral perceptions of its good inhabitants.
Music is of all arts the one that appeals most exclu-
sively to the senses, and, except in the case of its higher
walks, it can scarcely be said to be tp the ethical advan-
tage of the community.
Its excess is distinctly baneful to the mental develop-
its effect on ment of a nation. In Hungary, for instance, the culti-
deveiopment. vation of music goes hand in hand with the idleness for
which that pleasure-loving people are noted. Thus it is
not surprising to find that great and petty despots have
ever encouraged music, for it prevented their subjects
1 1n Prance similar expressions of opinion are to be found, viz., " Contrela
Musique" (Against Music), by Victor de Laprade (1881).
Intellectual Life. 61
from thinking seriously. Music has always been the
favorite art of oppressed nationalities. It may be a
civilizing element — a tamer of the savage breast — in a
low order of things ; but it is often cultivated in an
advanced community to the neglect of more important
matters.
The record of the lives of great musicians shows a
strange medley of eccentricity and of the dominant Peculiarities
... of great
effects of an undue excitability of the nervous system, musicians.
Also great composers, with few exceptions, are remark-
ably short-lived. Liszt, Verdi, and Rossini are the ex-
ceptions among a list that includes such instances of
short-lived men as Mozart, Schubert, Weber, Mendels-
sohn-Bartholdy, Chopin, and even Schumann, whose
life was one constant misery of nervous depression.
In Germany to-day musicians are more or less a class
by themselves, and a very peculiar irritable type they
often represent. For if even creative musical genius
shows a sad record of mental peculiarity, it is not
surprising that mere executants are remarkable for many
petty manifestations of an ill-balanced nervous system.
XI.
Germany is now suffering from a plethora of music
and musicians, 1 and yet one of its noblest specialities,
the " oratorio,"* and one of the most complete musical
instruments, the organ, are much less cultivated than in
England. Against that, however, may well be put the
beautiful church music of the Catholics and the impress- church music,
ive vocal chorals of Protestant churches. The Volks-
lied, also — that unique manifestation of the national love
i Although those instruments of torture — street bands and organs — are
fortunately prohibited.
s Germany does not possess any musical institutions like the Handel Choir,
the Bristol Musical Festival Society, or those of Worcester and Birmingham.
62 Imperial Germany.
for poetry and music combined, to which reference has
already been made — may be classed as one of the
highest and most precious forms of music in Germany.
Next to these forms of music which touch the chord of
national life must be mentioned the splendid and cheap
orchestral concerts, of violin quartettes, male chorus
unions, for their excellence and wide diffusion are
beyond comparison with those of any other country.
Also, the operas of Richard Wagner have become
distinctly nation-
al, and as such
may well be said
to belong fittingly
to the period of
national reawak-
ening in our time.
They strike a
strong patriotic
Teutonic key,
and thus their
continued per-
formance at Bay-
reuth is wisely
encouraged by
the emperor.
Wagner's stand-
ard operas fill the
richa«d wacneb. theaters from
stalls to gallery all over the country wherever operatic
music is heard.
It is not these noble forms of music themselves that
pique the critical pessimist — they are a- precious heir-
loom of national genius ; it is the over-addiction of the
masses to fritter away their time and to dull their
Intellectual Life. 63
energies for thought in running after every form of
music, and also the dreadful mania for pianoforte- piayingSSinia.
playing which exists in Germany. It has been well
pointed out that the pleasure-loving south of Germany
(including Austria) has produced its great musicians,
whereas the North must be credited with its thinkers. 1
The piano-playing mania, however, extends from the
North Sea down to the Alps ; it is universal and omni-
present.
In Weimar it is forbidden to play the piano with the
window open, under a penalty of two marks.* And this
is no wonder, for in German towns every floor of a
house harbors at least one family and at least one piano,
not to mention stringed instruments of torture.
The excellent German musical academies (Musik-
conservatorien) were originally designed to train mu-
sicians for the orchestra, piano-playing being looked
upon as a secondary branch of the musical profession.
This intention has been partly frustrated of late, as we
find on comparing the numbers of students of the piano
with those of other instruments. Thus at the academy
in Vienna in the year 1880 there were 400 pupils in
piano-playing, and of these 350 were girls. It is this ^"nuFofu s in
advent of the female element that has particularly con-
tributed to the present craze of piano-playing. It has
conquered the profession of music in Germany, as in
England novel-writing has come to assert its sway.
Yet even in music, the art in which the mind leans
over to ungraspable sentiment and lends expression to
1 It is strange to note the great number of hard thinkers that hail from the
northeast of Prussia— Im. Kant, and Schopenhauer, also Copernicus and
Kepler; whereas Germany's greatest poets, except Heine, almost all hail
from the South. Schiller, Goethe, Uhland, Victor von Scheffel, were born in
the south of Germany.
* About fifty cents in United States currency.
64 Imperial Germany.
the emotions in greater measure than to the intellectual
faculties, we have but to glance at the prose writings of
Robert Schumann and Richard Wagner in order to
note dissatisfaction with the whole method of musical
expression and aim of the time. We observe that rest-
less and yet ideal striving for something higher, some-
Waqnhr's Thhatkr, Bavkeuth.
thing truer, as the motive power that nerved the efforts
of these two monarchs of the realms of sound. Wag-
ner's theater at Bayreuth, built expressly for the per-
formance of his musical dramas, was the last and out-
ward embodiment of an instinct that led him to seek the
most congenial forms in the models of ancient Greece.
His genius ransacked the folk-lore of Scandinavia, the
history and the myths of the Middle Ages, only to find
its last spiritual expression in the legends of early
Christianity, "Parsifal."
The great past supplies us with a splendid record of
German ideal striving in music. From Bach's Passion
music to Handel' s oratorios, the idealization of Christian-
Intellectual Life. 65
ity is the golden thread that runs through German music.
Nor ought we in fairness to omit a short reference to
the distinction Germany has attained in the sister arts
of architecture and painting. Are not the Cathedrals Germany's
of Strassburg and Cologne mighty testimonies to the »nd painters
boldness of thought and conception of Germany's
imperial past? Who but can recall the name of a
Holbein, an Albrecht Durer ? In the first half of this rarer,
century, as if fitly
to herald in the
great events still
slumbering in the
womb of time, we
note Peter Cor-
nelius at work on
his colossal fres-
coes illustrating
the mythological
past of Germany;
Wilhelm von '
Kaulbach, also a
fresco-painter,
proclaiming the
' ' Triumph of the
Reformation";
Adolf Menzel's
pencil busy with
the congenial
task of bringing Adolf Menzio..
Frederick the Great and his paladins back to life again ;
and, last but not least, artistic genius in Franz von Len- Lenbach.
bach to hand down to posterity the speaking portraits
of the great men who collaborated in the unification of
Germany.
CHAPTER III.
EDUCATIONAL.
Germa
universities
situ
conservators of
nationality.
Their
significance
to Bismarck.
Now 'tis the spring, and weeds are shallow rooted ;
Suffer them now, and they'll o'ergrow the garden,
And choke the herbs for want of husbandry.
— Shakespeare,
I.
If the schools are the cradle, the universities are the
training-ground of intellectual life, in Germany more
even than elsewhere. There the national ideals have
slumbered on through times of devastating war and
misery, in order to awake to new life with the returning
sunshine of peace.
The German universities have at all times cherished
the idea of national unity, and have kept it alive when it
had been lost sight of almost everywhere else. In fact,
they have supplied the impulse that has kept the current
of patriotism healthily circulating when without them
stagnation and indifference might have prevailed. This
great fact must be borne in mind as an offset against
some of the sad political pedantry of German professors.
Thus, Bismarck's partiality for the universities is only
natural ; when, on the occasion of his seventieth birth-
day, deputations from nineteen universities greeted him
with enthusiasm, he replied, ' ' I will gladly die, now
that I see this flower of youth before me. ' ' And even
more recently still, when Bismarck celebrated his eigh-
tieth birthday, or, to be more correct, when the whole
of Germany, except a majority of the Reichstag, joined
66
Educational, 67
in the celebration of his birthday at Friedrichsruh, it
was the deputations from every university and high
school throughout Germany — over five thousand strong,
with their rectors at their head — which lent most im-
pressiveness to the national character of the scene.
The realization of the German Empire has given
an extraordinary impulse to university life, and to-day it Their growth
can be said with more truth than ever that Germany
is the classic land of universities. Elsewhere may be
found special schools and academies which present ex-
ceptional features of excellence, but nowhere can uni-
versities be found similar to hers.
There are twenty-two universities in the German Their number
Empire, of which eleven fall to Prussia proper. These and influence -
twenty-two universities are so many active centers of
knowledge, and include a staff of two thousand profes-
sors and over thirty thousand students.
The following remarks on the spirit that pervades the Theirs irit
German universities of to-day, made by a French Catho- Frenchman 1
lie priest who studied at Leipzig in 1882, seem to carry
more weight than anything we could say, as they are
those of a witness not likely to be biased in their favor. 1
In order to become acquainted with the soul \Vdme — der
Grist] of Germany it is necessary to see that community in its
daily life — that is, attracted to the university — from every class
of the nation. Here they meet in absolute fraternal equality.
The common devotion to knowledge, without destroying the
distinction of birth and fortune, yet creates above them a
higher unity, where the most intelligent and laborious take the
first place.
Then again :
It is only possible to understand the high civilizing power of
the universities in Germany when we have gained a full picture
of the curriculum of instruction followed out there.
l " Les Allemands " (The Germans), by Le Pere Didon. Paris, 1884.
68
Imperial Germany,
The breadth of
curriculum.
Increase of
intellectual
proletariat.
The course of instruction embraces the universality of sci-
ence ; it extends to the limits of human knowledge. . . . The-
ology and philosophy, metaphysics and the positive sciences,
their systems and their facts, doctrine and history, literature
and languages, everything is included in its essentially encyclo-
paedic domain. More than that, certain arts the exercise of
which presuppose talent of a high order, such as painting,
sculpture, architecture, music, the science of agriculture, the
art of war, are all comprised in this limitless domain of superior
instruction. In truth, this world in itself contains everything
that is necessary to cultivate the human brain.
It must be frankly admitted that, among no people in the
world, even among the most intelligent and best educated,
is the universality of knowledge cultivated as in Germany. . .
Nowhere do universities so thoroughly justify their tradition of
centuries, their great name of Alma Mater. ... In ex-
amining the intellectual life of Germany the twenty-two univer-
sities of the empire appear as the culminating-points of its
scientific organization. These twenty-two summits form, in
the region of intellect, the high chain of mountains which gov-
ern the plain from afar, and from whose heights the supply
of modern thought and knowledge runs like limpid crystal
through endless channels to within the reach of all.
II.
But every result must be purchased, and just as we
see the culture of music leading to its excess, so the
price Germany pays for its extended university system
may be said to consist in an annually increasing contin-
gent of intellectual proletariat 1 to be found in the
country. This increase is even attracting the notice
of German public opinion. Lawyers without practice,
doctors without f patients, men of science without pupils
— all these elements find no scope in practical life, and
go to swell the army of poverty and blighted hopes.
What Germany owes to her splendid system of school
education is so well known that it may seem superfluous
i This term is applied on the Continent to the lower working classes.
Educational, . 69
to recapitulate it here. On the other hand, it may be
useful to point to a few of its peculiarities, if only to
guard us against blindly accepting it as a model, as we
seem at times too much inclined to do.
Amidst all the nebulous theories of speculative phi-
losophy that raise the smile of foreigners, it remains a '
fact that the German people have carried more philoso-
phy into everyday life than any other nation. Uncon-
sciously, the categorical imperative of Kant, "Duty,"
forms the basis of Germany's intellectual character and
The University ok Bonn, where the Present Em furor Studied.
action. For if we at most produce individuals above
the vulgar race for wealth, the Germans produce whole
classes whose aims are entirely distinct from money-
making, and the most prominent class is that of the
German schoolmaster.
It is true that before 1866 the English type of the
speculative schoolmaster had sprung up in Germany,
but the rigid Prussian educational test requirements for
military service soon put an end to amateur educational-
ism as a means of making a fortune. Whereas English
schoolmasters are nothing if not speculative money-
70 Imperial Germany.
makers, the German pedagogue is as poor as a church
mouse, but devoted to his work heart and soul. It
is impossible to find his equal elsewhere in the world.
But the opinion is gradually gaining ground that he is
grinding the youth of the country to powder, and that it
examinatTons * s ** me to P ut t ^ ie break on# The very high school
qualifications required to pass the examination for the
one-year service in the army are drilled into the boys at
so early an age as to put almost too great a strain on
their physical system. These tests have become more
severe of late, as well as the complicated examinations
that have to be passed in order to obtain any civil or
military appointment later on.
But we are chiefly concerned with the enormous
strain put on boys during their younger years, and
of this it may be said that it is so excessive as, in many
instances, to affect them physically and stunt their
growth intellectually.
A German paper says :
The over-burdening of our youth with school-work is again
Excess of work, the subject of wide discussion with our pedagogues, as well as
with those other philanthropists who are anxious for the wel-
fare of our youth. We have collected a few opinions of author-
ities on the subject, which we append :
"Our monopolized gymnasium, 1 with its devotion to the
dead languages and their grammar, has brought us to such
a pass that we — the so-called best educated classes — are
strangers in our own century, unable to free ourselves from a
dead and abstract world amidst which we have passed our
youth in order to obtain certain examinatory qualifications. It
is questionable whether we are ever able to free ourselves from
the consequences, let alone the bodily and ethical damage
done to us by this enforced torture. - <s
" Dusskldorf, May, 1886. " Hartwig. 1
iThe German term for schools in which the usual classical curriculum
is followed.
* A well-known German philologist.
Educational, 7 1
"We seem to have forgotten too readily that the word
gymnasium originally means a place set apart for athletic athietfcs^
exercise. Lothar Bucher. 1
Berlin, May, 1886.
<<
" Schools ought to be fitted to the requirements of humanity.
" Oppolzer.
" Vienna, June, 1886.
" The gymnasium with its two dead languages cannot last ;
the only alternative is to drop either Greek or Latin.
" Eduard v. Hartmann.*
Gr. Lichterfelde, May, 1886.
**
"I accuse our schools of unfair competition, for they only
bring out two-legged encyclopaedias.
"Hermann J. Meyer. 8
"July 13, 1886.
"True culture does not consist of dead knowledge and hoi- Definition of
low tests of memory, but in the true development of the heart true c ul *ure.
and of the reasoning faculties of the brain.
" Ernst Haeckel. 4
"Jena, June, 1886.
"An excess of heterogeneous knowledge weakens our senses
and lames our will. " William Jordan. 5
Frankfort-on-the-Main, July, 1886.
<< '
"Those who look after the condition of light and fresh air in
our schools, when they see that the number of diseased eyes
and lungs does not decline, forget that in numberless cases the
bad air and bad light at home in the evenings undo all the good
of light airy schoolrooms. Therefore, reduce the amount of
work to be done at home in the evening. There it is. Teach
in school, but give youth its freedom at home.
"J. Reuleaux.*
"Berlin, May 28, 1886."
1 Privy Councillor Lothar Bucher, until lately Bismarck's right-hand man
in the Foreign Office.
1 The best known ofliving German philosophers.
» Compiler of the best known German encyclopaedia.
• Professor of natural sciences at Jena ; well-known Darwinian.
• Philologist and poet of reputation.
• Privy councillor and member of the Prussian Chamber of Commerce.
72
Imperial Germany,
Adverse
opinions.
An important
omission.
Cultivation of
character
neglected.
It, is, however, only fair to add that a number of pro-
fessors of the University of Heidelberg have recently
signed a declaration to the effect that they do not be-
lieve in the evil consequences of the present system of
school education. Yet there can be no doubt that one
of its outcomes is a large amount of so-called Halbbild-
ttng (half-education), which carries imperfectly digested
theories into the community and tends to swell the
ranks of Social Democrats.
Besides, a large amount of this burdensome school
knowledge is utterly lost and thrown away in after-life
by those who have been forced to attain it in order to
pass the one-year-service examination for the army —
and the ambition to do so is found down to the humblest
walks of life. Then again, the leaning toward intel-
lectual knowledge too often dies away in the practical
battle of life, and thus we find a great amount of stunted
intellect in the country among those who have not been
able to realize the promise of their school-days.
One definite omission we are convinced they ought
to supply, and this is a greater study of political
economy and of political science. These are the things
which, percolating the masses through the younger gen-
erations, will do more than the newspapers to form the
judgment of the people and produce a well-balanced
popular opinion.
III.
There are other points which call for remark. In
the strain of over-study the cultivation of character is
neglected.- The masters are so engrossed with the in-
tellectual progress of their pupils that they have little
attention to bestow on the development of their char-
acter, a point far better attended to even in ' ' good-for-
Educational. 73
nothing-else " English schools. The German masters
are excellent instructors (Lehrer), but rarely educators German
{Erzieher). One of the causes of this is that the educators.
German boys do not pass so much of their free time
— of which they have very little — in the company of the
master, as in England. If English boys spend too
much of their time in play, the German boys spend too
little. 1 And this is to be deplored for two reasons: the
first is that outdoor games are so necessary for the
bodily health and development of youth ; the second,
that it is principally by companionship and joining in
the games of their pupils that English schoolmasters
are able to exercise a healthy influence on the character
of their charges.
The German pedagogues prematurely develop the J
brain at the expense of the physique, and without '
74
Imperial Germany.
A comparison
in outward
appearance.
In intellectual
attainments.
enough attention to the character; the English peda-
gogues develop the character and the physique to the
neglect of the brain.
A comparison of the outward appearance of a class
of English and German schoolboys, say between the
ages of twelve and fifteen, will at once impress an ob-
server, and would prove the best answer to the recent
declaration of the Heidelberg professors. The English
boys look far healthier and more active than their Ger-
man brothers, and their manners are much more easy
and engaging.
Further, we have no hesitation in saying that, admit-
ting that the schoolroom knowledge of a German youth
of twenty is, on an average, far above that of the Eng-
lish lad of the same age, it is by no means certain that
the same holds good when they are both forty or fifty.
On the contrary, from our observation we should say
that as they grow older the intellectual attainments of
the two tend to equalize, and when they come to the
prime of life, the Englishman, whose life is generally
more active and practical, is quite on a par in intellect-
ual power with the better educated German. And from
fifty upwards we are even inclined to think the German
goes stale sooner than the Englishman. And if such be
the case, it must be owing to the fact that the English
on an average lead a more healthy life, for where the
Germans do lead a healthy outdoor life we see the
remarkable vitality of their military commanders.
German education forces too much at too early an
age not often to affect the elasticity of the brain in after
years, unless it is compensated by the healthiness of
later life, as in the army.
Besides those already noted, there are other distinct
contrasts between English and German school systems.
Educational. 75
The English master devotes all his attention to the most
gifted and diligent boys, neglecting the less intelligent
ones, for it is important for him to become known
through the success of his pupils at examinations in
order to secure further patronage. German masters
devote themselves equally to the instruction of all, with-
out money interest, and also without holding forth
prizes as an incentive. Prizes and scholarships are
almost unknown in German schools as well as in univer-
sity life.
As German boys play hardly any outdoor games, school friend-
compared with English boys, so also those friendships ^{££i y ein
among themselves, which in England so often last
through after-life, are comparatively rare. As stated
above, the system does not tend to bring out the char-
acter, but, on the contrary, rather to subdue and sup-
press the natural effervescence of youth. At the same
time, it must not be forgotten that what the school
omits the university makes amends for. The German
university has a most powerful influence in developing
the character of the student for good, as also sometimes
for evil. It is there that the sentiment of honor is most
rigorously instilled, and although we must deplore the
excrescences which show themselves in undue sensitive-
ness- and quarrelsomeness, in the brutality of duelling — influence of the
* ' . . university m
the foundation of it all — the care for the honest dignity developing
J character.
of character which we find exemplified in the best
German is still a priceless possession of German man-
hood. It is also at the university that the German
youth imbibes his idealism, it is there that he often
forms his most lasting friendships. One cause of vitiating
character in England, the one English school and uni-
versity vice, is as yet comparatively unknown in Ger-
many — viz., toadyism, inculcated by English parents
76 Imperial Germany.
themselves in sending their boys to school and later on
to the university merely to pick up connections to help
them to get on socially in after-life.
In conclusion, it is interesting to emphasize that
System of
prizes prizes and scholarships being unknown both at Ger-
unknown. ,... - ... , P
man schools and universities, the astonishing results of
German education are gained without appealing to the
instincts of rivalry or competition — a most instructive
fact. The sense of duty attains here single-handed a
result which with us has to be brought about by rivalry
and the hope of reward.
CHAPTER IV.
THE PRUSSIAN MONARCHY.
The Sovereign is the Sovereign of all. The proper leader of
the people is the individual who sits on the throne. — Lord
Beaconsfield.
I.
Englishmen who have gained their liberties by cen- Absolutew#
turies of struggle against the pretensions of the crown monarchies.* 1
are loth to admit the advantages of a strong monarchy,
even if they are not instinctively suspicious of it. Yet
who can say, supposing that, instead of the Stuarts, they
had been ruled by a royal house of the stamp of the
Hohenzollerns — who can say that the monarchy might
not be as powerful in England to-day as we have seen it
to be in Prussia?
If an elective monarchy of old made possible the
Thirty Years 1 War, which brought Germany from its
position of the first power of Europe down to a waste
desert inhabited by hardly five millions of half-starving
human beings, on the other hand the stability of the £ h £ Hou ?, eof
° ' J Hohenzollern
House of Hohenzollern has proved the salvation of Germany's
r t salvation.
Germany in our time. What the English would deem
a curse for themselves has turned out a blessing for Ger-
many, and what they would have thought likely to
benefit the Germans — namely, their own parliamentary
institutions — would in all probability have proved pow-
erless to help them.
From the first burgrave of Nuremberg, who bought
the margravate of Brandenburg from the impecunious
, 77
78 Imperial Germany.
Holy Roman Emperor Sigismund, down to the Prussian
rulers of our day, the family of Hohenzollern supplies
us with a series of extraordinary instances of the descent
of certain qualities from father to son.
Of Suabian origin — and Suabia is the traditional
home of canniness and thrift — the Hohenzollerns have
almost all been distinguished by the possession of these
useful qualities, allied to strong common sense which
prevented them from turning to diseased niggardliness.
On the contrary, the characteristics of the Suabian
family only seem to have hardened in a northern soil
until they burst forth in the full effulgence of genius in
Frederick the Great. By a strange freak of fortune,
even the one Hohenzollern of a long line of rulers who
formed an exception to the family characteristic of
closeness in money matters benefited his country by his
extravagant vanity. For he it was — Frederick I. — who,
again profiting by the impecuniousness of the emperor
Leopold, gained the title of King of Prussia, if he did
not even do a little bribery in the affair, and thus attained
The Prussian Monarchy. 79
that recognition for his country of which his successors
took such great advantage. Yet even in this particular
the Hohenzollerns show to advantage compared with
other German sovereigns, almost all of whom owe their
present titles to having sided with the French against
their own countrymen.
Thus we have in this extraordinary family hardly a
single ruler who did not in one way or another add his
mite to the foundation of Prussian power.
II.
To understand the position of the Hohenzollerns of
to-day it is necessary to look at the past, and, before
referring to their doings, just cast a glance at the nega-
tive merit of what they refrained from doing. Allow-
ing for the times they lived in, it will be found that, superiority of
. Honenzollern
man for man, from the days of the Great Elector down rulers,
to our own time, they have been individually far supe-
rior to their compeers on the German thrones.
Whereas the successive rulers of the one German state
which might at one time have made itself the head of
Protestant Germany — Saxony — had missed their politi-
cal opportunities, King Frederick William I. was quietly
drilling his soldiers, filling the national coffers, and or- Frederick
,,,.... . . William I.
ganizing a model administration in every department of
the state. The amiable Guelphs, just called to rule over
the English, were indulging their favorite tastes, cursing
the English, making themselves hated, and thus consol-
idating the power of the English aristocracy. At that
very time the Duke of Wiirtemberg was ruining his
country by an extravagant imitation of French court
life and immorality. Later on, when Frederick the of Frederick
Great was consolidating the fruits of his victories, the t e reat '
1 Frederick William (1640- 1688), the founder of the Prussian state.
8o
Imperial Germany.
The
Hohenzollern
ambition.
" Monarchs of
the poor."
landgrave of Hesse-Cassel was amassing a private for-
tune of forty million dollars by selling his subjects to
England to be employed in coercing the American col-
onists.
But the coarse vagaries of the Guelphs in Hanover,
the splendid extravagances of the courts of Wiirtemberg,
Bavaria, Hesse, and Saxony, are only interesting as they
enable us to see how the Hohenzollerns managed to
wade through the rottenness of the times and remain,
on the whole, unsoiled. For their record, side by side
with such, is a comparatively clean one.
But freedom from rascality is only an indication of a
superiority the Hohenzollerns invariably possessed and
showed by their actions. They have proved true to the
motto of the greatest of them all, that the king is the
first servant of the state. They have ever set their am-
bition to work out the development and welfare of the
entire nation instead of that of a class. The humblest
have felt it to be so, as is proved by the celebrated
answer of the miller to Frederick the Great, who, when
the king threatened to expropriate him unjustly, replied,
" There are still judges in Berlin, your Majesty ! M Can
we imagine a French miller threatening Louis XV. with
a judge?
To be a monarch of the poor is even to-day the boast
of the Hohenzollerns. Against the pretensions of the
aristocracy they have always sided with the rising citizen
class, however strongly personal ties may have bound
them to the nobility. Whenever the vital interests of
the people have been at stake the Prussian monarchs
have seen that justice was done. And it is perhaps in-
directly owing to this distinction that the Prussians and
their rulers have always been most cordially hated by
certain elements in politics. Those of doubtful moral
The Prussian Monarchy. 81
standing in particular have ever been fiercest in their
dislike, to Prussia. In our time the Prussians have
known no greater enemies than those morganatic ladies
who infest the little courts of Germany, and who have
wielded considerable political influence from time to
time.
In the beginning of the last century the Hohenzollerns
introduced obligatory education amidst the derision of refonns e made.
foreigners, and gradually abolished medieval serfdom.
So also in our day we see them breaking entirely new
and hitherto untrodden ground, introducing economic
measures for the welfare of the masses.
It has ever been their supreme merit to recognize that
a nation does not consist of a small minority of privi-
leged persons, but rather that the meanest and the
humblest have an equal claim on the care and solicitude
of the sovereign. In this traditional and truly royal
acceptation of the duties of a monarch lies the secret of Jrossia's* ° f
the sovereign's power in Prussia. This it is that has P° wer -
enabled Prussia from time to time to bear the strain put
upon the very existence of the state, and to face a world
in arms.
The Hohenzollerns from the first have been the
nurturers and educators of their people. It is they who
have impressed their administration with that stamp
of incorruptible rectitude, that iron sense of duty and
care for the welfare of all classes of the community, so
that one and all are ready to recognize now that military
success has drawn the attention of the world to its
causes. But long ago there were observers who needed
not military success to quicken their perceptions, and
one of them was the late Lord Lytton, who in 1840
declared that Prussia was the best governed country in
the world.
Imperial Germany.
III.
About the same time that Charles II. was in receipt of
a yearly bribe from Louis XIV. through the hands of a
French courtesan, the Great Elector of Brandenburg, the
victor of Fehrbellin, was offering shelter to the French
Protestants whom the revocation of the Edict of Nantes
had driven from their homes. He it was who, after the
Thirty Years' War, finding his country swarming with
titled do-nothings, put a firm if despotic stop to
gambling and profligacy, and gathered the scions of
The Nkw Imperial Palace, Potsdam.
the poor nobility to the standards of his victorious
army. Such despotism has now and then done good
service in history, and in this instance it laid the founda-
tion of that devotion of the poor Prussian aristocracy to
the throne and the army which has borne such splendid
fruit in our time.
Frederick William I. found his kingdom not only im-
poverished by the extravagance of his predecessor, but
still showing the traces of the devastation of a previous
The Prussian Monarchy. 83
century of warfare. Whole districts were still untilled
waste, and even as late as the eighteenth century the
pest had fearfully devastated East Prussia. It was the
king himself who by proclamations and patents attracted
foreigners from Saxony and Wurtemberg, from the
Palatinate, from Switzerland and Bohemia, and, to-
gether with the Protestants who were driven from
Austria, turned them into industrious and contented
citizens.
He cut canals, laid out highroads, caused heather
land to be furrowed by the plow. He extended the U ncier Vemen s
postal system. Model farms and cattle-breeding estab- wniiam C i.
lishments were fostered and encouraged, and the cele-
brated stud of Trakehnen, which was destined to
improve the breed of horses all over the country, owed
its existence to the solicitude of the king.
Frederick William was far more a king of the poor
than a "soldier king," as one-sided historians long
declared him ; the hardness and harshness for which he
has been blamed were often necessary in his reforming
work. The landed aristocracy rebelled when he sought
to abolish the serfdom of the peasantry, and he only
succeeded in diminishing the unjust exactions of the SSeSdS^to
landowners. When the petty nobility refused to pay a Prussia -
land-tax, and demanded that their grievance should be
put before the Provincial Diet, he wrote the memorable
words : "I shall gain my point, and plant the sov-
ereignty of the crown as firm as a rock of bronze,
and let these gentry indulge in their windy talk in the
Diet. We can afford to let people talk when we gain
our point."
Compulsory education, the official system, and uni-
versal military service, which he introduced, have since
become part of the flesh and blood of the nation.
8 4
Imperial Germany.
Frederick
the Great's
tolerance.
His works of
reform.
IV.
It was Frederick the Great who, in the midst of the
dogmatic and philosophic contentions of the time,
quietly said : ' ' In my country everybody can secure
his salvation in his own fashion.* * ■ To him it was that
one of his great territorial nobles, Count Schaffgotsch,
wrote apologizing for having changed his religion. He
explained how the acquisition of the estate of Schlacken-
werth was bound up with the condition of his becoming
a Catholic. Frederick, in his reply, dryly put it : "I
have taken cognizance of your lordship's action, to
which I have no objection. Many roads lead to heaven ;
your lordship has struck out on the road by Schlacken-
werth. Bon voyage / ' '
In every department of political and social reform
Frederick the Great took the initiative. He continued
his father's work of creating a free and independent
peasant class, particularly through his edict of 1764,
which led the way to the total abolition of peasant serf-
dom. He advanced capital to the peasant soil-cultivator,
saw that whole districts were drained, laid the founda-
tions of new villages, and gained arid tracts of land for
the plow.
The reign of Frederick William III. was one of deep
national misfortune and degradation. Still, the personal
qualities of the king command our highest respect. At
a time when the pretensions of the aristocracy, particu-
larly in the army, were an unbearable nuisance, the
for his subjects, king promulgated the following cabinet order :
I have noticed with great displeasure that young officers in
particular endeavor to take precedence of civilians. I shall see
that the army is duly esteemed and recognized in its proper
place at the seat of war, where it is called upon to risk life and
limb in the defense of the country. Otherwise, no soldier,
Frederick
William III.'s
consideration
The Prussian Monarchy, 85
j
whatever his rank, is to dare to ill-treat even the humblest
of my citizens, for it is they, and not I, who keep the army. In
their service are the soldiers the command of whom is confided
to me, and arrest, dismissal, and even the penalty of death
await those who act in contravention to my orders.
This is in the true Hohenzollern spirit of protecting the
weak from the strong, and explains the attachment
of the people to the king notwithstanding the trials
Prussia underwent during his reign.
In his reign, too, domestic virtue, so sadly outraged
by society at the time, gained a shining example in his Queen Louisa,
own family. The divine figure of Queen Louisa stands
out for all time as a model of a royal wife and mother.
Has not the .late emperor William borne eloquent testi-
mony to the influence of that mother, who at all times
was his guiding star?
Even before the turn of the tide came, and the wave
of French invasion was hurled back which was destined
in course of time to exhaust itself on a barren Atlantic
island, that happy gift of the Hohenzollerns, the capacity
of choosing the best advisers, shone out anew, and
Stein, Hardenberg, and Scharnhorst helped to prepare
the rebuilding of the shattered national edifice.
V.
To admit that, after 181 5, a period of reaction set in
that bade many patriots grow anxious for the prospects *"£!£ ° (
of their country is only to say that there are periods of
dull apathy in the life of nations as well as in that of in-
dividuals. But even during the reign of Frederick
William IV., dimmed as it was by Prussia's abject
political r61e, we can still trace that endeavor of the
crown to raise the culture and increase the happiness
of the people.
86
Imperial Germany.
Character of
Frederick
William IV. 's
reign.
William I.
the greatest
Hohenzollern.
While an iron tyranny marked the administration of
Austria, as well as of the minor German states, there
was at least an earnest good-will on the part of Fred-
erick William. The impetus he gave to science and
philosophy, though perhaps not visibly productive at
the time, yet did its share in preparing the public
mind for the great events that were to follow. His
romantic idealism, which in its aberration unselfishly
and modesdy looked up to an old-fashioned political
oracle such as Metternich 1 as an authority in the art of
making a people happy — even this weakness was not
without its useful lesson for his successors. For it indi-
rectly tended to emphasize the growing conviction on
the part of the select few that sooner or later only a
struggle of life and death could unite Germany.
This and more we have witnessed in our time, and
here again we find a Hohenzollern king at hand, the
first to recognize the signs of the times, with almost
supernatural instinct in the detection of merit, taking
the foremost place in the onward march of events, and
realizing the German dream of centuries of national
unity and independence. For although without a Bis-
marck the Germany of to-day might have been, without
the late emperor William it could not have been.
In him truly Germany produced a great character,
a force often far more decisive in the shaping of destiny
than all the arts of Machiavelli. And in his case the
words of Goethe, that only men of eminence are cap-
able of recognizing the truly great, find their fit appli-
i Metternich was a diplomatist who was supreme in Austria's councils and
by his craft largely controlled the policy of Europe from 1815 until 1848. He
represented the "reaction," i. e., the effort of continental monarchs to reassert
and reestablish the " divine right " which the French Revolution had virtu-
ally destroyed. The main efforts of the reaction were to exercise censorship
of the press, regulate university teaching, refuse or curtail constitutional gov-
ernment, and forcibly to suppress political revolutions throughout Europe.
EMPEROR Wir.i.JAM I.
88
Imperial Germany,
His apprecia-
tion of the
people.
Their devotion
to him.
cation in the relationship of the emperor to his paladins.
Brought up in the feudal ideas of a monarchy existing
by the grace of God, he lived to discern the sterling
character and strength of that people he had once
contemptuously treated as populace. And that people
in its turn learned to understand, to appreciate, and
lastly to idolize the grand old warrior who amidst every
additional luster of his reign remained the same in
God-fearing modesty and in his attachment to what
he conceived to be his mission and his duty. 1 This
enthusiasm of the people increased as the old hero ex-
ceeded the age usually allotted to man ; and when his
ninetieth birthday came around it seemed as if the relig-
ious element had mingled with the loyalty of a nation
before an historical figure whose career can find no
parallel in fiction. On that day well might the German
students, 2,000 strong, bear torches in his honor, and
halting before his palace windows cheer to the address
of their leader : ' ' His Majesty, our most gracious kaiser,
the victorious leader in numerous battles, the unifier of
Germany* s princes and people, the father of his country,
the custodian of the peace of Europe, the creator of a
new ideal world — long may he live ! ' ' •
The incidents of his death, which followed so soon
afterward, are still familiar to us all. We remember
hpw, after calling in vain for his suffering son, " Fritz,
lieber Fritz,' ' almost the last words of the old warrior
were a key-note to his entire life : " I have no time to be
tired. ' ' But let us give place to one with rare powers of
judgment as well as opportunities of exercising them,
1 History will not omit to note what was perhaps one of the noblest traits of
his character, when in 1870 the old king preferred to accept a diplomatic defeat
— almost a personal humiliation— rather than inflict the misery of war on his
people. We know now how difficult it was to bring him to subscribe to the
declaration of war. — Vide Emperor Frederick's diary.
The Prussian Monarchy.
89
Saxon.
and whose verdict, if that of a stanch patriot, is at least
not that of a time-server — of a Saxon, and not of a Prus-
sian : *
The emperor William I. reached the highest pinnacle of
worldly fame gradually in one continually rising progress,
showing himself equal to every new task as it came before Verdict of a
him. The man who united Germany, and gave her for the
first time for centuries the unsullied joy of victory, has only
sunk to rest to unite a whole people in sorrow round his
grave.
In the years during which the character of man is supposed
to shape itself, his highest ambition could scarcely have ex-
ceeded the hope of commanding the troops of his father or of
his brother. In these years he lived in retirement, sharing the
views of Prussia's best intellect, that the constitution of federal
Germany was as unsatisfactory as the state of her west frontier,
and that only a last decisive struggle could give the German
nation independence. He held on to this hope, and saw clearly
that only a strong Prussia would be able to break the pressure
of powerful surrounding states, and fulfil the national destiny.
Thus he became a soldier, heart and soul, loved for his per-
sonal amiability, and feared for his severity in matters of dis-
cipline, which showed even the humblest subaltern that an
exacting and stern eye was upon him. Others slightingly mis-
took for useless play-soldiering what was in reality a deep
political game.
Public opinion indulged in radical dreams ; it went into
ecstasies in brotherly enthusiasm for Poles and Frenchmen,
and hoped for a millennium of peace. In its conceit it could not
understand the rough military ardor and sense of duty of this
Prussian prince in its bearing on the future of the country.
In his opposition to organic changes in the constitution he
encountered all the hatred of party; he warned his brother A loyal Drotner *
that Parliament would abuse its power of granting taxation by
weakening the army. His warnings were not heeded, and as
he had before given up the love of his youth to the call of duty
to the state, so now he ceased all opposition when once the de-
1 "Zwei Kaiser," by Heinrich von Treitschke, professor of history in the
University of Berlin. Vol. LXII. of " Preussische Jahrbiicher" (Prussian
Year-Books).
A true soldier.
An exile.
90 Imperial Germany.
cision of the king his brother was taken. And like a knight of
old he, as the first subject, took on his own shoulder all the
unpopularity that threatened to discharge itself upon the crown.
The revolution broke out. A rabid hate, a storm of miscon-
ception, poured over his head and drove him into exile ; only
the army that knew him never wavered in its devotion, and at
the bivouac fires in Schleswig-Holstein the soldiers sang :
Prince of Prussia, brave and true,
Return and cheer thy troops anew,
Much-beloved general.
And when he returned from the exile which he had accepted
for his brother's sake, he honestly and unreservedly cooper-
ated in the spirit of the new order of things.
Years afterward, the illness of Frederick William IV. put
p! te e ^!» ng of h* m at tne head of affairs. Two years later the death of the
king placed the crown on his head. After short days of popu-
lar joy and uncertain expectation, he had to feel the fitful char-
acter of popular favor and to begin that battle which, as heir to
the throne, he had foreseen — the battle for his own work, the
reorganization of the army. The hatred of party grew to such
intensity as was only possible among the descendants of the
sufferers by the Thirty Years' War ; the German comic papers
even represented this manly, true-hearted soldier's face as that
of a tiger. The struggle reached such a height that only the
decisive power of military success could cut the knot, and
prove the rights of the monarch.
And these successes came in those memorable seven years
which summed up the results of two centuries of Prussian his-
tory. Blow after blow, all these questions found their solution,
to the attainment of which the diplomacy of Prussia had
worked for generations.
The last of German boundaries in the North was torn from
Scandinavian grasp ; the battle of Sadowa secured what had
been missed at Kolin, 1 the liberation of Germany from the
hegemony of the House of Austria. Then at last, by a se-
The emperor of quence of unrivaled victories, the coronation at Versailles set
Germany. tne sea j on an( j exceec j e( j w hat in days gone by the men of
1813 had fondly hoped for.
1 Kolin, the severest defeat Frederick the Great sustained during the Seven
Years' War at the hands of the Austrian commander, Field-Marshal Daun.
The Prussian Monarchy. 91
Gratefully the Prussians recognized that their institutions
were now more safeguarded than ever under a powerful
sovereign ; for, immediately after the War of 1866, the king,
who had shown himself to be so thoroughly in the right, volun-
tarily offered atonement for the technical breach of the consti-
tution, and not a word of bitterness ever came to his lips to call
up the differences of the past. The whole German people had
for the first time gained the feeling of national pride and, in the
joy of their new condition, forgotten the discord of centuries.
Through all these wondrous events — events that might have
intoxicated even the brain of the most sober — King William His virtues,
comes before us unchanged in kindliness, firmness, and
modesty. He himself believed that only a short span would
be granted him to see the first beginning of the new order
of things. But it was ordained otherwise, and far more benefi-
cially. Not only did he live to complete the legal groundwork
of the new empire, but to add to the stability of the edifice
by the power of his individuality. At first the allied German
princes only saw a diminution of their own power in the new
order of things. But soon they learnt to regard it as an extra
guarantee of their own rights ; for one of their own number it
was who wore the crown, and his fidelity was a bond of safety
for all. Thus through the emperor's doing, and even against
the opinion expressed by Bismarck, it came to pass that the
Bundesrath, which at first had been looked upon as the seed-
bed of dissension, in a few short years became the most reliable
guarantee of unity, while the Reichstag drifted into a helpless
plaything of parties.
The emperor never possessed a confidant who advised him
on every subject. With rare knowledge of mankind, he dis- Jj,a|j52f? y
covered the best men to advise and assist him. With the free-
dom from envy only belonging to a great heart, he left full
scope to those he had tried, but each one, even Bismarck, only
in his own department. He always remained emperor, by
whose hands alone were held all the threads of power.
The highest happiness of his life came to him when, after
having escaped assassination as if by miracle, he met the
enemies of society with that generous imperial message 1 which
aimed at striking at the root of the fundamental evils of society
1 The message of February, 1881, to the working classes.
92 Imperial Germany.
in our time. Only since then has the nation thoroughly realized
what it possessed in its emperor. A current of popular affection
hereafter carried him along. Europe came to look upon the
The guardian old warrior as the guardian of the peace of the world. At
of peace. home the strong monarchical character of his government was
confirmed year by year. The personal will of the sovereign
wielded its good right side by side with that of Parliament, and
now with the warm approval of better informed public opinion.
The Germans knew that their emperor always did what was
right and necessary, and in his simple unadorned language
always " said what was to be said," as Goethe has it. Even in
fields of effort for which he had originally no natural bent, his
innate discernment soon found its bearings. How much the
ideal work of the nation owes to him ! Yet among artists and
men of science he never distinguished an unworthy one.
VI.
We all remember how the hopes of more than one
Frederick iii.'s nation centered around the sick bed of his dying son, as
ism. we ^ know j low they were doomed to disappointment.
The grave closed over the purest embodiment of what
is noble in the German character, for Frederick retained
the idealism of youth even in middle age. Had he
lived, the world would have seen how far such a nature
would have been able to reconcile the differences and
antagonisms still latent in the Fatherland.
He was the hope of the advanced Liberals, not only
opinions as to m Germany, but beyond its borders. On the other
a ! ru1er! lty as hand, there are some, and by no means the least high-
minded, who inclined to the belief that his goodness
might have been abused, his trust misplaced, and' that
he did not possess the hardness necessary to guide the
national helm in troublous times. There are some who
hold that a noble nature is not identical with a good
and great ruler. It is no guarantee against one of the
greatest dangers of sovereigns — the misplacing of confi-
dence. A trivial matter in a private citizen, in a ruler
94 Imperial Germany.
it is often one of supreme national importance. Some
critics point to the late emperor William — in this
respect — as almost of superhuman discernment, and
compare him with the emperor Frederick, who many
believe not only misplaced his confidence in a physi-
cian, but, of greater moment, misplaced his confidence
in one, at least, to whom he confided his diary.
Some, again, aver that the influence of the empress
his wife — so well intentioned — was not happy in this
respect. Many think Germany is hardly ripe for that
cosmopolitan breadth and generosity of view and sym-
pathy which distinguished Frederick III.
Through his rare simplicity and affability of manner
His popularity, he gained the popular heart as none had done before
him ; but whether that kindliness of disposition, that
earnest, almost feverish, desire for the welfare of all,
would have enabled him to carry out his benevolent
plans, none can tell. Some think that a man of his
romantic bent would have strongly resented a mis-
judgment of his aims. That he was capable of strong,
almost passionate, decision, the sudden dismissal of
Herr von Puttkamer 1 — the one noticeable act of his
short reign — seems to prove.
His was essentially the generous temperament of the
2mp^ment. romantic idealist ; whether he would have shown the
same unimpassioned front to opposition and misjudg-
ment, the same greatness of character in forgiving it, as
his great father, the world can never know. Had he
lived, we believe his rule would have proved a bitter
disappointment to some of those who foolishly tried to
claim him as a partisan.
l A Prussian politician and an extreme Conservative, who was vice-presi-
dent of the ministry from 1881 to 1888. His dismissal arose from his objection
to certain reform measures promulgated by Emperor Frederick III.
The Prussian Monarchy. 95
In many things the late emperor reminds us of that
noble and romantic Hohenstaufen, the emperor Fred- J
erick II. Full of the most ideal and romantic yearn- '
ings, and himself of the highest cultivation of the mind,
he lived to see his plans thwarted, and then to die of a
broken heart.
Germany cannot yet afford to be ideally romantic or
cosmopolitan in sentiment. She is still — perhaps more
than ever — in want of a strong rallying-point, at all
hazards, which shall unite the nation and enable it to
rise above meaner interests in moments of supreme
peril.
Even a superficial glance at what the Hohenzollerns
have been to their country bids us understand that the t
backbone of the Prussian nation has been loth to pin its j
faith to foreign models of parliamentarism. It clung to
its own monarchy, in which the sovereign was not only
the first servant of the state, but its true beacon-tower in
9 6
Imperial Germany.
Strength of
Prussian
loyalty.
Patronage not
limited to the
aristocracy.
victory as well as in adversity. While republicans con-
sistently choose to do without heaven-born authority,
there may be some people who would prefer to live in a
country where the fountain of grace is a high-minded
monarch rather than the temporary chief of a party.
The loyal Prussians have hitherto had more than an
excuse for preferring the cooperation of Parliament to its
autocratic supremacy, as we have it in England.
Hitherto they have been justified in so doing. With
them loyalty was not a middle-class myth, but a reality
pulsating in the heart of the peasant, the educated
classes, as well as in that of the noble next to the throne.
And no wonder it was so, for during generations, while
some royal families have done everything to extirpate
such a feeling in their own countries, the Hohenzollerns
have uniformly fostered and strengthened it. From
Frederick William I. — the creator of Prussia's official
organization — down to the present day, this was ever
strongly marked.
While the German aristocracy still clings to its tradi-
tions of birth-privilege, the Hohenzollerns have bridged
the old lines of demarcation, and have hitherto striven
to attract intellect and merit of every class within their
circle. Authors, painters, and men of science — in-
variably the best of each class — were often not merely
patronized, but distinguished in a manner reminding us
of the times of the Medici, and of Pope Julius II., who
followed the sulking Michael Angelo to Bologna : "In
the stead of your coming to us, you seem to have
expected that we should attend upon you."
Even here we find an analogy in the visit of the late
emperor William to Bayreuth, although that ungrateful
egotistical genius, Richard Wagner, showed himself
anything but appreciative of imperial favor.
The Prussian Monarchy. 97
Not only is every Prussian prince bound to learn
a handicraft, as if to bring his sympathies within scope The privilege
of the humblest, but the very poorest subjects have ever appeal,
been able to petition the sovereign directly. Thus,
loyalty is not a sentiment of vague attachment to an
unknown, unseen lay-figure, but is distinctly personal.
It shows itself, not in the gratification of vulgar curi-
osity — the hunting after a show ; it is sunk deep in the
heart as an impetus to strengthen patriotism and duty.
The action of the
Hohenzollerns has
strengthened the
monarchical princi-
ple far beyond the
borders of the
Fatherland. Form-
erly a spark would
have sufficed to con-
sume most of the
German petty royal
courts. TheSaxon
monarchy was only
saved in 1849 by
the Prussian guards
sweeping the streets
of Dresden with
musketry. Since EMPEROR WlLL,AM IL
then the loyalty of the people of the petty principalities The
has become stronger, under the guiding sun of Prussia. "riSSpil
Formerly many of the best intellects of Germany were slren K llK;ned -
democratic, if not republican ; they have since become
monarchical.
Thus stood tradition and actuality when the present
emperor, William II., succeeded to the throne at the
98 Imperial Germany.
death of his father — now more than eight years ago.
Public opinion, which had been ready to credit the
wuu™Ti* f ' ate em P eror Frederick with every imaginable virtue,
Duke of Saxe-Coburg.
Duke olConnaugbt. Que
Emperor William II., His Motf
showed its usual hasty partiality in estimating his son.
If the general impression was one rather mingled
with doubt and fear, on the other hand, those who had
The Prussian Monarchy. 99
enjoyed the privilege of personal intercourse with Prince
William were extravagantly optimistic with regard to
what the nation might confidently expect from him as
German emperor and king of Prussia. While many
were inclined to credit the young monarch with belli-
cose leanings — and this was perhaps the most prevalent
impression also outside Germany — those of his admirers
who had enjoyed opportunities for forming a personal An optimistic
opinion did not hesitate to aver that their youthful
monarch would turn out to be nothing less than a
Frederick the Great all along the line. Already to-day
it is sufficiently apparent that those who distrusted the
emperor because of his supposed warlike proclivities
did him an injustice. With regard to the more flatter-
ing estimate of his character the emperor William has it
still in his power to prove its justification. For the
present it is obviously too early to judge him either as a
man or as a ruler, although now that he has had over
eight years' experience as a sovereign he is hardly in a
position to claim indulgent criticism for his actions on
the score of youth and inexperience. His position is
an exceedingly difficult one : for Germany was never Difficulty of his
more in need of a strong character at the helm than posl lon *
at the present moment. Nor can it in common fairness
be contested that the emperor William has always
shown an earnest desire to act up to the high standard
expected of him and to prove himself to be the man
Germany is in want of for the greater happiness and
welfare of the Fatherland.
It would scarcely be fit to take leave of this chapter
without a word of appreciation for two men, who, next
to the Hohenzollerns themselves, have of royal princes
done most for the cause of German unity. The first is
the ruling Grand-Duke of Baden, the son-in-law of the
Imperial Germany.
late emperor William. In him Germany possesses a
high-minded prince. In the most democratic state of
Germany he is the most popular sovereign. He it was
. who, in 1871, helped more than any one in the creation
of the German Empire,' and gave the late half-crazy
king of Bavaria the option of proposing the measure,
determined to do so himself in case of refusal. And,
again, at the accession of the present emperor, it was
he who, hastening to Berlin, gave the example that
induced every
ruling sovereign
of Germany to be
present at the
ceremony.
King Albert of
Saxony is to-day
the one royal
prince left who
held high com-
mand in the
memorable War
of 1870-71. In
fact, Count
Moltke's opinion
of his strategic
abilities was of
the very highest,
Grand-Duke or Baden. ( ■. . ,
for it stands on
record, vouched for by Moltke himself, that at the
battle of Sedan the then crown prince of Saxony in-
stinctively foresaw and on his own responsibility acted
upon the exact instructions which, thought out by the
1 This assertion has since been amply proved by the publication of the late
emperor Frederick's diary.
The Prussian Monarchy.
chief of the staff, led to the results of that momentous
day. But King Albert's reputation as a soldier does Hii
not rest alone on his achievements in the War of 1870.
In 1866 in Bohemia his handling of the Saxon army has
been admitted on all hands to have been excellent.
Although he „. — _.
must in earlier
days have been |
a strong anti-
Prussian, King
Albert has loy-
ally accepted the
leadership of
Prussia and to-
day there is no
more trusted ad-
viser of the em-
peror, no man
individually j
more respected |
in Germany than j
he. For he has 1
not only ever i
shown a bold
face to the foe, ^
hut his remark-
able and honest
career bears elo-
quent testimony to the victory he must have achieved
over his narrower self.
rem a photograph by Otto Mayer, photographer
tht king 0/ Saxony.
CHAPTER V.
PATERNAL GOVERNMENT.
The "let-alone"
policy.
The aggressive
policy.
For forms of government let fools contest ;
Whate'er is best administered is best.
—Pope.
I.
Among students of history, as well as of political
science, two schools of thought stand at daggers drawn.
The one would have us believe that every ripple of the
tide in the affairs of man is the result of infinite, remote,
collective, and at last overpowering influence ; some-
thing like the cracking of the earth's crust when the
gases in its bowels seek and find an outlet. Therefore,
this particular school is against all undue and premature
initiative and interference of the state in the affairs of the
community. This is the thought underlying the English
national political organization of the present day, and, if
human temperament may be brought into analogy with
an intellectual conviction, it may safely be put down as a
manifestation of the phlegmatic, unimaginative, negative
disposition. It may be an unattractive creed to some,
but England's insular position has allowed her to be-
come the nation she is while practicing it.
The other school leans on the past, on the lessons of
the great epoch-making figures in history, those who
were not so much children of their time as themselves
part creators of the events they directed. It pins its
faith to a strong and high-minded monarchy, assisted
by capable advisers, and working out its ruling mission
I02
Paternal Government. 103
by harmonizing a strong traditional state power with
the just pretension of the present time. This school
holds that parliamentary party government is unsuited
to direct the destinies of a great nation ; that the
opinions of a majority offer no guarantee of its sound-
ness.
II.
It has been said that we are never so thoroughly in
the right that our opponents are wholly in the wrong.
May it not be so with two opposing schools of political
thought? May not both be right in much, while each
bears distinct evidence of its peculiar shortcomings?
An aristocratic monarchy run to seed was the cause Caug ofVru
of the battle of Jena and the temporary effacement of sia's decline.
Prussia from the map of Europe as a great power.
The history of the decay of republics is equally sug-
gestive.
The form of government which succeeds best in de-
veloping the central idea of the state, backed up by the
best instincts and unselfish devotion of its subjects, is the
best ; and every form of government, except, perhaps,
an elective monarchy, has from time to time succeeded
in solving the problem, and high-minded men have
always been the means of its solution. The first condi- The first
tion of every government is the purity of the fountain- of government,
head. Every plan for the happiness of man suffers
shipwreck when mean natures are allowed to influence
its working. The United States does not owe its great-
ness merely to the chance of its being dubbed a republic.
America is studded with rotten republics, but the United
States owes its stability to the fact of its founders having
been great characters sprung from one of the finest races
of manhood in the world. Purified by a baptism of
104
Imperial Germany,
The greatest
factors in a
nation's
existence.
England's
political creed.
blood, they framed a great constitution, which tended to
bring out what was good in the people and to render
impotent what was vile. This constitution was suited to
the Anglo-Saxon race.
But are not, after all, the natural conditions of a
nation's existence the deciding factors in the choice of
the means of its salvation ? In other words, are not the
race, the climate of a country, its geographical position,
greater factors than a chance constitution? Is the con-
tinuity of England's national independence and progress
not owing more to natural conditions than to any set
political creed ? Our political system may have suited
our requirements, but the silver streak that separates us
from the Continent fixed its character.
One of the reasons why some nations have an instinct-
ive antipathy to a powerful executive is that they have
never known any that was not at the same time
thoroughly rotten and corrupt. If the choice lie be-
tween a vicious paternal government and a corrupt
Parliament, it is natural to hesitate.
Thus, in England we are brought up to look askance
at state interference and, above all, at ' ' grandmotherly
legislation." Up to the present, circumstances have
enabled us to feel that we were justified in doing so, and
Manchester theories 1 may be all very well when there are
no frontiers to guard, no external enemies that threaten.
If, however, such be not the fortunate condition of
a nation, and its whole destiny and policy are not to be
evolved from the free expression of public opinion, then
the success of Louis XIV. dragonading the Palatinate,
and the ease with which the left bank of the Rhine sub-
sequently became French in sympathies, show us what
i The so-called Manchester school of political economists stands for a policy
of non-interference by the state in industrial and commercial affairs.
Paternal Government. 105
to expect. High aims dwell only in the few high-strung
natures, whatever their birth.
III.
One consideration we cannot ignore — namely, that no .
country can possibly formulate its laws and policy by *
the gradual, irresistible expression of public opinion,
unless the following essential conditions are present,
and allow a strong healthy public opinion to come
into existence : national independence ; strong, healthy,
national self-consciousness ; final subordination of class
interest to the welfare of the state.
Till lately Germany possessed none of these three in-
dispensable qualifications, and without them it was use- j™J™'
less to talk of a nation's public opinion. The want jj™j!{jjj
of them not only caused the dismemberment of the old
German Empire and made Germany the . battle-field
of Europe for two centuries, but precluded the possi-
bility of a public opinion coming into existence which
io6
Imperial Germany,
The need of
genius and
sacrifice.
The price of
national
independence.
could have materially helped to produce them. They
had to be created against the machinations of old and
powerful enemies at home and abroad. If France had
understood her true policy, German unity would never
have been accomplished. Thus the three necessary
qualities of national life had to be conquered, and genius
alone could hold aloft the banner around which those
should congregate who were resolved to do or die in
their attainment. Men had to be called upon who would
be ready to shed blood — their own and their enemies' .
The wealthy middle classes of to-day, for instance, are
distinctly averse to blood-letting. And yet in time and
season there is no cement like blood. Even the history
of the greatest republic of our time — the United States,
a country the practical philanthropy of which none can
deny — absolutely proves that.
Thus the Germans shed blood — rivers of it — and
attained national independence. But even now they
hold it only by the power of the sword ; for national
consciousness has not yet had time to form, and the
feeling of subordination of class interests is still very
weak, as also, in many places, the feeling of patriotism.
Yet the Germans can only hope to retain what they
have gained by strengthening those qualities which are
still unreliable. Hence the straining of every nerve by
their rulers to attain that end, and paternal government,
based on the cooperation of all, is the means to that end.
IV.
A strong, healthy, public opinion, born of a long and
prosperous political education, which might dispense
with paternal government and work out its own will
unfettered, does not, and cannot, exist as yet. Among
other things, the small interest shown by the voters
Paternal Government. 107
at elections proves this. For the Social Democrats are
at present the most earnest political party in Germany,
judging by polling results. It should also be remem-
bered that public opinion in Germany was never in- T ubi/^ u ?nk>n° f
tended to rule directly, as it does with us ; but at most ""*»«**.
only indirectly, by intrusting men of mark with the direc-
tion of affairs. When public opinion has no longer the
1 ' touch ' ' to recognize leaders," it is time for it to give
way, and allow something better to take its place.
Yet, notwithstanding that what has been gained is
distinctly traceable to the action of genius guiding the
sword, there was till recently a strong party in Germany
which believed in English political methods. These
people would fain have seen our principles adopted, and
prophesied all sorts of evil from their non-acceptance.
Their adherents failed to see that their countrymen had
no choice ; they had either to accept salvation the way methods,
it came, or go on in the hopeless helplessness of the
past.
The Germans never had independent leisure to work
out their political and economical life according to
laissez-faire 1 principles. They could not afford to ask
themselves whether great men come too rarely to
intrust one, when he does appear, with powers that
might descend to reckless or unworthy wielders. The
circumstances of the country's existence left them no
choice but to be thankful when light did appear.
It was individual genius that burst the shutters of
medieval darkness, and hailed the dawn of a new era,
when Luther uttered those memorable words at Worms:
i l Here I stand. I cannot do otherwise. God help me.
Amen ! " It was the lack of national consciousness, the
1 Laissez-faire ("let alone") is the classical phrase which describes the
non-intervention policy.
io8
Imperial Germany.
Struggle for
national
greatness.
want of national independence, and of the due subordi-
nation of petty ruling interests which robbed the Ger-
man nation of the first fruits of what has since become
the common property of mankind. It was the possession
of those requisites in England which enabled us to hold
up the standard of the Reformation against the power of
Catholic Spain.
Again, in our time we have seen political genius in
Germany, having achieved national independence, striv-
ing honestly to attain national well-being and endeavor-
ing to strengthen the sentiment of national consciousness.
It asked all classes alike to cooperate in the work of
national greatness. No country was in such need of
great men, and in few countries hitherto have the masses
been so unable to realize the imperious necessity of their
advent.
Whereas there is not an Italian living who does not
mourn the death of Cavour, there are yet many men in
Germany who would welcome the death of a Bismarck !
Others appreciate great men. Germany has produced
them in our time.
Nature of
Germany's
greatness.
V.
To judge the atmospherical conditions of a room full
of people, you must come in from the open air, and you
will quickly be able to make a comparison. A nations
civilization is like artificial temperature : you must gauge
it from outside ; you must compare it.
Is Germany's greatness a plant of recent and tender
growth which requires constant care in order to enable
it to develop in the future and stand on its own merits,
a bulwark of civilization in Europe ? We think it is.
Are those who are responsible for its destinies con-
scious of the difficulties of the task before them, and
Paternal Government. 109 ,
honestly intent on meeting them? We feel convinced
that they are, and we shall endeavor to point out in how
far we can show reason for this belief.
One of the reasons why the French so easily gained
popularity on the left bank of the Rhine at the begin- French
, popularity.
ning of the century was, that they represented a young,
healthy, popular principle and the Germans an old,
antiquated, feudal system.
The principal reason why the Alsatians so soon lost
the old ties with the German Empire (for Strassburg
was treacherously seized upon by Louis XIV. in the
midst of peace) and still partially cling to France was,
that they grew into the traditions of the powerful state
they joined. The old German Empire was effete, if
not rotten to the core, and when the French Revo-
lution came it found the Alsatians belonging to a nation T h e
that proclaimed the " rights of man," and, casting Alsatians -
medieval lumber to the flames, declared every channel
open to the ambition of the humblest. Small wonder
that the good Alsatian peasants and burghers were
proud of their new country, and forgot the violent
manner in which their new paternity had been foisted
on them !
Now all this has changed, and the Alsatians have
only to rub their eyes in order to see that in coming
back to their original Fatherland they have come back
to the victorious mother- country with far more to tempt
them than the country which treated them so step-
motherly while they belonged to it. If the Alsatians
were practical Englishmen they would see the position
of affairs in a trice, and, after the last fair stand-up
fight, make the best of it and be friends with the new
order of things. But the poor Alsatians are sentimental
Germans ; they feel the sorrows of their late fellow-
no
Imperial Germany.
Desire of the
Liberals.
Danger of
government
through public
opinion.
countrymen, and, in their sympathy, are still blind to
their own interests, and to the real facts of the case.
Time will enlighten them, and a strong, healthy,
paternal government — not one ct la Metternich, but
conducted in harmony with the spirit of the age — will
assist in doing so.
VI.
German Liberals chafe under the restraints of their
paternal government, and doubtless the stern system
which holds them together has its drawbacks. They
would prefer public opinion, expressed through their
party, to rule the nation and supply its needs. A look
at their past efforts in this direction and at their latest
action does not lead an outsider to feel that Germany is
ripe for that humanitarian democracy which substitutes
the tyranny of the many for the honest and conscien-
tious effort of a concentrated executive.
If it be granted that a strong military government is
essential to the nation's existence — and that cannot
be denied, though it may be deplored — then the dis-
satisfaction at its unavoidable drawbacks must be taken
for what it is worth. Without underrating the great
value of a strong, and healthy public opinion, it is yet
permissible to hold that its expression is not the only
source of salvation of a country, the less so as it is
likely to wield as much power when diseased as when it
is sound. England herself has been saved more than
once by miracle from the consequences of some of its
diseased manifestations. The cry of misery and despair
of millions has forced public opinion to remedy some of
our imperious wants, but much remains undone that
paternal government in Germany has accomplished, as
a few illustrations later on may enable us to judge.
Freedom of
a
Paternal Government. in
An English member of Parliament writes to the
Times deploring that a public meeting cannot be held
in Berlin without the presence of a police agent, who
can close it at a moment's notice. This is "a sad truth ;
but the freedom of talk has not yet led to a millennium speech
in other countries. Far from it. The unlimited free luxury,
expression of public opinion is all very well where there
are no enemies at the gates ; but it is a dangerous
pastime for a nation which might be called upon to-
morrow to fight for its existence, and which would be
jeopardized by talk. Germany is not stable enough to
allow itself such a luxury.
If the happiness of the greatest number be — once End and aim of
national independence is secured — the end and aim of government,
all government, it is but fair to glance backward and
determine, as far as possible, in how far paternal gov-
ernment endeavors to secure that end.
In the first place, the ascendency of Prussia, which
led to German unity, was gained against the almost
universal expression of public opinion. Public opinion
has since recanted in this instance, and thus the book is
closed ; but history is nevertheless bound to take note
of the fact.
Unity accomplished, Germany expected to see capa-
ble, conscientious men at the head of every department
of the state. We know how uniformly these expecta-
tions have hitherto been realized. This has all been
done without the assistance of public opinion to guide
the choice of the directing minds. But neither was it
necessary. Without the action of public opinion, the
shaft of duty is sunk deep in the heart and mind of the sense of duty*
people and their rulers.
With us public opinion is invariably " surprised* ' and
extravagantly " grateful 1 ' when it finds anybody equal
112
Imperial Germany.
Success of
Germany's
foreign policy.
Policy of
conciliation.
The case of
Frankfort-
on-the-Main.
to the emergencies of a position of responsibility. And,
unfortunately, ignominious failure, even involving dis-
aster and national humiliation, still allows a man to con-
tinue posing in public as the expresser of the sentiments
of the nation.
The uniform success of German foreign policy under
Prince Bismarck's guidance is well known and admitted
on every hand, even down to that mysterious little Bul-
garian- Battenberg incident, ten years ago, which public
opinion was only too willing to fan into a European con-
flagration, until stopped by a jet of cold water from
Berlin.
Not so well known may be the success of Prussia in
conciliating the countries annexed in 1864 and 1866.
Schleswig-Holstein, which certain powers wished to pro-
tect against itself, is thoroughly German to-day. The
electorate of Hesse-Cassel is thoroughly Prussianized,
and as for Hanover, the great center of Guelphic mem-
ories and partisanship, the freely elected Parliament
(Landtag) of Hanover recently showed only three
Guelphic adherents, against twenty-eight belonging to
the Bismarckian National Liberal party. Alsace, it is
true, is a long way from such a satisfactory state of
things; but it will come — gradually, but surely.
Even the conciliation of a single town has not been
beneath the earnest attention of paternal government.
The town of Frankfort, after being terribly frightened
and feeling the grip of the conqueror round its neck,
has since been petted and pampered in every conceiv-
able way. Showy cavalry regiments were quartered in
the town to see what effect bright colors and the accom-
plishments of the pick of officers could have on the
female heart ; the late emperor William came repeatedly
in person ; even the treaty of 1871 was signed in Frank-
Paternal Government 113
fort-on-the-Main. Thus, the commerce-gorged citizen
of that ilk, after raving at the wickedness of Prussia, and
accepting Swiss naturalization in order to avoid military
service, has long since come back to the Prussian sheep-
fold, humble and full of contrition. And to-day the
bleary eye of the regulation type of Frankfort patrician
lights up when he is privileged to pour his sing-song
dialect into the ear of the youngest long-suffering Prus-
sian subaltern. Thus the Prussians, after meeting a
world in arms, have shown that they understand the success of
more subtle art of stroking the backs of their newly diplomacy,
annexed subjects ; x and to-day no more loyal subjects
exist than the good burghers of the town of Frankfort-
on-the-Main.
VII.
The victory was won ; but it only urged paternal
government to criticise and amend a system the success
of which had dazzled the world. All Europe was
anxious to copy what had produced such results ; it
impressed everybody but its authors. They set to work
to improve it, and the result is that the army of to-day
is no longer the army of 1870. The military authori-
ties have devoted twenty-six years' unremitting work to improvement
its improvement. What this means will be brought in earmy *
home to the reader when we recall the historical fact
that the organization and armament of the English army
on the outbreak of the Crimean War in 1854 differed
very little from that of the time of the battle of Water-
loo in 1815.
What paternal government has done for the defenses
of the country is patent to the world. But its silent,
hidden action is even more instructive than its outward
achievements. While public opinion in France is de-
H4 Imperial Germany,
lighted with the perforating effects of a new rifle on pau-
T dJJmutJ2!d P er corpses, while the English wake up to find the
ofpstemai millions spent on their rifles, ships, and guns squan-
dered, paternal government in Germany has quietly seen
to the efficiency of the last button of the Pomeranian's
uniform !
Public opinion breathes not a word — no newspaper
propaganda — but eyes that never close watch the fron-
tiers of the Fatherland. In the west the fortresses of
Metz and Strassburg look so radiantly innocent on a
bright summer's day, you would hardly fancy that, un-
Paternal Government. 115
heeded by public opinion, they have been so strength-
ened and enlarged that those who were familiar with
them now hardly recognize them. But strategists know
that a sea of a quarter of a million of men might well
pause for fear of breaking its waves against their but-
tresses in vain !
Whereas England, after converting the Enfield rifle
into the Snider, discarded it and spent millions on the
Martini only again to find it obsolete to-day, paternal
government immediately after 1870 introduced the
Mauser rifle, 1 which even now, after twenty-six years,
can still be safely looked upon as equal to any emer- Superiority of
Att • , , ,, her weapons.
gency. And here we are impressed by a marked con-
trast. While we in England make the best articles,
our government generally secures the worst at the
dearest price. In Germany, the home of the cheap
and poor, the government always secures the best
article at a low price.
Nothing, however trivial, is too small for the atten-
tion of paternal government. Ever since 1871 a cease-
less, but severely systematic, series of trials has been
going on to improve every article of equipment of
the common soldier. Companies are sent on forced
marches to test the value of new knapsacks, new
gaiters; even new drinking flasks are tried, and the
common soldier is interrogated by the emperor as to
how he is satisfied with them. In England, according Attention to
details
to occasionally recurring newspaper disclosures, the
soldiers are defectively fed in time of peace. In Ger-
many only lately a new kind of bread has been tested
to replace the old military army bread. It is not sub-
mitted to the apathetic eye of some mighty official,
1 This statement is not invalidated by the recent introduction of the repeat-
ing rifle.
n6
Imperial Germany,
Severity of
army training.
Radical
changes in
official ranks.
backed by the recommendation of those who have an
interest in getting the contract to supply the army with
bread. Paternal government does not work like that. l
The advantages possessed by the new bread are set
forth, and after their conscientious scrutiny, the Minis-
try of War gives orders that it shall be tried for a
period of three months in a number of large garrisons,
and the reports collected and compared. If these are
favorable the new bread will be immediately introduced
into the whole army.
If such attention is bestowed on details, the reader
can imagine what the work of paternal government has
been with regard to more important matters. A friend
of ours, the beau-idial of a Prussian officer, who had
passed through the War of 1870 as a lieutenant, had
lately gone through the six' weeks* training necessary to
qualify him for the rank of captain. He assured us :
' ' It is simply unbelievable what they ask of us now. I
only wonder I was able to live through it all. ' ' Such
are the tests of efficiency required nowadays in the
Prussian army ! If such be the severity with regard to
petty officers, nobody will be surprised to learn that
the weeding out that has been going on in the higher
branches of the service is of a stern and radical kind.
As pointed out elsewhere, neither past services, nor
influence, nor family connections, have hitherto been
allowed to sway the dispositions of paternal government.
1 As pointing against the spirit of the above, we are reminded of cases of
bribery and corruption in the Prussian army and other departments of the
state service which now and then become public. To that we reply that even
Prussian institutions are only human and not infallible. But there is this
great distinction to be noted in their working. In Prussia abuses are dis-
covered and sought to be remedied at all times. In other countries only too
often they come to light in the moment of supreme danger amidst a battle of
life and death. We need only refer to the condition of things in England
revealed during the Crimea, during the last Egyptian campaign, with the
French in 1870, and with the Russians in the 1877 Bulgarian campaign.
Paternal Government. 117
Since the accession of the present emperor already a
number of changes have taken place, many of which the
old emperor William, from personal ties, could not
bring himself to make.
What paternal government has done for the education
of the country, primary, classical, and technical, has
been referred to elsewhere, and is besides too well
known to require further mention.
Having provided the nation with food for the mind,
the best of its class, paternal government proceeds to Governmental
1 ° , r supervision of
see that the food of the body is not adulterated — no food products,
slight task among a people which, in commerce, lays its
hands upon everything and counterfeits everything it
can lay its hands on.
While in new-born Italy, 1 constitutional Austria, par-
liamentary England, republican France, and democratic
America adulteration of every article of food is rampant,
the paternal laws of Germany are of a nature to stop the
most hardened offender. For the law provides that those
who sell an adulterated article — even if shown to be igno- Adulteration of
rant of the offense — are liable to fine and imprisonment. °° '
And how that law is administered ! In England the
spirit of the middle classes tells us, through John Bright,
that adulteration is only a form of competition !
While public opinion in England allows not only the
legitimation of quack medicines, but the realization also
of $1,200,000 a year 2 to the revenue by their taxation,
1 The chemical examination of a so-called Italian " Magliani " cigar, made
by the government in Piacenza, will give an idea to what extent adulteration is
practiced in the sunny South. The cigar in question contained (i) a piece of
lime, (2) powdered gypsum, (3) a quantity of humus, (4) a piece of wood, (5) a
piece of string. As a Roman newspaper sarcastically put it, a mason with his
trowel was only wanting in conjunction with a dozen such cigars in order to
"build a six-storied palace ; the necessary materials were all there.
* Statistics dealing with amounts paid to the British government in the form
of a tax on patent medicines in the financial year 1895-96.
n8
Imperial Germany.
Exposition of
quack
medicines.
Local govern-
ment.
The
Bundesrath.
the Prussian government either forbids their sale if
poisonous, or analyzes them and causes their worthless-
ness to be made officially public, as in the following
instance :
Warning against Patent Medicines. — An official scientific
analysis of a medicine advertised under the name of " Schlag-
wasser," manufactured by Roman Weissmann in Vilshofen,
has shown the following : It consists of nothing else save
a little tincture of ratanhia, or kino, mixed with tincture of
arnica, the value of which is between 5 cents and 7 cents,
whereas it is sold at $2 a bottle. It is self-evident that this
decoction does not possess the virtues attributed to it.
In England, such beneficial announcements are left to
the initiative of the press, which (except in rare cases,
such as, some years ago, the Saturday Review) does .
not publish them, because some papers draw a large
income from advertising patent medicines.
VIII.
After safeguarding the national existence and its
bodily health, paternal government energetically pur-
sues its care for the well-being and happiness of the
greatest number in all the branches of this difficult task.
Subordinate to the Imperial Reichstag, but inde-
pendent in its own sphere of action, each German state
possesses its own parliament. And instead of con-
tributing to foment petty rivalries, as of old, these
parliaments now attend to the legitimate satisfaction
of local wants — the most perfect form of local govern-
ment.
The Bundesrath (Federal Council), in which every
smaller state is represented and can exercise a fair share
of influence, has proved itself an excellent guardian of
the national interests.
When Germany was reorganized after 1870, a perfect
Paternal Government, 119
Babel of conflicting law codes were found in force. For
instance, Bavaria alone possessed seventy-eight different
civil codes, such towns as Bamberg, Nuremberg, and
Augsburg each having a special law code of its own. In
the beginning of the eighties a commission was appointed
and worked for eight years at the new uniform civil code
for the empire. The results of its labors, after being sub-
mitted to the criticism of practical lawyers, were passed The n « w civil
iawr code
into law and gradually, in the course of three years,
adopted throughout the country. The new commercial
and criminal laws {Reichsgesetz) are already in force;
the highest tribunal is situated outside of Prussia proper,
in Leipzig. It is indeed, according to universal testi-
mony, a marvelous monument of erudition and honest
effort to reconcile conflicting interpretations of law, and
to meet the legal wants of the nation in the spirit of the
time.
Not only is law cheap in Germany — perhaps in some
ways too cheap — but it is in stern reality the same impartiality
for the rich and the poor. The system of admitting to
bail, one that tends to favor the rich, and one that is so
often abused, is very limited. No offense punishable
by more than a year's imprisonment is bailable at all.
This may be a hardship in a few cases, but it is a strong
point nevertheless. Whether it be an ambassador or a
professor — for the higher the position and capacity
of doing harm, the greater the crime — who is accused of
a serious crime, he stands on no better footing than the
humblest transgressor of the laws.
The transfer of land, in England one of the costliest
and most doubtful parts of our conveyancing system, is
prompt, sure, and cheap in Germany.
As a result of the dire experience of speculation
and commercial ruin in the years 1873-74, the laws
w
w
120
Imperial Germany.
Revision of
certain laws.
Government
control of
charities.
affecting commercial companies, fraudulent bankruptcy,
and embezzlement have been entirely recast, whereas in
England we are still unable to get two judges to agree
to one definition of the law on embezzlement. Thus it
is not surprising that, since the great " crash" {Krach)
of 1873, there has been comparatively little stock-
company swindling in Germany, although, in the mean-
time, Berlin is fast outstripping Paris as a money
market. During the same period we have witnessed in
England the failure of the Glasgow Bank, of the Cardiff
Savings Bank, of Greenways' Bank — not to mention the
many millions the public has lost through other limited
liability companies — bringing ruin and misery to thou-
sands.
Again, while the administration of many English
petty savings banks, of hospitals, and other charities
has been impeached in public and shown to be wasteful,
if not worse, the same classes of institution in Germany
are more or less controlled by the state, and show a
wonderfully clean record.
The social laws concerning divorce and illegitimacy
have not the draconic character of our own ; they are
more humane, and yet we have to learn that there is less
domestic happiness and more immorality in Germany
than in England.
The guardianship of lunatics is under the direct con-
trol of the state. Spendthrifts are, and habitual drunk-
ards soon will be, deprived of the unlimited control
of their fortunes, and although we in England are
suspicious of such laws, fearing they might be abused,
as they inevitably would be with us, there is no dan-
ger of their perversion in Germany.
In fact, the one failing of this stern paternal govern-
ment is its human itarianism. Its criminal code is far
Paternal Government 121
more merciful than our own, and until lately there was a
strong probability of the total abolition of the death Q^man ^
penalty. The murderous attempts of the socialists criminal code,
came in time to furnish a suitable occasion to reinstate
it. But the attempts on the late emperor William's life,
far from blinding the government to the misery of the
poor and the legitimate aspirations of the working
classes, only seemed to direct attention to them ; not in
craven cowardice, but in genuine concern for the welfare
of the people. The imperial message of February, 1881,
to the Reichstag brought forward the earnest wish of
the emperor himself to initiate legislation to improve the
lot of the workingman. Since then the laws for the
benefit of the working classes have come into existence.
It is as yet impossible to gauge their benefit ; but the
imperial recognition of the right of the humblest to the
consideration of the state must remain a grand monu-
ment to the honor of paternal government.
IX.
Passing from a consideration of the laws of the A odel
country again to the activity of the state as an ad- bureaucracy,
ministrator, we find a model bureaucracy doing in civil
life the part of the army as a defender against outward
aggression.
The German postal service has become the pattern for
all other countries. Nothing is too trivial for its atten- service? a
tion, and nothing too remote to escape its eye. Whereas
we have for many years put up with the disgraceful
mail service between England and the Continent via
Belgium, ' and paid a ridiculous price for its transit via
i Not to forget the scandalous passenger service through Prance and Bel-
gium. Here German paternal government, by its cooperation with the Dutch
government, succeeded in starting the quick through service via Flushing to
Berlin, and has thus rendered signal service to the traveling community.
Imperial Germany.
Ostend, the Germans took the initiative by sending; their
mails via Flushing; and now that the English authorities
have joined their protests against the scandals of the
Ostend line, the Belgians have been forced to put on
new steamers.
The express service shows a surplus, whereas the
English, which was copied from it and is cheaper, shows
a deficit, fn the telegraph system the Germans were
the first to lay the wires underground on a large scale,
fn England public opinion is still fighting a con-
tinuous battle against the pretensions of private railway
company monopolists. The price paid to the land-
owners for the privilege of running the lines over their
property has saddled the public with the most expen-
sive railway system in Europe. The cost ol forcing the
concessions through Parliament has in course ol time
cost the companies millions. Thus we are not surprised
Paternal Government.
123
to read that, although the five largest railway com-
panies in' England are virtual gold mines to the lucky
shareholders, of 258 railways in England and Wales,
137, or more than one half of the whole, paid no
dividends whatever in 1884. 1 Yet the Times plain-
tively exclaims : "Our commerce is being throttled by
the enormous cost of internal carriage ; goods often
cost more for a short transit to the coast than they
The Kew Railway Station, Cologne.
subsequently do for sea-carriage to the ends of the
earth. ' '
Not only are the English railways more expensive English™
than the German lines, but, except where competition {JSwUji,
forces a keen rivalry, they cannot compare for cleanli-
ness, comfort, or punctuality. The dirt and unpunctu-
ality on some of the English southern lines would be
sought for in vain all over Germany, and the power of
1 And things have not Improved much in this respect since.
I2 4
Imperial Germany,
State owner-
ship.
Excellence of
railway
service.
Refreshment
rooms.
the press has hitherto proved unavailing to secure a
remedy for these things.
One of the greatest tasks of paternal government has
been the taking over of the railways by the state. It is
still incomplete, ! but almost all lines in Prussia proper
are now state property. Hence there is now one sys-
tem and one tariff where formerly close upon a thousand
existed. How this one system works we hear from the
best of English authorities, " Bradshaw's Guide,* '
which states that the German railways are uniformly
excellent. That the carriages of each class are better
than those in England has long been admitted ; and
lately the American saloon-carriages are being widely
introduced, not for one class only, as in England,
but for all classes alike.
It would lead us too far to enter into every point of
the German railway system ; we will only mention that
the minutest details for the comfort of the public are
not beneath the direct notice of the minister of public
works, Dr. von Maybach, who is the supreme head of
the Prussian railway system. Whereas one of the
latest postal reforms in England consists in being
allowed to post a letter in a postal train with an extra
stamp, in Germany not only has it long been permissi-
ble to do so without any extra stamp, but all trains
carrying the mails accept telegrams also without extra
charge.
The railway refreshment rooms — in England one of
the crying scandals of the railway system, where the
favored contractor is allowed to poison the public with-
out let or hindrance — are regulated in Prussia with the
utmost care and conscientiousness. Not only is every
i In Bavaria the railways are still noted for their irregularity and ineffi-
ciency.
Paternal Government. 125
article which is sold tested, but the price charged is
regulated by the authorities. Besides that, in every
railway refreshment room all through the country (and
most stations have one) a book is kept to enter any
complaint made.
Only a short time ago a Liberal member of the Reichs-
tag accused Dr. von Maybach of having disposed of a f
railway refreshment license by favor to an unqualified *
KAISER WlLHELM CAMAL.
person. Dr. von Maybach proved that under his rule it
was simply impossible that even the contract for a little
refreshment room at a side station could be given away
through influence of any kind. In England there are
no refreshment rooms unless the traffic is large enough
to insure a good profit to the lessee, and then they are a
disgrace to the railway system. But the end and aim of
all the English railway companies is to secure big divi-
dends.
126
Imperial Germany.
The Kaiser
Wilhelm canal.
Germany's
protection to
industries.
Not only roads by land, but navigable rivers and
canals show signs of the unceasing care of the govern-
ment. The former are uniformly kept in an excellent
state of repair, and, in reference to the latter, the fact of
the government piercing a canal from Kiel to Wilhelm-
shafen, at an expense of $39,000,000, speaks volumes
for its initiative. l This canal, which is now completed,
shortens the steam voyage from Hamburg to. Cronstadt
by forty-four hours, from London by twenty-two, and
from Hull by fifteen. It has infused new life into the
Baltic, and will do much to revive the prosperity of
ancient cities like Dantzig on the Prussian coast, besides
increasing the effectiveness of the German fleet.
Even the cultivation of fish is not beneath the attention •
of the government, and a state fish-breeding establish-
ment at Huningen in Alsace is the nucleus from which
the pisciculture of the country receives fresh impulse and
development.
X.
The protectionist policy pursued with regard to native
industries has yet to justify itself by results ; in the mean-
time there can be no doubt of the temporary impulse it
has given to trade. The Germans, like the Americans,
sought in protection a means, if only temporary, of
building up their industries. Whether it will in every
respect, and in the long run, yield all the results
anticipated from it remains to be seen. Also, a new
dramatic copyright treaty with England has secured
protection for German authors which they have long
lacked.
Bismarck has said that the fear of responsibility is one
of the diseases of our time. This fear he certainly was
1 Prussia contributes $12,500,000 on her own account, and the empire gener-
ally the remainder, penurious Prussia thus paying twice over.
Paternal Government. 127
not insensible to when he shared the responsibility with
his sovereign of introducing, one by one, the well-known of^"}^ 011
laws for the benefit of the working classes. He knew workingmen.
that the vested interests of the country, the landowners,
and the well-to-do middle classes would never take the
initiative, so he determined to do so himself. To many
it is a dangerous doctrine to admit that social problems
of the character in question can be solved by the state,
and the attempt to do so will have to be judged by its
results in the future. Still, it was a bold attempt, made
in a noble spirit.
That the state cannot exercise the power it does in
Germany without bringing disadvantages in its train is of paternal
natural. Nor is it our aim to judge finally in how far
the advantages outweigh the disadvantages ; that can be
shown by time alone. We only wish to point out that
honest paternal government has done a deal of really
good work, such as even a parliamentary majority might
be proud of having accomplished. Who, one hundred
and thirty years ago, seeing Frederick the Great return
in triumph to his half-ruined and starving Berlin popula-
tion after the Seven Years' War, would have ventured
to prophesy the future greatness of Prussia, which, after
all, owes so much indirectly to those years of struggle
and national suffering !
So also in pur time there was something anomalous in
Dancers to be
seeing the state of siege proclaimed in the capital and averted,
other large towns ; to know that the laws which govern
the expression of political opinion are almost as severe
as under a reactionary despotic government ; to know
that social democracy is feared, and subterraneously
spreading and powerful. It is but permitted to hope
and believe that the disadvantages may be temporary,
while the advantages may be permanent. If these ex-
128 Imperial Germany.
pectations be realized, the Germans can justly retort on
the Manchester school : * * Has it with you prevented the
land drifting, year by year, into fewer hands ? Has it
not assisted to exterminate the small free-holders ? Has
it arrested the terrible depression of forty millions ster-
ling in the annual value of English land ? Has it been
able to banish or lessen to any perceptible extent the
squalor, dirt, and misery to be met with in every large
town in the richest country of the world ? ' '
To many it might well seem as if despotic laws were
Power of the now and then as necessary in an over-civilized country
majority. .... . .
as in a primitive one. It is obviously as absurd to say
that force is no remedy as that unlimited liberty must
necessarily be an unalloyed boon. The opinion of the
majority is, after all, the expression of force — the will of
the many.
CHAPTER VI.
BISMARCK.
A great nation is a nation that produces great men.
— Lord Beaconsfield.
I.
About a hundred years ago there lived a German
author who wrote : l * Oh, that we only possessed na-
tional pride and unity, and we should have been one
nation, the first, the most powerful, in Europe. One A p? r |7 a g
nation ! For that alone I wish I could come back again
in a hundred years, to see my countrymen as a nation,
or to hear of a German William Pitt. ' ' l
If poor old Weber could come to life again, he would
see much to rejoice over in his Fatherland; much that
his honest old patriot' s heart never dared to hope for ;
but, above all, he could still see Otto von Bismarck-
Schonhausen Prince Bismarck, Germany's Iron Chan-
cellor !
Those who only admire this great man because the
fates always turned the critical quarters-of-an-hour of Eiementsin
history in his favor do not understand or can hardly ap- character,
preciate him. For in Bismarck's character, boldness,
perspicacity, and dogged determination are allied to
astute caution in a degree hardly equaled in history.
These in their union give rise to a moderation in success
equally remarkable.
For years we follow him, from his modest ancestral
i Karl Julius Weber, " Democritos."
129
130
Imperial Germany.
A Prussian
squire.
Period of
home to his entry into politics ; everywhere the rough
and sturdy Prussian squire, ready to break an oppo-
nent's head or to save a man from drowning ; every-
where strong, demonstratively aggressive in his un-
bridled animal spirits. Here and there short glimpses
of family affection relieve the picture of its harshness.
A descendant of a hardy northern soldier family, he
seems born out of his time ; a paladin longing for the
jousts of tournament, or for foray, or adventure by field
or flood.
He steps into a position of responsibility, and gradu-
trlnsformation. ally, very gradually, the strong wine passes through
fermentation, and the old nature is as if clarified into
a new character. ' * May it please God, ' ' he wrote to his
wife (July 3, 1851), ' ' to fill this vessel with strong and
clear wine, now that the champagne of youth has effer-
vesced uselessly and left stale dregs behind.' ' Those
who had known Bismarck only during these earlier years
hardly recognized the man later on at the head of affairs.
Called to the Frankfort Diet in 1851, 1 as the repre-
sentative of Prussia, he was a square peg in a round
hole for the condition of things as they then were.
In a letter to the prime minister of Prussia dated July
5, 1 85 1, Bismarck's predecessor in Frankfort, Herr
von Rochow, tells the following respecting Bismarck's
appointment as his successor, and the comments of the
then prince of Prussia on his visit to Frankfort :
The latter said, " And this lieutenant of the Landwehr is to
be our ambassador at the Diet?" "Yes," I replied, "and
I believe he is well chosen ; Herr von Bismarck is spontaneous,
energetic, and I believe he will come up to every expectation
of your royal highness."
1 The various German states, including Austria, were loosely combined in a
federation. The Diet was a representative body of delegates from the
different states. Austria wielded the chief power.
Prussia's
representative
in the Diet.
From an autograph portt
132
Imperial Germany,
A soldier by
nature.
Power of
reading men.
The prince had nothing to say in return, but in general
he was favorably impressed with this excellent champion
of right and true Prussian sentiments. I fancy his royal high-
ness would have wished Herr von Bismarck might have been
a little older, with gray hairs, but whether with these attributes
it would be exactly possible to meet the expectations of his
royal highness I hardly dare to say.
As yet he is but feeling his way — the possibilities
of Prussia as a governing influence had not revealed
themselves to him. The aristocratic leanings of Austria
were indeed sympathetic to his Junker 1 nature, even
though this same Austria lorded it over his own
country.
At first we only see the militant nature — the fighting
man, ready to resent hostility by retort or blow from
whatever point of the compass it comes. The hauteur
of the Austrian ambassador, Count Thun, the president
of the Diet, receives its quietus incidentally, 8 while
our hero is feeling his way and learning still to ap-
praise facts fully.
Gradually he awakens to the emptiness which under-
lies the Austrian pretensions. The man who since has
hardly ever looked at an opponent without reading him
through and through was not long in forming his
opinion of the Austrian representative. To those who
wrote to him warning him of the political astuteness of
his opponent, he replies, " My good folks, why he is a
thoroughly stupid fellow ! ' '
But he had yet to clarify and formulate his ideas, and
to gain that statesmanlike view of affairs which enabled
him to subordinate everything to his purpose. He saw
l Term for Prussian squire.
s This refers to the well-known anecdote of Bismarck taking away the
breath of the Austrian ambassador by quietly asking him for a light for his
cigar at a time when none of the German representatives dared smoke be-
fore the president of the Diet.
Bismarck. 133
himself recognized only as the representative of a
second-rate power, and his strong nature rebelled at the
position ; but he bore the unpopularity of Prussia with a
light heart, and even seemed to take pleasure in the
feelings that he evoked.
A Count Isenburg, irate at some remark of Bis- Count
marck's, was said to be coming to Frankfort to thrash Jhreat! rgs
him. But those who knew Bismarck chuckled at the
idea. He himself, hearing of Isenburg* s murderous
intentions, writes, * 1 1 cannot make out what I have
done to the good man ; I always took him for a harm-
less person." 1 It need hardly be said the irascible count
thought the matter twice over.
The gossip of the period teems with illustrations of
his bold action and boisterous language, the tenor of
which openly revealed his political views and plans.
Many of his frank, blunt opinions on high personages
in those days are deeply instructive even now as show-
ing with how little wisdom the world is ruled. For
they have invariably proved to be incisive and true.
During these years of petty bickering and enforced
idleness the idea took possession of him that Austria Bismarck an
enemy to
must be turned out of Germany, and henceforth he be- Austria,
came her death enemy.
The Italian war of 1859 broke out and witnessed
Austria's defeat. Public opinion in Germany strongly
-expressed itself in a wish to help Austria ; but Bis-
marck, even before the war had begun, was already
half inclined to take the opportunity to join hands with
France in humbling her. As this wish, openly ex-
pressed, was in direct opposition to the views held in
responsible quarters in Berlin, Bismarck was no longer
the right person to represent the latter in Frankfort,
1 " Preussen im Bundestag," page 159. Leipzig, 1885.
134
Imperial Germany,
His popularity
in Russia.
The " National
Union."
The king
decides upon
strong
measures.
and was transferred to Petersburg as Prussian ambas-
sador, where he arrived in March, 1859.
There the reputation of his opposition to, and even
hatred of, Austria had preceded him, and made him
highly popular in Russian court circles, still smarting
under the sense of the equivocal conduct of Austria
during the Crimean War.
In the meantime the Italian campaign had shown the
hopeless divisions of the German Federal States in a
stronger light than ever. The victory of France over
Austria was the consequence of this helplessness, and
caused a popular clamor for union to break out anew
in Germany, particularly in the Liberal party. On Sep-
tember 15, 1859, the " National Union* ' was formed in
Frankfort-on- the- Main, which included in its program
the representation of the German people, and asked the
central power in Germany to be conferred on Prussia.
But time sped on, while King William saw that the
sword would need to be sharpened before anything
could come of this. It was imperative to strengthen
the army. Parliament refused to lend itself to a pro-
longation of the period of military service, as also to the
granting of the increased military budget ; at least,
unless the government would declare that it was pre-
pared to use the increased armaments to secure national
unity. In view of the jealousy of Austria and France,
that concession was impossible. The king saw that a
foreign minister who would have to unfold all his plans
to a critical, inquisitive representative assembly must
needs give up, or at least must delay, their fulfilment.
The king, at the risk of losing his crown, determined to
carry out his plans for the reorganization of the army
against the opposition of the majority in Parliament,
and to obtain the necessary funds and spend them with-
Bismarck. 135
out its consent. Thus arose a conflict between crown
and Parliament. In carrying out this determination to
face the opposition of the majority of his subjects, the
king looked around for a ministry to stand by him.
One by one they fell in this bloodless battle against
numbers.
King William stood alone. In this dilemma he was Bismarck
advised to send for Herr von Bismarck, who had J**© 11 "* his
already gained the reputation of a bold and determined
politician. Thus originated Bismarck's relationship to
his sovereign, which lasted unbroken from 1862 till the
death of the king.
II.
The years of struggle with Parliament from 1862 to
1866 are matters of history, and they tell us that Bis-
marck showed the same courage and pertinacity as his
royal master.
History shows us with what dexterity during this pe-
riod he hoodwinked his opponents, charming them, as it
were, into a false sleep of security from which they
woke only to find the irrecoverable moment of action
past. We learn how, during his short stay in Paris in
1862, he confided his plans to the emperor. 1 "He is
mad, ' ' the latter said ; and the empress thought him a
funny fellow. The French ministers with one accord
agreed that he was not by any means a man to be
taken seriously into account.
The preliminary fight for the standard took place in Cession f
1864, when Austria joined Prussia in the campaign Hoiteinf"
against Denmark, which ended in the cession to Ger-
many of Schleswig-Holstein.
It is again a matter of history how Bismarck and the
1 Napoleon III.
His diplomacy.
136 Imperial Germany.
king, still acting in opposition to the parliamentary ma-
jority of the country, twisted the division of the spoil
into a rope that coiled itself around the throat of Austria
•'Seven Weeks' on the field of Sadowa in 1866. We find Bismarck
War."
starting for Bohemia on the outbreak of this war, the
object of universal hatred, if not of execration. He has
told us himself that had Prussia lost he would have un-
failingly committed suicide.
So far we see only the bold political gambler playing
for a great stake. The victory won, he is suddenly re-
vealed in a new character ; for he who had been mainly
change C of S instrumental in bringing this war about, in the moment
^ lcy ' of victory turns around and boldly opposes his royal
master and his military advisers in their wish to despoil
Austria. He himself has told us how, during the nego-
tiations of Nickolsburg, he had to encounter such oppo-
sition that his nervous system was thoroughly unstrung.
The man of iron threw himself on his bed and sobbed
like a child.
We have seen the political leader in the making ; we
will now take a glance at the man. First and foremost
among his characteristics we note the rare power of
rising at every crisis above his narrower self, and
making the interests of his country supreme.
The man who opposed the spoliation of Austria after
Sadowa might well call out with Lord Clive, ' * I stand
appalled at my own moderation. ' ' For it was not the
His moderation * ear °* France, as some erroneously suppose, that die-
not without tated such wise moderation, but that prophetic instinct
reason. ' * r
of his — that instinct which often leads genius to be
stoned by one generation in order to be adored by
posterity — that enabled him to see that a day was near
when it would be policy to be friends with the present
foe.
Bismarck, 137
Austria has bitten the dust before — in fact, she must
almost have become accustomed to it by force of habit —
but the Austrians had never before been humbled by a
foe who, within a generation of laming their arms, suc-
ceeded in gaining their hearts. Yet such is the present i ts reward,
state of things in parts of Austria — where the hatred of
Prussia prior to 1866 was most intense — that Emperor
William and Prince Bismarck compete in popularity
with her reigning house.
Such is the first result of the working out of this trait
of sagacious magnanimity in a great object in Bismarck.
Although he may not be able to say on his death-bed,
with Richelieu, that he had never had any personal
enemies, his only enemies having been the enemies of
the state, he can point to even rarer characteristics.
The subordination of his own strong passions has often
taken a far higher form. If we can picture him as Sylla,
the Roman dictator, crushing his rivals ruthlessly, ex-
terminating their adherents, we cannot quite credit him
with that stoicism which enabled Sylla to bear in silence modem C Syiia. a
the opprobrious epithets of that young patrician who
followed the ex-dictator, reviling him, through the
streets of Rome. But our appreciation must increase
in proportion the more we bear in mind his passionate
temper, when we come to consider that no single in-
stance is on record of Bismarck's ever allowing his
strongest personal leanings, antipathies, or passions to
influence seriously his action when the welfare of the
state was in question.
4-
III.
The War of 1866 concluded, Bismarck returns to
Berlin with the king, and takes share inj;he ovations
of the people. He first seeks, side by side with his
138 Imperial Germany.
sovereign, the con-
donation of past
breaches oi the let-
ter of the constitu-
tion, and the Bill of
Indemnity is passed
with acclamation by
a Parliament de-
lighted with national
victory. '
Now begins the
new phase in his ac-
tivity — the work of
consolidating what
had been gained —
the strengthening of
the North German
Confederation, the
conciliation of the
popular assembly,
and the smoothing
of the way to a bet-
ter understanding
with the South.
At the beginning
of this period falls
that masterstroke of
Bismarck's which
was only revealed
to the public and
princess BisMAnc*. to France like a
clap of thunder in 1867— the secret treaty with the
1 The government In violation of the constitution had, in spite of the oppo-
sition of Parliament, carried out Its policy of organizing and strengthening
Bismarck, 139
South. 1 The result of this would have been that even
had the French tardily provoked war in 1866, they
would have found Prussia at the head of all Germany,
a fact they were loth to believe even in 1870, notwith-
standing the previous publication of the treaty.
The years from 1866 to 1870, in their creative and
consolidating fertility, belong to history ; it suffices for Four years of
our purpose that they were years of unremitting work
and successful effort with Bismarck. Their calm was
only once disturbed by the Luxemburg quarrel in 1867,
which would have led to war then had it not been for
Bismarck's moderation. This, again, must be regarded
as a striking instance of that self-control and moderation
in success so conspicuous in Bismarck's character ;
doubly so, when we bear in mind that he already
regarded war as inevitable.
The leading facts of the War of 1870 and the after-
results of these unprecedented campaigns are too well The war of
known to require that we should dwell on them. It
suffices for our purpose to point out that, onerous as
were the conditions imposed on the vanquished in the
eyes of the placid onlooker, it was notoriously the work
of Bismarck that they were not far more so. Here, as
in 1866, Bismarck was opposed by Moltke, of whom a
most impartial French writer says, " Had Moltke had his Mo i t k e 's
way, France would have been annihilated. ' ' And let opp 08111011 -
there be no mistake : there was nobody to stop the
way ; Austria was powerless, Russia passive, and the
offers of England's interference had been coldly de-
clined. The calm, dispassionate moderation of Bis-
marck in success, although perhaps hardly perceptible
to our eyes, has yet been recognized as one of his strik-
ing characteristics, even by individual Frenchmen.
1 That is, with the South German states— Bavaria, Wurtemberg, and Baden.
140 Imperial Germany.
It is beside our purpose to enter chronologically here
into the details of his latter-day internal administration ;
we wish only to summarize.
The supreme position he gained for himself and
pe£ce. c> ° helped to gain for his country has, since 1870, been
utilized in the interests of peace, so that it has been well
said that never before has such immense political power
been used with such moderation. This is, perhaps, the
brightest jewel in Bismarck's crown of glory, even if in
justice we must admit that he only shares it with his late
imperial master. This moral position led to what was
perhaps, in one sense, the greatest triumph of his life,
when, after the late Turco-Russian War, Europe seemed
on the eve of a desperate struggle, and Russia and
Berlin England met at Berlin, and sought the adjustment of
Congress, 1878. their differences at the hands of the ' ' honest broker. ' '
Side by side with the unparalleled ovation on the part
of all Germany which greeted Bismarck on the attainment
of his eightieth birthday — April i, 1895 — we cannot re-
sist the temptation of referring back to a letter the late
emperor William wrote to him in September, 1884, on
the occasion of conferring on him the military insignia
Bismarck of the order " Pour le M6rite. M For its spirit breathes
reccivea a ...
military order, the due recognition of services such as rarely have been
rendered to a state by a subject, and is doubtless unique
in history as the tribute of a sovereign, who thus hon-
ored himself as much as him whom he distinguished :
Although the significance of this order is intended to be
essentially military, still you ought to have had it long ago.
For, in truth, you have shown the highest courage of the
soldier in many hard times, and, besides, in two wars you have
shown at my side that, beside all other distinctions, you have
the fullest claim to a high military one. Thus I make up for
* omissions ( Versdumtes) in sending you herewith the order
" Pour le Mente," with oak leaves (Eichenlaub) added, if only
Bismarck. 141
to express thereby that you ought to have had it before, and
that you have deserved it again and again. I so fully appreciate Emperor
in you the heart and mind of a soldier that I hope, in sending SbufeT' 8
you this order, which many of your ancestors wore with pride,
to give you pleasure. In doing so it affords me satisfaction to
feel that I am thereby granting a deserved distinction as a
soldier to the man whom God's gracious providence has
placed by my side, and who has done so much for his country.
IV.
Thus the people, who were so slow to recognize the
man, had come to look upon everything that had oc-
curred, good of bad, as directly foreseen by or emanating
from him. Of course this is as far from being the case
as the estimate of public opinion is ever far from being
the verdict of history. No human being foresees every
turn of the wheel of time ; in nine cases out of ten even
to the ken of genius it is the unforeseen that occurs.
But great men meet the unexpected, while mediocrity is
overtaken and crushed by it. Nor are Bismarck's great
successes alone the most remarkable feature in the man.
The way he has repeatedly turned an awkward occur-
rence to his advantage supplies us with subject for sagacity,
admiration. When German colonial annexations caused
an outburst of patriotism in Spain to defend her rights
to the Caroline Islands, public opinion thought that at
last Bismarck had got into trouble. But lo! he proposes
the arbitration of the pope, and by that single move
does more, without loss of dignity, to conciliate the
Catholic world than a series of reactionary laws might
have attained.
Uniformly successful abroad, he failed but once —
namely, in his struggle with a foe of a thousand years,
the power of Rome. And yet even here, although he
failed to conquer, neither was it a defeat ; concessions
142
Imperial Germany.
His struggle
with Rome.
Personal
sacrifices for
governmental
gains.
were made on both sides. Here he failed because suc-
cess was hardly possible. Yet just this failure supplies
us with a forcible illustration of a great trait in the man.
After being identified for years with open antagonism to
the papal see, it must have cost his pride no trifling
pang to step out lustily on the road to Canossa 1 — he, a
stanch Protestant — smoking the pipe of peace with the
placidity of an honest purpose.
After leaning for years for support on the best intellect
of Germany, after being hailed as the torch-bearer of the
modern spirit of enlightenment against the temporal pre-
tensions of medieval papacy, it cannot have been with a
light heart that he threw in his lot with many elements
of superstition and class prejudice. But those elements
meant support against the wild dream of anarchic social-
ism, against the petty spirit of Particularismus y * which
is not dead even up to the present day.
If personal ambition — a word that reads so close to
egregious vanity — had been his motive power, is it to be
supposed that a passionate, vindictive nature like Bis-
marck^ would have taken such a step?
History is only too rich in instances to show how
much easier it is for ambitious natures to be ' 'consist-
ent* ' in their self-willed aims than to turn back in the
face of friend and foe and boldly cry out : ' c I was
wrong; I underrated the power of the spirits I raised
too readily. I must retrace my steps.' '
Now, although Cicero long ago warned his com-
patriots that no liberal man should impute a charge of
1 This refers to the struggle between Pope Gregory VII. and Henry IV.,
emperor of the Holy Roman Empire. It was a contest between church and
state, in which the pope finally compelled the emperor to sue for mercy.
Henry sought the pope at the castle of Canossa. Hence one who tries to
conciliate the Vatican is said to " take the road to Canossa."
s A German expression denoting the individual interest of each separate
state.
Bismarck. 143
unsteadiness to another for having changed his opinion, *
that dreadful German pedantic fad, Uberzeugungstreue
(fidelity to conviction), has laid hold of Bismarck on the
score of his changed opinions, and reproached him with
it. He has been accused of his former leanings toward
Austria, of his conversion to protection, besides his
change of front toward the Vatican. Well did he retort
to such charges, that he thought he had therein the ad- Change of
. opinions a
vantage over those who still remained where they were mark of
. . progress.
a generation ago. And this must seem well founded to
all those who do not share the belief of the supernatural
prescience of statesmen, but rather see their genius in
the capacity of profiting by experience and of turning
the unforeseen to their advantage.
Napoleon, who wrote to his brother Joseph, king of
Spain, ' * I know I shall find the Pillars of Hercules in
Spain, but not the limits of my power/ ' would have
come down to posterity a far greater man if bitter ex-
perience had taught him to recant in time, and that the
limits of his power were confined to somewhere about
the Rhine. Has history dealt kindly with him because
the warnings providence sent were lost on him? Has
history not denied him the adjective of " Great,' '
notwithstanding his * ' consistency ' ' in refusing to see Napoleon's
the chances within his reach, of rising above his ambi- "consistency."
tious self, and of profiting in time by the dreadful lessons
of his aberrations ?
Herein is to be found the main difference between the
intellectual power as well as the ambition of a Napoleon
and that of a Bismarck — namely, in the difference in
meaning of the latter word. To many, Bismarck is the
very archetype of an ambitious nature ; and so he may
l Our own statesmen — Lord Beaconsfield, Mr. Gladstone, and Lord Derby —
supply striking instances of changing convictions.
144
Imperial Germany.
The nature of
Bismarck's
ambition.
be, only with the proviso which his enemies forget —
ambidon 1 "^ ° f name ty» *h at there is such a thing as an almost divine
ambition. What is, after all, the potentiality of all
earthly ambition compared to the one ambitious hope
most of us confess to and earnestly strive to realize —
that of a happier future hereafter ? Bearing the latter
ambition in mind, how can we ride roughshod over the
definition of ambition, and qualify it as a questionable
quality? To some, the will to serve one's country
at the risk or certainty of unhappiness in this world may
seem as worthy as the ambition that prompts us to
be anxious for our personal welfare hereafter.
If there is such a thing as a noble ambition to serve
one's country, surely that quality in its highest accepta-
tion is to be found in Bismarck. And, as far as we can
judge, we may even qualify his desire to serve his
country as one that has its origin in the rights of man ;
the right to exist as an independent country, free to
develop its institutions in peace. For the idea of serv-
ing his country by despoiling alien races, which has
been the excuse of so many victorious conquerors, has
never been one that found favor in his eyes. Without,
perhaps, being one of those fanatical believers in the
gospel of nationalities — for he is far too clear-sighted to
be a blind believer in any set doctrine — it is well known
that he regretted the military necessity of annexing
purely French territory in 1870. All his previous con-
quests have been limited to territory to which the
empire of Germany was legitimately entitled by ties
of race and historical traditions. We have only to
gauge the extent of the German military successes
by historical comparisons in order to become convinced
of the clear-headed, sagacious moderation of the man in
the midst of world-striking success. It is interesting to
His great
moderation.
Bismarck, 145
note how fortune favors those who have not exhausted
her kindness, and how she totally forsakes those who
have once abused her. This is strikingly illustrated by
the careers of Napoleon I. and Bismarck. The peculi-
arity of the latter is that he has lived to prove that
he deserved the smiles fortune reserved for him.
It seems but natural to turn to history for compari-
sons, and few characters offer so tempting a subject Definiteness of
r & J Bismarck's
for drawing parallels as that of Bismarck. For every- character.,
thing about the man is definite and powerfully outlined,
down to the exact number of his hirsutory adornments,
the popularly accepted three hairs, no more nor less.
And this is, in its way, symptomatic. Nothing is too
trifling for his individual attention, and he brings the
same amount of dogged determination to bear on his
efforts to protect the obscure German trader in East
Africa as if a great interest were at stake.
To our mind the character in English history which
personally offers most affinity to him is that of Lord
Clive. The story of Clive' s boyhood is such as we bianceto
could fancy Bismarck' s. And if the child be the father
to the man, Bismarck, again, in his schoolboy days,
sitting among the branches of a tree and declaiming the
Iliad to his schoolfellows, reminds us of Clive. Bis-
marck's youthful predilection for Ajax Telamon among
all Homeric heroes seems to strike a common key in the
two men's characters — the hearty fighter, less intent on
playing a leading part than in giving play to the un-
bounded animal spirits of strife for its own sake, but
withal honest and trustworthy, if somewhat rough. In
daring allied to cunning, again, they resemble each
other, though it was only in their maturity that they
were called upon to play the Homeric part of Ulysses.
The history of Clive' s manipulation of Surajah Dowlah
146
Imperial Germany.
His personal
appearance.
His deference
to the crown.
and the doubtful treaty with Omichund offers some
resemblance to Bismarck's hoodwinking of Napoleon
III. and his diplomatic agents.
Clive* s marriage and the close ties of intellectual sym-
pathy that bound him to Lady Clive during his whole
life again present many points of resemblance with what
we know of Bismarck. And, lastly, the judgment of
popular opinion, if not analogous in both cases, is
at least curiously suggestive.
The following description of Bismarck's personal
appearance is interesting as coming from the pen of a
Frenchman :
The outward aspect alone of the man denotes something out
of the common ; the round face has something of the bull-dog :
the broad bald forehead ; the deep-seated eyes beneath thick
brows, with their impenetrable depth of expression ; the
sardonic mouth, badly hidden beneath the moustache ; enor-
mous ears, as if to catch every sound ; the broad chin — every-
thing gives the idea of power and brutality. He is colossal. I
have seen him on horseback in the white uniform of the
Magdeburg Cuirassiers ; I seemed to see one of the mythi-
cal sons of Haimon.
V.
Bismarck is a stanch believer in the monarchical
principle, and is thoroughly German in his anxiety to
guard the privileges of the crown. In fact, his char-
acter as a whole, exceptional as it is, is in many
respects distincdy typical of his country, even down to
his bursts of irritability. His deference to the crown is
the result of honest conviction, for there is not an ounce
of the courtier or self-seeking opportunity hunter in his
composition. The stubborn honesty of his nature ex-
cludes all possibility of such qualities. With the courage
of one who knows not the meaning of fear, instead of
blinding himself to the demands of the Social Demo-
If
I
148
Imperial Germany,
His encourage-
ment of manu-
factures and
commerce.
His desire for
cooperation.
crats, while combating them, he has yet tried to gain for
himself the knowledge of what is practicable in their
demands ; and out of it we see the system of insurance
against sickness, in case of accident, and, lastly, the
project of pensions in old age, come one after the other
for the benefit of the working classes.
He has tried hard to stimulate the manufacturing
classes of the country, and, rightly or wrongly, he
sought the assistance of protection for that purpose.
His aim was plain — to make his country independent of
foreign manufacturers, and to force others to accept
German products. His colonial policy, whether suc-
cessful or not in the future, has at least already had the
one result of giving an enormous moral impetus to the
trade of the country.
While party government shows everywhere a craven
anxiety to employ only its own partisans — as if position
were a reward of the nature of a bribe — Bismarck has
sought cooperation among every shade of opinion down
to that of formerly ostracized Republicans. He himself
has put it : * * I welcome cooperation gratefully from
every side, and ask not what party it comes from. ,,
This, however, from no mere accommodation to self-
interest. Every action of his was intended to kindle
the national spirit, and in this conciliation was but a
means to an end. Thus, if Bismarck is in part re-
sponsible for a certain boisterous self-assertion in the
academical youth of Germany, the increase of students'
pugnacity, etc. , it must be taken in this light. Also his
«
well-known refusal to receive a German book printed in
Roman characters, which well might seem surprising to
us in its pettiness if judged from a personal point of
view, was doubtless part of a well-weighed system of
national propaganda.
Bismarck, 149
As he has never disdained to avail himself of the
smallest advantage in foreign politics, so also no means t ^fl e g egard for
are too trifling to gain the end in view nearer home, for
the end justifies them.
But narrow natures — political faddists — who ride
about on the broomsticks of ragged principles, would
fain judge Bismarck according to their intolerant stand-
ards, while recommending their own methods as to how
to raise a people out of the political mud of the past.
His opponents have not shown that they possess the
magnanimity they pretend to find lacking in him.
There has been too much wounded vanity turned to
hate.
Much of the opposition Bismarck ever encountered in
his home policy may be traced to the spirit of jealousy opposition
felt by advocates of social reform because they were not jealousy,
allowed to carry out their own measures — a feature of
parliamentary government in all countries. Many also
have been too sensitively anxious to show that they were
not led captive by the glamor of military success, and in
some notable instances this feeling has been the result of
•excessive vanity. The average Germans have acute per-
ception, and yet they have never been appreciators of a
great man. A sort of self-consciousness makes them
loth to surrender their judgment to unqualified admira-
tion for home genius. Goethe, Schiller, and other
great Germans knew something of this ; and Bismarck
himself has spoken sarcastically on this subject, as
referred to elsewhere.
Thus, although long all-powerful, he has been the
subject of venomous hatred in his own country, which, it h a h t re^ ectof
must be admitted, he has given back in current coin. It
was perhaps only natural, in an age that loves to make
itself believe everything can be done in kid gloves, that
*50
Imperial Germany.
Bismarck and
Count Arnim.
Bismarck a
good hater.
Bismarck's remark to Count Beust, that when once we
get our enemy in our power it is our duty to crush him,
should have caused surprise to some and horrified
others. (This animus does not seem to nullify an-
other saying of his, that we ought to be outwardly
polite to our enemies even to the steps of the scaffold !)
The memorable conflict between Bismarck and Count
Arnim is a case in point. He pursued the count even
to the jaws of death, and there can be no doubt that the
punishment of Arnim seems to some to have been out of
all proportion to his guilt. But we must remember that
behind Arnim stood the violent hatred of an entire
clique, whom Bismarck struck at in their leader. This
was well known at the time, for the emperor declared
himself powerless to save Arnim from the hatred of the
chancellor. Yet even here it is necessary to bear in
mind that, let Bismarck's resentment against Count Ar-
nim have been never so violent, this in itself was insuffi-
cient to secure the latter* s legal condemnation and pun-
ishment in Germany. These were impartially meted
out to Count Arnim by the legal tribunal of the land,
which on a later occasion — that of the prosecution of
Professor Geffcken by Bismarck — clearly demonstrated
its independence by acquitting the accused.
There are battles in political life in which the price of
defeat in some countries must be annihilation. That
Bismarck is a good hater — enough so to delight the
heart of Dr. Johnson — he has abundantly proved ; and
that his nervous irritability — his impatience of opposi-
tion — largely increased as he grew older is generally
understood. That he allowed himself to be carried
away by the opposition of his enemies, even to impugn
their motives without sufficient cause, notably in the de-
bate on the tobacco monopoly, will hardly be denied.
Bismarck. 151
Yet even here Bismarck never allowed personal pique to
sway his acts when his sense of duty was called into play.
For all that, we do not believe that a wound to his
self-esteem alone could ever have led Bismarck to show
personal animus in a political matter. There are plenty
of incidents known when he rose superior to it, among
them the following :
Count d*Herisson, an officer of the French general
staff, tells us in his book, "Journal of an Artillery d'Hensson's
r^rr 'J ^ j stratagem.
Officer, how he was sent to Versailles to deliver to
Prince Bismarck the document signed by the French
government embodying the capitulation of Paris. On
the road thither he conceived the bold idea of endeavor-
ing, on his own account, to obtain the release from one
onerous condition of the capitulation — namely, the sur-
render of the flags of the Paris garrison. He therefore
told Bismarck that he had brought the document ready
signed, but with instructions only to deliver it up if the
Germans would relinquish their claim to the French
flags. At first Bismarck was very irritated and excited,
but gave in at last ; thus Count d'Hensson's stratagem
was successful. When his book appeared, this passage its success,
was met with strong doubts by the public. But it
turned out to be perfecdy true, for Bismarck caused a
letter to be written to Count d' H£risson telling him that
he had read his book with great interest, and he compli-
mented Count d' HeVisson on the patriotic victory he
had gained over him. In this, as in many other in-
stances, Bismarck has shown a generosity of feeling
toward foreign foes that he has rarely shown to op-
ponents of his own nationality.
VI.
Even Bismarck's deficiencies are interesting and often
152
Imperial Germany.
Bismarck's dis-
like of the press.
Bismarck not
an orator.
arouse our sympathies. At a time when many states-
men divide their energies between the task of ruling and
horse-racing, the collecting of old china, casuistic discus-
sion, and other pastimes, it is almost refreshing to find a
man who honestly tells you that he understands nothing
of the old masters, that he is too old to learn to ap-
preciate ' * high art, ' ' that he does not know the inside of
an opera-house or of a concert hall, and that he prefers
an Italian organ-grinder to a remarkable tenor.
Bismarck's dislike of the press is well known, but
is not surprising when we bear in mind how he has been
treated by his pen-wielding enemies during the greater
part of his political career. How often during his tenure
of office public opinion expressed through the press
announced his approaching decline, only to see him rise
through each succeeding crisis higher and higher in
influence and power. But strong characters, such as
his, are not so likely to be appreciated by those of whom
Spencer says :
Therefore the vulgar did about him flocke,
And cluster thicke unto his leasings vaine,
(Like foolish Flies about an Honey crocke,)
In hope by him great benefite to gaine,
And uncontrolled Freedome to obtaine.
Also, Bismarck has been denied the dangerous gift of
oratory, of which its detractors say, with some reason,
that it has done more harm than good in the world.
Orators have rarely been statesmen. Curiously enough,
too, history teaches us that most great orators have ap-
peared coeval with a nation's decay : witness Demos-
thenes and Cicero. Also the thunderbolts that the late
M. Gambetta hurled from his jaws only served to re-
echo the cry of a defeated country ! Neither Richelieu
nor Cromwell nor Washington was an orator, yet his-
Bismarck. 153
Cory does not tell us that their statesmanship suffered
from the lack of this accomplishment.
Bismarck's is not a nature we can imagine delivering
well-turned periods or emitting polished Ciceronic shafts. v ' £or h of •*
But if his periods are nervously jagged and lack rotund-
ity, they fly as straight as a dart, and, where they strike,
they pierce the enemy through and through, and thence
pursue their
winged course
right across the
country.
The question
of Bismarck's re-
ported dislike of
England and the
English has been
too often mooted
not to warrant a
passing refer-
ence. If we may
draw our con-
clusions from
many references
to England in his
private corre-
spondence, from
the fact of both
his SOnS receiving From an autograph portrait.
English baptis- HmmBwuia
mal names (Herbert and William 1 ), as also from the HisBt , ilude
many opportunities the writer has been privileged to Bn35iu b '
enjoy of conversing with Prince Bismarck of late years,
we should say that, next to Germany, there is no coun-
1 He 19 called " BUI " in the family circle.
154 Imperial Germany.
try and no people he originally felt so much sympathy
with as England and the English. On the other hand,
there are some who aver that the continual upholding
of English doctrines and methods he has had to en-
counter in Parliament, not to mention certain occult
English influences constantly brought up in even higher
places to counteract his plans, have had their share in
prejudicing him against England. That Bismarck is
only too happy if he comes in contact with a repre-
sentative of England who is congenial to him is abun-
dantly proved by his studied attention and courtesy to
Lord Beaconsfield 1 during the Berlin Congress.
To many it may come as a surprise when we say that
His religious Bismarck's nature is in its root essentially religious.
The categorical imperative of Kant is by him translated
into a dominating influence, and in the light of his own
private confession we must regard him as drawing his
strength and foresight from the constant sense of de-
pendence on a higher will which has called him to his
place at the head of the German people. For instance,
we find this frank and almost brusque statesman thus
writing in the autumn of 1870, while the victories of the
war were yet fresh :
If I were not a Christian, I would not serve my king another
hour. If I did not obey my God and put my trust in him, my
respect for earthly rulers would be but small. I have enough
to live upon, and, as a private man, I should enjoy as much
consideration as I desire. Why, then, should I exhaust myself
with unwearying labor in this world, why expose myself to
difficulties, unpleasantness, and ill-treatment, if I had not the
feeling that I must do my duty before God and for his sake ? If
I did not believe in a divine government of the world which
1 It may be interesting to English readers to remember that Lord Beacons-
field— at all times a great judge of character— was one of the few who were im-
pressed with Bismarck's frank statement of his ambitious aims in 1862, and
anticipated their fulfilment.
Bismarck. 155
had predestined the German nation to something great and
good, I would abandon the trade of diplomacy at once, or,
rather, I should never have undertaken it. I do not know His sense of
whence my sense of duty should come except from God. duty God-given,
Titles and decorations have no charm for me. The confident
belief in life after death — that is it — that is why I am a Royalist;
without it, I should by nature be a Republican. All the stead-
fastness with which I have for ten years resisted every conceiv-
able absurdity has been derived only from my resolute faith.
Take this faith from me, and you take my country too. . . .
How willingly would I leave it all ! I am fond of country life,
of the fields and the woods. Take away from me my belief in
my personal relation to God, and I am the man to pack up my
things to-morrow, to escape to Varzin, and look after my
crops !
To us these words bear the impress of deep sincerity.
They are clear water welling down the old gray rock,
fresh, sweet, pure, and beautiful, round whose course as
it flows fragrant flowers may grow, making the hard,
harsh outline soft and radiant.
VII.
It is indeed no easy matter to gain a clear, unbiased x
estimate of the gigantic personality of Prince Bismarck, estimate of
To a contemporary it is nearly impossible. It is as if we impossible,
stood before an imposing Alpine landscape, near enough
in order to perceive the rifts in the rocky structure, but
not far enough away to appreciate the majestic beauty
of the outlines and the harmony of color of the whole.
If this be true of his contemporaries, how much more
so must it be the case with those who stand nearest to
him — his own countrymen. The aspect is blurred by
the many points of attack of his political opponents.
But one fact stands out preeminent amid the chaos of
criticism, hatred, and admiration, namely, that since
1870 the many years of Prince Bismarck's political pre-
156
Imperial Germany.
Atypical
German.
His service to
Germany yet
unappreciated.
ponderance meant peace in Europe and increasing pros-
perity in Germany.
And now that this Titanic figure of our century has
retired into the seclusion of private life — to live on and
to witness still the stability of his work outlast the period
of his own personal direction — who can say that the fitful
glimpes we get of his mighty individuality contradict the
essentially harmonious human estimate we have formed
of his character?
The cry of anguish, * ' I cannot lie down like a hiber-
nating bear, ' ' does not lead us into temptation to quibble
and sling arrows at the human weakness of a man whose
foibles are sometimes fraught with more greatness than
the life achievements of many a popular hero.
Bismarck has never assumed the placidity of the Stoic.
As we ventured to point out, when still in the height of
his power, we do not seek his counterpart in the stoicism
of the Roman dictator. His heart, his blunt honesty,
his instincts, were ever German to the core. In order
to accomplish his work it was as imperative that they
should have been so as it was that Martin Luther should
have been able to throw his mighty German individu-
ality in the scale against the cunning of the priesthood
of Rome. Genius even cannot mark the records of a
people for all time, unless its inspiration is fraught with
the fragrance of the soil of its birth. Thus the heart-
burnings of this great man only bring him nearer to us
from the liuman nature of their source.
It has been well said that no one can know the utter
contemptibility of human nature like a fallen minister.
But even others need but have studied the past in order
to have expected the howl of triumph of his enemies
which followed the fall of this great man. Are we not
even told that the* death of Frederick the Great — the
Bismarck. 157
policeman of Europe — was greeted with a sigh of relief
by the community at large? And yet who heeds old
Frederick's detractors to-day, while the luster of his
deeds is more resplendent now than at the time of their
execution. Thus it is ever the fate of truly great men ;
they gain by the perspective succeeding ages lend to
their contemplation.
Still, even Bismarck's fall fortunately affords, now that
he is still living, an opportunity of qualifying a pessi-
mistic estimate of mankind in general.
There was a glorious ray of human sunshine in that
manifestation of sympathy when the grand old paladin His retirement
left Berlin, amid the beautiful German cry, "Auf Wie-
dersehen." 1 It does us good to hear of mothers hold-
ing up their children, to catch another glimpse of those
mighty features. This is a privilege enjoyed by many
thousand patriots since, who from time to time have
made their pilgrimage to Friedrichsruh in the hope of
seeing once more Germany's Iron Chancellor in his
rural retreat — retired from business, but still living on
lustily in the hearts of his countrymen.
It is not for us — in fact it is too early for any man —
to presume to judge of what is hidden from our gaze a lapse of time
_ * necessarv to si
and ken. The details of internal politics of a great clear judgment
foreign country may call forth our interest, but they are,
at least for the time being, beyond the scope of our
judgment. However, time need not roll on in order to
enable us to feel that no incident with which we are
acquainted can detract from our estimate of the genuine
human nature underlying the vast genius of Germany's
greatest statesman.
1 " Until we meet again."
CHAPTER VII.
THE ARMY.
Nullus mortalium armis aut fide ante Germanos esse. 1
— Tacitus.
. I.
Victory has given the German army a unique posi-
tion in the eyes of the world. There is no denying that
its composition and characteristics excite an interest the
extent of which can only be compared to its achieve-
ments.
If a great standing army be a grim, unavoidable evil,
An army of at least it can be said of the German army that its end
justifies the means that called it into existence. It is an
army of peace. It is a nation in arms to secure peace.
Its moral standing is by far the highest of any army the
world has yet seen. Armies are too often sources of im-
morality and rowdyism in all times and countries, but
this one is a decided agent of discipline and morality.
The habits of punctuality, of obedience, of discipline,
the inculcation of the instincts of honor in the humblest,
its effect on the the meeting of all classes in the nation on one common
rman peop e. g rounc i Q f feeling- and duty, have physically and morally
strengthened the whole German people. This fact is
visible to the naked eye of any observant traveler who
crosses the German frontier at different points, and com-
pares the populations of the different countries.
We English, who are proverbially slow to recognize or
to acknowledge foreign prowess — and not without some
i None surpass the Germans in war and faithfulness.
158
The Army. 159
excuse, for we have plenty of our own to look back
upon — we even have come to look upon the German
army as something to be admired. "The sternest man-
slaying system since the days of Sparta," one of our
most able periodicals termed it.
Even a Frenchman could not help saying that
although the German soldiers could not, "of course,"
compare with the French, still there was no denying the '
merit of the German officers ! "I have seen them
driving their men forward with sword-blows," he said.
But not alone Frenchmen ; it has often seemed to
Englishmen that the victories of the Germans have
failed to impress many others with
the idea of their individual prow-
ess. When we say individual
prowess, we mean that glamor of
individual valor and dash in the
rank and file that has ever had a
touch of romance to the eyes of
the crowd.
If failure to impress in this way
be a fact, and one that was based
on accurate observation, then in-
deed the qualities of supreme ani-
mal courage are not answerable
for the superiority of the Germans
in the field ; qualities which John
Bright once told us can be bought
to any extent in the world's mar-
ket at $10 a week !
It is well to dwell on this fact,
and to endeavor to draw from it
the only legitimate inferences that —
present themselves — namely, that a cavalryman.
i6o
Imperial Germany.
The German
officer.
Bismarck's
boast.
Germany owed her success in the field to far higher
qualities than those which of old weighed down the
scales in the victors favor.
Althbugh some nations are still infected with Homeric
traditions of vainglorious martial prowess, the days of
the professional hero are gone forever. The old type,
that ever utilized a portion of its energies to vilify and
diminish an antagonist, has yielded to a better model.
To-day the peasant, the plain citizen, takes his place in
the ranks and, steeled in the ordeal of battle, returns as
a true type of a hero : a man who has quietly and
unostentatiously done his duty.
It is significant that- you will never hear mention of a
brave officer in Germany. We constantly hear of ' ' ein
tapferer Soldat, ' ' a brave soldier, but we fear the Ger-
mans might look upon the term a "gallant officer,' ' to
which we are so accustomed, as slightly tautological —
not to say savoring of platitude and vulgarity. They
realize a dutiful officer, the other is assumed as a matter
of course. A German member of the Reichstag referring
to an officer as the ' ' gallant member, ' ' as is the custom
in England, would be laughed out of countenance.
Bismarck boasted, in his speech of February 6, 1888,
that the Germans fear nobody but God. If we might
be pardoned differing from him in this particular in-
stance, we would venture to say that the average Ger-
man fears even a current of fresh air, which he calls
a draft, more than anybody else in Europe. Unlike
the French, who are intoxicated by martial glory, if he
does not fear fighting, at least it has no charms for him ;
he dislikes it. But the strength of the Germans lies
in the fact that at the call of duty they overcome their
antipathy, and stand — a nation in arms— ready to meet
those who have put them to the trouble of doing so.
The German army
is not meant to pro-
duce pugnacious
heroes ; it has a higher
aim, for it succeeds in
even training the cow-
ard to overcome his
timidity and to do his
duty. And what this
"doing his duty"
means, even the enemy
occasionally bears wit-
ness to. Thus Count
d'Hensson 1 draws the
following picture of an
episode of the battle of
Villiers Champigny :
The Germans, who
were truly splendid under
fire, advanced in dark
masses and at the mo-
ment of debouching in
loose sharpshooter for-
mation suddenly as one
man lilted their muskets
above their heads amid a
deafening "hurrah."
This seemed to magnify
their ranks as if by some
pantomimic circus effect.
Our mobile guards, who
had never seen anything
similar, were cowed. A Prussian Officer.
But if the popular idea of heroism is rather scouted
than valued in the German army, on the other hand
1 D'Hirisson, "Journal of ail Artillery Officer" (Paris), page 180.
l62
Imperial Germany.
Cultivation of
chivalry in the
German army.
An instance
at Sadowa.
Appreciation of
chivalry in
other countries.
in no army is the spirit of true chivalry more cultivated
than there. It was consistent with the best Prussian
traditions that when French public opinion sought a
scapegoat in Marshal Bazaine, his antagonist in war
(Prince Frederick Charles), a royal prince and doughty
soldier, offered to testify to his worth.
During the battle of Sadowa a company of the second
Prussian Foot Guards stood to the right of the village of
Rosberitz. A regiment of Austrian cuirassiers advances
at full charge. Captain von Gorne orders his men to let
them come on within two hundred yards. A well-aimed
volley ! Saddles are emptied, the horses fall. Fresh
reserves rush forward in quick succession only to bite the
dust before the unerring aim of the Prussians. A pile
of wounded horsemen and horses covers the ground.
Suddenly a single cuirassier jumps qp, runs toward the
Prussian lines, and, vaulting into the saddle of a stray
charger, tries to regain his comrades. ' * Let nobody
fire at that man," the Prussian captain calls out in a
voice of thunder, and a mighty ' * Bravo ' ' from the
Prussian ranks reechoes in answer after the flying
horseman.
Even in peaceful incidents this chivalric sentiment
now and then manifests itself. An instance may be
found in the recent impressive ceremony of transferment
of the body of the French general Carnot from Magde-
burg to France.
In the inculcation of chivalry and the higher forms of
the fulfilment of duty the Prussian authorities are not
merely content with precept drawn from the deeds of
their own countrymen, but have long cultivated a cos-
mopolitan spirit of appreciating such wherever found.
Thus when the well-known harrowing disaster occurred
of the foundering of the English troop-ship the Birken-
The Army. 163
head, ' the splendid instance of discipline evinced on that
occasion by the English troops on board was singled out
by the king of Prussia and the account of it ordered to
be read out aloud to every Prussian regiment in parade
as a shining example worthy of emulation of the noblest
fulfilment of duty.
II.
With the vast improvements in our time in firearms
generally, other instincts must be called upon to face
the shock of battle ; not, perhaps, opposite instincts, but O f e modeni ents
certainly qualities of a higher order than hitherto wa
required. The soldiers who of old would show the
wild beast roused within them in the heat and excite-
ment of a hard-fought, hand-to-hand grapple might not
be equally ready to stand at ease quietly for hours while
the pitiless ' ' ping ' ' of bullets — fired at a range of one
thousand yards — dealt death and devastation in their
sullen lines. Troops in days gone by were seldom
called upon to make forced marches to the degree that
is often called for in the present day ; nor were human
beings ever expected to lie down and sleep on the bare
fields for weeks together, and that mostly in the pouring
rain, as was the case in 1 870 from Weissenburg to Pr i vat ion in the
Gravelotte and then on to Sedan. Animal courage Warofl8 7<>-
alone, however high, can never hope to meet such
requirements as are now asked of the rank and file of a
great European army in the field. That readiness in
getting killed is not the only quality required is shown
by the fact that thirty-six German cavalry regiments did
not lose a single man during the whole campaign of 1870 !
The Sixth-Army Corps was hardly under fire at all.
1 The royal troop-ship Birkenhead foundered off the south coast of Africa in
February, 1852, with the Seventy-fourth Highlanders commanded by Colonel
Seton on board.
164 Imperial Germany.
Besides perfect organization, it was the lofty spirit —
the stern sense of duty — which alone, under leaders
of consummate genius, made those victories possible.
And these leaders, in their turn, were nothing else but
the outcome and
result of that su-
preme sense of
consc 1 entiousness
and duty which
is the one key-
note of the whole
organization of
Prussia, civil and
military. This
trait is striking,
from highest to
humblest — from
the king, who
declared himself
ready for duty,
down to the
humblest Pome-
ranian peasant,
who, at the trum-
pet call of war,
quietly reported
Alfred krupp himself at the
F OUn d«or.hei r on Bn ds t «lw rl« a tE !Sen . ^^ ^ q{
enrollment and exchanged the hoe for the musket. This
trait is visible everywhere in those iron hoops of the Ger-
man army, the sergeants and non-commissioned officers.
It reaches, perhaps, its most pregnant significance in the
full captain, the company leader. The young lieutenant,
eften an easy-going fop, is invariably a changed man
The Army. 165
when intrusted with the responsibility of a captain's duty.
If Danton truly characterized •" audacity , ' ' again and
again " audacity," as the watchword of successful revo-
lution, we might with equal justice define "duty,"
"duty" again and again, as the key-note, the rallying-
point, of Prussia's success in the field. This feeling
is even unassisted by the traditional ' * contempt ' ' for an
enemy which has ever been inculcated in the breast
of the common soldier elsewhere. This undervaluing of
the enemy has been supposed to increase the moral Valuation of
J rr the enemy.
strength of an army, although history does not show
that it ever prevented a defeat turning into a rout. The
Prussians, both officers and men, are intuitively taught
to overrate an enemy. Both in 1866 and 1870 the pre-
vailing opinions were of the superiority of the Austrian
cavalry, of the French infantry, etc. The soldiers
themselves used to make these assertions dispassion-
ately, but with a strongly expressed reservation that,
notwithstanding probable first defeats, they hoped to
win in the end. The true value of this sobriety of
spirit could, however, only have been fully demonstrated
by temporary defeat — in an involuntary defensive posi-
tion — and we feel sure that. the nation which, above all
others in Europe, individually hates war and bloodshed
would have shown to advantage under such adverse
conditions. For this steadiness in adversity is more
readily found in troops which respect their enemies than steadiness in
in those that despise their foe and may have to over-
come the disenchantment of finding out their mistake
suddenly and possibly too late.
III.
The Bohemian campaign of 1866 brought one Prus-
sian name prominently to the front— that of General
adversity.
i66 Imperial Germany.
Steinmetz, the lion of Nachod. He was a splendid ex-
ample of that type of stubborn soldier ready to sacrifice
any number of his men in his dogged determination
to rout the foe. This type of soldier has been common
to all times and countries. The Prussian army had seen
no active service worth mentioning for generations, and
a man of General
Steinmetz'smold
was well adapted
to help it over
the first squeam-
ishness in tasting
blood. Therefore
it was but natural
, that this rugged
soldier of the
Bliicher school
(if it be fair to
compare him to
so modest a char-
acter as old
Marshal " Vor-
warts ' ' ) should
have come out of
the Bohemian
campaign to find
his name a house-
Officbrs of tub First and Second Cavalry hold word at
Rhcimbnts of ihb Prussian Guard. , .
home. In any
other country we should have had that frail female com-
monly called "public opinion" pointing to General
Steinmetz as the man to lead supreme in future strug-
gles. Not so in Prussia. A higher standard than that
of public opinion directed and watched over the des-
The Army. 167
tinies of Germany. General Steinmetz' s achievements
were recognized and rewarded as they deserved to be,
but not beyond their deserts. When, in 1870, a nation
in arms crossed the Rhine to the strains of " Die Wacht His part in the
War of 1870.
am Rhein," it found General Steinmetz in command of
the First Army. He was not a man to wait long for
orders when an enemy was in sight. He stormed the
heights of Spicheren and achieved a brilliant victory,
though at the price of a terrible loss of life. But the
workmanship that was good enough in 1866 was no
longer to be tolerated in 1870. General Steinmetz had
attacked without, if not against, orders, and, although
victorious, had disconcerted the plans of his superiors,
which, if properly carried out, were intended to cut off
the army he had beaten at such heavy cost.
In any other country "public opinion" would have
lifted the victorious general into her lap, and he would
have been on the high road to further honors and re-
wards. Not so in Prussia; General Steinmetz was com-
manded to appear before the Red Prince and hear his
fate. * * Your excellency, although an old soldier, has
presumably forgotten what it is to obey! " words which,
translated into their subsequent meaning, conveyed the His dismissal,
order to go home at once, stripped of his command, in
disgrace : ' * Cassio, I love thee ; but never more be
officer of mine. ,,
At the battle of Le Bourget (before Paris), October
30, 1870, the storming column, consisting of the
Queen Elizabeth Regiment, the first battalion of the
regiment Queen Augusta, and the second company
of the pioneers of the Guard, was led by Colonel
Count Kanitz. They were exposed to a murderous fire
while the pioneers had to work their way gradually
through every obstacle in their path. The second bat-
1 68 Imperial Germany.
talion of the Elizabeth Regiment advances with flying
■ttie™ " ae c °l° rs ' when its standard-bearer falls ; another non-
* Bou IK «. commissioned officer seizes the standard, but he, too, is
struck down. At that moment General von Budritzki
dismounts, seizes the flag, and rushes on in advance of
his grenadiers. Around him fall in quick succession
Colonel von Zaluskowski, the commander of the Eliza-
beth Regiment, and Count Waldersee, who had only
rejoined the army a
few days, cured of
the wound he had
received at Grave-
lotte. The papers
were full of this deed
of valor of General
von Budritzki, but
in spite of it he was
not promoted to an
independent com-
mand. Heroism is
not enough in Prus-
sia to be intrusted
with the welfare of
vc a Prussian army
corps.
It is even reported that, although General Herwarth
von Bittenfeld commanded the vanguard column in
1866, Moltke refused to grant him a corresponding
command in 1870, notwithstanding the repeatedly ex-
pressed wish of the king himself, with whom he was an
especial favorite.
A Prussian officer does not hold a responsible com-
mand because of his bravery, but because of his sup-
posed talent for the disposition of troops {Dispositions-
The Army. 169
talent), his capacity to take the initiative, to act with
judgment under unforeseen conditions — in short, bis
fitness for command.
These incidents are instructive as showing how heroes,
however exalted, who disobey orders, or who — even far
less — are judged incompetent although in appearance
successful, are dealt with by the competent directing
minds in the German army. So little, however, are
these facts understood by public opinion in other coun-
tries, that after the retirement of the late Prince Alexan-
der of Battenberg from Bulgaria some of its exponents
busied themselves with his probable nomination to the
command of a Prussian army corps.
IV.
Neither the efficiency of the German army nor the In fl uenceof
choice of its leaders depends on the watchfulness of {^JheG^rman
public opinion ; it is perfectly independent of it, and army -
this is one of the chief causes of its excellence. Neither
Count Waldersee nor Count Schlieffen, the two men
who have been appointed to succeed Count Moltke as
chief of the staff, was known to the public at large and
neither has ever yet held an independent command in
action. The one supreme condition, the purity of the
fountain-head, no public opinion can guarantee ; only
the ' ' spirit ' ' that dwells in the immediate confidence of
the ruler and makes itself felt down to the common
soldier can do that.
What public opinion is capable of doing with regard
to an army we have witnessed in France, even since the i?m h y e . French
crushing lesson of 1870. General Boulanger was in-
stalled at the War Office, his popularity daily on the
increase. If, during that period, one of those frontier
squabbles had led to war, General Boulanger would
170 Imperial Germany.
have been called by public opinion perhaps to the chief
command of the army. In this instance public opinion
might have placed the fates of weal and woe of a nation
of 38,000,000 in the hands of an intriguer of doubtful
ability. Another recent instance of the line adopted
by public opinion in army matters in Austria is related
farther on.
If we are to judge by our own experience of public
opinion in England, we -may fairly assume that, if we
were engaged in a serious struggle, we should be bur-
dened with heroes. Not so in the case of Prussia in the
War of 1870. The mightiest war of modern times hardly
produced a dozen men around the brows of whom
public opinion could weave its meretricious wreaths. It
was not intended it should. It was looked upon as bad
form in the army to be thought a hero ; quiet duty was
the watchword.
It is eminently characteristic of the above that when
Bismarck's Bismarck inquired after his sons during the war, he did
not ask their superior officer whether they had distin-
guished themselves y but only whether they had done their
duty. Strange reading this, for many of those who feel
the craving — the lust — for individual distinction.
Cheap heroism— distinction — would often have been
easier to gain than to fulfil quiet duty. Men who had
been too anxious to distinguish themselves were looked
at askance by their comrades. After the war a silent
etiquette was promulgated that conversations relating to
individual prowess were to be avoided. Everybody was
Duty the expected to do his duty and nothing more. The result
proved that it had been fairly done. The directing mind
saw that it was not done in vain. The campaigns of
1864, of 1866, of 1870, came and passed. Their
butcher's bills were quietly settled without swords and
inquiry.
The Army. 171
bayonets bending, cartridges jamming, and fighting men
being poisoned by rotten provisions. Would that our
historians could say
the same of the re-
cent English brawls
with savages !
It may be thought
that the Iron Cross 1
was, after all, a pre-
mium on personal
distinction, and so
it was in one sense,
but not in a vulgar,
sporting sense. The
Iron Cross came as
a reward for duty
done more than for
personal distinction
achieved, and in its
application and dis-
tribution a truly
democratic spirit
prevailed. The Iron
Cross was in many
instances on the
breast of the ser- < ■&.
geant and common I ■'- -' ;
soldier before it was
affixed to the uni- AN 0l "" CER OF TBH ""^"^ SAXOKV "
form of those in responsible command. Leaving the
ranks to carry wounded comrades to the rear — a com-
mon form of distinction in some countries — was hardly a
1 An order bestowed on Ihose in the German army who ire deemed worthy of
172
Imperial Germany.
Heroism vs.
duty.
An instance of
duty exceeded.
passport to the Iron Cross in 1870. Bismarck is said to
have jokingly remarked to a German prince, who like
himself wore the Iron Cross, that they had both received
it as a compliment.
V.
But as everything has its two sides, so too the aspects
of personal achievement. Nor do we mean to say that
there was no element of individual prowess in 1870. We
only mean to imply that the cheap sort of meretricious
heroism at the expense of duty, which has been and
would again be ruin in serious battle, was not encour-
aged nor rewarded. To prove that every rule may
have its exceptions, we cannot help mentioning one
of the few facts that have come to our knowledge in
which the limits of duty were almost exceeded in a
quiet, unostentatious, and chivalrous manner. It was at
the hard-fought battle of Gravelotte that a company
of the Alexander Guard infantry regiment was standing
under a withering hail of bullets. The men were
ordered to lie down under cover. The officers alone,
as if by a superhuman instinct, remained upright, to
show the men that, although they were not to be need-
lessly exposed, there was even more expected of those
who were placed above them. Of twenty officers eigh-
teen were killed or wounded on that occasion. If their
action was an excess of duty, it was not of a meretri-
cious character. It was done quietly, unostentatiously,
with no reporters in sight, and with no individual re-
ward to follow. The true reward was, however, found
in the devotion of the troops themselves. For a few
days afterward, on the road to Sedan, this very com-
pany marched twenty-three hours out of the twenty-four
without leaving a single man behind.
The Army. 173
Few things call more for our attention than the won-
derful marching capacity of the German army. It is an Matching
i , , . ■ , , . «paclty of the
unerring proof of the moral strength of an army, for its German army,
source is far more of a moral than of a physical nature.
When the War of 1870 broke out, a friend of ours, who
had three brothers who were officers in the Prussian
army, expressed himself thus : "Think of me, we shall
march the French to death." And the battle of Sedan
proved he was right. For it was above all this tremen-
dous capacity for marching which enabled the German
army to surround that unfortunate town as with an iron
ring. One of the most striking instances of this march-
ing aptitude and the moral force connected with it
was Bliicher's junction with Wellington
two days after the former's defeat at
Ligny. Heinrich von Treitschke has writ-
ten the following regarding it : '
The emperor Francis said to the officers of
Bliicher's staff: "You Prussians are devilish
fellows." And Mettemich admitted to Frei-
herr vom Stein that an Austrian army would
have required at least six weeks to recover
from such a defeat — whereupon Stein answered
with emphasis: "There you see what moral
force can do!"
It is not so much success as the causes
which lead to it that must interest the ob-
server.
The English monthly periodicals dwell
from time to time on the efficiency of our
army, and draw comparisons between it
and those of continental nations. Lately
a writer in the Contemporary Review
Tteit-
An ORDERLY OF THK COIKASSIERS.
174 Imperial Germany.
stated that "the German armies were defeated bv the
First Republic and by the empire of France because
they were living on the ' old traditions * of Frederick,
and had not adapted themselves to the new conditions.
For precisely the same reasons the Austrians in 1866
and the French in 1870 went down before the Germans."
This statement is all very well as applying to certain
The "new problems of militarv science ; but the ** new conditions"
mentioned are not identical, nor covered bv any new
systems of military tactics or strategy. For instance, in
1866 the Austrian artillery was superior to the Prussian,
and in 1870 the French rifles were again far superior to
the German needle-gun. The fact is that the "new
conditions '* are as old as the days of Sparta ; besides all
tactical innovations and strategical skill in the leader-
ship, they mean the fighting condition of a healthy,
strong community with a great cause, and full moral
confidence in that cause, at its back. The * * old tradi-
tions" are as old as Darius and the battle of Arbela,
and mean the going down of an order of things that has
outlived itself through age or unfitness or corruption be-
fore the onslaught of health and strength.
The '* old traditions " are alive in our midst in Eng-
SSitkim" land, as shown by the evidence of the Royal Conimis-
sion to inquire into the weapons and ammunition of our
army after the late Egyptian campaign, and it reported
that the bayonets, the swords, as well as the ammuni-
tion, supplied were partly defective or useless. The
flour was rotten, the biscuits mildewed, and almost
every other article of food inferior or adulterated.
And yet there was nobody to hang ! When a regi-
ment was to embark from an Irish port, it was found
that half the men were dead drunk. These are the old
traditions !
The Army. 175
In Prussia, such is the honest thoroughness and
efficient solicitude for the army that, when the War of ^'"SSI™ '
1870 broke out, as if by magic the whole army was conditions."
found supplied with an excellent food, the very name of
which — the now-celebrated "pea-sausage" — had never
before been heard of by the public. Such is an instance
of the "new conditions" of modern warfare. It is this
wondrous efficiency,
this honest and effect-
ive administration
and devotion to duty,
which arrest our at-
tention.
VI.
We repeat, it is the
honest devotion to
duty of the unit in the
army which im-
presses us more than
the genius of its lead-
ers. The one must
pass away, and men
will come forward
who are compara-
tively untried, but the
other can, and must,
remain at all hazards.
The German subal-
tern officer works in
An Officer of the Guard, Prussia.
the midst of his men ;
he presides not only over the drill, which in England
is left to non-commissioned officers, but he is their officers
moral as well as their technical instructor. His whole
176
Imperial Germany.
The value of
time in army
discipline.
Of conduct
and example-
heart is in his profession and with his men, like a fore-
man in a workshop. Thus he exercises an influence
over the character of the rank and file confided to his
care that remains with them in after-life. The- Prussian
army has been the means of raising the moral as well as
the physical standard of the masses of the country.
The following extract from the German Field Service
Regulations for 1887, issued for the use of the rank and
file of the army, may prove interesting :
The soldier may learn to march and to handle his weapons
by practice ; also his body and his mental powers may be de-
veloped and steeled ; but time alone can produce that discipline
which is the key-stone of the army. This is the first condition
of every success, and must be cultivated and nurtured above
everything else. A superficial cohesion merely gained through
practice will give way in critical moments and under the influ-
ence of unforeseen occurrences. Only by the most thorough
training of the unit can the necessary cohesive action of the
many be attained The officer is the teacher and
leader in every department. This necessitates his possessing
superiority of knowledge and of experience, as well as superior
strength of character. Without fear of responsibility, every
officer in every crisis — even the. most exceptional — must devote
his whole being to the task of carrying out his instructions,
even without waiting for orders respecting details. The per-
sonal behavior of the officer is the most decisive influence on
the rank and file, for the inferior is subject to the impression
that coolness and determination make all along the line. It is
not sufficient to command ; the manner of the commanding ex-
ercises a great influence over subordinates. Conduct and ex-
ample create confidence, and nerve the troops to action that
commands success Every one — from the highest
officer down to the youngest soldier — must always bear in mind
that omission and neglect are more punishable than a mistake
in the choice of means of action.
VII.
In the Prussian army such a thing as appointment by
The Army. 177
"public form" and promotion by favoritism — not to
speak of nepotism — has hitherto been comparatively un- ^™?ttem f
known. An officer might enjoy the intimate personal
friendship of the old emperor William without its having
the slightest influence on his preferment. It would have
even been powerless to avert his premature retirement,
if he had been judged unequal to the responsibility of a
higher command. A rigid system of continually testing
the capacity of officers was ever at work. No length of
service would have entitled a man to promotion, unless
his superiors in command were thoroughly convinced he
was in every way fitted for it. After ten or twelve years'
service as a lieutenant, a man may be judged fitted to
lead a company, and thus receives the rank of captain.
He may be the best company leader in the Prussian serv- Capacity of
officers severely
ice, and yet not have the material for a field officer. If tested,
such be the opinion of his superiors, he has no hopes of
ever becoming a major. When his turn for promotion
comes he receives a quiet hint to retire, and, as a sop,
he carries the titular distinction of major into private life,
and silently vanishes from the scene. Service in the
Prussian army is a national duty, and not necessarily a
career for the individual. The dismissal may mean shat-
tered hopes, or a lost career it may be, but it is inevi-
table, in the interest of the community, in the interest of
the huge man-slaying machine, in which each man is the
tiniest little rivet, and nothing more.
This same test is rigorously applied to every promo-
tion up to the rank of full general. That such a merci-
less system of mutual observation and criticism can exist
without degenerating into a hot-bed of intrigue and
favoritism, is, in itself, the highest testimony to the
moral qualities of the Prussian officer. In other coun-
tries the command of a whole army is often given to an
ijS Imperial Germany.
incapable general, and the results are invariably such as
might be expected-
There is no regard tor individual sensitiveness in the
German army. There they root it out stump and branch
ferbmiifaad m tn e interest of the country. No title, no familv con-
nections, however powerful, are able to do more than
enable an officer to serve in one of a few exclusive regi-
ments, but are by no means able to guarantee his pro-
motion therein. And vet, when we bear in mind what
the Prussian aristocracy has done toward making the
army what it is, we could even understand a litde favor-
itism, for they have had their bones broken for genera-
tions in the army service, hardly ever earning any
material reward in return. If pride of birth be pardon-
able, it is so in this instance of generations of unselfish
devotion to a hard service. To be nearlv related to a
great Prussian commander is, if anything, a drawback,
for the spirit of rigid impartiality toward one's own kith
and kin has before now been the means of even hindering
an officer's advancement-
Bismarck's two sons went into the Franco-German War
a notable as privates in the Dragoon Guards, and — most remark-
able — in Germanv it was onlv taken as a matter of course.
William Bismarck, the younger, had even served nearly
a whole year previously in the same humble capacity.
Such an absence of nepotism is to be found only in Prus-
sia. It is looked upon as a matter of course ; it exists
in all branches of the state service and is one of the
reasons the Prussian administration works so thorough*.
One of Field-Marshal Moltke's aides-de-camp through-
out the Franco-German War — his brother-in-law — came
out of it with no higher rank than captain, and retired
some years later through ill-health as major on half-pay.
(The number of those whose health was subsequendy
The Army. - 179
shattered by that struggle almost equaled those of the
killed and wounded. )
This very poverty is one of the hoops of steel that
binds the Prussian army. The day the Prussian officers ofpove
MOLTKE BEFORH PARIS, I
cease to be poor, that day the supremacy of the Prussian
army will be on the wane. The danger of luxury is Thtd;
a greater one than any foreign combination. The
present young emperor, when still Prince William,
said as much when he gave those peremptory orders
i8o
Imperial Geivnany.
Cultivation
of the point
©f honor.
Other
characteristics
of the " new
conditions."
Importance of
moral influence.
to his regiment against gambling that created such a
sensation at the time. The key-stone of the moral
influence and of the position of the Prussian officer is to
be sought in the rigid cultivation of the point of honor
that may seem almost exaggerated to our eyes. The
slightest slur on the character of a Prussian officer is
fatal to his chances of promotion, even if it does not
entail his immediate dismissal. Thus cases of suicide
are very frequent from causes that would appear trivial
indeed to those who are not conversant with the rigidity
of Prussian notions on this subject. For an officer to
become implicated in a brawl or quarrel connected with
personal violence, even if innocent, often entails ruin, as
it is the uniform he wears that must be kept sacred at all
hazards.
VIII.
So much for a few of the characteristics of the * ' new
conditions. ' ' But there are other questions besides merely
those of efficiency of commissariat, conscientiousness in
the performance of duty, intellectual acquirements of
the officers and leaders, and freedom from foul patron-
age and nepotism which come up for consideration when
we examine the qualifications of a victorious army. It
is not only the old tactical traditions which go down
before the modern improved ' * system ' ' ; it is the
meaner impulse that invariably succumbs to the higher,
the morally effete to the strong and healthy. As the
Persians went down before the Greeks, and as they
in their turn succumbed to the Romans, so the latter in
their effeminacy bit the dust before hardy barbarian
hordes.
How clearly the importance of the moral influence
is shown by Oliver Cromwell in his letter :
The Army. 1S1
How can we expect loafers and tapsters to stand up against
gentlemen with a keen sense of honor and loyalty to their
sovereign? We must give them an even higher impetus ; we
must appeal to their God !
And from that day forward, even without new tactical
systems, down went the Royalists ! They went down
before the fierce Covenanters, who sought death at their
hands, but kept their powder dry.
In later times, we see the same "spirit" at work
deciding the fate of nations. In the American War j
of Independence the oft- victorious English had to lower
their standard to their own kin. The watchword of
"God save the
King" was unable
to stifle the cry of
men fighting for
their existence.
The young
French Republic
singing the "Mar-
seillaise'' and
throwing off the
tyranny of a cor-
rupt feudalism was
victorious as long ,
as it fought against
such, for it was not
so much the old
- . . Monument op Victohv, Leipzig.
fighting system
that lowered Prussia's flags at Jena as the fact of its
army having become a haughty, self-indulgent, separate
caste, no longer identical with the nation. But as soon
as the French watchword of "glory" was seriously i,
tested against the devoted religious fanaticism of the c
182
Imperial Germany.
Dominating
power of
German
enthusiasm.
Russians, not even the genius of a Napoleon could pre-
vail. And once the German nation rose to Luther's
hymn, "Eine feste Burg ist unser Gott" (A strong
fortress is our God); when once Ernst Moritz Arndt
gave out his ' ' Der Gott, der Eisen wachsen liess, der
wollte keine Knechte " (The God who bid that iron be,
could never wish for slaves); when this spirit rose,
the day of glory ("le jour de gloire ,, of the " Mar-
seillaise ' ' ) had sunk into night and the French marshals
were beaten in every engagement in which the great
Napoleon did not command in person until the battle of
Leipzig gave him the finishing stroke.
It may be an effect of the imagination, but when
we remember the soul-stirring sounds of the famous
1 ' Watch on the Rhine ' ' we think we hear the manifes-
tation of that invincible spirit against which it was but
natural that the ' ' Marseillaise ' ' should shriek in vain.
When we recall those public gatherings in Carlsruhe,
Berlin, and elsewhere after the news of the first victories,
when the bare-headed crowd joined in those soul-stirring
chorals of Luther's, we feel that such a spirit was bound
to conquer. '
So much for the action of the divine instinct which
binds us to the unseen and unknown in its influence
on the affairs of man in war. It is divine inasmuch as it
appeals to and draws its strength from something higher
i Regarding the spirit that animated the German troops in 1870, we hold the
following testimony from W. McKellar, an English surgeon, who accompanied
the German troops and was taken prisoner by the French at Orleans : " There
was any amount of heroic courage among the French, an indescribable enthu-
siasm animated the Germans. I met several, mortally wounded, who gloried
in their wounds to the exclusion of all meaner thought of self. One young
fellow of the artillery — one of four brothers, two of whom fell during the war —
was brought in to me at Orleans with a thigh crushed. Quite forgetting his
mortal suffering, he raised his head and pointing to the eagle on his helmet,
cried out : 4 With God for King and Fatherland ' " (the motto on the Prussian
helmets).
The Army. 183
than our every-day selfishness and vanity — the devotion
of each unit to the welfare of the entirety. Where this influence of
. devotion to
spirit prevails in the administration as well as in the dutv *
people, cartridges will be found to go off, there also
provisions will be found adequate, and there will victory
incline. May that stern sense of devotion to duty, may
that rare efficiency and integrity in its administrators,
may that earnest enthusiasm for an independent, united
Fatherland, long distinguish the Germans and preserve
them the great nation they deserve to be !
IX. •
Others may try to copy the system which has shown
such excellent results, but they cannot suddenly appro-
priate the qualities that have made the German army
what it is. The one and the other are too much bound
up in the qualities of the people, and are the result of
the laborious work of generations. Parliamentary legis-
lation born of an excited expression of public opinion
cannot supply such to order.
To take but one special feature that has done so much
to raise the moral value of the rank and file of the Ger-
man army — the leavening of the mass with the educated
element — the one-year service. It has been tried in Theone-year
J , service.
France, and had to be given up. The rank and file
of that land of equality, instead of benefiting by its asso-
ciation with the educated classes, were envious of the
favored elements, sneered at them as ' ' aristos ' * (aristo-
crats), and made their life a misery to them. The con-
sequence is that everybody in France now serves equally
his full time in the ranks, and many of the educated F^nce 1 "" 1
classes leave the army thoroughly disgusted with the
hardship and coarseness of the life and its associations.
The career of General Boulanger in itself throws a lurid
1 84
Imperial Germany.
The recipe for
victory.
Inferiority of
the Austrian
armv.
light on the incapacity to raise the higher ranks of the
army to a level that could inspire confidence in their
discipline.
The French have copied the cunning of espionage,
but the unity of moral purpose does not seem yet to
be theirs. They have a great military history, and they
love war; the imagination of the race is captivated by
it, but it is doubtful whether the temperament of the
people fits them for its requirements in our day. The
next struggle will solve that question. But one thing
is certain : the days of the " handsome soldier" of pop-
ular imagination — the prize-fighting warriors of old — are
gone from the scene of modern warfare forever. The
tactical training of the unit under a model organization
of the whole, led by the comprehensive mind, more
surely than ever wins the day. The highest discipline
without red tape seems to be the recipe for victory
nowadays, for nowhere is independence of judgment,
freedom of initiative, from the leader of army corps down
to the non-commissioned officer, so cultivated and en-
couraged as in the German army. The French temper-
ament possesses these qualities to an eminent degree,
but it lacks one of the most important qualities that
lead to success always — the due subordination of the
individual.
Of Austrian military affairs we do not often hear
much, but that little is usually of a derogatory nature.
At the time of the occupation of Bosnia and the Herze-
govina after the treaty of Berlin, their cavalry not only
managed to receive a check at the hands of irregulars,
but, almost amusing to relate, their soldiers were on
several occasions in danger of starvation. Poor, simple
souls ; their leaders had doubtless heard of the wealth of
Prussia during the War of 1870, and, with true Austrian
The Army, 185
cunning, they had provided themselves with money !
The unimportant fact that Bosnia is not identical with
wealthy agricultural France had not suggested itself to
these strategic thinkers.
But far worse than all this was the little episode at
Graz in 1888. Austrian public opinion was in a fever An episode at
of surmise at the sudden retirement of General von
Kuhn. The journals of the dual monarchy expressed
their surprise, and united in the hope that the army
would not lose the services of such an eminent soldier
in the hour of need. No sooner had public opinion
let us into its high estimate of General von Kuhn than
that distinguished officer himself assists us to form an
estimate of its egregious folly. In his speech to five
hundred officers at Graz who made a demonstration in
his favor, carrying him home on their shoulders and
flourishing their swords, he proved himself to be a brag-
gart, as the following few excerpts prove :
My prowess at Santa Lucia is known ; it belongs to history.
It is less known, perhaps, that at Custozza I stood with only General von
two guns and without any cover against a whole army corps, u speec '
and thus partially contributed to the success of the day. . . .
In the year 1859 I had the intention of taking the offensive.
That it did not take place was not my fault. If the offensive
had been followed up, things would look different in Europe
to-day ( !). If we had taken the offensive at Sadowa the victory
would have been ours.
Of such stuff are some officers who hold the highest
commands still made in Austria, and such is the
standard of the rank of the officers that five hundred
of them could be found to applaud it. No wonder the
Austrian emperor judged it was time to retire such a
man !
It is not too much to say that the conduct of General
von Kuhn, as well as that of the five hundred Austrian
1 86
Imperial Germany.
Von Moltke.
Germany's
greatest
strategist.
officers, was as discreditable as it would be impossible in
Germany. It only proves how far the Austrians are yet
from that ideal standard of efficiency which they fancy
they have learned by their defeats from the Prussians.
What a contrast to a man such as Von Moltke ! Lord
Wolseley does not believe he will go down to posterity
as one of the greatest captains ; but strip him of strategic
exploits that seek in vain in history for a parallel to the
magnitude of their scale, strip him of the literary ability
that has given us charming books of travel, and a purity,
a terseness, a dignity of style that has earned a compar-
ison with Tacitus for the history of the War of 1870
issued by the Prussian General Staff; strip him of all
this, and a character remains, unsullied in its spotless
integrity as in its sober simplicity : a cultivated intellect
of the highest order.
The man whose iron, unquestioned, supreme decision
winged the flight of Prussian victory was almost a hermit
in the privacy of his Silesian retreat. In her greatest
strategist Germany produced a character of the very
highest type, one far removed from the feverish self-
advertising egotism of our time. One who stood nearest
to him by the ties of relationship and friendship once
assured us: "The field-marshal is above all a man of
almost childlike purity of mind, one to whom the shady
sides of human nature have remained, so to say, un-
known.* ' No wonder that even victory and worldly
glory were powerless to affect the character of such a
man. His estimate of the value of popularity is best
recorded in his own words : ' ' When I have to listen to
the boundless flatteries bestowed on one by the public, I
cannot dismiss for an instant the thought, How would it
have been if success — unexampled success — had not
crowned our enterprise ?' '
From an autograph por,
1 88 Imperial Germany,
When this silent warrior spoke, for whom the Ger-
^^^ nt mans have found in their expressive language the beauti-
ful words, der Schlachtenlenker, der Schlachtendenker
(the battle-ruler, the battle-thinker) , it was the trumpet-
blast of war that called for his utterances. They crys-
tallized ; they^turned to granite to mark the mile-stones
of history in which his country figures victoriously.
Our Wellington in Spain, and Cincinnatus in Rome,
unite to furnish historical parallels to Count Moltke's
character. His example is the proudest possession of
the Prussian army.
On the eve of his ninety-first birthday (October 25,
1890), the Reicksanzeiger brought the following tribute
to his fame :
Field-Marshal Count von Moltke completes his ninetieth
year on Sunday. In accordance with the will of his majesty
A tribute to his the emperor and king, and the feelings of all classes of the
people, all Germany celebrates this birthday as a national fes-
tival. For the nation owes it in no small measure to the deeds
of the veteran field-marshal that it is united in a powerful em-
pire, that its prestige among the nations of Europe has been
greatly enhanced, and that it has now long been able to devote
itself undisturbed to the labors of peace. It is a tribute due to
the field-marshal, glory-crowned, undefeated, and yet great
also in simplicity and modesty, when, on this day of honor,
princes and people with one accord express their gratitude to
him in the most convincing manner. Ninety years of a precious
and blessed, but also laborious, life lie behind him. They form
a reflection of the destinies of Germany. To Mecklenburg be-
longs the honor of having given the Fatherland not only Queen
Louisa and the national hero of the Wars of Liberation, Prince
Blucher of Wahlstatt, but also the greatest general of this age.
After giving a detailed account of the field-marshal's
career, and describing the manner in which the emperor
and the people were preparing to do him honor, the
Reicksanzeiger concludes :
The Army.
But above and beyond all outward festal arrangements, our
eyes are raised in prayers of thanksgiving for all that Heaven
has given the German people in and with "our Moltke," and
also in the earnest hope that the venerable field-marshal may
long be permitted to enjoy the gratitude of his Icing and Father-
col'nt von moltkb and fb1ends at his country-seat, crei5au,
October, iBSS.
Moltke b to be distinguished by the woman's hat.
land, and that the German nation and the German army may
long be destined to see him among them, their brightest ex-
And here let us add the official text of the emperor's i
congratulatory speech to Count Moltke on the same t
occasion :
My dear Field-Marshal— I have come to-day, with many
illustrious personages and the leaders of my army, to express
our heartiest and most deep-felt congratulations. For us,
190
Imperial Germany.
His gratitude.
A mark of
respect.
to-day is a day of retrospect, and especially of gratitude. First
and foremost, I express my thanks in the name of those who
worked and fought along with you, and who are gone, and
whose faithful and devoted servant you were. I thank you for
all you have done for my house, and for the promotion of the
greatness of our Fatherland. We greet in you not only the
Prussian leader who has won for our army the reputation of
invincibility, but also one of the founders and welders of our
German Empire. You see before you high and illustrious
princes from all parts of Germany — above all, his majesty the
king of Saxony, who was a faithful ally of my grandfather, and
who has not let slip the opportunity of proving his attachment
to you in person. We are reminded of the time when he was
permitted to fight side by side with you for the greatness of
Germany.
The high distinctions which my late grandfather bestowed
upon you have left me no means of specially testifying my own
gratitude ; I, therefore, beg you to accept one mark of respect,
the only homage I can do you in my youth. It is the preroga-
tive of the monarch to have the emblems on which his soldiers
take the oath, which fly before his troops, and symbolize the
honor of his arms and the valor of his army, standing in his
ante-room. It is with peculiar pride that I renounce this right
for to-day, and beg you to allow the colors of my Guards,
which have so often waved under you in many hard-fought
battles, to find a place in your dwelling. A lofty history lies in
the ribbons and tattered colors that stand before you, a history
which has been written chiefly by yourself.
I beg you to accept this token of your rank [the emperor
here presented the baton] as a personal souvenir of myself and
as a memento of this day. The real field-marshal's baton,
which you earned under fire before the enemy, has long been
in your hands. This is only a sign and symbol of my respect,
veneration, and gratitude. I beg you, gentlemen, to join me
in the cry, "God bless, preserve, and cherish our venerable
field-marshal, long a blessing to the army and the Fatherland.' '
We are grateful to him for being great enough not to stand
alone, but to form a school of military leaders who, trained in
his spirit, will be the strength and glory of our army.
CHAPTER VIII.
THE GERMAN ARISTOCRACY.
Unde superbit homo, cujus conceptio culpa,
Nasci poena, labor vita, necesse mori ! 1
I.
Not only in its character, but in its very composition,
the German aristocracy shows a marked contrast to that and English
of England. With us many of the most eloquent pane- ans ocracles *
gyrists of aristocracy are to be found outside its own
charmed circle ; in Germany it would be difficult to find
many sympathizers with the nobility among the middle
classes or among the masses. And the explanation is
not to be sought only in the difference of the two aris-
tocracies themselves. Differences of evolution, of tradi-
tion, and of influence account for this and many other
peculiarities of the German aristocracy.
We remember the surprise of a great Prussian land-
owner on being told of the almost tyrannical power our p OW er of the
land laws and our leasehold system give to an English En * llsh lord -
territorial grandee. ' ' How can your people put up with
it?" he exclaimed. And yet such is the case. We
have long put up with things that have produced revo-
lutions elsewhere. And yet the English aristocracy still
has a large following in the country, while in Germany
the nobility has next to none. Weighty causes must be
found to account for this, quite independent of any
amount of servility in the English character, or any
i Wherefore is man proud, whose conception is a sin, whose birth is a pen-
alty, whose life is a toil, and for whom death is inevitable.
191
192
Imperial Germany.
Class
selfishness.
What a title
represents in
England.
want of that amiable compound in the German ; both
nations, to start with, may have little to reproach them-
selves with on that score. These causes will be found
to exist to a large extent in the following facts and their
consequences.
II.
The German aristocracy, notwithstanding its many
strong points, has been not only guilty of great class
selfishness — like privileged classes in other countries —
but it has been the victim of its own short-sighted and
narrow class feeling. In England a far-sighted policy
of sacrificing its units has strengthened the power for
good and for evil of an aristocratic caste. In Germany
the anxiety of each unit to retain its shadowy advan-
tages has resulted in the loss of what was most valuable
to retain, and in the retention of much which, though of
small value to-day, has contributed not a little to reap
for its holders that lack of sympathy of which we find
the German aristocracy the object in its own country.
In olden times a title meant more than a mere empty
attribute of privileged birth ; it meant a position of
power, either personal or inherited. Not so many
centuries ago even the offspring of royal blood in
England — not to mention the sons of the nobility — were
commoners. Royalty has in our day adopted the fiction
that every son of a king is born a prince. The main dif-
ference between the aristocracy of England and that of
Germany is to be found in the fact that the German
aristocracy has slavishly adopted the example of royalty,
whereas the English aristocracy has, up to the present
day, held to the original idea that a title must represent
power. Primogeniture is the key-note of English aris-
tocratic power ; the title is reserved to the eldest son,
The German Aristocracy. 193
who inherits the bulk of the property. Thus an English
title usually means a large landowner. A German title T -
t J ** In Germany.
means in most cases nothing more than an amiable
descendant of one of many who once, perhaps, owned
land and power. The English aristocracy lives on its
estates in the country, and there forms centers of social
and political life. The small percentage of the German
aristocracy which lives in the country, even if rich,
usually leads a life of economy, solitude, and intellectual
stagnation. It wields neither great social nor political
influence.
Not only in the transmission of titles have the Ger-
mans copied the example of royalty, but in other points intermarriage,
of scarcely minor importance. The modern royal cus-
toms — even laws — of intermarrying only with equals,
which were originally designed for political purposes
only, have found servile followers among the German
aristocracy, without any excuse or pretense of policy.
The consequences of such action have shown themselves
to be disastrous in more senses than one. They have
resulted in the gradual erection of a barrier which in our
day may be said to divide the aristocracy of birth from
the aristocracy of intellect and the middle classes more
than they are so divided in any other European
country.
The Germans, who before now have been accused „ , .
7 m # Pedantry and
of pedantry and doctrinarism, have proved themselves doctrinarism.
essentially pedantic and doctrinaire in the constitution
of their aristocracy. * It is an unduly extended and yet
a closed oligarchy with a weak action of the heart. In
England the aristocracy is constantly strengthened by
the admission -.of new blood. Not only that, but the
1 This applies even with greater force to the Austrians, who in this as in so
many other points are one with the Germans.
i 9 4
Imperial Germany.
Disastrous
barriers.
The result in
Saxony.
younger branches of a great house pass untitled and un-
noticed back into the commonalty, and carry with them
into the middle classes their sympathies for their power-
ful relations. The German system has had the precisely
opposite effect. Each scion of a noble family inherits
the title, the social status, and the obligation to marry
according to his station (standesgemass) . This erects a
barrier between him and the untitled which has proved
disastrous in its results all around. What would a Ger-
man petty baron think of the son of an English duke,
whose ancestry might put half the "Almanach de
Gotha" 1 to shame, marrying a commoner's daughter,
or entering a wine merchant's or a stockbroker's office?
And yet the former very often happens, and the latter
has happened, in England without lessening by one iota
the prestige of the aristocracy. The well-connected
English member of the middle classes may well look
upon a peer as only his superior by chance of primogen-
iture ; he is of the same stock — of the same flesh and
blood. The German untitled citizen is cut off from the
aristocracy without even an imaginary connecting link.
In Saxony, indeed, so distinct is the line that sepa-
rates the aristocracy from the people that the former
can even be seen to be of an entirely different race from
the latter. The Saxon nobility is a tall, fair-haired race,
with the true Germanic cast of features, whereas the
mass of the population is rather short and thickset, with
features bearing distinct traces of Slavonic blood.
III.
German pedantry hugs the magical word von, * the idea
i An annual publication containing among other data lists of the royal fami-
lies and aristocracies of Europe.
*Von (of) is prefixed to the names of titled persons as originally indicating
the possessor of an estate or castle which formed the last name.
The German Aristocracy. 195
of quarterings — even if they be emblazoned on empty
space — and, in so doing, has often, here as elsewhere, c^maii «iS»
sacrificed the substance for the shadow. Thus, German
pedantry has no idea of the English feeling which
classes untided families among the proudest aristocracy
of the country — such as have refused titles, but are
well known by their honorable standing of generations.
It is the von that does it, not the distinction of the
family. Though, once the von possessed, it must be
admitted that an old, inferior title stands far higher than
a modern one of more ambitious sound.
Far be it from us to lose sight of the splendid qualities
to be found among the German aristocracy. Still, we
cannot help deploring what we must consider the weak
points of an institution which must reform, or lose much
that its well-wishers would gladly see it retain.
Even German royalty has of late set the German aris-
tocracy a shining example of rising superior to class
prejudice, not only in the matter of marriage (this it has
often done), but in another direction.
Duke Charles Theodore of Bavaria has set up in
regular practice as an oculist at his own expense. He An instance
has built a regular hospital for eye diseases, in which superiority to
the poor receive advice gratis. He himself has his daily
hours of consultation from two till five o'clock in his
own house, where, assisted by a young doctor in his
employ, patients of every station are given free advice.
It is stated that in the course of a few months he gave
advice to 2,800 patients and performed 290 operations,
among them some of difficulty requiring great skill. It
is interesting to note that his wife, a princess of Bra-
ganza, thoroughly enters into her husband's profession,
and constantly performs the duties of nurse to his
patients.
class prejudice.
196 Imperial Germany.
Another Bavarian prince, Louis Ferdinand, uncle of
VsJcbn tne P resent king — married to the Spanish infanta Maria
de la Paz — studied medicine in Munich and Heidelberg.
The Bavarian government waived the state examination
in his favor and he is now entering on regular practice.
Princess Hel-
ene of Schleswig-
Holstein — aunt
of the present
German empress
— is not only
married to Pro-
fessor von Es-
march, the emi-
nent surgeon, but
he is recognized
by the imperial
relatives of his
wife, including
the emperor, and
is on the best of
terms with them.
Thh Royal Festival Hall, Carlsruhb. . .. Wiir
temberg princess is married to a Breslau doctor, and,
strange to say, instead of raising himself in the profes-
sion by such a match, he is even said to be looked
upon askance by his colleagues for having married out
;asie. of his sphere of life.
What the untitled intellectual class of Germany thinks
of the prejudices and privileges of the German aristoc-
racy is well illustrated by the following words of the
eminent writer, Gustav Freytag:'
The German Aristocracy. 197
m 1 1. — ■■ ■ ■ 1 — ■--■■■■■■■■■ ■ ■ . - ■ ■ —
The German commoner will ever be an uncompromising
opponent of all those political and social privileges by which Attitude of the
the aristocracy still claim an exceptional position among the ^moner.
people. Not because he is envious of these usages, or that he
would wish to put himself in their place, but because he recog-
nizes sadly (okne Freude) that in their consequence they are
apt to warp their judgment, their knowledge of the world, and
also their firmness of character. Not only that, but because
some of these antiquated traditions, such as the privileged
position of the aristocracy at court, even expose our princes to
the danger of sinking down into the narrow horizon of the Ger-
man Junker. For the noblest force, the leadership in the
domain of ideal and practical affairs, lies with the citizen class.
IV.
Changes are more easily suggested than carried out,
especially when, as in the case of the German aristoc-
racy, a good deal is to be said for things as they are.
Its very poverty has called forth special virtues, and
Conservative
in many other ways the German aristocracy has been power of an
aristocracy.
able to retain much that is valuable and in danger of
being swept away in our democratic age. But even
taking the good manners and breeding, so beneficial in
social intercourse — the sense of chivalry often communi-
cated from father to son — at their highest estimate, we
must deplore the more that narrow spirit which has so
limited their sphere of influence.
The English aristocracy is popular because, side by
side with the greatest possible development of class source of
power, it has retained its connection with the people by &ngiish y °
« . , , . • i * aristocracy.
its younger sons, who mingle and intermarry with the
middle classes. It is popular because its ranks are con-
stantly recruited from the people, even if in a somewhat
eccentric fashion. But, above all, the sources of its
popularity must be sought in the extraordinary in-
stances of strong characters it has always had the
198
Imperial Germany,
Its hold on the
masses.
German vs.
English
aristocracy.
good fortune to produce. And not only this, but
because the peculiarities of its constitution have ever
allowed such characters to wield political power, and
thus to attain great personal popularity. English nobles
have dazzled the popular imagination by their liberal
ideas, by their generosity, by their individual superiority
to class selfishness. They have not weakened the
power of their class by so doing, but strengthened its
hold on the feelings of their countrymen. And to what
an extent they have been successful in so doing may be
judged by those who fully realize what the power of a
title is to-day in England in our democratic age of trans-
ition. An unworthy subserviency of the middle classes,
a base instinct of cringing and toadying to the fountain
of many favors, may explain some, but it does not
explain by any means all the hold the English aristoc-
racy has retained on the imagination of the people.
Least of all does it explain the hold it has on the
uneducated masses. That influence is partly due to
many excellent qualities which the English privileged
class has shown from time immemorial.
English popular feeling rightly or wrongly looks upon
the aristocracy as a curb on the pretension of royalty.
The German people look upon their aristocracy as the
toadies of royalty. English nobles do not care to hang
about a court like German nobles, for the German
nobles, as a class, feel it their vocation to serve the
crown. They have less sentiment for the country at
large, less of a broader patriotism.
The quarrel of Bismarck with the late Count Arnim re-
vealed some of those characteristics of the Prussian court
noble which are so distasteful to the people at large ; in
fact, it may be said that the popular feeling that Bis-
marck was fighting an aristocratic court intrigue upheld
The German Aristocracy. 199
his popularity through this memorable trial. Rich Eng-
lishmen of position do not like the scraping and bowing
of court life ; it is foreign to the best English character.
They either mix with princes on terms of semi-equality
or avoid them.
But we are not writing a treatise on the English aris- ^^ of class
tocracy, and we only mention some of its strong points Germany. 1 "
and their results in order to show more markedly how
similar evidences of class influence are absolutely non-
existent in Germany. We can but draw our conclusions.
Whoever would expect a noble German landowner to
head a subscription list for any scientific or charitable
purpose? Whoever thinks of asking a noble in Ger-
many to preside at a public dinner? The German
Philistine would feel his dignity offended by so doing,
though he might be willing to toady quickly enough to
a high-placed official ; but to subordinate himself to a
mere title would revolt his nobler self. The German
will bow and cringe to a powerful official, but not to
a mere empty tide. The same may almost be said of
the highly cultured professional and mercantile classes.
The feeling of reverence for the aristocracy does not ex-
ist in the form we know it.
As for the lower orders, their sentiments for the
nobility are such that the least said of them the better.
The distrust felt toward the nobility by the masses is so
great that the German Conservative party has to take it
into account, and is often forced to put forward parlia-
mentary candidates without tides, fearing that it would
be impossible to carry through one of its own order. In
England a personal connection of a prominent public
man or of a great landlord is sure of a following among
the electorate. Even a man like Mr. Gladstone had to
fight hard in a Liberal constituency against the influence
Distrust of the
masses.
200 Imperial Germany.
of the young and politically unknown son of the great
Scotch landowner, the Duke of Buccleuch. In Ger-
many being the son of a great landowner would avail a
candidate next to nothing. Even the son of a Bismarck
has found it no easy matter to court a German constitu-
ency.
V.
It would indeed be reading the signs of the times
wrongly if we deduced this marked difference only from
a greater independence of the German people. It is
not that, for the German Philistine can be as debasingly
fawning as any smiling Briton. The main explanation
lies in the difference of the German aristocracy from our
own.
It no longer has any power to wield for good or
Limited * or ^ a ^' exce P t m * ts own society. Elsewhere it has
influence. little or no influence. It has nothing to give, no favors
to confer, as the reward for being toadied to. Our aris-
tocracy can still to some extent give and confer. The
German nobility has rarely produced men who lead
great movements, who stand in the front rank fighting
for new ideas, rallying a large following around them,
while casting a luster on the class they spring from.
And if the cases of Stein and Bismarck are held up to us
as proofs of the contrary, we submit that the popularity
of these great men was, and is, purely personal, and as
it did not spring from, certainly does not at all transmit
itself to, the class to which they belong. The suscepti-
bility to such a feeling does not exist.
The German mind can grasp a popular noble only in
German view of the lieht of one who is opposed to his class. The Ger-
a noble. ° # % rr
man middle-class mind, ever suspicious and critical,
would refuse to believe in an aristocrat, as such, who
The German Aristocracy, 201
-- — —
had not broken with his traditions and cast in his lot
with the enemies of his class. This is a great misfortune
for the aristocracy, and partly also for the people, as it
robs it of the services of many noble-minded men who
are driven to consume their high aspirations for the gen-
eral welfare of the community in inactivity, knowing
they are not able to come forth except to excite enmity,
without any chance of doing correspondingly good work.
That such is the case is largely owing to the short-
sighted policy of the German aristocracy as a class from
time immemorial. The individual exceptions to such
policy have been too unimportant to be worth recording.
The German nobility has held to the letter of its privi-
lege, to its high-sounding titles, to its court sinecures, to Mistakes of the
its cheap glamor, to its narrow-minded customs of inter- n ° y *
marrying, and in so doing has lost, as before said, the
substance for the shadow. It has done its best to
deepen the ditch between itself and the middle classes,
and by so doing has arrayed the latter among its envi-
ous enemies. For he who says * ' envy ' ' may as well
say " enemy.' ' The truth of this axiom is most clearly
proved by the dying out of the French hatred for their
nobility ; there is nothing left to envy since they have
shrunk into the last refuge of good manners and chival-
rous feeling. Such qualities are not striking enough to
produce popular enmity.
Let us hope that some day such qualities will awaken
universal sympathy and respect in all countries, and
produce that best form of flattery, when the flattered
are worth flattering — imitation.
It is well known that the German aristocracy has ever
used its influence to ostracize the untitled, not only from ostracized,
its own society, but from that of its sovereign. And the
smaller the state the more petty and pertinacious have
Imperial Germany.
been its efforts in that direction. And the poorer its
representatives the higher the value they have set on
their fictitious possessions of privilege.
It is hardly known outside of the Fatherland that, with
the exception of the official world, only the tided are
privileged to be received at court. And even of the
official world itself, the female portion is (beneath a
very high rank) excluded from the privileges often only
temporarily enjoyed by their husbands — a striking con-
~1
trast to English social conditions, which do not preclude
a wealthy shopkeeper escorting his ' ' lady' ' to a reception
Er^iish at the prime minister's house if he be lucky enough to
induce his employees to vote him into Parliament. But
then wealth in England is a certain passport to Parlia-
ment, and through Parliament into society. In Germany
neither one nor the other is the case.
Now, though many may think, and in Germany many
The German Aristocracy. 203
do so, that the importance of all these trivial distinctions
is hardly worth mentioning, we beg to be allowed to
hold a very different opinion. German merchants and
men of culture will tell you, "We care not for court life,
or for the society of our aristocracy ; they are not worth
having.' ' We cannot share this opinion, even if we
were willing to believe that it were always honest, and it
did not remind us of the fable of the fox and the grapes.
The German courts, and notably the aristocracy, are
still the repositories of social tact and good manners, and Disadvantages
it is a great disadvantage to the untided cultured to be restrictions,
cut off from a free and unrestrained intercourse with
such elements. If it does nothing else it keeps class
jealousy and envy alive. But it does more than that ;
it indirectly influences the excluded in many other ways
than they might be prepared to admit — there are certain
things people are so unwilling to admit.
VI.
Can it be doubted that if the social influence of the
great historic German houses — for they include many
splendid names, though the acres they possess are rarely more easy
intercourse
as broad and as fat as those in England — could be
brought more directly to bear by more easy intercourse
on the cultured untitled, it would beneficially influence
them mutually? Such an initiative would open up to
the German nobility the full wealth of intellectual power
and healthy vitality that is innate in the great German
people. Such intercourse would broaden the views of
many persons in high positions in Germany, and it
would gradually help the German people to a more gen-
erous appreciation of the many excellent traits of char-
acter often hidden away in old crumbling chateaus or
devoted only to useless court routine or sport.
204
Imperial Germany.
A new element
of strength.
Intermarriage
facilitated.
To know is often to love, as ignorance is only too
often the parent of hatred as well as of vice. A new
departure in this direction would strengthen those ex-
cellent feelings of solidarity with all the good in human
nature that underlies much of the less amiable outward
German characteristics. A mutual understanding be-
tween the aristocracy (and through it with royalty) and
the middle classes would be a new element of strength
in the common battle to be waged against the subver-
sive elements that are gradually coming to the fore
in all European countries. Germany was the starting-
point of the spiritual rebirth in the Reformation. Ger-
many is in the center of Europe, and standing there
must be the center of support to retain all that is worth
retaining from countless generations of effort and strife.
But, besides this more serious aspect, there are minor
points to be considered which alone are well worth our
wishing the barriers between the aristocracy and the
middle classes might be somewhat removed. German
manners in general would be greatly improved thereby.
That constant feeling of anxiety as to our position is
fatal to ease of manner, and not a little accountable for
much petty unhappiness.
Removing the class barrier would facilitate inter-
marrying, and would tend to make commercial men
look at aristocratic officers less as drones who can only
marry for money. Rich commoners might marry aris-
tocrats — a rare case now, when thousands of penniless
titled women are doomed to celibacy, and often eke out
their sad existence in those medieval institutions we
find all over Germany — homes for old maids of noble
birth. The daughters of the poor aristocracy are sadly
handicapped in the competition for husbands. For the
accomplished daughters of the supposed wealthy for-
The German Aristocracy. 205
eigners, the many comely English and American girls
who swarm on the Continent, often prove too tempting
to the poor German baron, and make him oblivious to
the fact that their names lack the magic prefix von,
VII.
Some of the manifestations of aristocratic class pride
would be most amusing if they were not so unfortunate Absurd
J manifestations
in their results. It is not so long ago that at Hano- of class pride,
verian watering-place dances a line was drawn between
the nobility and the untitled. At a little Mecklenburg
watering-place such as Heiligenbad a commoner was
looked upon as next door to a culprit. And even nearer
the large German towns, at public dances a marked
division between the classes can still be easily noticed,
as the foregoing will lead the reader to suppose. How-
ever, these lamentable traits are only to be met with in
the feudal North. Elsewhere, particularly in the demo-
cratic South, they would not be tolerated. And even
in the North there are many influences at work tending
to lessen class prejudice. It dies hardest in the out-
of-the-way capitals of some of the petty principalities,
where national life pulsates too slowly to kick the beam
of nonsense out of sight.
The late emperor Frederick retained in middle age
.i_ .j ,. r 1 .« TS i« Frederick III.'s
the pure romantic idealism of early youth. To him aversion to
r r . m j j j r class privilege.
every form of privilege and undeserved favor was an
abhorrence. He now and then even seemed to go out
of his way to honor the untitled. For instance, his
friend and aide-de-camp, General Mischke, was not of
noble birth. This trait of the emperors character was
one of the reasons of his great popularity with the intel-
lectual classes.
The late Count Alfred Adelmann, a talented writer,
206 Imperial Germany,
broke a lance for the untitled citizen classes and their
excellent qualities. He told the aristocracy plainly that
it must either work like the rest or go to the wall. To
its honor it must be said that there are many more
among the nobility who think likewise.
A very amusing and, what is more, an authentic
instance of class pride, is worth recording. It is in-
An aristocratic structive as showing how the most vicious qualities of
bankcr - t ,,*,..
a class are always to be found in its parvenus. A
great Berlin banker, who had been ennobled, and whose
son was serving in the army, had invited the officers of
his son's regiment to dinner. During the dinner the
colonel noticed that all the officers of the regiment were
present except one who was not in possession of the
noble prefix of von to his name. Asking his host why
the officer in question was not present, the banker
replied with a smile, * * I intended that we should be
entirely of our own class ! ' ' Whereupon, at a signal
from the colonel, all the officers rose and left the house.
It seems a pity that such sentiments do not always
meet with a like prompt rebuke. Still, we must say, from
wide personal observation, that, notwithstanding the Ger-
man popular prejudice against the army, as being the
hot-bed of aristocratic class feeling, it is precisely among
German officers that the more absurd prejudices are re-
buked and often ludicrously exposed. It is true that there
influence of are certain regiments the officers of which are almost ex-
arm l y. tymt e clusively drawn from the nobility, but beyond that it
would be the greatest mistake to suppose that a title
forms a passport to advancement and positions of re-
sponsibility in the German army ; nothing of the sort.
The powers that be wink at and even encourage a harm-
less class feeling among officers as far as it can be done
without harm to the institution itself. And if it maketh
The German Aristocracy. 207
the noble's heart glad to know that all his brother
officers belong to his set, surely the German military
aristocracy has earned a right to such small concessions
of sentiment. But there they stop. Once class privi-
lege might interfere with the effectiveness of the huge umitof
man-slaying machine, once ■ the sensitiveness of the '
noble born might endanger the bones of a Pomeranian
j concession*.
grenadier, it is swept away like cobwebs from the
corners of a looking-glass. From the moment responsi-
bility is attached to a post, class privileges count for
nothing, and, whether in the army, in the civil service,
or in any other walk of public life, untitled merit takes \
precedence of the highest birth.
To the honor of the German aristocracy be it said,
poor as it may be in coin of the realm, stripped as
it may be of territorial, social, or political influence,
it stands its ground in the army as well as in the ad-
208
Imperial Germany.
A captain of
noble lineage.
ministrative offices of the state with an iron sense of
duty and with a high average of intellectual power. In
fact, it may be said that the conscientious manner in
which the German nobility has performed its duty of
late in the army has served more than anything else to
decrease the envy that undoubtedly is still felt for it in
the Fatherland.
We remember meeting a grisly-haired count of the
Holy Roman Empire, a captain in a Prussian foot regi-
ment — the oldest captain in the army, we were told. At
first we could hardly understand a man of his lineage —
for his family figured in the " Almanach de Gotha" —
being only a captain at his age. The oldest captain in
the army ! What a position of relegated fitness ! A
glance at the expressionless bullock's eyes and five
minutes' conversation solved the enigma. His intellect-
ual gifts were limited to the leading of a company, and
there he was, leading it. How apposite and fit, how
truly Prussian ! That one little instance was well calcu-
lated to supply us with the key to many a Prussian vic-
tory, had we needed one. The aristocrats who guide
Prussia's destinies are not in the habit of giving a son
an important command to soothe the feelings of a father
whom they feel they cannot again intrust with high
office.
The poor
aristocracy.
VIII.
A class peculiar to Germany is the poor aristocracy,
for a large percentage of the German nobility is very
poor indeed, living from hand to mouth. Among them
one long struggle goes on to uphold the privileges of
birth against the power of money ; and tradition is the
only weapon they can wield. Their children are brought
up in the Spartan simplicity that inculcates self-denial at
TTie German Aristocracy. 209
an early age. The daughters are accustomed to give
way to the sons,* who have to serve in the army, and to
whose equipment every spare mark must needs be
devoted. Outward appearances alone must be kept
up at all hazards.
The mother is the head of the family here more ^ .
J m Their regard
than elsewhere. She it is who nurtures the feeling of for heirlooms,
pride for the noble descent of their family. The vener-
ation for what has descended from bygone generations
is excessive, and extends to the merest trifles. An
ornament has no value if it can be bought at a jeweler's
shop, whereas the most insignificant bit of jewelry is a
treasure if it has descended from a great-grandmother. !
Yet this poor aristocracy, with all its prejudices, has
done a great deal to form the sterling hardness of the
German character.
Although we must admire the many good points of
the German aristocracy, we cannot help thinking their unenviable
position and prospects as a class to be anything but en-
viable. Whatever their merits as individuals, as a class
they are only too likely to reap what has been sown
by their forefathers. The more so that they do not
possess a partisan, a worshiper, and an incense-burner
in the state church clergy, as in England.
With us, even if the aristocracy were deprived to-
morrow of the popular sympathies it enjoys, it would
still have the means of adding to its power by the con-
stant addition to its ranks of wealthy commoners, and
by our extravagant rewards for any services it may
render to the state. In Germany both these sources of
power are non-existent. Wealth does not lead to en-
1 It may also be mentioned that the German nobility is not in the habit of
letting their homes furnished to strangers in order to add to their income, as
is nowadays regularly practiced in a country the inhabitants of which pride
themselves upon the fact that "their house is their castle."
position.
210 Imperial Germany.
noblement ; and services to the state, in whatever
rcwaxds avagant ca P ac ity> have seldom ' been extravagantly rewarded.
The case of Bismarck is unique ; for the dotations to
Moltke and other great leaders in the War of 1870 were
all but nominal according to our standard. The highest
services are invariably rewarded only by the honorary
distinction of high orders and the personal friendship of
the sovereign, which accompanies its recipient into
private life on his retirement on a frugal pension. The
consciousness of having done his duty has to make
amends for the lack of opportunity of acquiring worldly
riches.
To-day, the greater number of aristocracy would, but
Dependence f° r ^ e profession of arms, be absolutely penniless, if not
P?ofe^i?n Sasa breadless. For, although they largely fill the higher
government civil appointments, their number is limited,
and the pay is so little at the start that only those
can enter the service who have something to fall
back upon. This can only be looked upon as a great
national misfortune, and the more to be deplored when
we remember the services the poor German aristocracy
has rendered to the state as its military servants.
We are almost inclined to ask ourselves, Would Ger-
man unity ever have come about had it not been for the
splendid staff of aristocratic, but poor, officers who have
for generations devoted their lives unselfishly to the
profession of arms and to the service of the state?
The poor German aristocracy has contributed its fair
share toward the creation of a powerful, united Father-
land.
CHAPTER IX.
GERMAN SOCIETY.
Social intercourse cannot exist among honorable people
without a certain sort of confidence ; it must be common
among them. Each should have a sense of security and dis-
cretion which never gives place to the fear that something may
be said imprudently.
— La Rochefoucauld.
I.
German society in its wider sense is a prism of
many, but by no means harmoniously blended, colors.
In few countries is the aristocracy of birth so cut off
in social life from some of the best intellect of the land.
Nowhere is intellect found so largely outside the circles Talent not a
of wealth and high birth, for German society, unlike the passport *
French, does not bow to talent alone. This distinct
social feature is a result from within, for the tendency of
the Prussian monarchy of late has been to recognize and
raise the purely intellectual elements of the country even
more than is done in England. But, whereas with us
the recognition of brains is invariably followed by the
social acceptance of its possessors family, in Germany it
stops short of womankind.
In England a great professor is distinguished by
royalty, and the aristocracy follows suit (if it has not lionizing,
preceded the recognition of royalty), and the upper
middle classes follow in its wake, receiving and visiting
the lion' s wife and family.
In Germany this is far different. A great artist, a
man of letters, an eminent man of science may be
211
212
Imperial Germany.
The test of
social position.
An arbitrary
distinction.
Exclusion of
women.
loaded with stars or appointed to high office ; he will be
readily received either in his personal or in his official
character, but the aristocracy will not visit him, nor will
the nobility visit his wife. His wife has no social status.
She is not hoffakig, which means she is not qualified to
be received at court, the test of social position in Ger-
many. Even more, should she be of noble birth
herself, and previous to her marriage have been pre-
sented to her sovereign, she forfeits this privilege on her
marriage with a commoner ; this in marked contrast
to the English social law : * * born a lady, always a lady. ' '
These facts may seem of small importance to the casual
observer, and yet they are accountable for much that is
peculiar to German society. They are at the root of,
and partly explain, the inadequacy of woman 1 s social
status in Germany.
In England undoubtedly, too, as well as in France
and America, there is a definite line drawn between
those who belong to and those who are outside the nar-
rower pale of polite society. Still, it is not so patently
an arbitrary distinction as in Germany. In fact, it does
not carry with it the sting of its injustice and its irre-
movability ; for in those countries there are few individ-
uals who, by wealth and a sufficient amount of tact, or
by tacking the sails, cannot hope to enter the charmed
circle, whereas in Germany these barriers are almost
insuperable.
It is not the mere presentation or non-presentation at
court which marks the difference. The arbitrary exclu-
sion of many of the most cultured women in Germany
narrows the circle of their social life, to which they
naturally attach greater value than men, who are more
actively absorbed in life's economical struggle. It
causes German women to feel a kind of neglect, which
German Society. 213
in due course produces envy and jealousy. Thus in
such circles we are often impressed with a tone of bitter-
ness, if not of dislike, when the aristocracy, or even the
crown, is mentioned.
This feeling becomes doubly galling when the Ger-
mans see strangers admitted to their best society who
have neither birth nor breeding nor brains to recom-
mend them. For the nicety of perception of the Ger-
man mind is often wofully at fault when dealing with
foreign elements.
Insular assurance and American ''shoddy" force the
gates of the minor German courts. English half-pay Entrance of
military or naval captains — a refuse of the militia thrown foreigners.
in — sometimes with a growing family, living abroad for
economy on a third-floor flat above a butcher's shop, go
to court, and
have been known
to answer the
addresses of roy-
alty with their
hands in their
pockets.
A shabby-
genteel coterie of
middle-class
Tmh Royal Theathb, Wibsbaden.
sweepings who
are distantly related to half the peerage, and let you
know it in and out of season ; a poor, seedy, retired
English diplomatist and his "good lady" ablaze with a
Primrose League "jewel," and with the face of a cook
in front of a Christmas joint — these are a few sped- ^*" apKi "
mens of the foreign element in German society. For if
refined natures are rare in any country, they are rarer
still among the traveling representatives of a nation.
214 Imperial Germany.
But such are the elements that push their way in their
own country, and, being admitted to court at home, can
claim presentation abroad. Thus it is the fault of the
T t h feSf rmans Germans themselves if they make much of foreigners in
society. Why don't they make more of themselves?
For, as long as the Germans exclude the untitled of
their own nationality, an English, French, or American
commoner, who at home has no barrier but the limits
of his self-assertion, will be rightly accepted in German
society, for he has perhaps the requisite standing in
his own country. He forces his way into German
society now and then even when he has no home cre-
dentials to boast of.
This can only be remedied in Germany when the in-
tellectual classes in possession of means come more to
the front. Unfortunately, present circumstances are
little calculated to fit German womankind for an en-
larged scope of social duties.
II.
Social dis-
Other social results can also be traced indirectly to
this artificial barrier erected between the professional,
advantages of a scientific, and wealthy commercial classes on the one
class barrier. ' J
side and the nobility and royalty on the other.
The German aristocracy is limited to the intellectual
life to be found within its circle, which is slightly spora-
dic. This state of things is disadvantageous to the aris-
tocracy, besides narrowing its popularity, as shown
elsewhere. The intellectual and wealthy classes are
debarred from that contact with a certain urbanity and
graciousness of manner, a deference to women, which
still, whatever may be said to the contrary, is a marked
characteristic of the best German nobility. It is true
that the excluded classes do their utmost to ape aris-
German Society, 215
tocratic manners, but, like all imperfect imitations, they
lack finish and are liable to be overdone. This applies
especially to German womankind.
The universities, the army, the public services are
open to all classes alike, and there all Germans gain a
certain cosmopolitanism of views and manners, which, if
it now and then falls short of a standard which can only
be attained in a highly refined family circle, yet com-
pares fairly with that of similar classes in other coun-
tries. The German women of the middle classes, on the _ fi _
/ # Results of
other hand, show the painful results of their social restriction
. . upon the
restriction in more ways than one. The feeling of their women,
derogatory position begets, as aforesaid — though it be
never so much denied — a latent feeling of envy and
jealousy, which shows itself in excessive sensitiveness.
This again, in its turn, is the ever-recurring cause of
exaggeration of manner and want of tact. Thus inter-
course with the middle classes is far more difficult than
with the aristocracy. Their manners are exaggerated in
their punctiliousness and exaction, and you can inno-
cently tread on toes while you fancy that you are
gaining golden opinions.
The middle classes are often exaggerated in their
sensitiveness, and, besides that, are grievously given to sensitiveness,
ill-natured small-talk. Hyper-sensitiveness is one cardi-
nal characteristic of German society, as it is a marked
one of German character generally. A broader and
more cosmopolitan horizon of social life could not fail to
diminish, if not entirely to banish it.
To these facts may also be traced that want of prestige
in society which marks German women of the untitled consideration
classes. Contact with the highest society would soon ° women *
show German women the consideration which their
titled sisters enjoy, and which they would not be slow to
2l6
Imperial Germany.
Their limited
influence.
Prevalence of
slander.
strive for. Whether they would find the sterner sex
ready to render it, or whether they would be able to
wield the weapons that secure it, is another matter. The
fact remains that, however well educated middle-class
German women may be, they generally suffer from a
pettiness of feeling and thought which is not calculated
to make their lords bow down to them amidst the wear
and tear of every-day life. And the proof of this is, that
they do not succeed in being treated with that deference
and regard in private life that ladies invariably meet
with in the German aristocracy, as well as in the
educated society of England, France, and America.
Holding, as we do, that women should be the deposi-
tories of all that goes to make up and regulate the
smaller amenities of social life, we cannot but deplore
that the influence of some of the best German women is,
in that respect, very restricted and limited.
Average Germans have a tendency to give way to
their temper in dealing with the ladies of their family
which can only surprise those to whom it is a novelty.
The countrymen of Schopenhauer do not often err on
the side of too much consideration for the fair sex as
such. If a person is unpopular, it seems only to add
bitterness to dislike if that person be a woman. Some
journalistic attacks on the empress Frederick bear testi-
mony to this. Such censors evidently think they are in
the right, but they do not seem to incline to be gener-
ous. It is indeed sad to note that slander, with regard
to women, is easily set in motion and very prevalent
in Germany. In fact, it reflects by no means a " nice M
side of the national character.
The wide prevalence of the custom of spending daily
hours and hours in beer-houses is not without its conse-
quences in roughening German manners, particularly
German Society. 217
toward ladies, and encouraging the love of small-talk
and gossip. It is not that Germans are not scrupulously Jje beerhouse
polite in outward form toward ladies ; it is in the in- custom.
timacy of every-day life that they cast off too often
those necessary little courtesies which mean so much.
Among other disadvantages, we think the beer-house
tends to foster a forgetfulness that honorable old age
is also a patent of nobility to be honored. And as a
straw is sufficient to show the direction of the wind, it
may be noted that smoking is indulged in in the Thehabitof
presence of ladies to a degree which is hardly con- smoking,
sistent with scrupulous regard for the fair sex. Even
hard smokers will admit that the capacity of self-denial
in this respect might now and then be legitimately
called for. The average German almost never stops
to think of self-denial in such matters. Custom has
made him essentially egotistical in the trifles of every-
day life and a healthy female influence is not yet appar-
ent to check him.
Fault-finding may be a thankless task, but those who
feel that they are riot blind to their own country' s short
comings may claim some excuse for dwelling on those of
others. Still, if our national reputation on the score
of social manners hardly places us on an undisputed
point of vantage to decry others, we may quote the
opinion of a Frenchman 1 who has shown a rare appre-
ciation of Germany :
The German — unless belonging to the ideal race of great
poets and thinkers — hardly knows the exquisite refinement of
manner, the delicacy of pointed irony. When his heavy tern- FrSchrnan" *
perament enters into a discussion, strong words accompany his
arguments, and they fall fast like heavy paving stones. . . .
Even genius does not always preserve them from these ex-
cesses, and three centuries of culture have not deprived the
1 " Les Allemands " (The Germans), by Le Pfcre Dtdon. Paris, 1884.
218
Imperial Germany.
Change of view-
point makes a
difference.
Vulgarity.
strong " table talk " of a Luther of its freshness and classicity.
Farther on :
The Germans, proud of their strength, show no sign of senil-
ity in their national life. Their failings rather tell of barbarism
than of decrepitude ; they offer a strange mixture of primitive
coarseness and of civilization. The barbaric is in the blood,
the superior and civilized nature is due to education.
A Frenchman may perhaps be more justified in using
such strong language than an Englishman, for the na-
tionalities of Latin race, withal, still retain a grace of
manner, even in the humblest sphere, to which the
Teuton as well as the Anglo-Saxon may well aspire in
vain. Still, the subject of manners is a peculiar one.
Much that is uncongenial to us in the manners of an-
other people ceases to be so when we come to live
among them and understand their ways and methods.
Some of our own insular peculiarities, usually put down
to want of consideration for others, are often the result
of a certain shyness which, once understood, generally
reveals beneath the surface a far greater cordiality of
feeling than that underlying continental scraping and
hat-lifting. So, also, beneath the somewhat rough out-
ward manner of the North German there is often far
more fairness, if not generosity of sentiment, than is to
be found among more readily <f taking" nationalities.
Downright vulgarity is not often met with in Ger-
many, but, when it is, it is far worse than in England.
It is more often allied to intense sensitiveness combined
with aggressive arrogance and Rechthaberei — the mental
disease of feeling and asserting yourself to be always in
the right. In England even the most vulgar feel a cer-
tain nervousness, and are cowed before birth and posi-
tion : it is not so in Germany.
This brings us to the consideration of a German
German Society, 219
institution which, if not conspicuous for vulgarity, is not
without a taint of barbarism — duelling. It is nurtured D »«"iii*.
at the university, and is customary in all grades of Ger-
man life, except the humble classes. Since the War of
1870 it has perhaps been on the increase, and only a
few years ago, two schoolboys, of the respective ages
of sixteen and thirteen, were had up before the court of
Opera House, Frankfort-on-thb-Main.
justice in Stuttgart for fighting a most determined duel
with pistols. They were both dangerously wounded.
What can be said against duelling has been forcibly
put by Schopenhauer in his essay on the meaning of
honor, and his arguments are unanswerable — among
them, that nations of such admitted virility as the
Swedes, the English, and the Americans (now also the
Russians) do without it.
That the "touchiness" of the German character en-
courages duelling is certain ; also that the university men
authorities look upon it as a necessary means of incul-
220
Imperial Germany.
Duelling in
the army.
A barbarous
custom.
eating a certain manliness. In this case German youth
would seem to stand at a disadvantage compared with
the youth of those nations which possess manliness with-
out it.
Then, again, it is asserted by military authorities that
duelling is necessary to the discipline of the army. If
such be the sad truth, it must be admitted that in Ger-
many it is not allowed to degenerate into bullying ; it is
kept within the narrowest possible limits, for no officer
is allowed to fight a duel without previously asking the
permission of the council of honor of his regiment, and
an unprincipled duellist would soon, like Othello, find
his occupation gone.
But whichever way we look upon it, it seems a pity
that this barbarous custom should exist practically unre-
strained, and be answerable for much sorrow and wrong
in the country. For German duels (except those at the
university) are anything but child's play. The middle-
aged professional man, at the slightest insult, remembers
his university days, and is ready to meet the fiercest
military fire-eater with sword or pistol.
Changes in
social life.
III.
Leaving duelling out of the question, the above strict-
ures must, of course, not receive acceptance without a
due reservation and allowance to be made. Except
duelling they hardly apply at all to the best society of
the wealthier cities of the empire, besides the former
free towns of Hamburg, Bremen, Frankfort-on-the-Main,
etc. There we find the patrician burgher supreme, and
with him all the peculiarities of his supremacy.
The days when the good Frankforters used to speak
French in their social gatherings are passed ; also the
ambition of the gilded youth of Hamburg and Bremen
German Society, 221
to pass itself of! as English has undergone a slight trans-
ition. Nowadays the commerce-gorged types of Frank-
fort sun their dull features in the blaze of stars and
ribbons earned in the dust and glare of battle, and feel
themselves belonging to a great military nation, against
the creation of which they literally raved and whined.
The social status of the well-educated and wealthy
commoner in the above-mentioned towns, to which a Difference in
social status.
few others might be added, is a far higher one than
where he is overshadowed and left in the cold by a court
and its military surroundings. In capitals such as Dres-
den and Stuttgart it is comparatively rare to see a
civilian in the best society. Everywhere are glittering
uniforms ; sets that are patronized by the flower of cav-
alry regiments; others, more humble, that are content
with the infantry, who hardly ever congregate socially ;
official balls, where the subaltern and the minor civil
official have to dance with the gawky daughters of their
superiors till they wish themselves away. Here the male
element reigns supreme, but in the towns where there is
no dominating court society the fair sex exercises a con-
trolling social influence, although it has not always been
employed as well as it might have been. Still, anybody
who has mixed in the best society of these towns cannot
have failed to notice the well-bred ease of manner of the
ladies and their high culture. With the possession of
money there has grown a cultivation of the fine arts and
a great diffusion of the social amenities of life generally.
These towns mostly possess a patriarchal oligarchy con- a patriarchal
sisting of the wealthiest families, some of them with a
history reaching back many generations. There is less
distinction to be found between the titled and the com-
moner, and yet the petty spirit of cliques which is pecu-
liar to social life in Germany shows itself even there,
oligarchy.
222 Imperial Germany,
though in a special form. For the wealthy merchant-
citizen has a class pride of his own, which is not always
justified by the small attention he pays to externals.
The wealthy citizen is deferential to his womankind j
oahTweakh 08 w ^^ c ^ has a knack of exacting deference. But he has
citizen. often a bumptious hauteur and purse pride which put to
shame the pride of birth of the noble with sixty-four
quarterings. A class which in England is often known
for its toadying to the aristocracy now and then shows
bloated arrogance in Germany. The wealthy consul —
here and there a generous patron of the fine arts, com-
bining the culture of intellect with the manners of good
society — is often an arrogant type of hard-headed
counting-house life. Never so uneducated as some of
our city magnates, he is far more arrogant and offensive.
This arrogance is too often the veil under which he tries
to hide his conscious social inferiority to the noble of the
capital.
Although the wealthy Frankfort er patrician will give
you to understand that he is the equal of any count of
Different planes 1TT1T ^ ,-, . i i •
ofsodety. the Holy Roman Empire, he is yet conscious that his
equality exists only in his own imagination as long as he
is within the four walls of his beloved father-town. He
has a distinct knowledge that though his daughters may
receive the best society at home, they have only to
marry a commoner in Berlin or Dresden or Munich in
order to lose their social feathers and to be quietly rel-
egated to a place outside the select circle. Thus the
consciousness of his greatness is a very imperfect one,
and, as such, shows all the drawbacks which imperfect
convictions are apt to develop in the human breast.
After all, the good German patrician town-folk are only
human, and, as such, but the creatures of the petty
character of their existence.
German Society. 223
Berlin is the one town in the empire where untitled
intellect has from time to time held a distinct and recog- '
nized social position, and, hand in hand with rarely
cultured women, exercised a distinctly beneficial social,
if not even a political, influence. The intellectual society
between the
years 1830 and
i860 in Berlin
wielded more
than local influ-
ence. Men such
as Prince Puck-
ler, Varnhagen
von Ense, the
Mendelssohns,
Lassalle, and
women such as
Rah el Levin and
others, left their
stamp on the
thought of their
time. They in-
spired as well as
entertained. The THB STRAS3BURC cathedral.
fare then offered
was of Spartan simplicity, invariably only tea and small
cakes, and yet in their hands society offered the only
analogy to a French salon (£ la Madame Rdcamier, or,
in our days, d la Madame Mohl) which has ever been
realized in Germany. If these ideal conditions no longer /
exist, on the other hand some advantages remain to
German cosmopolitan society which are worth noting.
If, for example, you meet a man of note or exceptional
position, you have not to run the gauntlet of a crowd of
224
Imperial Germany.
Absence of
lion-hunting.
The Mendels-
sohn family.
middle-class nobodies — to steer through a miasmic at-
mosphere of sycophancy — in order to get at him. The
German middle classes have not yet taken to lion-
hunting and its vulgarizing accessories as a trade, an
aim in life.
IV.
In Berlin in recent years the Duke of Ratibor unites
the ilite of intellect and science under his hospitable roof.
Countess Schleinitz until lately was a magnet that at-
tracted and retained all that is eminent in the musical
world. Postmaster Dr. Stephan receives the cream of
Berlin society, as also do from time to time all the other
ministers. Prince Bismarck's receptions while he was in
office were, of course, familiar to the world at large.
The late Professor Helmholtz occupied an exceptional
position, and in his home he was the center of a circle
which in the world of science could perhaps hardly be
equaled for brilliancy outside the walls of Paris. Like-
wise the family of Mendelssohn has for generations past
held a high social position in Berlin. From the witty
contemporary of Frederick the Great downwards, this
family has produced a succession of cultivated men and
women. To-day the Mendelssohns are a center of polite
and intellectual society in Berlin.
The wealthy plutocracy, here as elsewhere, cultivate
the aristocracy of intellect and of the fine arts as a
fashion, some vain vision of French salons of past days
seemingly being the ideal they hopelessly strive to imi-
tate. Besides the above, the wives of one or two celeb-
rities of the world of letters hold receptions which
partake of a cosmopolitan character. They endeavor
to weld or fuse into a homogeneous social stratum the
many characteristic elements of which Berlin society is
German Society. 225
composed. The experiment is said to be fairly success-
ful, but those who are best acquainted with them aver ^ X p°rjment
that a touch of bohemianism pervades the whole ; an
exaggeration of stilted forms in some, flanked by a
somewhat boisterous abandon in others — the whole pro-
ducing the impression of a spasmodic experiment that is
not indigenous to the soil. For behind all these Berlin
efforts at social intermingling stalks the proud typical
figure of Lieutenant von Strudelwitz, who would be hor-
rifled if a celebrated musician or a literary magnate were
seen in his house. To such as he — and he represents a
distinct class — a man like Count Hochberg (brother of
the wealthy Prince Pless) has soiled his escutcheon in
accepting the superintendence of the various royal
theaters, although by so doing Count Hochberg is in a
position to influence the taste and culture of the public in
as marked a manner as any six literary stars combined.
Lieutenant von Strudelwitz is a type whose ancestral Lieutenant
leanings may be traced in the direction of Mecklenburg, st ™ d eiwitz.
in that favored duchy where, until recently, a mild form
of the " cat," made of a good solid stick, now and then
reminded the humbler inhabitants of the blessings of a
patriarchal state of things. For there are even now
authorities to be found who strenuously aver that the
stick is not half so debasing as some of our more civil-
ized forms of punishment. Lieutenant von Strudelwitz' s
social ambition is the membership of the most exclusive
club of the capital, the "Union," where gambling used
to be indulged in by officers until young Prince William,
now German emperor, one day prohibited it in decided
terms.
In Major von K., until recently of the Alexander
Guard Regiment, quartered in Berlin, we have one of
the finest types of the Prussian officer. He, too, is
von
226 Imperial Germany.
noble by birth, but not necessarily narrow in brain and
sympathies in consequence. If he admires England, it
is the history of England's greatness, the English char-
acter of energy, of manliness, which excites his admira-
tion. He and his like invariably read, if not speak,
English, and are
pleased to re-
member that it
was a Scotch-
man whose his-
tory of Freder-
ick the Great is
the standard
work on his
country's great-
est king.
Although he
! loves his profes-
sion, which he
considers one
that ought to
st be above the
temptation of
money-making and petty personal ambition, he yet is
able to recognize the worth and honor that can be
sought and found in every walk of life, however humble.
If you refer to the privileges the aristocracy possess in
the army, he will tell you it is at most a preference they
enjoy, which, if not deserved by constant and unre-
mitting work and attention, only goes for nothing. He
admits the prefix of von does sometimes confer a pref-
erence, but he does not boast of it, but rather seeks to
excuse it by quoting the number of his ancestors and his
relations who from time to time have shared the dark-
German Society. 227
est days of Prussia's eclipse in the service of the state.
Except in some instances of self-asserting plutocracy,
German society presents one particular negative ad- advantage,
vantage. It is as yet comparatively free from that
restless, vulgar cadging to be found in some countries.
The toady, the tuft-hunter, the vulgar pushing
matron, if not unrepresented, are almost non-existent.
Not that human nature is different there from else-
where. The conditions are healthier in this respect.
German society offers little temptation to the vulgar
who bow down to show and wealth ; a toady would
seek in vain a profitable return for his efforts ; and,
lastly, rich heirs are too rare to reward the endeav-
ors of intriguing matrons.
CHAPTER X.
WOMANKIND AND FAMILY LIFE.
Willst du genau erfahren, was sich ziemt,
So frage nur bei edlen Frauen an. 1
— Goethe.
I.
man women.
Tacitus — that supreme authority on the Germans
oi old — mentions in enthusiastic language their defer-
ence for their womankind. He also praises the German
women for their severe chastity, in such striking con-
trast to the Romans.
Valerius Maximus tells us in reference to their
Chastity of Ger- chastity that the Teuton female prisoners begged vic-
torious Marius to allow them to devote themselves
to the service of their holy virgin Vesta, assuring him
they would preserve themselves unstained like this god-
dess and her priests. In consequence of his refusal,
they all strangled themselves in the following night.
Bearing in mind the brutality of those times, the fierce
passions and reckless life of the men, this trait of the
chastity of the women stands out in bold relief, as also
the honor paid to them. In fact, the veneration in
which their women were held by the Germans runs
right through history ; it is met with in the Middle Ages
in the form of virgin worship, and also in the sentiment
of the Minnesingers — the singers of love. It runs
through German poetry down to the present day. It is
l If you would know exactly what is seemly you need only ask the noble
women.
228
Veneration
paid them.
Womankind and Family Life. 229
true that, in our matter-of-fact time, a little poetry goes
to the wall ; but neither do we expect to find the heroic
virtue of German vestals so ready to run to self-immola-
tion as of old. Evil tongues have even been known to
whisper that German women have not always had
sufficient hatred for the enemies of their country to
please their lords. In fact, many observers to-day fail
to find that stern control of their feelings the old Roman
historians credit them with. Perhaps the sickly kind of
sentimental poetry of the last hundred years has had Demonstrative-
something to do with the development of demonstrative-
ness in German womanhood. However, no rule with-
out an exception : the Germans of to-day are as loud as
ever in praise of their womankind, and the testimony of
a stranger may well be added to the chorus of praise.
Madame de Stael, in her celebrated book "On Ger-
many," says :
The German women possess a charm that is peculiarly their
... , . /«.i • c • t jj 1 • Madame de
own, a sweet intonation of the voice ; fair hair and dazzling staeTs tribute.
complexion. They are modest, their feelings are true, and
their demeanor is simple. Their careful education and the
purity of mind that is natural to them combine to make up
the charm they exercise.
If we may judge the intellectual capacities of a race
by the history of its greatest men, so we can gauge the
moral possibilities of a people by the character of its
greatest and noblest women. In this sense the Germans
may well be proud of their womankind. For although
the Salic law has prevented them producing rulers of
the type of our Queen Elizabeth — except in the one
splendid instance of Maria Theresa — yet women of
German blood have before now played a giant's part in
history. Empress Catherine of Russia was a born Ger-
man, Princess Auguste Fredericke of Anhalt-Zerbst.
230 Imperial Germany.
She was a fine instance of the power of will and in-
tellect, though she can hardly be said to stand as a
model of female virtue. But German history shows a
Queen Louisa's fairer figure than her in Queen Louisa of Prussia, the
beautiful char- & * '
acter - mother of the late emperor William. In her were
united all the noblest characteristics of German woman-
kind ; and her example, stirring the soul of an entire
nation in her time, may be said to be one of the bright-
est prototypes for the Germans of the future to dwell on
and to live up to. It has even been stated that, without
the moral purification which Prussian society underwent
through the bright example of her domestic life, it is
hardly possible that the rising of Prussia in 181 3 against
Napoleon could have taken place. An author of the
period says of her :
The consort of Frederick William III. was endowed by-
nature with everything that can be deemed charming in the sex.
The fairest queen with a yet fairer soul : a whole woman in the
words' deepest meaning. No wish to participate in the rule of
her husband was in her character, only devotion to his person,
nurtured by love, the purest type of innocence and high
womanly modesty ; such were the principal traits in Louisa's
character, which were destined to form the happiness of the
king and to be the model of a wife to the nation at large.
Herr von Another author like the one already quoted, a severe
Lang's esti- observer of mankind, Herr von Lang, in his memoirs,
says of the queen :
She was in truth a woman who hovered like an ethereal
being over us, in the form of an angel, with the sweetest per-
suasive powers with which she cast the rays of her lovely
nature around her, so that everybody was as if transfixed
into a dream, charmed by this living, moving fairy picture.
This is high, yes, even extravagant praise ; but it is
fully borne out by every testimony of friend and foe,
among the latter Napoleon and his councillor Talley-
Womankind and Family Life. 231
rand, who said of her : "I knew I should see a lovely
queen ; but I have seen the loveliest of queens and the
most interesting of women."
II.
Next to history, the literature of a country affords us
a clue to the character of a nation' s women. At least,
its poets show us what its ideals are like. The heroines
of Walter Scott, Richardson' s ' ' Clarissa Harlowe, ' ' and,
above all, the glorious creations of Shakespeare, are
heirlooms to the end of time to show posterity what
English womanhood resembled — in its purest ideality,
perhaps, the rarest union of tenderness allied to strength
of character yet revealed to man.
A cursory glance at the German creations of fiction
shows a marked difference from those of our country. German women
No purer, no fairer types has literature created than
those of Goethe and Schiller, yet they are distinctly Ger-
man ; they are different from our own. Our ideal women
show an independence of character that is absent from
the German type. The German figure of poetry enables
us to understand the national boast that there is nothing
like German Weiblichkeit (womanliness). It is un-
doubtedly a splendid quality, and yet we cannot bring
ourselves to consider its uniqueness as always synony-
mous with superiority to our own. Each type has
its lights and shades, its strong as well as its weak
points. But to our insular mind the German ideal is a
little too self-forgettingly devoted, too slavishly worship-
ing, not to make us feel a lack of that strong individual-
ity we find, for instance, in women of Slavonic race.
There is something: in the German ideal of woman- _. n
& The German
hood which bids us feel their devotion, once eiven, leaves ideal of . .
' *> » womanhood.
us no further fields to conquer. There is something in
232
Imperial Germany,
Goethe's
heroines.
Sentimentality
of German
women.
the English and Slavonic type which makes us feel it
imperative not only to gain, but to retain, her devotion.
Thus we are of opinion that English as well as Slavonic
women hold their influence longer than their German
sisters.
Goethe's Gretchen (in " Faust") is essentially Ger-
man in her simple-minded purity, but even more so
in her childlike devotion, and, later on, in her remorse.
Of his Clarchen (in "Egmont") almost the same may
be said. They cause us to feel that it must have been
easy to gain the love of such simple natures, and that
we should have esteemed them lightly accordingly.
And yet it is just this blind, simple, childlike devotion
which looks up to an Egmont as a superior being that
has the greatest charms for the German lover.
It is interesting to note of Fredericke of Sesenheim,
perhaps the sweetest of Goethe's characters — for she
was a living reality — that it was her rural simplicity that
cooled the poet, or at all events enabled him to tear
himself away from her.
In Lotte (in " Werther' s Sorrows " ) Goethe has given
us another German type — the perfect housewife, cutting
bread-and-butter all around. She is thoroughly honest
and true to her husband, yet she leaves us with a sus-
picion that, if poor Werther had not shot himself, her
friendship for him might have presented her with psy-
chological doubts as to how she should reconcile it with
her love to her husband.
If these female creations excite the admiration of the
men, the lyric poetry of the nation has an inordinate in-
fluence over the budding female mind. In fact, poetic
sentimentality often fills them with far too many illusions
to meet the realities of life. For it is an instance of the
strange double nature of the German character that,
Womankind and Family Life. 233
while their poetry is so sentimental, their conduct in
daily life is in such marked contrast Anybody can $JS?ilfc
convince himself of this by a glance at the numberless
advertisements with offers of marriage {Heirathsgesuche)
which are to be found in almost every newspaper, not
only at the present time, for the custom dates back over
a hundred years. These productions are strangely
matter-of-fact, sober, and sensible in tone, the princi-
pal points in request being usually a little money and
domestic virtues of manifold description.
To our mind, German girls lack that freedom English
girls enjoy, and, while the Germans are never tired <
of vaunting the virtue of their women, the slightest
intimacy with the other sex, unless followed by immedi-
ate betrothal, is sufficient for gossip to lay hold of and
discredit them. English women are said to be prudish,
but in the art of feeling shocked Gretchen outdoes her
234
Imperial Germany.
Anxiety to
marry.
Objection to
trade.
English sister. At parties you can hardly dance several
times with a young lady, or show a little preference for
her, without gossip at once busying itself with its being
a case of engagement.
This is a great pity, and is one of the reasons girls
are not brought up in greater independence of thought
and character, and taught to look to their own energy
as offering a possible career in life, outside wedlock. It
is not only with us that women of the present day are
often too anxious to get married to enable them to dis-
criminate and choose wisely. On the other hand, we
must admit that German girls are much less influenced
by the hope of marrying money and position than the
daughters of our well-to-do classes. This is all the more
to their credit when we bear in mind that their men are
much more anxious to marry money than our own.
The daughters of the poor aristocracy have a far
greater horror of marrying beneath them than our aris-
tocracy, for even money and luxury fail to overcome
their traditional objection to trade. They will marry
poverty in almost any form sooner than that. But, side
by side with this prejudice, they possess the virtues of
order and economy in a rare degree, and, as a class,
they have contributed their share to the present great-
ness of Germany by being the mothers of the great
majority of German officers.
III.
While we, perhaps, carry too little sentiment into our
every-day life, German women have a longing for more
than they usually get, and it is one of their good points
that their disappointment rarely takes an aggressive
form. They soon get reconciled to the reality, and
make excellent wives and mothers. In fact, if only half-
Womankind and Family Life, 235
way well treated, no truer, no more dutiful or better
woman can be found. She may not rise to that inde- JiJ^J^oJ'
pendence of thought and conduct we now and then meet
in our own country, but neither are her faults colored by
the qualities she lacks. If she be not noted for that sub-
lime union of breadth and boldness of character added
to womanliness we behold in some of Shakespeare's
heroines, neither is she the fiery termagant, the secret
drinker, to be met with elsewhere. Even if not par-
ticularly happy at home, her unselfish love of her family
makes her submit to many things against which the
women of other countries rebel, and instances of moral
depravity are rarer than in almost any other country ;
for, if we are to believe tradition, Irish women in this
respect carry the palm.
The circumstances of the German woman's life are
not of a kind to produce those extraordinary instances
of strong-willed initiative we meet with among Eng-
lish women. Her education is more homely, her life
more restricted ; the organization of German society
does not give her a sphere of action such as many
English women have found and shone in. Her life is
comparatively uneventful, not to say monotonous, so Narrowness of
that even her virtues, not to mention her shortcomings, hersphere -
are tinged with the idiosyncrasies of her surroundings.
But if she is inclined to gossip, if she often exasperates
her husband by her exacting pettiness, and fails to im-
press him with that tact or dignity which the French
possess so preeminently, at the bottom she is honest,
self-respecting, and reliable to a rare degree.
It is only among the German aristocracy and plutoc-
racy that we meet with anything like the independence
of English women. Also, the women of the aristocracy
are more cosmopolitan and less nationally typical than
236
Imperial Germany.
Frefluency
of divorce.
Domesticity of
the women.
others. They are more free from the trivial qualities
referred to above ; but, although superior in manner,
they do not show so high a percentage of happiness in
married life. Where the women of the middle classes
gossip and sulk, those of the aristocracy rebel and in-
trigue. Divorces are very common, and it is not un-
usual to meet half-a-dozen divorced men and women at
evening parties in large towns. The faults of the middle
class are trivial and on the surface ; beneath it the body
is healthy, and a little more self-control and attention to
details of manner would considerably add to their sum
of happiness. All in all, the average of married happi-
ness seems to be higher in Germany than in England,
and several conditions seem partly answerable for it. Of
these, perhaps the most prominent are the longer dura-
tion of engagement, enabling a better prior mutual
acquaintance ; the later age at which Germans marry ;
and, lastly, the greater aptitude of average German
women for household work and occupation.
In Germany the woman's place is at home : there she
shines preeminent, self-sacrificing, devoted to her family.
She is more domesticated than the women of any other
nation. It must have been an ungrateful, dyspeptic
German husband who invented the saying, "Woraen
and dogs should be kept indoors/ '
Although in our days of luxury and pleasure-seeking
the exceptions are many and daily increasing in number,
yet, as a rule, German homes are centers of rare order,
economy, and general comfort and happiness. And the
words of Schiller still apply to the German housewife :
And therein reigns
The prudent wife,
The tender mother ;
In wisdom's ways
Womankind and Family Life. 237
Her house she sways,
Instructeth the girls,
Controlleth the boys,
With diligent hands
She works and commands,
Increases the gains
And order maintains. 1
And even more than that, for although German hus-
bands do not grant their wives that equality of com-
panionship we witness in England and America, yet
they share more of their husbands interests than the Frenchwomen!
wives of those countries, and in this more resemble their
French sisters. If her husband be deficient in the small
considerations of every-day life, yet he turns to her for
advice and moral support in all matters concerning the
education of the children and affairs of business. She is a
true mother to her children, and wields an influence over
them which is, perhaps, only met with again in France.
Rising almost as early as her servants, she sets them
an excellent example, she superintends their work, is in-
variably an excellent cook herself, and finds her happi-
ness in her home activity. Although she exacts more
of her dependents than we are accustomed to do, yet
she asks her servants to do little she is not able and will-
ing to do herself, although her education fits her for the
society of the best. Even if her servants be poorly paid, servants,
and only too often meagerly fed, they are made to feel a
greater interest in the family than is common in England,
and family festivities invariably include a greater recog-
nition of the domestics than in our country.
Hence her influence is decidedly beneficial on her de-
pendents, the morality and happiness of whom are, we
believe, above the average of the same class in England.
That the circumstances of life are happier with them is
1 Schiller, " The Song of the Bell."
23»
Imperial Germany.
Character
of German
servants.
Absence of out-
ward pretense.
seen by the few German servants that go to England
who can be induced to stay, as high wages cannot make
up for their isolation. The habits of thrift and industry
and cleanliness of person and the sense of self-respect
among them are very strong, and lead to their becoming
the useful wives of the working classes later on. As
such they are in every way far superior to the same class
at home. It is very unusual for a German servant girl
not to have saved a snug little sum of money toward
starting housekeeping, and it is nothing very unusual to
find them enter the married state with a trousseau of linen
worth over $250. Thus, it is not surprising to find a far
smaller percentage of the female lower classes engulfed
in the pitiless waves of social ruin than in England.
If to our mind German wives may in many instances
be considered little better than servants, on the other
hand, they hold that English women incline to lux-
ury and laziness. There is certainly less of outward
pretense in German families than in English, and a far
greater percentage of people in the middle classes who
live well within their income with something to spare.
But as everything has its drawbacks, so with the
household work of the German wife. It is often the case
that when you make your morning call and are told that
the gnadige Frau — the gracious lady — will be with you
at once, you have to wait half-an-hour till she appears ;
or the * * gracious lady ' ' has a headache, or is engaged
at her toilet, which often means that she is so hopelessly
involved in household affairs that she cannot receive
you at all.
IV.
Of German husbands, the poet Heine, in one of
his vicious moods, said : ' ' German married life is no
Womankind and Family Life.
true wedlock. The husband has no wife, but a servant,
and he continues to live on in spirit his isolated bachelor
life even in the family circle." We cannot agree with
this, for in many respects the German husband is a JS^a"
model of a family man. He upholds the sanctity of the
family tie in all its most important bearings, and as an
js, conscientious father of his children he has few
equals. Englishmen, who so often lose sight of their
sons in their teens, can form little idea of the moral in-
fluence a German father exercises over his children,
even after they have reached manhood.
On the other hand, in the small matters of every-day
life, he is not always as appreciative of his consort's appreciation.
qualities as he might be. In fact, he is often uncon-
scious of them, for, being brought up to expect so
much, he has rarely the sad experience of what a curse
a lazy, pleasure-seeking woman may become. And
240
Imperial Germany.
Matter-of-fect
nature.
Restlessness of
temperament.
thus Bismarck's remark that "our wives are the only
ladies we are rude to" has more than a passing
meaning.
Notwithstanding the many ethereal qualities love-sick
Germans credit their women with, once married they
generally become wonderfully sober and matter-of-fact.
They know they are the stronger, and, except in rare
cases of good breeding, do not scruple to show it when
their sensitive nerves are irritated. They are slightly
inclined to bully and domineer, and direct contradiction,
such as "That is not true " {Das ist nichtwahr), is not
at all uncommon, and is thought nothing of. Nor do
they like to be told that they are often responsible
for the petty weaknesses of their women. On the con-
trary, they are nervously anxious that their helpmates
should behold in their august countenances the efful-
gence of Jupiter the thunderer, and recognize it to be
their supreme function to serve and to obey.
There is a certain restlessness in the temperament of
Germans that bids them devote much of their time to
the exclusive society of their own sex, which they do in
the beer-houses, of which the number and the extensive
patronage is beyond belief. Germans of almost every
position of life frequent these beer-houses, and those
who are married invariably justify this habit by telling
their indulgent wives that it is necessary for the broader
intellect of man to seek sweet converse and animation in
the society of their own kind, that interchange of ideas
is important to keep themselves abreast of the great
questions of the day. Those who have enjoyed the
privilege of German beer-house society are likely to
hold a different opinion of the breadth and wealth of
ideas that permeate the smoky atmosphere. However,
the fact remains that German husbands spend more of
Womankind and Family Life, 241
their spare time in men's company without their wives
than we do, and hence their women are much restricted Lackofcom-
^ ^i_ r ^ • n>i • • 1 panionship.
to the company of their own sex. This is the more to
be regretted when we bear in mind that the education of
women in Germany is so excellent that it only requires
such social fostering as they often seek in vain, in order
to make their society the most interesting one could
wish, ten times more healthy and entertaining than that
of any beer-house. As it is, ladies' tea-parties, so-called
" Kaffee Klatsch," restrict them to small-talk and petty
gossip, and thus cause a want of breadth of view and
feeling entirely unworthy of the excellent education they
have received.
In this respect German husbands are often selfish, and
rarely fight out that victory over their meaner nature by
which an Englishman conquers his longing to spend an
evening at his club, and submissively hurries home to a selfishness,
fireside, where he does not always receive an adequate
welcome. For the male type of the silent sufferer (der
stille Dulder) is much more common with us than in
Germany. These remarks, however, apply more to the
so-called better middle-class; to the honor of the masses
it must be said that their wives share more of their com-
pany. In fact, they usually take their amusements,
such as theater-going, country outings, beer-»drinking,
together. This, indeed, is one of the reasons why,
though rather heavy drinkers, they so seldom get in-
toxicated. However humble the means, there are few
workingmen's families that do not set aside a little week
by week for common amusement.
We have dwelt on the typical shortcomings, which, as
everywhere, mark the majority. The exceptions are also
distinctly typical, and nowhere reach a higher ideal of ^ ppy famUy
happy family life than in Germany. Here we find sym-
242
Imperial Germany.
An illustration.
Princess Bis-
marck.
pathetic feeling blended with rare breadth of philosophic
education and culture, skill in the arts, and delicate ten-
derness of heart.
An illustration of this is brought near to us, and in the
loftiest social sphere, as all know who have read the
journals of our queen. The little touches therein con-
tained of family gatherings at Christmas, and on other
occasions, are quite in the ideal German spirit ; no less
than the prince's custom of allotting to each child a
garden to be cultivated by its own hand, with the festi-
val which was held when the products were by them-
selves cooked and eaten. This is simply an instance of
the idea of the Prussian prince learning a trade applied
to the female side.
The late princess Bismarck was indeed one of those
typical German women, whose whole life was unremit-
tingly centered in her family, her home. Those who
enjoyed the privilege of her acquaintance and were per-
mitted to visit at her home cannot but ever remember
her kindness, her excellent qualities of heart and mind.
Few women in exalted station were less worldly or more
simple of heart. Her devotion to her husband, her
children, was truly German, it was unique. She lived
only for them and their happiness.
CHAPTER XL
THE PHILISTINE.
Arrogance is a plebeian vice.
I.
We have endeavored to describe qualities that excited
the admiration of Carlyle and many others. It is but
meet to point to shadows, if only to set off the light.
Those who have heard of the national self-sufficiency
of the English after the battle of Waterloo, and those English and
, - , i i • r i French conceit.
who can remember the truculent bumptiousness of the
French chauvinist element after the Italian campaign of
1859, ought not to be surprised at any manifestation of
national conceit in Germany after the victories of 1870.
But it must be noted as one of the brightest sides of the
German character that their best intellect seems to have
remained wonderfully sober in the midst of intoxicating
success. This is particularly the case in the army and
in diplomatic circles, while here and there it is surprising
to see a knot of university professors showing more of
chauvinistic ardor than of calm philosophy. Even the its absence in
occasional big words of a Bismarck have been invariably
uttered with a purpose — as a means to an end. For
though he has told us that the Germans only fear God,
we know that they fear a few other things besides —
notably, social democracy and the Philistine spirit.
We can remember the rebuke administered to a man
of letters who thought that the Germans would beat the
*43
Germany.
244
Imperial Germany,
Philistine
characteristics.
Hatred.
French again. "You must not say that," remarked a
high Prussian officer present ; "that is in God's hand."
Unfortunately, this humility does not characterize the
German Philistine, who is largely represented in the
community. In him the Germans originally typified the
small citizen-class which has had no higher education ;
but his cast of mind is found to be present in other
circles as well. His is that narrow, carping spirit, the
existence and growth of which may be regarded as
largely owing to the unhappy political condition of the
past reacting on the weak sides of the national character.
German unity was never his ideal, nor has its attain-
ment yet shown many signs of ennobling him. When
the advantages enjoyed by other countries only served
to instruct and urge on the efforts of Germany's best
intellect and character, the Philistine mingled his hatred
{Schadenfreude) and envy with a cringing deference to
foreign superiority; and when that did not suffice, he
had a little of those qualities to spare for the best
men of his own country. The speciality of hatred
termed Schadenfreude is essentially a Philistine German
quality, and is untranslatable. It means the gratifica-
tion of pent-up envy — the joy over the misfortune of
those we had previously cringed to and envied. It is
allied to a craze for grumbling {das R'asonnireri) , which
was ever a Philistine virtue. And yet, strange to say,
while indulging in these feelings with regard to every-
thing around him, the Philistine has ever been the sup-
porter of the old fossilized order of things.
When Aristides was being ostracized, an Athenian,
who did not know him, asked him to mark his shell
for him. ' ' What has he done to you that you should
wish him to be banished?" Aristides inquired. " Oh, I
am tired of hearing him called the Just," the Athenian
The Philistine. 245
Philistine replied. Neither does his German representa- j
tive of to-day like to hear any one praised.
In his temperament the querulous rowdy is ready-
made. Yet his is the nature that makes his countrymen
ridiculous by prizing and bowing to empty titles, while
true distinction is beyond his ken. He alternates be-
tween loud, aggressive arrogance and mean, cringing ser-
vility. To this class Goethe is a haughty aristocrat, and
even poor Schiller a prig. Formerly he would sneer at
Prince Bismarck as an unscrupulous political trickster,
and to-morrow he may boast that Bismarck is, after all,
only the mouthpiece, the exponent of the ideas of such
as he. Yesterday he ridiculed the idea of the Germans
presuming to beat the French, and to-day he talks of his
countrymen ousting the English from South Africa.
A trait of his fretful sensitiveness leading to arrogance
was illustrated the other day, when one of the fraternity Arrogance.
received a communication from the imperial law courts
at Leipzig in which he was merely addressed as "well-
born," whereas he thought that the title of "high and
well-born" was his due. He immediately stigmatized
246
Imperial Germany.
Servility.
Philistine
patriotism.
Boastfulness.
the omission as a " colossal want of tact, ' ' and paternal
government, with an Argus-eye for its own dignity, was
not long in returning the compliment in the form of a
fine of $30, or twelve days' imprisonment.
Another opposite manifestation of the Philistine spirit,
well known and tolerated in other countries, has hardly
done more than show its cloven foot in Germany. It
did so at the accession to the throne of the present
emperor, when the court shopkeepers of Berlin tried
to present an address emphasizing their loyalty and
devotion. Luckily, the attempt to gain signatures fell
very flat ; so that we may well hope this insidious form
of arrant Philistine flunkyism will not take root in Ger-
many.
II.
The patriotism of the Philistine is of a peculiarly
aggressive and arrogant kind, yet windy and empty
for all that. It has not even the misdirected concen-
tration of French chauvinism, for indifference is mingled
with hatred and conceit. From this indifference, indeed,
arises the fact that he is not impressed, much less car-
ried away, by military glamor : he only suns himself in
it, as a cheap form of patriotism.
He speaks of the English as a nation of shopkeepers,
yet conveniently forgets that no part of Bismarck's
policy has earned such unqualified approval in the
Fatherland as his endeavor to compete with the English
as traders beyond the sea.
The Philistine meets his boon companions in the beer-
house, and will enlarge on the enormous strides German
commerce has made of late, being able to laugh at Eng-
lish competition, etc. He probably is not aware that
the Germans still fail to outdistance the English, but he
The Philistine, 247
forgets what he ought to know and remember — that a
good many branches of German trade would often have
been in a sad plight if it were not for those very English
who supplied them with orders. While, on the other
hand, almost every English manufacturer's product is
kept out of the German market — or at least severely
handicapped — by strong protective tariffs, which con-
veniently assist the Teuton in competing successfully.
The Philistine boasts of the enterprising spirit of Ger^
man commerce, whereas the principal ' ' enterpriser ' ' in
Germany is the state, whose competition in many ways
cripples the initiative of the individual.
He rides home from his favorite beer-house in a tram-™'
way car, started and financed by an English company — inconsistency,
for several of the German tramways were started by
English enterprise and capital. 1 When he reads that
the English company has sold the concern at a good
profit and it has been taken over by local capitalists, he
reviles the sordid instincts of the English and is dis-
gusted at the huge profit they have made out of the
poor Germans. Yet when this amiable individual in-
sures his house or his life, the chances are he will do so
with an English company, although the German institu-
tions are perhaps to be preferred.
A favorite war-horse of the Philistine is his hatred of
the Jews — a hatred based on envy, because the Jews suc-
ceed where he makes but a poor shift. Macaulay said the jews,
that the Puritans hated bear-baiting, not because of the
cruelty to the bear, but because of the pleasure given to
the spectators. The German Philistine feels much in
the same way. He would fain be rich. He dislikes
the Jews because they are rich. And yet the chances
are that the Philistine will even take his daily opinions
1 As also were formerly many German gas companies.
248
Imperial Germany.
Harm fulness of
the Philistine.
Disloyalty.
from a Jewish paper, and vote for a Jewish town coun-
cilman or member of Parliament. He will even at a
pinch employ a Jewish lawyer and call in a doctor of
the Hebrew persuasion ; in fact, it throws a lurid light
on the helplessness of the Philistine that the Jews — a
foreign but homogeneous element — have gained such
ground in the midst of them, notwithstanding all such
hatred.
III.
Such is the inconsistency of the German Philistine ;
and yet, in the aggregate, he is a powerful animal for
harm. He has given Prince Bismarck a lot of trouble
in his time. He actually chuckled with delight in those
days when the great man was irritated by the venomous
onslaughts of Liberal orators. To-day he gloats over
the discontent of the working classes as evidenced by
the spread of social democracy ; he loves to exaggerate
it and to foretell the ruin of the future. He does not
know that the narrow-minded apathy and incapacity of
his class are in part responsible for the growth of what he
deplores. It is in part owing to his want of stamina and
national feeling that the Social Democrats have had
such easy play. In fact, the Philistine petty middle
class is already being gradually absorbed by the Social
Democrats; for many Philistine characteristics have
found a congenial field in the new movement : one in
particular, the gospel of hate.
When imperial measures are proposed which seem to
curtail the privileges of his own petty sovereign, he rails
and throws himself in the breach, or, more literally,
buries his head in his beer-mug and mutters his impre-
cations at Prussian arrogance. Not that his meager
loyalty will hold water, for in his own narrow circle he is
The Philistine. 249
the life and soul of opposition to the powers that be.
He hates and detests the "beggarly" aristocracy, and
sneers at its pretensions to refinement. And at the bot-
tom of it all there is a sneaking fondness for the Aus-
trians, and even for the French ; for until lately there
was a Chinese wall of Philistinism between Prussia and
some of the other states, where even to-day patriotism
is yet a sickly plant.
Bismarck is reported to have once said, * ' Germany is
being ruined by the beer plague,' ' and beer is indeed a beer
the spirit that inspires the Philistine, the beer politician
par excellence! It nourishes his envy. He wonders
how much money his neighbors are making. If he
hears that one of them is in the habit of having hot
suppers at home, he spreads the report that he is living
beyond his means. If he thinks the proprietor of his
favorite beer-house is making too much money, this
also is apt to disagree with him, and he and his boon
companions will suddenly transfer their patronage to the
opposite side of the street, in order to show mine host
that, although he may have taken their money, he is
nobody after all. If anything irritates the Philistine
more than the knowledge that anybody is making
money, it is to have to admit the political success of an
opponent. When a German member of Parliament
told Bismarck that German unity had fallen like a ripe
fruit into his lap — when Windhorst, the great Catholic
parliamentary leader, told Bismarck that it was easy to
do what he had done, with the Prussian army at his
back — that sentiment found a ready echo in the Philis-
tine heart throughout the Fatherland.
Slander is the favorite pastime of the Philistine, and
the smaller fry of local lawyers are supported by the £? n s fander.
endless despicable quarrels which boil up and overflow
250
Imperial Germany.
"Apologies.
»»
Leniency of
penal laws.
out of the caldron of hate into the public press. German
laws against defamation of character are so vexatious,
and at the same time so inadequate, that although you
can hardly say an unkind thing of a neighbor with-
out being liable to pay a fine of three marks (seventy-
five cents), yet you can indulge in a cataract of in-
vective and insidiously endeavor to ruin a person's
character, and the law is almost powerless to afford
adequate protection to the slandered ; for the Philistine
originates as well as propagates slander. This state of
things suits the temperament of the Philistine, whose de-
light is to serve out his neighbor in a mean, contempt-
ible spirit. Thus, you can hardly turn over the leaves
of the smaller provincial papers without " apologies' '
and " retractions' * of the flimsiest kind meeting your
eye. A common form is the following : " Herewith I
withdraw my slanders against X, and warn everybody
against circulating them any further." We translate
the following three notices from the columns of a single
number of the leading Saxon newspaper :
Declaration of Honor. — I regret the insults that I gave
expression to, under excitement, with regard to Messrs.
Kallmann, hotel keepers, in Leutewitz.
A. O. Seifert.
We herewith withdraw the insulting remarks made by us
with regard to Mrs. Ida Schetel, tUe Schulze.
(Signed) R. Bohme.
H. Bohme.
L. Hoenig herewith withdraws the vilifications expressed by
him with regard to the Club.
In Germany it cannot be said, "De minimis non
curat lex " ; ' also, it is to be deplored that the compara-
tive cheapness and leniency of the penal laws pander to
i The law does not concern itself about very small matters.
The Philistine. 251
the Philistine and other vicious instincts. The law,
to our idea, attacks the individual too readily in trivial
prosecutions, and in serious offenses its punishments are
not severe enough. In this, there is too much humani-
tarianism. A form of crime very common in Germany
— stabbing (often with fatal results) — is treated far too
leniently. The policy of hanging a few to encourage
the others would be efficacious.
The founders of German unity are under no illusions
as to the dangers to which their labors are still exposed Fear of the
from the spirit of hatred, of envy, and of dogmatic
obstinacy in the Philistine. They fear it more than
French battalions and Russian Cossacks. And well
they may. It is widespread, and although not particu-
larly demonstrative at present, it is by no means ex-
tirpated, much less powerless for harm in the future. It
is doubly dangerous, as it appeals even to intellectual
men on their weakest side — their vanity. Such an
instance, already cited, is that of an eminent German
professor, of European reputation, the strong advocate
of ft great and powerful Germany, who hurried off to
Italy in a fit of the sulks when once it came to be,
merely because his vanity was wounded that it had
not come about in his scholarly fashion. Men of this
stamp are prone to hold forth on the sanctity of moral
conviction, but fail to see the line that separates this qual-
ity from an exaggerated sense of stubborn dogmatism
and vanity. German vanity is a very different thing
from French vanity, but it is none the better for that.
If Bismarck had been possessed of more vanity, he
would have also shown more consistency of the kind
that passes current with the Philistines — the consistency
of obliquity and greenness of vision.
Those very elements in Germany that were most
German vanity.
252 Imperial Germany.
obstinate in opposing Bismarck's plans are now the
ones which are constantly lauding everything German,
and rending the air on festive occasions with their
appeals to every German virtue. A German steamer
is wrecked in the Red Sea, and aggressive newspaper
articles hasten to reassure the public that such disasters
t , will not influence
the " civilizing"
mission (that bit
of French prosti-
tution of lan-
guage) Germany
has over the seas.
We have even
heard it soberly
stated that the
German lan-
guage is rapidly
gaining ground
in the United
States! Such
talk is not natural
to the hardy
Pomeranian or
"Inwn^-AFwm Castle o» the Rh,ne. VvoftnA men of
arms, whose broken bones have furnished the cement of
unity. Such stuff has been gleaned from the cosmo-
politan braggarts of other countries, and finds parrot-
like currency among German Philistines. It has not
even the merit of originality.
The Germans who go to the United States lose
their national individuality, and that, together with
their working capacity, goes to swell the great aggre-
gate of the English- speaking race there. Alas, for the
The Philistine. 253
vain hopes of the Philistine ! Bismarck knows this, as
he knows most other things — notably, the peculiarities
of the German Philistines. He knows that, side by side
with the great qualities of the nation, there lurks a
good portion of paltry egotism in public as well as in Paltnr e « ot is m
private life. He is the one great man of his time who
has dared to tell his countrymen of their failings. We
know of no other public man in any country who has
had similar courage. But he could do it, and they have
had to hear it, for they knew that they could not bluster
and intimidate the man of iron. And many like him all
the better for this. They instinctively feel that he has
earned the right to tell them the truth, though they are
loth to admit it.
The late emperor William, as well as Bismarck, felt
that the social evils of the age will not be met by ap-
peals to the Philistine spirit, much less by any initiative
from that quarter. This is why they strove to take the
initiative, an act for which so many doctrinaires con-
demn them. Whether it will succeed the future will
show, but it only wants an acquaintance with the Philis-
tine to understand the attempt being made.
IV.
Although the Philistine is a coarse animal, he is yet a
very sensitive one. For although education is supposed Philistine sen-
to refine outward manners, it is mainly owing to the
Philistine influence that we meet coarseness and arro-
gance allied to a high standard of book education in
Germany more than elsewhere. An average English-
man will stand any amount of censure if he sees at the
outset that he is in the wrong. Somehow common
sense tells him that is the main issue, and the censure
merely a natural consequence. Not so the German
254 Imperial Germany.
Philistine : you must not trespass on his sensitiveness,
be he never so much at fault ; you must remember his
dignity. Thus it will not surprise us to learn that the
Lack of honor. Philistine is devoid of humor. Over-sensitive people
never have any humor. True humor is good-natured
and does not mind being the subject of laughter. In his
soft moments he is sensible to lyric poetry, especially of
a sickly, namby-pamby kind. In fact, it must have been
a German Philistine recovering from one of his fits of the
lyrical blues who invented the national proverb, "In
money matters there is an end of sentiment,' ' a sober,
utilitarian dogma, which cannot be surpassed in the
works of the late John Stuart Mill or of Professor Clifford.
But over practical utilitarianism the Philistine cannot
afford to lose sight of the ' ' ideal, ' ' so he has initiated a
crusade against the use of foreign words in the lan-
guage. Everything foreign must be extirpated root
and branch ! This would seem less unnatural were it
not that, until yesterday, the Philistine would have
hailed the French or Austrians with open arms if they
had come and given the Prussians a thrashing. But
Extirpation of that was yesterday ! To-day even the French language
foreign words.
must be tabooed, and, if possible, discarded. A con-
gress of card-players is held in Leipzig, and although it
hesitates to banish "all" foreign denominations from
the popular game of scat, it yet decides to do away with
every term of French origin.
Naturally, such crazes find no footing in the army,
where many denominations are French. In fact, a
German army corps is a mighty German creation, al-
though the name is French.
The recognition and adaptation of what is foreign is a
two-edged sword. It may be a sign of mental breadth,
but it is likely to go too far ; with the Germans it
The Philistine. . 255
has often verged on the ridiculous. The opposition of
the Philistines to the use of the French language will ^Kenc? 1
not instantly obliterate that fact. They are the people language,
who until lately would accept nothing indigenous with-
out strong reservations of "ifs" and "buts," while
often taking a worthless article unquestioned if guaran-
teed English or French.
That the preference for what is foreign has been a
great failing of the Germans is undoubted. The intelli-
gence of Germany has endeavored to derive benefit
from its attention to foreign matters, whereas the Phil-
istine has learned nothing but the cheap art of ranting
in unison with the beer-house cry of the time.
V.
The far-sighted genius of Germany foresaw that the
French would sooner or later endeavor to obtain the
left bank of the Rhine. The Philistine saw nothing of
the sort : he would even have preferred the rule of Louis
Napoleon to the hegemony of Prussia. But Germany's
leaders knew even more than that : they knew that,
once the French gained the left bank of the Rhine, it The left bank
would not take long to Frenchify it. The left-bank
Philistine would not have taken long to assimilate ; are
there none living now who still remember the French
sympathies on the left bank of the Rhine long after
1 8 1 5 ? But God willed it otherwise, and to-day the Philis-
tine on the banks of the Rhine is strictly German, and as
such is at liberty to impair his digestion and to muddle
his brain with his mixture of beer and cheap patriotism.
The late Lord Lytton praised the Germans as critics.
No wonder they have become celebrated in that capacity,
for have they not one half of the critic's functions — the
quality of detraction ready-made in the Philistine?
CHAPTER XII.
COMMERCE AND MANUFACTURE. 1
Nil sine labore.*
I.
There can be no doubt that the manufacture, export,
increase of Ger- and general consumption of German goods has increased
man commerce. ° . r ...
enormously, in one steady rising tide, say for the last
fifteen years. But quite as interesting as these un-
doubted facts are some of their causes, and with regard
to these very hazy notions seem to exist.
It is not that England no longer alone possesses the
qualities that made her merchants and manufacturers
the greatest of the globe : it is not that the mantle with
these qualities has suddenly fallen on the shoulders of
Germany, or that technical education, or that state
assistance, or that protective tariffs, or cheap labor,
either are, in themselves, the only causes of this high
tide of German commerce, though they all undoubtedly
have something to do with it.
Chan esin ^he * act * s > tne con ditions of trade have changed
o?trade ns almost as completely as has the method of traveling
1 The fact that this chapter was first written nearly nine years ago lends, I
venture to think, more interest to the yiews expressed and the data cited
than if compiled to-day ; they had thus not yet stood the test of time. There-
fore, in revising its contents, I have strictly confined myself to a few correc-
tions, suggestive foot-notes, and unimportant eliminations, preferring to leave
the reader to form his judgment by the light of to-day on the presentation of
the subject as it impressed me at the time of first conception. The additional
matter which might possibly have been included in this chapter will be found
in the Summary and Conclusion.
2 Nothing is gained without labor.
256
Commerce and Manufacture, 257
since the introduction of railways. The spirit of enter-
prise, which was long England's monopoly, has spread
all over the world. The earnest honesty which delights
in producing the best possible article as a matter of pride
is hers still ; the commercial aptitude in subdividing and
controlling labor is hers still; the splendid machinery
in all branches of manufacture is also hers still j 1 but
these are no longer, as formerly, her monopoly. We England
. . , r j commercially
have had too good a time of it in the past ; we have spoiled,
been commercially spoiled, and hence have little experi-
ence of the trouble and effort it requires to wrest a
market from the grasp of a rival who has hitherto
monopolized it. This task the Germans have had.
Other nations, and especially the Germans, doubtless
assisted by their excellent technical schools, 2 have learned
from us, and with this our supreme advantage under,
these headings, in the past, have gone from us, possibly
forever.
That all this means a comparative retrograde move-
A retrograde
ment there can be no doubt. That is to say, although movement,
our returns increase, they do not increase in the same
proportion as those of other nations, who up to yester-
day showed no export trade worth enumerating. This
state of things has been held up both here and in Ger-
many — here by alarmists, and in Germany by enthu-
siastic optimists — as meaning that the days of our
commercial and manufacturing superiority are over.
1 This is only true to a certain extent to-day. In many branches of manu-
facture the machinery in Germany and also in America is far ahead of that in
use in England.
2 Not only their splendid colleges {Polytechnikum) for teaching engineering,
chemistry, and physical science applied to commerce call for mention, but
also their art-industry schools {KunstgewerbeschulerC). These are most num-
erous in the South, where in towns such as Frankfort, Nuremberg, Carlsruhe,
Stuttgart, Pforzheim, Hanau, these schools have contributed to an extraor-
1 dinary development in designing and particularly modeling, a specialty Eng-
! lish skilled workmen are most deficient in.
258 Imperial Germany.
Nothing could be farther from the truth, as a little
insight will tend to show.
To begin with, material advantages alone do not
make a great commercial nation, or Austria and Spain
or Turkey might be on a level with England, and the
Germans would be nowhere. Breadth of character and
conception count for a great deal — in fact, are insepa-
rable from great commercial enterprise. All great
commercial communities of the past have possessed a
backbone of strong, far-seeing character.
The lack of that daring necessary to successful trade
is noticeable among the Latin nations, who have not the
boldness to throw a sixpence out of the window in order
that a shilling may come in at the door. Neither do
they possess, in the same degree as the Germans and
English, the discipline and character which are neces-
sary to control labor. Hence these nations do not
excel in the production of manufactured goods ; and
even in France it is peculiar to note how many great
merce.
Commerce and Manufacture. 259
manufactories are owned by names of German origin.
In this particular the Germans are rivals England has
every reason to take note of, but that does not say that
they are likely to supplant her, notwithstanding their
excelling in the production of medium-class goods. In
the meantime, our sudden newspaper panic has pro-
vided them with an excellent advertisement wherever
newspapers are read.
Some people aver that even now there are very few
items the Germans produce which do not owe their
latest improvements to English or American ideas.
II.
We are aware that German commerce has invaded
many domains hitherto more or less English, but that eSSS coin-
is far from showing that they are equal or on equal
terms. This we doubt. Even up to the present day it
is an open question how far they would be able to
compete, if excellence of quality and cheapness were the
only things in request. Unfortunately for us they are
not always the only points to be considered, and that
brings us to the main explanation of Germany's success
in foreign trade ; it is to be sought and found not so
much in the cheapness as in the superior ' 'adaptability*
of the German as a producer. As a German has ever "adaptability."
been apt to lose his nationality and adapt himself more
readily to the country of his adoption, so also in his
manufacturing produce he has a greater talent for adapt-
ing his wares to the demands and taste of the hour than
the more conservative Anglo-Saxon.
It is not cheap labor alone that can explain the latest
trade successes of the Germans, 1 for there are depart-
l The truth of this statement has been since abundantly demonstrated by the
different English trade commissions which, from time to time, have visited
Germany and found wages in some special trade even higher than in England.
German
26o
Imperial Germany.
Cheap labor.
Manufacture
of pianos.
merits in manufacture in which our home production has
been partly ruined by countries where labor is far dearer
than in our own. Witness the depression in the Eng-
lish watch trade, caused not by cheap German articles,
but by the importation of American watches. The
Swiss themselves were, it may be remembered, being-
beaten out of the field by the United States until they
adopted the American system of manufacture. Does
not England take her sewing machines from America
still, although the Germans in their own protected
country are supposed to manufacture a much cheaper
kind? Yes, it is the English race — not so much the
Germans — which in America often shows a greater skill
in the utilization of labor-saving contrivances and con-
trol of skilled workmen than at home. Among the
advantages the Germans possess cheapness of their
labor must certainly be noted, but we must not forget
their excellent technical school nor, above all,, their
adaptability in applying their skilled knowledge to the
changing demands of the market.
One branch of trade in which the Germans have
made extraordinary progress is the manufacture of
pianos.' The most expensive and elaborate pianos in
the world are made in New York, and the Germans
have not been slow to adopt the mechanical improve-
ments one by one as they appeared in America. Pos-
sibly many of them were the inventions of hard-working
German mechanics in New York ; in every case there
can be no doubt that the Germans lost no time in cast-
ing the framework in one piece, and adopting one after
the other all the little mechanical improvements that
go to make the best pianos what they are.
l According to the Cologne Gazette \ 7,500 German pianos, and only 900 Eng-
lish ones, were sold in Australia in 1877.
Commerce and Manufacture. 261
During all this time most of England's conservative
piano-makers Have been content to revel in the unctuous ri3f«"market
satisfaction of being the happy possessors of the richest
market in the world. They allow heavy trade discounts
to fashionable musicians who recommend their pianos
and negotiate a sale, and in the meantime the grand
pianos of Bechstein, Bluther, and others have come over
and invaded the concert-rooms, and divided honors,
to say the least of it, with those of English make. 1
Textile industries supply another instance of the for-
midable character of German 4 ' adaptability, ' ' which is T« xtile .
r J industries.
the more remarkable, bearing in mind England's former
supremacy. The textile industries are, moreover, the
better suited to the Germans, as they enable them to
avoid one of the disadvantages to which German labor
is said to be specially exposed — namely, the tendency to
produce inferior goods. In textile industries the supply
can be strictly regulated by the demand. The plant of
machinery is always, thanks to the excellent technical
education in Germany, the latest and the best. With it
can be produced the simplest and the most expensive
and best goods, immaterial whether the works are situ-
ated in Barmen or Crefeld, or on the Polish frontier,
where we have seen the finest wool spun from plant that
came from Muhlhausen in Alsace.
And this is done in such towns as Crefeld, Barmen,
and Elberfeld, which send tons upon tons of goods to Exports to
England and her colonies. Cotton and woolen braids,
silk and cotton galloons, bindings for tailors, Italian
cloth, etc., etc., all find their way to English shores
at the expense of Manchester and other towns. They
almost monopolize the Chinese market with their me-
i In the last nine years German pianos have practically conquered the Eng-
lish home and colonial markets.
262 hnfxrial Germany.
ilium quality of Italian cloth and satin de Chine. This,
not so much because they are cheaper, as because they
are quicker and more dexterous in fitting their supply to
the changing demands of the markets. -
While English carpet manufacturers continue making
the old-fashioned so-called Brussels, Axminster, Wilton
pile, styles, and patterns, the German manufacturers,
quickly discerning the modem taste for oriental carpets,
make excellent and cheap imitations of the latter, and
se::-.! them over to K~s;u«<i. In wvx>Iea. flannel, cotton,
,i:;.i silk g.VvU the s.t:ne quickness of a-Urtinsr tbe article
to the rt\;.: : .rt.:;:t":s of the d»y fe noticeable, whereas
E^.si talkers are ones :.» conservative to nuke a
:\i"em a: vaHasoe »::>. the character of their stock. I:
:s vsrry r.irvlv £--'*;';?>. ™-axi'ts car. re ^■.■i^oed :o cnaie a
Commerce and Manufacture. 263
them, they say. The Germans do it readily. The
advantage they reap in this respect is very noticeable in
transoceanic trade. Our consular reports teem with in-
stances to prove this.
The British consul at Paramaibo tells us :
The importation of hardware goods is, on the whole, satis-
factory to British trade, but Germany is pressing very close on ofGerman*
the heels of Sheffield by the production of wares which, being adaptability,
cheaper, are also not as serviceable, but are so polished,
painted, and put up as to please the eye, and the difference
in price leads many of the people in this colony to buy these
goods in preference to the more durable English manufactured
goods. Merchants would do well to look to the manner of
placing their goods. A card of German scissors, cheap, and of
the poorest material, nicely placed on a pretty card, and hung
up in a shop-window, will attract attention, while the better
and higher-priced English article, done up in a brown paper
parcel and put away on a shelf as not being an article for exhi-
bition in the window, will lie for years unsold.
This accuracy in l * measuring the market ' ' brings us
to note the great assistance German commerce derives Governmental
from the action of the government and its officials. A merce. 00 " 1 "
government which we are taught to believe is only intent
on turning its subjects into soldiers in reality strains
every nerve to assist the foreign trade of the country.
We have been informed that when the Chinese am-
bassador went to Berlin, even Bismarck himself * l con-
descended ' ' to try and influence him to place a large
contract for steel rails with a German firm. 1 And the
inventor of steel rails, Sir Henry Bessemer, although a
born German, lived in our midst !
Although the Germans until a quite recent date
hardly possessed a shipping yard that could turn out
a first-class ocean-going passenger steamer, they com-
1 Since this was first written the Chinese government has also ordered war
vessels in Germany.
264 Imperial Germany.
pete with England successfully as goods and passenger
carriers. This is perhaps the most striking instance of all
of their talent for ' * adaptability. * ' They order some of
their ships on the Clyde, and gauge so well what they
require that their newest American liners can hold their
own, if not even outdo the best of England's in speed. 1
III.
Thus the capacity or genius of ' * adaptability, ' ' com-
Causes of Ger- - . . . . . . A .
man com- bined with an extraordinary concentration and earnest-
mercial success. f 1 • 1 1 •. ir 1 ,i
ness of purpose, which ever shows itself down to the
meanest details of commercial life, is one of the most
striking causes of recent German commercial success.
It is a quality that strikes the more readily when we
bear in mind that some great nations seem to be sin-
gularly destitute of it. The Italians, it is true, have of
late shown great commercial energy, and many branches
of manufacture have sprung up and adapted English,
French, and German methods and models where they
used formerly to rely almost solely on importation or
inferior home-made articles.
But the French are an instance in point of a great pro-
The French ducing country that rarely goes out of its way to seek
models or ideas beyond its frontier. Subversive in pol-
itics, the French are wonderfully conservative in trade.
They are patriotic to the degree of hardly seeming to
wish even to profit by foreign enterprise. Their mission
is to propagate their own specialties of manufacture as it
has long been their privilege to promulgate their pet
theories. Herein the French are in marked contrast to
1 Since this was first written the Germans build their own warships as well as
their passenger steamers. The Furst Bismarck is one of the largest and finest
vessels afloat, and the tonnage of the North German Lloyd's in 1897 the largest
of any shipping company in the world, not even excepting the English Penin-
sular and Oriental Company, which is paid a subsidy of over $1,500,000 a year
for carrying the English mails.
in trade.
Commerce and Manufacture, 265
the Russians, who possess the capacity of adapting and
assimilating to a remarkable degree. Although yet in
their infancy as producers, another generation or two
will reveal their powers of rivalry.
Not only in the quality of commercial adaptability is
to be found the explanation of Germany's success. The
patronage and support of its government, so strange to
individualists, we have referred to : the thorough com- Commercial
' * ° education
mercial education of its merchants, its clerks, and the in Germany,
careful training and superior education of its workmen,
supply us with additional evidence. Besides a complete
theoretical commercial training, German clerks in their
own country usually speak French and English, and a
great number of those who come abroad have mastered
Italian and Spanish as well. German merchants are to
be found all over the world, taking rank beside our own.
The training of their clerks can be seen in the city of
London, where they oust the native element. 1 They
are distinguished by sobriety, industry, and intelligence,
and make these qualities imperative in those who would
compete with them. This is the case particularly in
England and the United States, and is becoming more
so in South America, Japan, and in the English colonies
every day.
In these points England is at a disadvantage ; as in
thrift, hard-plodding commercial training, not to men-
tion the knowledge of foreign languages, our commer-
cial classes are distinctly inferior to theirs. We are n g
thoroughly alive to the excellent qualities of the much-
maligned British workman, but his defects and his disad-
vantages tell more against him and us now than before.
We do not condemn trades unions ; in a country be-
1 The great proportion of foreign (mostly German) firms in the city of
London is well known, and is in so far explained by their close attention to
business.
266 Imperial Germany.
lieving in the gospel of Manchester they were an iron
necessity of self-defense, but their conservatism and the
obstinacy of their policy, by which they oppose every
innovation, have often done us more harm than their
demands for high wages. Also the want of thrift, of
self-respect, inseparable from the lower education and
meaner social standing of the British workman, handicap
r ■ ~— <■
us sadly, though this is being improved. These items
go a long way toward nullifying other advantages we
undoubtedly possess. We think it was the late Mr.
Brassey who gave it as his opinion that the British
workman more than earned his higher wages by the
greater value of his labor. That may still hold good of
unskilled manual labor, but in all kinds of labor which
are influenced by education and by the moral character
of the workmen, our workingmen cannot claim any
Commerce and Manufacture. 267
superiority, either over Germans, French, or Italians.
From the foregoing it will be readily understood that
the cry for technical education, which we hear on all
sides, will not suffice to counterbalance many of the ad-
vantages over us the Germans undoubtedly possess.
But, even bearing these in mind, we think the notions
that prevail in Germany with regard to their latter-day
commercial achievements are exaggerated ones.
IV.
In general, it may thus be said that a certain lack of
originality of taste and production in commerce goes M 1 * *
hand in hand with their skill in adapting the ideas of
others, if the one be not actually an outcome of the
other. It is not likely that they will be found to agree
with this statement, but it is one that can be thoroughly
proved, over and over again. Their new patent laws,
which are excellent, provide efficient protection for their
ideas, and yet we seldom come across a patented practi-
cal (7. e. y commercial as distinct from scientific) inven-
tion in Germany which does not turn out to be of
English or American origin.
The sudden prosperity, or rather habit of money-
spending, which set in after 1870 caused a great increase p?J5?d§oii.
of production everywhere, but brought forth little taste
and almost no originality. Everybody went back to the
past for models — to the Middle Ages for metal work, in
which the Germans ever excelled ; and to the periods of
renaissance and rococo for many other branches of pro-
duction. There was certainly some explanation for this
turning to the past. It was a time of national excellence
in art industry. Yet even in those days the good Ger-
mans were slavish copyists of the Italians, except, per-
haps, in the one solitary instance, when Marc Antonio
268
Imperial Germany,
Slavish re-
production.
Lack of taste.
Manufacture
of china.
(Raimondi) pirated the engravings of an Albrecht
Diirer.
But this gleaning from the past did not stop half-way
and adapt itself to modern requirements. It often be-
came ridiculous by slavishly reproducing the old an-
gular, unpractical designs of bygone ages. 1
Assisted by their excellent trained designers, the Ger-
mans have made great strides in the manufacture of
furniture. Also the importation of French furniture —
a large business formerly — has almost entirely ceased,
whereas the Germans now export largely to France
and elsewhere. Their success in this, as in several
other trades, has been assisted by the many German
skilled workmen who were in Paris before 1870, and
have since returned to their own country.
Leaving out the fields of science as before mentioned,
we are of the opinion that, besides want of originality,
the German possesses little practical ability or taste as a
producer. * It is very rarely you meet with an article in
Germany that is practically fitted for the end in view.
A glance at the German pottery trade will bear this
out, for even their excellent schools for designers have
not as yet been much use to them in this branch of pro-
duction.
Although Germany was the first country in Europe in
which china was made, it has long been distanced in its
production by France and England. Meissen, the old-
1 Architecture must be excepted from the above strictures. Here, as else-
where, where the greater trained artistic faculties come into play, the Ger-
mans generally excel.
s It must, however, be admitted that this want of practical ability, noticeable
at home, does not appear among Germans abroad. They soon adopt English
and American practical methods, and even excel in them, as also as inventors.
Sir Henry Bessemer, inventor of steel rails, was, as said already, a born Ger-
man, and, above all, Sir William Siemens and Werner Siemens should not be
forgotten.
Commerce and Manufacture, 269
est manufactory in Europe, with all the prestige of royal
origin and royal initiative, has done little else than live
on an old reputation, and that reputation of a second-
rate finikin kind. This factory, except for the curiosity
of its old models of rococo figures, surely at best a
trumpery application of the ceramic art, is simply no-
where. And yet these antiquated styles are the staple
fund of inspiration of the numberless fancy china-makers
all over the country, particularly in Saxony. They are
copied to death, down to the vilest imitations. The old
pieces of Dresden, as being unique, have an antiquarian
bric-a-brac value in the eyes of collectors ; but if
nowadays an elaborate dinner service for five thousand
dollars, or an expensive presentation ornament is
wanted in the world's market, it is usually ordered of
an English or of a French factory. The French factory
at S&vres even to-day produces works of ceramic art French
that are far beyond anything Germany has ever pro- superiority,
duced. That the productions of Sevres in the past were
artistically incomparably superior to anything Germany
ever attempted, is too well known to require substanti-
ation. '
The potteries of Silesia and Bavaria find a large home
market for their goods — thanks to protection — although
they are mostly clumsy in pattern and coarse in ma-
terial — in fact, very inferior to the Austrian article of
the same class. But a large amount of the better class
of pottery used in Germany is made in Luxemburg, in
Sarreguemines, as well as imported from France.
It is interesting to note that in this special branch of
barman
manufacture, in which the Germans had the start of all cheapness and
others, and in which they have long been renowned for
1 Since this was first written the Royal China factory in Berlin has made
enormous strides, as was seen and fully recognized at the Columbian Ex-
position at Chicago.
270 Imperial Germany.
cheapness, they have not to any appreciable extent yet
succeeded in point of excellence — a fact sufficiently
proved by their inability to supply the best foreign
market with articles for use or for ornament to any
appreciable extent. They do a large business in pottery
with America and England and the colonies, but almost
entirely in medium and inferior goods.
We can distinctly trace the benefit the Germans derive
from their excellent trained designers to be confined to
those industries where artistic conventional ornamenta-
tion alone is required. From the moment the article
wanted is one in which the designer is required to adapt
his artistic knowledge to the production of some original,
practical design, he generally fails. In this respect, the
national art industry schools have hitherto helped him
but little. This want of practical ability is, perhaps, one
Lack oforac- of the reasons why the German instinctively turns abroad
tical ability. J J
for practical models as well as for ideas, and is forced to
import a quantity of articles he is unable to produce.
The want of practical ability in the nation is abun-
dantly proved by the almost medieval character of their
beds, with those dreadful feather counterpanes (plu-
meaux), and also by their strange disregard of the
laws of health in the lack of ventilation in their houses,
though in this respect great improvements are to be seen.
Although we hear so much about the cudery of Solin-
gen and their barefaced imitations of English goods, it is
a fact that a large proportion of German carpenters,
locksmiths, cabinet-makers, etc., until quite recently
used English-made tools.
V.
We must now take note of some instances in which
German talent for ' ' adaptation ' ' leads to downright
Commerce and Manufacture, 271
piracy, and even fraudulent imitation. Not that we in-
tend to reproach the Germans as a nation with the dis- German piracy,
honesty of sections of their traders, or think them less
scrupulous than others. The fact is, our laws were
hitherto too lax, and the Germans too quick to avail
themselves of their laxity. We should do the same if
the conditions allowed of our doing so with success.
We know too well that a certain percentage of humanity
of every land and clime is equally ready to turn an
' ' honest ' ' penny by doubtful means. And when we are
able to turn German ideas to account without paying for
them, we do it as readily as they ; witness our piracies of
German theater pieces, and of other property of an intel-
lectual or artistic kind. Still, it is the duty of our laws
to check where we cannot change the sordid side of hu-
man nature ; and bearing this in mind, it is not without
reason that we state the opinion that the German talent
for adaptation, for producing colorable imitation, and
their great want of originality in commerce, place their
manufacturers in stronger temptation than our own to
seek their designs, their models, and patterns in other
countries, and thus occasionally to trade on the ideas of
others to a degree that is as astounding as it is stoutly
denied in the Fatherland.
Not only this, but the loose construction of the Ger-
man laws for the protection of trade-marks and designs
{Musters chutz) is very often productive of injustice
among themselves as well as to the foreigner, which can
never have been contemplated by the high-minded men
who framed them.
If their registration system does not work wonders in
protecting their own mental property among them-
selves, it is not surprising that it affords little protection
272 Imperial Germany.
when the mental property pilfered hails from beyond
the sea.
II we took closer at German manufacturers, we find
that they fail uniformly to reach the highest standard to
be met with in other leading countries. Also the large
importation of their goods has had a deteriorating effect
on the public taste, though it has, in many instances,
put our own makers on their mettle. They have made
the public and the producer consider cheapness before
everything else.
Besides copying the English, they honor other nations
with equal attention. Whatever is brought out in
The Ducal Palace, Brunswick.
Vienna in the special trades the Viennese excel in —
fancy bronzes and leather goods — -is immediately copied
in Offenbach and elsewhere.
American sewing machines are kept out by German
imitations. The so-called "articles de Paris" of the
past almost all come from Berlin now, even including an
enormous trade in ready-made costumes.
It seems strange, indeed, that in a country whose
officials are such models of high-minded rectitude and
duty, whose thinkers and men of science stand so high,
such slavish imitations in commerce should be so com-
* mon. For it is mainly in certain fields of <
Commerce and Manufacture, 273
which are closely allied to science, such as chemistry,
electricity, and the manufacture of scientific instruments
and artillery, that the Germans excel. In chemistry
they have made some of the most remarkable inventions
in our time. Their chemical factories also, and those of
Austria, are legitimately outdoing us in this branch
of commerce. In these instances doubtless the natural
bent of the national mind for science and their unrivaled
technical schools go for something, whereas, in so many
other branches, they are little better than imitators of an
inferior but earnestly painstaking kind. It is hard to
have to say that the people who gave mankind the
greatest discovery of the age — the spectroscope of
Kirchhof and Bunsen — are the arch commercial pirates
of our time.
Some years ago the Prussian government sent Pro-
fessor Reuleaux as their commissary to report on some Character of
distant international exhibition. On his return he
startled the Fatherland with the verdict that German
goods were distinguished by being uniformly cheap and
bad (Jbillig und schlechf). This created a great stir at
the time, and may have been a somewhat exaggerated
verdict ; but there was some truth in it, and matters
have not materially changed since, although many
patriots fondly pretend that they have.
It is not that the Germans are alone in producing
rubbish — every commercial nation does the same ; but
the Germans have a special faculty for copying the
rubbish of other nations, besides producing their own.
VI.
Besides imitating everything foreign, whether an idea
or a mere pattern, the Germans trade on each other's merclaUrau"
ideas to an extent that is perhaps unequaled in the
274
Imperial Germany.
An example.
Underselling.
world. In fact, were it not for the restraining influence
of their somewhat unpractical trade-mark laws, it would
be even worse than it is.
Some years ago a certain Dr. Jaeger traveled about
the country holding lectures to popularize his system of
woolen clothing, and recommending patterns of his own
design made by a certain Stuttgart maker. His propa-
ganda created a great demand for the article, which was
at once copied by several rival makers, who adopted his
designs and denominations.
Although not stricdy commercial, the following is
apropos. Some years ago a delightful sketch of Berlin
middle-class town life, * * The Buchholz Family, ' ' by
Julius Stinde, achieved great popularity and ran through
many editions. It will scarcely be believed that the
very title was pirated by a compatriot, and a book was
offered to the public under the title of the ' * Buchholz
Family in Paris" !
We have already referred to the Offenbach imitations
of English and Viennese leather goods patterns ; for the
Viennese are far ahead of the Germans in fancy leather
goods, ! as they are also in artistic bronzes. But it does
not stop here ; the Berlin leather workers copy the
Offenbachers, and undersell them in the cheaper Ger-
man home market. The manufacturers of Offenbach
evidently think there is nothing like leather, for some of
their leather goods are among the few German articles
that seem fairly able to compete with English-made
ones, and the trade between Offenbach, England, and
America is very large indeed.
The process of copying and underselling each other
is observable in almost every German trade, and pro-
i The above, although strictly true, may need some qualifications, inasmuch
as the South Germans are lately producing goods in embossed leather which
need fear no comparisons.
Commerce and Manufacture, 275
duces a keenness of competition often of a kind that
is far from elevating.
No wonder the Germans are continually complaining
of over-production. But, as the only thing that is SSSucuon
eternal is change, so the Germans may well look for-
ward with hope to the future as likely to bring them
more independence of ideas in commerce, as our time
has already brought them national independence. The
consciousness of the latter must, sooner or latter, react
on their manufacturing industry. A nation that for
generations had been accustomed to look abroad for
many things besides manufactured articles cannot create
in a moment an original supply for all its wants.
In the meantime, it must be a source of gratification
to all well-wishers of the Fatherland that the splendid
penal laws against adulteration of food have preserved
this one vital branch of human production in Germany
from the scandalous manipulations we constantly wit-
ness in England and America.
In the foregoing we have endeavored to draw an im-
partial pro-and-con picture of the growth of commerce
and industry in Germany of recent years. The facts
and figures which are brought forward can necessarily
give but a very limited and only temporarily applicable
idea of so vast a matter. There remains a broader and
wider deduction to be made as the sum of the subject.
In their commerce and industry the Germans have
already succeeded in transforming theory into method Resirit of
and practice on a gigantic scale. To judge by what |^™af policy,
they have already done, the time cannot be very far
distant when German goods will not only be generally
recognized in consequence of their cheapness and adapt-
ability to the market, but also, as in the Middle Ages,
by their honest excellence as well.
CHAPTER XIII.
THE GERMAN PRESS.
Er ltigt wie gedruckt. 1 — Popular Saying.
the press.
I.
Junius was of the opinion that Englishmen should
sooner give up their Parliament, the responsibility of
their ministers, the Habeas Corpus Act, even the right
of taxing themselves, than surrender the freedom of the
press ; for that alone would bring back all these boons.
•Many Anglo-Saxons would be prepared to subscribe
Attitude toward to that even now, but few Germans. They fear the
power of journalism, but, as a rule, do not respect it.
Not that the German press is one whit less honorable
and self-respecting than the English, but the German
temperament does not look upon "print" with the
same awe that Englishmen do. As shown by the pop-
ular saying, ' ' He lies like print, ' ' the critical German
mind instinctively feels with Bismarck, when he said in
the Reichstag, February 6, 1888 :
As far as the press is concerned, I cannot attach any decisive
weight to it. They say in Russia it means more than in France.
I am of the opposite opinion ; in France the press is a power
that influences the decisions of the government ; in Russia it is
not the case, nor can it be ; but in both cases the press is, in my
eyes, only printing ink on paper, against which we do not war.
For us there can lie no challenge in such materials. Behind
every article in the press there is but one individual, who
handles the pen in order to publish this article to the world;
1 He lies like print.
276
Bismarck's
opinion.
The Germayi Press. 277
the same in a Russian paper — let us assume it is an independent
Russian paper that is in connection with French secret funds,
that is perfectly immaterial. The pen that indites therein an
anti-German article has nobody at its back but he who holds it
in his hand, the single individual, who produces this lucubration
in his study, and the protector that a Russian paper usually pos-
sesses, some high official who has got entangled in party poli-
tics, and who perhaps happens to grant this paper his protection,
both weigh but as a feather against the authority of his majesty
the emperor of Russia.
The above sentiments, not only Bismarck but Ger-
mans in general apply to the press of every country
more or less, and hence the German press never had, Power of
the press.
and never will have, the power the press wields in Eng-
land. This leads us to believe that the Germans as a
nation are much more mentally phlegmatic than Eng-
lishmen. Although perhaps more nervously irritable
and excitable in some ways, their judgment is more
sober and placid ; they think more for themselves than
Englishmen do.
A German will read a violent newspaper article, and,
instead of being carried away by it, like one of ourselves,
will say to himself : ' 'This is written by that virulent
rascal X ; what can be the matter with him to-day ? ' '
On the other hand, he will casually read a journalistic
opinion at variance with his own from mere intellectual
curiosity, where an Englishman will studiously avoid
reading any paper but the one holding his own views,
and will generally blindly adopt the views of his favorite
paper, even if they happen to differ from his own. The
German reader retains his independence of judgment far
more, and will unhesitatingly stop taking a paper whose
views no longer suit him.
The late emperor William could never again be in- Emperor
duced to look at the Kreuzzeitung after it had once resentment.
278 Imperial Germany,
taken a line that offended him, though this single act
was strangely at variance with that great and good
man's character, always so free from every personal
feeling of resentment.
The Berlin National Zeitung, for instance, in one day
lost thousands of readers when it adopted a line of its
own that did not agree with their views. The journal-
istic tactics so common in England, of advocating what
was previously opposed, are decried in Germany, and
looked upon as proofs of want of principle. A news-
paper that avowedly changes its views with, or in ad-
vance of, the current of public opinion, would wield
little influence in Germany, its opinion would not com-
mand respect or weight. The journalistic ambition of
The German Press. 279
shaping public opinion — admirably as it works in Eng-
land — does not succeed there.
In their anxiety for * ' conscientious conviction ' ' Ger-
mans are often exaggerated and unpractical, and become
Principienreiter — u e. , men that ride about on a broom
labeled * ' Uberzeugungstreu ' ' (fidelity of conviction!).
The Liberal politician who before the battle of Sadowa
had dared to hint at the possibility of Bismarck's being
in the right, was morally a dead man. The same fate
awaited him who twelve years ago dared to find fault
with the notorious May Laws against the Roman Catho-
lics which are condemned to-day by all parties.
Also, the Germans carry far more personal feeling into
their political opinions than we do, and journalists of The personal
opposite ways of thinking are not always ready to give
their opponents that credit for honesty of purpose Eng-
lishmen concede, except in reference to Irish affairs. In
the latter they come very near to German virulence and
invective, as to which the following is an example taken
at random from the next papers at hand.
A polemic between the Democratic Frankfort Gazette
and the North German Gazette ', Bismarck' s official organ
at the time, yields the following amiable buds of rhetoric:
When some weeks ago the North German Gazette undertook
to cast a vile aspersion on the Frankfort Gazette, and we in re-
turn accused that sheet of shameless lying, the voluntary gov-
ernment organ quietly pocketed the accusation. We were not
surprised at this, as there is no accounting for tastes. Still we
could hardly have expected that the North German Gazette
would have the barefacedness to bring up that same lie again.
(Extract Frankfort Gazette, July 24, 1888.)
Pretty severe this, but the North German Gazette
had aggravated its original aspersion by coolly stating '
that the Frankfort Gazette was not a German paper at
An instance.
28o
Imperial Germany.
all. Now, as that influential journal is the property
of a Jew, that was distinctly hitting below the belt, and
calculated to exasperate the party receiving the blow !
The North German Gazette seems to have had a rather
lively time of it, for almost on the same day we find the
ultra-Conservative New Prussian Cross Gazette declar-
ing it to be "impertinently arrogant/ ' "untruthful,"
and again " impertinent. ' '
Yes, political partisanship in the press is very violent
strong political i n Germany. The Prussian Conservative papers, in their
partisanship. m J m r r '
blind hatred of everything Liberal, attack even those
harmless and charitable convivialists, the Freemasons.
The Liberal and Democratic press become figuratively
black in the face at the mere reference to a Prussian
feudalist, and, sad to say, many are the journalistic
elements in the Fatherland who would often have wel-
comed a humiliation to Bismarck, even if it included an
injury to the country. Thus party politics show no more
amiable characteristics in Germany than elsewhere.
Bismarck's estimate of the press has been referred to,
but in its manipulation he showed his usual skill. The
master mind, that has used all parties and in turn cast
them in the shade, played sad havoc with German jour-
nalistic conscientious fads. He drove his opponents
wild. He used his press organs either to coax or to
threaten, to butter or to bully, to draw a red herring
across their path, or to set up a scarecrow in their fields.
It is all the same — it invariably answered the purpose he
had in view.
Some years ago all Europe was kept in a state of
anxiety by a general cry of the German government
press that the Russians were massing troops on their
eastern frontier. Since then all has long been silence on
that subject, and although in all probability not a Cos-
Bismarck's
control of
the press.
An example.
The German Press. 281
sack has since those days been withdrawn from the Ger-
man frontiers, any paper venturing to hint at Russian
troops would be roundly accused of either trickery or
want of patriotism.
Now and then the public saw through it, and when
the North German Gazette was unusually " ram-
pageous/ ' and the Cologne Gazette joined in, it was
generally understood that the tum-tum at the village
fair was being beaten. Something is coming, and soon
we shall be invited by the ' ' strong man ' ' at the booth
to hurry up, pay our pennies, and see him throw his
hundredweights in the air, swallow fire, and otherwise
prove again and again that he is the strongest man
alive, and the rest of humanity mere black-beetles.
II.
Thirty years ago the English press possessed nearly
its present power, and that of France numbered some of Former status
her most brilliant writers as contributors. In those press,
days the press of Germany was in a very backward
condition, its news of antediluvian flavor, and its com-
mercial enterprise at the minimum.
The last twenty years have wrought a great change
in this as in so many other matters. Although the
press is hardly, as with us, the road to fame or fortune
(except in very rare cases), although comparatively
few men of known literary attainments contribute to it
(except in the feuilleton 1 as essay- writers), to-day it is
an energetic exponent of public opinion, its news is
almost as varied as our own, and although without
much political influence, it is carried on on broad com-
mercial principles.
i The part of a continental newspaper that is devoted to light literature,
serial stories, or criticisms.
Its advance.
282 Imperial Germany.
Germany does not, like England, possess one intel-
lectual and political capital, but rather a number of
such, and thus no one exposition of opinion could
possibly command the influence or enjoy the circulation
possessed by any of our great daily papers. The Berlin
newspapers permeate the north of Germany, but Saxony
clings with strong local feelings to those of Leipzig and
Dresden. The Breslau papers are read in Silesia and
Eastern Prussia, the Cologne Gazette circulates prin-
Most important cipally in the West, besides possessing, like the Berliner
newspapers.
Tageblatt and the Frankfort Gazette^ a large foreign
circulation. The Frankfort Gazette is the most im-
portant paper in South Germany (with the Cologne
Gazette it is perhaps the best edited paper in all Ger-
many), which possesses but few other papers of note
— the Allgemeine Zeitung of Munich and the Neueste
Munchner Nachrichten. Nor must we forget the
Hamburger Nachrichten, which since Prince Bismarck
is popularly supposed to contribute to its columns is
read all over the Continent.
Thus it will be seen that there is no strong centrality
in the press, as in England ; for although one or two of
Lack of cen- the Berlin papers may be the most widely circulated, no
single one of them has the political or literary standing
of one or two provincial papers. Also certain of these,
including the Vienna Free Press, l have a more diffused
circulation all over the country than some of the Berlin
papers, the two most popular of which are perhaps the
Berliner Tageblatt and the Lokalanzeiger, the latter
boasting of as many as 200,000 subscribers.
Although no German newspaper can be mentioned
for commercial enterprise beside English or American
1 Although in reality Austrian, this paper must be considered German in the
same sense that many other things in Austria are German.
trality.
The German Press, 283
leading journals, yet there are a few that have out-
stripped all home competitors in this respect. Here
may be mentioned as preeminent in this respect the
Berliner Tagedlatt t the Berliner Lokalanzeiger, the
Vossische Zeitung, the Frankfort Gazette, the Cologne
Gazette, and the Vienna New Free Press.
German newspapers are, unlike English, chiefly sub-
scribed for and received regularly, and taken in this way
cost about two cents daily. Some of them appear as
often as three or four times a day, in morning, after- Distribution,
noon, and evening numbers, with various supplements.
Bought singly, they are somewhat dearer. The system
by which all German papers can be ordered, paid for,
and delivered through the post-office, works admirably.
As the price of the newspapers does not exceed the
cost of paper and printing, their principal income is
derived from advertisements, and hence, too, they
cannot afford to offend the interests that advertise, or
take an independent line that might jeopardize their
circulation, and are forced to adhere to the plain com-
mercial principles that alone enable them to exist. To
increase their circulation almost all German papers
adopt the feuilleton with its anecdotal gossip, and many
of them are forced to publish serial stories, as that gives
them a greater chance of gaining subscribers than any
other literary merit or loftiness of purpose or principle.
III.
From a literary point of view, there is a great differ-
ence between German and English papers. In that
peculiar form of editorial writing, that talent for group- literature* 1
ing of ideas which enables them to put a question super-
ficially, but pithily and clearly, before the reader, so
cleverly that he almost loses sight of the fact of its being
284 Imperial Germany.
written from a party standpoint (and thus without im-
infcriority. partial logical value), the Germans do not come up to
the English. Also, as graphic reporters of passing
events, the field of the special correspondent, they can-
not compare with English or American writers.
On the contrary, in the dispassionate, thorough
risumi of a political or social question, as well as in
criticism, particularly on art and science, they surpass
the English. Passing over those sheets that seem prin-
cipally to live on a continual round of political squab-
bling, there are some papers — notably, the Munich
Allgemeine Zeitung — that not only reach a high stand-
ard of literary excellence, 1 but also combine a rare im-
partiality of opinion with serious breadth of treatment.
The Allgemeine Zeitung is one of the few German
The AUremeine P a P ers tnat nas traditions. It was formerly published in
Zeitung. Augsburg, and to its columns the poet Heine con-
tributed his well-known Paris letters. Also for a long
time it withstood the temptation of adding to its circula-
tion by the introduction of the feuilleton. In fact, we
cannot but consider the Allgemeine Zeitung an orna-
ment and a credit to the journalism of the country. For
solidity of information on the scientific topics it touches,
it is unrivaled among daily papers, and reminds us
in this of some of our best reviews without their party
bias. It contains more solid intellectual information, as
distinct from news, than any paper we know of. Daily
it brings exhaustive articles, sometimes in a series, on
all sorts of topics of cosmopolitan interest, and the
reader is sure to learn something on whatever subject it
treats. In London it is only in the leading papers that
we find now and then special articles, chiefly reviews, of
1 In this respect the Berlin National Zeitung also deserves to be mentioned ;
many of its articles are signed by the writers.
The German Press. 285
a similar exhaustive character. The following headings
of leading articles, taken at random day by day, will jj^^'
enable the reader to judge of the scope of its matter :
"Prussia's Agricultural Administration in the Years
1884-87"; " The Inundations of Hwangho" (giving a
graphic description of the inundations of this great
Chinese river during the last thousand years, and its
Ths Cat bed hal op Cologne.
bearing on the civilization of the country); "The Con-
stitution of Japan " ; "King Louis I. of Bavaria, as the
Educator of his People," etc., etc. Many of these
articles are signed, run through several numbers of the
paper, and are written by well-known authorities on the
subjects of which they treat.
That a paper of the stamp of the Allgemeine Zeitung
must be a popular educator as well as a means of keep-
ing its readers conversant with the current news of the
286
Imperial Germany.
The feuilleton.
Moral aspect
of the German
newspaper.
day goes without saying ; and we can only express the
wish that some capitalists could see their way to start a
newspaper on similar lines in other countries.
The main typical distinction between English and
German papers consists in the feuilleton — it includes the
matter printed under the black line that runs horizon-
tally across the middle of the paper. Although often
devoted to sensational or other novels and personal
anecdotes, notes on art and literature, it also includes
serious criticisms of current art topics. Pictures,
theaters, and above all music, are treated and criti-
cised in the feuilleton ; although the value of German
criticism on painting is disputed by some there can
be no doubt of the invariable excellence of the average
theatrical and musical articles. In fact, a regular perusal
of them is almost a liberal education on these subjects.
Also such names as Liibke, Schnase, Jordan, Frenzel,
Avenarius, Pietsch, as feuilleton writers, speak well for
the standard which is current in the German feuilleton.
IV.
Let us take last a point of view of journalism that
journalists are fond of presenting to us before all else —
the moral aspect. With regard to the publication of in-
decent tales and anecdotes, the German press stands far
purer than the French. A paper that would publish a
serial story such as "La Terre" of Zola, which appeared
first in the Gil Bias (and was even confiscated in Rus-
sia), would be seized immediately and excluded hence-
forth from every respectable German household.
In regard to the publication of obscene trials, the con-
cise laws on the subject remove the most enterprising
newspaper proprietors out of the reach of temptation.
The public is excluded from such trials, and, although
The German Press. 287
the press is admitted, the law ordains that no press
reports of such trials are allowed, except with the con-
sent of the court, and after perusal of such reports by
the state advocate. There are some people left in Ger-
many who think these officials are more likely to know
what is good for public consumption than enterprising
newspaper proprietors.
In theory the powers possessed by the court are
certainly liable to be arbitrarily used, for they go be-
yond the right of forbidding the publication of inde- Forbidden
cency, they apply to high treason and other matters ;
hence here the captious critic may well detect the cloven
foot of paternal government. But the high character
of the German bench has hitherto proved to be a suffi-
cient guarantee against bias and undue influence ; and,
after all, the benefit of the community being safe from
sewer filth and flooding is very great and cannot easily
be paid for too dearly. The idea of a discretionary
limit of publicity endangering the liberty of the subject
nowadays is one only fit for the nursery.
There are also here and there a few Germans left who
think it a doubtful testimony to a country's institutions
to have to admit that its vilest abuses can only hope to
be remedied, and its filth to be cleansed away, by the
indiscriminate action of the press pandering to the sen-
sational cravings of a half-educated public.
The German press has not yet, in its self-conscious-
ness, come to regard itself as the Augean stable-
cleansing Hercules of the community. The Germans cleansing
look abroad, and do not feel impressed by the success JressT° * e
of the press in that character in other countries. How-
ever dreamy and unpractical they may be in some
matters, they have common sense enough to suspect an
indignation, the source of which doubles the circulation,
288 Imperial Germany.
for the time, of the righteous organ of public opinion.
The one moral blot on German journalism is the
character of its advertisements ; they are not always
character of above suspicion, though flagrant cases of impropriety
are rare. Still, in the advertisement columns of the
German press, the petty spirit of hatred, spite, and
slander of the Philistine airs itself. Anonymous attacks
on personal character are occasionally met with such as
an English jury would deal with severely. But this
occurs more in places outside the main stream of
national life, in places where the press is intellectually
poor, spiteful, and contemptible. There we find sheets
that appeal to every local prejudice, alternately cringing
and slandering, blatant with beery patriotism while
living on envious tittle-tattle and scandal. Wherever
such sheets are found, it is interesting to note the want
of healthy public life, the low state of morality of the
population, and the underground spread of socialism
among the working classes. Thus, if a sound press be
not always an infallible mentor of public morals, a
vicious newspaper is a certain indicator of popular
corruption.
One tendency of the German press merits reproba-
tion : the proclivity to comment on cases under judg-
An evil ment, in contrast with the English press, which, in this
respect, is well restrained. This latter assertion as
regards the self-restraint of the English press can, how-
ever, we fear, hardly be upheld in its entirety since
recent events in South Africa. But while on important
matters restriction is advisable, needless interference is
certainly irritating and impolitic. It is a question
whether even Bismarck might not, in some instances,
have magnanimously followed the example of Frederick
the Great, who, when offensive pasquils were issued
The German Press. 289
against him, would order the placards to be put lower
down on the walls, that the people might read them the
more easily.
We have referred to the strong personal and passion-
, , _ , Toneoflhe
ate character of the German press to-day, but we cannot p«ss during
, . r J the War 011870
conclude without
a word of admi-
ration for its tone I
during the War I
of 1870. It was
worthy of a great 1
nation. Its earn- j
est tone, totally j
removed from j
bounce and blus-
ter, in those
days was as ad-
mirable as some
of its excess of
passion, when
dealing with in-
ternal party pol-
itics to-day, is to
be regretted. But Thb Towk Hal ^ Hamwro
even in dealing
with our own time there is one more word to be said.
Whatever the shortcomings of the German press may
be, it is at all events not yet venal. What that means
will be best understood when the historian of the last
quarter of this century comes to handle the interesting
subjects of Panama and South Africa.
CHAPTER XIV.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION.
If circumstances lead me, I will find
Where truth is hid, though it were hid indeed
Within the center.
— Shakespeare,
I.
' We have striven to point to a few characteristics of
Germany in the present day. In conclusion, we will
endeavor to review our impressions and add to them.
For we believe that, without being blind to its social,
political, and other shortcomings, there is much in Ger-
many to-day of the deepest interest to us.
Far be it from our thoughts that Germany is ever
destined to distance the Anglo-Saxon race in the com-
petition for the world's markets. The mass of the
aggressive German people have hitherto not shown themselves to
vitality. possess that peculiar aggressive vitality which has made
the English race the pioneers of colonization all over the
world. Though the Germans spare no pains in tapping
trade, if hard work can do it, they have hitherto not
been eager in risking human lives, and above all money,
in order to secure remote ultimate commercial results.
If this has to be done on any large scale, it will soon
mark the limits of their transoceanic enterprise. 1
l The last ten years have revealed an unexpected fund of energy and in-
dividual enterprise on the part of Germany. It is in every case, even to-
day, much too soon to mark the limits of the " likely " or the " possible "
as far as the future of German trade is concerned. Thus it is only fair to state
that the above expression of opinion can only be accepted with reserve.
290
Summary and Conclusion. 291
The present preponderant position of Germany is
owing to her great men, to the organization they have ^StS!&
effected, and to the excellent qualities of the race which *"■* men -
have made that organization possible. Whether these
qualities are likely to distance the Anglo-Saxon in the
long run only time can tell.
II.
We have found a nation on a high level of education,
and of healthy material prosperity, and whose best sons
are imbued with a rare ideality of aim and purpose.
The people are animated by a sense of duty and an
earnest devotion to work which are hardly to be sur- „
. Superior
passed in the world. In this sentiment every difference qualities,
of creed and party is submerged, until it forms a para-
mount law of ethics of universal practical application.
We see this particularly in the honesty of the adminis-
tration of the country as well as in the high standard of
rectitude and honor observable in all the educated —
notably in the professional classes. It is the moral
force underlying all this that is more instructive than
any outward success, which is merely its result. We
have found an absence of pauperism, of drunkenness,
and other forms of degradation, as striking as they are
pleasant to note.
The physical appearance of the male population when
compared with that of Austria and France shows, par-
ticularly in the North, a healthy, sturdy manliness of
bearing that is partly due to the beneficial hygienic
effects of universal military service. Also the observer
is met almost everywhere by outward evidences of prog-
ress and prosperity.
Berlin, which numbered only 100,000 inhabitants at Ber i ilL
the beginning of the century, and hardly half a million
292
Imperial Germany.
Suburbs.
Public
buildings.
Hamburg.
in 1870, possesses now a population of 1,500,000. The
Berlin University, only founded at the beginning of the
century, to-day boasts the£/£feof intellectual Germany in
its staff of professors, and attracts the greatest number of
students of any German university — over four thousand.
Whole suburbs have sprung into existence — to the
west, consisting of beautiful private houses ; elsewhere,
factories and works have arisen, reechoing the sound of
the hammer and anvil and steam. The town that only
yesterday was noted for its monotonous, lifeless streets,
has now outstripped every town in Europe, except Lon-
don, in the plenitude of its bustle and life.
Public buildings, such as the head post-office, the
new town-hall, the different barracks, strike the eye by
their vast dimensions, and the new Reichstag building
when finished bids fair to become the grandest building
of its kind in the world.
Nor does Berlin stand alone in the outward signs of
increased prosperity. Towns such as Frankfort-on-the-
Main, Munich, Magdeburg, Breslau, Stuttgart, Carls-
ruhe, Cologne, Dusseldorf, Dresden, Leipzig, and many
others, have wonderfully improved in appearance, as
also gained in material riches. Everywhere new streets
of palatial buildings have risen, and there are now
dozens of towns in Germany the shop windows of which
could vie with any in England outside London.
Hamburg, the Venice of the North, has become one
of the finest towns of Europe. Over $40,000,000 have
been expended upon her harbor and warehouses ; and
her commercial activity can be gauged by the one fact
that within the last few years she has outstripped Lon-
don as a coffee mart. Hamburg has become one of the
largest seaports in the world. The tonnage of her ship-
ping already exceeds that of Liverpool.
Summary and Conclusion.
As for Strassburg, the German rule in ten years has stni9Sbu „
done more than the French did in two hundred. The
new university building alone well repays a visit.
Modern public buildings of every kind in Germany
show a grandeur and solidity of monumental architecture
rarely met with elsewhere. That the soldiers' barracks
to be found in almost every large town are gigantic barracks.
structures will surprise no one. In towns such as Ber-
lin, Dresden, and Munich, they form almost separate
quarters of their own. But it is the cleanliness and
order that particularly strike the eye. The town-halls,
the post-offices particularly, and even the police-stations,
and the prisons of even second-rate towns, are generally
imposing edifices and models of order and cleanliness.
Even the day-schools are large buildings, uniting excel-
lent practical accommodation with chaste architectural
style.
The theaters of towns such as Dresden, Frankfort,
Leipzig, Berlin, and many others, hardly need a word
The Court Theater, Dresden.
of encomium on the score of their elegance and solidity.
Whether large or small, their construction and adminis- Thettaa,
tration are such, that, whereas hundreds of lives have
been lost by theater fires in England, France, Italy,
294
Imperial Germany.
Municipal
organisation.
Bridges and
stations.
Austria, and even in America, during the last twenty-
years, no such misfortune has happened in Germany.
Those who look closer for indirect evidences of
healthy national life cannot fail to be impressed with the
excellent municipal organization that regulates town life.
Everywhere unexceptional order and cleanliness have
replaced the old sleepy conditions of the past. Part of
this is undoubtedly due to the very superior class of
men from whom are chosen the mayors and town coun-
cillors of the larger German cities. Men of the stamp of
Von Forckenbeck, late mayor of Berlin, Dr. Miguel,
some years ago mayor of Frankfort-on-the-Main, to-day
Prussian Minister of Finance, have undoubtedly done
much to raise the character of municipal administration
in Germany. 1
The splendid bridges over the Rhine and other rivers
are notable instances of excellence of design combined
with solidity of work. The railway stations, even of
towns such as Hanover, Magdeburg, and Strassburg,
are beyond anything we have to show outside London ;
while Berlin, Munich, and Frankfort-on-the-Main and,
latterly, Cologne, each possess a station on a larger scale
than our largest — the Midland, at St. Pancras. The
Frankfort station — the largest in the world — covers an
area of 33,852 square yards, and is, we believe, a third
larger than St. Pancras. It cost over $7,500,000, half
of which was contributed by the state and the other half
by the town. The new railway stations at Dresden on
both sides of the river Elbe will, when completed, be
unique. With their approaches and other work con-
nected with their construction they are expected to cost
l As an instance of the healthiness of municipal government in Germany, it
may be mentioned, that the Berlin municipality closed the financial year of
1887 with a surplus of $955,000.
Prosperity.
Summary and Conclusion, 295
the enormous sum of $16,500,000. This is poor mili-
tary tax-ridden groaning Germany.
Everywhere, over hill and dale, are to be found fresh
evidences of the vital energy pulsating through every
artery of the country. Even country roads are uni-
formly kept in such order as contrasts strongly with the
fate of some of our splendid old highways since the
introduction of steam. In fact, to the naked eye as far
as the observer is able to judge of a nation's material
condition by the outward evidence of her prosperity,
Germany is materially far and away the most prosper-
ous country in Europe.
III.
Turning from these outward tangible evidences of
national life, we find, on closer examination, that the
population itself is far better off than we were accus-
tomed to believe. If the happiness of a people be
judged by its savings, the German masses seem to
stand almost as well as the English of their own class.
According to statistics, there are 525 million dollars
in German savings banks, whereas, in English savings
banks there are only 400 millions. And this does not
include the numerous small investors in German govern-
ment stock, a class (until lately, through the Post-Office
Savings Bank) practically non-existent in England.
According to another series of statistics, the wealth of Wea i t h
England is calculated as representing $1,245 to each in- P erca P lta -
habitant, whereas every German is only credited with
$700. Now if it be borne in mind that the enormous for-
tunes of England are practically unknown in Germany,
that, in fact, incomes even of $5,000 a year are compara-
tively rare there, the above-quoted average must show a
high standard of income for the masses of the population.
296 Imperial Germany.
With regard to the indebtedness of the state the
following authentic tabulation of figures is also very
suggestive :
SuteindcU- Up to the year 1875 the new German Empire found itself in
the most enviable position of being entirely free from debt.
In that same year, however, the empire borrowed the modest
sum of $2,425,000, but it did not really spend this amount
until three years later. From 1875 down to the present year
the empire has contracted loans every year without exception,
so that on April 1, 1895, twenty years alter the first loan was
effected, the imperial debt had attained the respectable total of
$507,128,125. The sum received amounted to $31,339,135 less
than the nominal figure. Of the present debt $109,125,000
are at four per cent, $189,271,250 at three and one half per
cent, and $206,246,250 at three per cent. In the current finan-
cial year 1896-97 the German government has borrowed rather
less than $10,790,000, being the smallest loan it has contracted
since 1S75. In the financial year 1888-89 i* borrowed $95,-
726,875 ; in 1890-91, $74,265*625 ; in 1887-88, $53,835.«» ; in
1893-94, $48,500,000; in 1892-93, $35,708,125; and in 1894-95,
$29,172,750. Of the total amount received by way of loans
$304,216,250 have been spent on the army, $67,596,875 on the
navy, $63,535,000 on railways and military defenses connected
therewith, and $15,216,875 on postal and telegraphic service.
Cost of the ^ ne B^tic Canal has cost the empire $25,523,125, while
Baltic Canal. $i2,6io.ooo have been expended on bringing the free ports of
Bremen and Hamburg into the Imperial Customs Union. It is
pointed out that though the German Empire has thus within
twenty years run up a national debt of nearly $525,000,000,
nevertheless, it possesses valuable assets as the result of this
expenditure. The lands and buildings which it has acquired
through the loans for the army are estimated to be worth
$218,250,000. The railways ^and property relating thereto)
which it has secured are valued at $169,750,000, and the
postal and telegraphic offices at $72,750,000. Apart from this,
however, the imperial government possesses a war treasure in
hard cash amounting to $29,100,000, besides various other
items, including unspent balances and credits amounting to
more than double the value of the war treasure.
Summary and Conclusion. 297
Aristotle said, long ago, that the salvation of a
country in a crisis must lie in its middle classes : in Jhe P ^ddie e ° f
their increase lies its hope of permanence and pros- classes -
perity. The tendency in England is to increase prop-
erty in the hands of a few individuals, leaving an
impoverished middle class, and cutting off the hope of
the poorer classes ever rising into the middle class.
The problem of the moment is to prevent this accumu-
lation of immense fortunes in few hands and to spread
the wealth throughout the country. This problem the
Germans seem to be in the way of solving more satisfac-
torily than the English.
How comes it then, will be asked, if so many things
are satisfactory in Germany, that a party such as the the social
Social Democrats, bent on the subversion of everything
existing, has so many followers that it has been able to
send over forty of its representatives to the Reichstag ?
How comes it that Germany has had to use such repress-
ive measures against the socialists that towns such as
Berlin, Leipzig, Hamburg, Stettin, Frankfort, Offenbach,
etc. , have been proclaimed in a continued modified state
of siege in order to enable the authorities to cope with
them V
The main reason why it has become so seems to us to
be in the main : First, because of the high and yet Three causes,
politically most defective education of the masses;
second, because the introduction of universal suffrage
has enabled them to make their opinions felt. (This
measure has been considered a grave precipitancy on
the part of Bismarck ; but neither he nor anybody else
could have foreseen that within ten years of attaining
national unity, a million of voters would pin their faith
1 This is no longer the case since the retirement of Prince Bismarck — but
the suggestiveness of such a recent state of things remains.
298
Imperial Germany.
The gospel
of bate.
A social
problem.
to a party to which the idea of national existence even
seems a secondary consideration.) Third, because of
the very character of the masses themselves, who are
less influenced by military splendor, in some senses more
sober and less enthusiastically patriotic than elsewhere.
Hence their care for the supremacy of their class inter-
ests is less interfered with by other considerations. This
is distinctly proved by the great strides the movement
has made amidst victory and commercial success. Part
of the spread of socialism must also be put down more
to the gospel of hate than to that of hope ; for, although
some of the socialist leaders are men of undoubted high
principle and purity of motive, yet much of the envy and
Schadenfreude — malicious joy — peculiar to Philistinism
have gone to swell the number of their adherents. Eng-
lishmen talk of class hatred ; but it is in Germany that
true class hatred exists.
In England the trades unions, which had their origin
in the unspeakable social misery of the working classes,
have acted as valves, carrying off superfluous steam.
Such have been to a great extent prevented in Germany,
and as life is of a less depressing character to the work-
ingman, secret combinations of this kind have been less
resorted to. Socialism has more of an abstract or philo-
sophic basis than the narrower aims of English trades
unions. As a high Prussian legal authority expressed
it, we educate the masses to look upon the will of the
majority as law. What can we say, when the time
comes for them to turn round, and, using our own argu-
ments, to aver that being in a majority their will is law?
This is the problem the statesmen of the future will have
to face. Not the dearth or plenty- of wages will influ-
ence its course. We find the Knights of Labor in
America, where wages are high and employment plenti-
Summary and Conclusion. 299
fill. It is part and parcel of the increased fierceness of
the struggle for existence of our time.
Whereas in Austria active brains have stiH an easy
victory over laziness and stupidity, in Germany — partic- ^JJjgJjl^
ularly in the North — intelligence is already grappling
Bridge over the Elbe, Hamburg.
with intelligence in the fierce struggle for existence, and
breeds socialism in all the great centers of commerce and
manufacture.
As it fell to the French in the last century to deal with
feudal aristocracy, so it will probably fall to the lot of
Germany to grapple with the problem of this century
first. Not because the conditions of its laboring classes
are the most onerous — far from it ; but for the reasons
given above, which place them in the front rank in
clamoring for recognition.
The late emperor William, in his message of February,
3<x> Imperial Germany.
1 88 1, to the working classes, recognized their right to be
considered by the state, and the subsequent laws in favor
of insurance in case of sickness, in case of accident, and,
lastly, for provision for old age, have since emphasized
his words. How far these measures will answer, the
future alone can show. Those who prophesy a black
future for the country from socialism may be right, but
they would be strangely short-sighted if they surmised
that these social problems will have to be solved only in
Germany. They will come to the fore in all other coun-
internationai tries, ! and it is very questionable whether they will find
other countries in the long run more prepared to meet
the shock. For in Germany there exists a counter-
weight in the fact that the land is largely in posses-
sion of the people, which will tell its tale in favor of
compromise ; whereas those countries will feel the inev-
itable upheaval of the masses most in which the people
are most dissatisfied with the social and economical
conditions of their existence.
IV.
The short reign of Frederick III. and its sequels have
thrown a lurid light on the bitter party divisions of the
country. Of the socialists we have spoken, though they
are little understood in England. You must have lived
in Germany to understand. The ultra-Liberals are only
in a degree less opposed to every measure on which
German parties, authority rests in Prussia. The Roman Catholics have
proved that they recognize an allegiance beyond the
Alps, above the loyalty to the sovereign — yes, even
perhaps above national interests. The Conservatives,
although possessing many lofty characters in their
ranks, are as a party too selfish, narrow-minded, and
l The events of the last ten years have tended to confirm this view.
Summary and Conclusion. 301
slow ever to be able to wield decisive parliamentary
influence. The intellectual backbone of the country is
perhaps to be found in what until recently was the
National-Liberal party, though, in its turn, it is any- The National-
thing but a homogeneous body to-day and sadly dimin- Llberal party -
ished in members. Doctrinarism is the plague-spot of
the National- Liberal and Liberal parties. The con-
scientious politician-professor is the bugbear of German
politics, and his enthusiastic admiration of English insti-
tutions not the least suspicious element of his creed.
It is invariably derived from book-knowledge, or from
a very short stay in England. Nor must we omit the
old ' ' Particularistic ' ' element — the term which signifies The « Particu-
the feeling of loyalty the German possesses for his dement"
particular petty sovereign. This sentiment has grown
in intensity — more particularly in Bavaria — since the
retirement of Prince Bismarck, and with it a certain
ill-concealed antagonism toward the spirit of northern
Prussia.
These irreconcilable parties and currents of feeling
and the very character of the German people, of which
they are typical, do not hold out a guarantee that par-
liamentarianism, particularly that of a single, all-powerful
chamber, is suited to the character or requirements of
the nation. 1 On the contrary, it is the seed-ground of
peril for the future. In its bosom are the future allies
of the socialists — the Catholics. 2 The danger that lies
in a possible social propaganda of the Catholics can be
surmised when we look at Ireland. It is a democratic,
almost socialistic, movement.
1 Since Prince Bismarck's retirement the attendance of the members of the
Reichstag has dropped off to such an extent that the caterer in the building
finds his occupation gone — he cannot make it pay.
s This statement, hazarded nearly ten years ago, has come very near to
being an accomplished fact to-day.
302
Imperial Germany.
Power of the
Catholic party.
Division of its
opponents.
The Catholic Congress at Freiburg in September,
1888, distinctly pointed in the direction of Catholic par-
ticipation in projects of social reform — the care for the
masses. It is only necessary to bear in mind the power
of the Catholic party in the country and in the Reichs-
tag to feel that, once it joins hands with the democratic
faction, it will be a hot time for the moderate Liberals
representing the resisting bulk of the middle classes.
On these lines there is undoubtedly a powerful opening
for the Catholic party. '
For, if it is strong in itself, it is even stronger by the
hopeless divisions of its political opponents. A party
that presents a united parliamentary phalanx literally, in
the words of Lord Tennyson, stands
Four square to every wind that blows —
even when the object of its policy is almost anti-national;
it may well bid its enemies beware, if once its policy
should be such as to attract the sympathies of large
classes of the population.
The many endeavors to lessen the services of Prince
Bismarck by seeking to increase the credit of others
has, like previous attempts, signally failed. Surely his
reputation has no need of borrowed plumes. But public
opinion has always wanted to know exactly whence
everything originated. It can never be believed that
the late emperor Frederick wished the world should
know, by his diary, that he had been far more in
the work of unity than had hitherto been acknowl-
edged. This would be in too striking contrast with the
conduct of his great father.
People already ask themselves what will become of
1 This was written first in 1887 ; to-day the Catholic party is the most
powerful in the Reichstag.
Summary and Conclusion. 303
the country and these elements oi discord in times
to come when Bismarck has long passed away. Why '
has he trained no successors ? But surely neither Pitt,
Canning, nor Wellington left any successors either.
The state is like a ship that has been guided through
shoals, Bismarck at least has left it with a model work-
ing system. If he somewhat lavishly used up the ad-
ministrative capacity of the country, in one particular,
the working material of the nation stands untarnished,
supreme — the army. Amidst all the bitterness of politi-
cal discussion, its chief, Field-Marshal von Moltke,
recendy passed like a classic shadow of antiquity from
the scene, after himself appointing his successor. Thus
all those who are intent on retaining the means of de- \
veloping everything that is to be valued in a nation must '
group themselves around the army. The time may
come when all this may be sufficiently safeguarded by
304 Imperial Germany.
the free expression of public opinion, but it is not yet.
In the meantime the temper of the nation makes it
very unlikely that it will embark in Quixotic adventures,
such as the French, by their constitutional, periodical
bloody outbreaks, have indulged in and suffered from.
Perhaps the most useful lesson the study of Ger-
many teaches us to-day is, that laissez-faire as a system
An important of social and political advancement — between an aristoc-
lesson.
racy of the past and a democracy of the future playing
at cross purposes — is no longer the only shibboleth
to swear by. A few additional watchwords can hardly
fail to be suggested by an impartial study of Germany
of to-day.
APPENDIX.
APPENDIX.
THE GERMAN EMPIRE.
The history of Germany since 1815 has been one of
continual growth from monarchical toward "constitu-
tional government, and of the unity of the many Central
European states under one head.
At the outbreak of the French Revolution Germany
was a composite of nearly three hundred petty states,
principalities, and cities loosely bound by ties of race
but without political unity.
After Napoleon had fallen, the Congress of Vienna Him
was called together to settle all European disputes and ' ' s
define bounda-
ries. Then came
a federation
of the German
states under the
guidance of a
Diet of sixty -five
members and ;
committee of
seventeen which
filled the places
of an Upper and
Lower House.
Austria presided at all sittings, and the powers of these
two bodies were curtailed as much as possible in order
to leave greater independence to the individual states.
1 From "Governments of the World To- Day," by Hamblen Seats, published
3o8
Imperial Germany.
Demand for
constitutions.
The " Holy
Alliance."
In time of war the federation put itself under the guid-
ance of the Diet entirely, and this central authority-
settled the difficulties between the states. The king-
doms of Denmark and the Netherlands had each a
membership. Owing to the unsettled condition of
affairs and the incomplete powers given it, the federa-
tion soon lost caste.
It was not long before a reaction from the settlements
agreed upon by the sovereigns at the Vienna Congress
set in, and the people of Germany began to think and
act for themselves. The students all over the north
and south of Germany formed a party of reform, de-
manding free press, universal suffrage, individual con-
stitutions, etc., and in 1818 they won a constitution in
Bavaria. In the next year Wurtemberg followed
Bavaria's example. To curtail this republican tendency
Metternich, prime minister of Austria, called the Carls-
bad Congress in August, where the monarchical idea
was enforced. Censorship of the press followed, and
the rule of princes was pushed forward on all sides.
From that time until 1830 there was a conflict between
the two parties, ever growing stronger and fiercer. On
the whole, through the influence of Metternich, the
monarchical idea gained the ascendency. He formed a
union between Austria, Prussia, and Russia, called the
"Holy Alliance/ ' which had for its object the destruc-
tion of constitutions and the enforcement of the rule of
irresponsible ministries. Assemblies were closed ; the
rights of the press were curtailed, and in all parts of
Germany the student element of free thought was sup-
pressed.
All through the years from 1830 to 1848 there came
individual cries for freedom of speech and suffrage. It
was the modern demand of each man to be allowed to
Appe?idix. 309
govern himself, fighting against the medieval practice of
making the mass of humanity subservient to a few
hereditary princes, and it came naturally from the
growth of popular education. At a meeting in 1847,
Heppenheim, an advanced leader in the South, proposed
a representative government for all Germany. This
was followed at Heidelberg on March 5, 1848, by a
self- assembled meeting which decided to call a national
congress to consider a proposition of a parliament of
the many independent states of Germany. The result
was the famous National Assembly at Frankfort, which The Frankfort
J Assembly.
came together May 1, 1848, and was composed of three
hundred and twenty delegates.
This was the first body of reformers that had gained
any standing, and it was the first result of the struggles
since 18 16. The old German Diet had already lost
caste. John, archduke of Austria, became president of
the Assembly and administrator of Germany, and all
seemed to promise well for a solution of the great ques-
tion. Unfortunately for the peace of Germany, the
Assembly never came to any satisfactory conclusions,
though it sat for many months, on account of the fact
that it could not settle who and what should be the head
of Germany itself. Out of the discussions, however,
grew two parties that ruled the politics until 1871.
Germany must be united. This could be accomplished
in one way by putting Austria at the head of the Con- Austria vs.
federation or in another by throwing out Austria
altogether and forming a union under Prussia. Caused
partly by the elections for the National Assembly, and
partly by the same ideas that suggested the Assembly
itself, an era of popular feeling and the demand for pop-
ular sovereignty gained the ascendency in 1848-49. It
was the same in all Europe. After the February Revo-
Prussia.
3io
Imperial Germany.
Revolution of
1848.
Bismarck
emerges.
lution in Paris, there came a revolution in Germany. In
Vienna, on the 13th of March, the students gained con-
trol of the city. Emperor Ferdinand was forced to
abdicate. Immediately following came similar scenes in
Prague, and on the 18th a revolution broke out in
Berlin. King Frederick William IV. was forced to
grant a constitution to Prussia, which went into effect
February 26, 1849.
At this point Prussia began to take a more important
place in German affairs. It was now a contest between
Austria and Prussia for the leadership. Count Bismarck
of Prussia had been at the National Assembly and had
there made up his mind that the only way to unite Ger-
many was to create an authority strong enough to com-
pel obedience to its will, and then to unite the many
states into a confederation under its leadership. He
proposed to make Prussia that power. From 1850 to
1 87 1 the growth of that power was the direct outcome
of Bismarck's policy, and it became the final means of
accomplishing the German Empire.
The Schleswig-Holstein question is a difficult one to
understand, and is to-day of little importance. It was,
however, the cause of open hostilities between Austria
and Prussia, and the consequent settlement of the diffi-
culties arising from their rivalry. Prussia and Austria
took possession of both Schleswig and Holstein on be-
half of the Confederation, which claimed jurisdiction
over both, by force of arms in 1864, on account of a
dispute in regard to the question of succession there.
Christian IX. was obliged to sign a treaty ceding both
duchies to Prussia and Austria jointly. Hence Prussia
and Austria came to rule in the North in common. This
could not last long when the two powers were rivals,
and it was less than two years before Prussia, charging
Appendix. 311
Austria with breaking the treaty in calling an assembly
in Holstein on her own authority, interfered and forced
her to declare war. Meantime, in 1861, William, the
future emperor, had become king of Prussia and with Prussia defeats
*■ t & . Austria.
the aid of Bismarck as chancellor had been steadily
increasing and strengthening the army, so that in 1866
Prussia was able in seven weeks totally to defeat Austria
by one of the most remarkable campaigns in history.
The North German Confederation was formed with
Prussia at its head and all the small states of Northern
Germany as members. Bavaria, Wiirtemberg, and
Baden still held aloof, but they formed treaties with
the Confederation — Austria was compelled to with-
draw.
From that time until 1870 Prussia was increasing in
power and the Confederation was uniting within itself
more firmly until the final act toward the unification of
all Germany came in the war with France. Napoleon
III. was hostile to Prussia and its wonderful growth ;
and in his uncertain position as usurper in France,
he was obliged to win some victory to impress his power
upon the French and keep their confidence. An oppor-
tunity offered itself in the neutralization of Luxemburg,
which was contrary to Napoleon's wish ; and, finally,
when William I. refused to prevent, at Napoleon's
solicitation, one of his own family, Prince Leopold of
Hohenzollern, from becoming king of Spain, war was Prussian War.
declared on the 15th of July, 1870. Prussia at once
sent her forces to Strassburg and Metz, and after the
defeat of the French at Saarbriick and the retreat to
Metz, came the three fights about the city which ruined
that portion of Napoleon's army. The final fight at
Sedan on September 2, and the surrender of Paris on
January 28, 187 1, ended the war. Bavaria, Wiirtem-
312 Imperial Germany.
berg, and Baden immediately joined the North German
Confederation on January 1 8 at Versailles in offering the
crown of emperor to King William, and Germany was
united at last under one head. France ceded Alsace
and Lorraine to Germany and paid five milliards of
francs as a war indemnity.
The constitution of the empire, adopted at the close
Constitutions, of the war with Austria in 1867, was accepted with few
changes on April 16, 1871, by all the twenty-five states
of the empire. It is unique in history, being as it is a
union of states of different forms of government under
an hereditary head with imperial powers. After the
preamble and the list of states in the Confederation, the
constitution provides that all federal laws take prece-
dence over state laws. Equal rights are to be held by
citizens of all the states. The matters over which the
legislative part of the government has jurisdiction are
then classified under fifteen heads. They include all
jurisdiction in the matter of posts and telegraph, rail-
roads, waterways, military and naval affairs, measures of
public health, and a common system of weights, meas-
ures, and money ; also the establishment of measures
relating to the rights of citizens and foreigners within
the empire or their movements between the states or
into and away from the frontier; the establishment of
laws for the purpose of revenue and customs or internal
taxes, of banking, patent and copyright laws, and the
protection of German commerce abroad by consular
representation ; finally, the establishment of a common
code for the punishment of crime and for civil pro-
cedure, the enforcement of judicial documents in the
different states, and the protection and care of traffic on
interstate waterways and roads. The legislative part of
the imperial government is in two houses, the Federal
"I
Appendix. 313
Council (Bundesrath) and the House of Representa-
tives (Reichstag).
The Bundesrath is composed of sixty-two members,
who are appointed by the governments of the different Bundesrath.
states, each state having a certain number in proportion
to its magnitude and having only the number of votes
equal to its membership. Any member may propose
motions and the president must bring them before the
body. The chancellor of the empire is the president,
and the Bundesrath sits with closed doors. It appoints
seven permanent committees, viz., army, navy, taxa-
tion, commerce, railways, post and telegraph, justice,
and finance, and the appointments are so arranged that
two states at least are represented in each committee
exclusive of the president. The Bundesrath meets
annually, and no man can be a member of both houses
at once, though the members of the Upper House can
take seats in the Reichstag.
The Reichstag meets annually also and is composed
of three hundred and ninety-seven members elected by
Reichstsi?
universal suffrage, about one to every one hundred and
seventeen thousand, but if a member receives any
government office he must be reelected to the Reichs-
tag. The debates are public and verbatim reports
are published. The Reichstag can propose measures
and send them up to the Bundesrath, as well as any
petitions submitted to it. Its term is five years (before
1890 three years). It can only be dissolved by a vote
of the Bundesrath, and must then be summoned within
sixty days and meet again within ninety days of dissolu-
tion. The Reichstag regulates the power of its mem-
bers under the constitution, and the members while in
active service are free from any indemnity or arrest,
unless taken in the act. All votes are by absolute
3H
Imperial Germany.
Emperor.
Judiciary.
majority of the total number of members, and as each
member represents the whole country he cannot be
held by any decree of his electors or of any one else.
No member, as such, receives any salary.
The supreme authority is hereditary in the crown of
Prussia, and the emperor has the right to receive and
credit foreign ambassadors and emissaries, curtailed
somewhat by the advice and consent of the Bundesrath.
He calls the Bundesrath and Reichstag together and
dismisses them. He appoints the chancellor of the em-
pire and with him the ministers of state. The emperor
sees to the execution of the laws after they have passed
both houses, and he has the power to bring forward
bills in the Reichstag and in the Bundesrath. In his
office of executor of the decrees of the legislatures he
has authority to carry them out in all the states, even to
the use of force.
In the matter of customs the empire is a unit and all
legislation is for all parts of the country, except in the
free cities of Hamburg, Bremen, and Lubeck, and they
are at present free within their small city limits. Fed-
eral authority, also, has the legislation of tariff and
excise on all kinds of produce. The expenses are
estimated by a budget voted by the two houses in
advance and submitted annually. In case of need, the
exchequers of the several states may be drawn upon or
a loan negotiated by the passage of a federal law. The
emperor is obliged to render an account of receipts and
expenditures annually.
There is a circuit court (Amtsgericht) in each large
township, over which are Landsgerichte with a right of
revision over the decisions of the Amtsgerichte. The
Oberlandsgerichte stand above these in turn and are
twenty-seven in number, extending over certain large
Appendix. 315
tracts of land that sometimes include several states. The
final court of appeals and for trial of cases of treason—
the Supreme Court of the empire — is situated at Leipzig, *
where there are seventy-nine judges appointed by the
emperor with the consent of the Bundesrath. They are
divided into four criminal and six civil senates.
The emperor as the executor of the empire appoints
the ministers, who are responsible and who by custom Administration,
resign when a vote is passed in both houses against
them, or when their advice is not followed. These have
charge under the chancellor of the different departments
of state. They are : the minister of foreign affairs,
minister of interior, of justice, of finance, of the post and
telegraph, and of the navy. These ministers do not,
however, constitute a cabinet, because much work is
done by the permanent committees in the Bundesrath.
The German army is the most thoroughly organized
and scientifically arranged body of men in the world. It
, . . - - . Army and navy.
is composed in time of peace of 492,000 men and
officers, and in time of war of 2,234,631, counting all
branches. These are divided into nineteen Corps d' Ar-
mee, besides a Prussian Guard , and they are distributed
through the empire, eleven in Prussia and the rest
among the other states. Every German who is seven-
teen years old and able-bodied is liable under the con-
stitution of the empire to service, and but for the peace
limit would be obliged to serve seven years — three in
active service and four in the reserves. Besides these
seven years, he is obliged to belong to the Landwehr
for ^\t. years more and to appear for drill for several
weeks during each year. Owing to the necessity of
having the army distinctly under one head, the Reichs-
tag votes the money for its support once in seven
years instead of annually. This is known as the Sep-
3 J 6
Imperial Germany,
State con-
stitutions.
The
Herrenhaus.
tennate. Germany has seventeen fortified towns of the
first class and nineteen more of different sizes and
strength, and they are connected by underground tele-
graph wires and by a strategic system of railroads.
Since 1871, the German navy has had a large growth.
The increase in colonial possessions has called for a
navy to protect German commerce and German interests
abroad. There are 213 ships with 18,500 men.
The state constitutions of Germany have come down
from feudal times and they have, therefore, totally
different traditions and sources. The final union in
1 87 1 found a heterogeneous group of independent
states, therefore, so jealous of their prerogatives that it
was necessary to make as few changes as possible in
each case. The Prussian constitution, however, is a
sufficiently good example to suggest the others. In
the early part of the century there existed only an
irresponsible ministry, as in all German duchies, with a
council appointed by the king. After the revolution in
March, 1849, came the grant from Frederick William
IV. of a constitution. It went into effect in January,
1850, and remains substantially the same to-day, sup-
plying a basis for the formation of the imperial govern-
ment. The king appoints a council, including a presi-
dent — since 1871 he is also chancellor of the empire — a
vice-president, and a minister of the interior, a secretary
of state for the interior, a minister of war, of public
works, of agriculture, of justice, of worship and finance,
and these are all responsible to and removable by the
king.
The Herrenhaus, or the House of Lords, includes
princes, nobles, distinguished persons raised to the
peerage, representatives of the universities and of the
church, and burgomasters of the large towns. There
Appendix. 317
are also some members appointed by the crown not .
necessarily for life. The Abgeordnetenhaus contains Jb| eordne _
four hundred and thirty-two members, elected at the te ««»aus.
rate of one for every sixty-six thousand inhabitants.
Their system of elections is, however, different from
that in the empire .; for the citizens vote by classes for
electors, who in turn vote for the representatives instead
of having direct suffrage by the people.
The other states of the empire are governed by con-
stitutions which vary in many details as a result of
diverse social and political conditions.
Alsace and Lorraine, acquired as a result of the
Franco- Prussian War of 1871, are imperial provinces
directly under the rule of the federal Parliament and
presided over in the name of the emperor by a stadt-
holder and an Upper House of twelve members ap-
pointed by the emperor for three years. There is a
Lower House of fifty-eight members elected by a
limited suffrage. The inhabitants until within a few
years have voted bodily against the empire and their
enforced allegiance, and in the Reichstag their fifteen
representatives have, until 1887, voted unanimously
against the government, but of late there are signs of a
division of opinion among them though the majority is
still strong against the government.
The history of Germany since 1871 is best followed
briefly in the three or four important questions which H^ tor y since
have consumed the attention of all interested in the
political growth of the empire. After 1871 it became
the work of the government to foster the unity and
peace of the empire. Under the aged emperor, William
I., and Prince Bismarck as chancellor, the establishment
of a universal system of money, weights, and measures
was the first work. These acts had to be discussed in
31 8 Imperial Germany*
•
the Reichstag and the feeling in the south of Germany,
still strong against Prussia, added to the difference of
faith, quickly created several parties among the mem-
bers. The Prussian members, strongly in favor of the
pouticai government, formed the Conservative ; the Catholics
parties. formed what has been called the , Center ; those de-
siring a more liberal interpretation of the laws of press
censorship, worship, education, etc. , formed the National-
Liberal party, and gradually the old republican-student
sentiment throughout the empire created a party called
the Social Democracy, which includes many of the
dissatisfied and radical members. There are several
subdivisions, but these four parties substantially repre-
sent the great party divisions.
In 1887, to secure the passage of the seven-year
budget for the army, the Conservatives, the National-
Liberals, and the German Imperialists combined at the
elections in order to gain a greater number of voters
and representatives. This Cartel, or Bund, was and is
still called the Cartel party.
On the 9th of March, 1888, the emperor died. Prince
Emperor Frederick, who succeeded him, had been suffering from
what finally proved to be cancer of the larynx and he
survived his father only a few months, ieaving behind
little work done, but having called forth a great venera-
tion from his subjects on account of his peaceful,
lenient spirit and his deep love for his countrymen* s
welfare. He died June 15, 1888, and was succeeded
by his son William, who took the title of William II.
The young emperor is a soldier following the policy of
his grandfather. He spent the first year and a half of
his reign in traveling and visiting other crowned heads
in Europe. In the spring of 1890 a disagreement be-
tween him and the aged chancellor caused Bismarck's
Frederick.
Appendix. • 319
resignation and the appointment of General von Caprivi,
who had been chief of the admiralty for several years.
The principal question since the formation of the
empire has been that of the position of the Catholics
and the pope with reference to the government through-
out the empire.
The formation of the Center, or Catholic party, was
the commencement of the struggle. Its original grew Kuiturkampf.
out of the refusal of the emperor, in 1871, to acknowl-
edge the doctrine that the pope was infallible and that
he had the right claimed under the old empire to
enforce decrees in temporal matters contrary to the
laws of the empire. The specific cause of the trouble
grew out of several acts similar to that of the bishop of
Eruland, who excommunicated a man who refused to
give credence to the infallibility doctrine. The bishop
was summarily dismissed from his office by the state
because of his contempt for its authority and disregard
of free thought, and then followed the dismissal of the
Catholic department in the ministry of public worship
and education. Herr Falk, on January 17, 1872, was
appointed to succeed Muehler in the position of minister
of education and worship, because he was more in
sympathy with the government. Then began a series
of legislative acts replacing the authority of the state
where the Catholics had exercised power over people of
their faith in temporal matters. A law for the inspec-
tion of schools by the state was passed first. At this
the pope refused to receive Cardinal Hohenlohe as
German ambassador in May, and when in June the
Jesuits and similar branches of the Catholic Church
were expelled from all Germany, the contest became an {^tweeli
open one between the emperor and the pope. Was ^f 6 ™^
the imperial authority to be supreme, or was it to allow
32o
Imperial Germany.
The " May
Laws."
Papal
encyclical.
a power to exist in its midst that it confessedly was
obliged to obey? The next ten years was one long
contest upon that point. In 1873, in the month of
May, Herr Falk, at Bismarck's dictation, brought for-
ward and carried in the Reichstag what are known as
the May Laws, the repeal of which was the one task of
the Center party in the Reichstag from that time forth.
These May Laws made the discharge and exile of
bishops legal when they acted against the decrees of
the existing government. They made it obligatory that
every bishop be educated in a gymnasium or public
high school, according to the regular German system,
and they established an imperial court for the settlement
of ecclesiastical difficulties. This last virtually took the
decision in religious matters away from the church into
the hands of the state. In 1874 a supplementary law
making it criminal for bishops who had been dismissed
to persist in exercising their former prerogatives, was
added to the list ; for after the laws of 1873, the
Catholic clergy at the decree of the pope had gone
on with their work as before. Finally, in 1875, January
25, a law was carried through the Reichstag establish-
ing civil as well as religious marriage.
It became necessary to pass an act in March, 1875,
prohibiting any payment to bishops who had not put in
writing under oath their promise to obey all the laws of
the state, and on February 10, 1876, the legislation
against the Catholics finally reached its height in a law
making it a criminal offense to use the pulpit for politi-
cal purposes. Pius IX. issued an encyclical against the
emperor and denied his right to make any such decrees,
and the affair seemed likely to take all the attention of
the empire.
At this point there came a sudden change. Pius IX.
Appendix. 321
died in 1877. Leo XIII. and his cardinal, Franchi, be-
gan in a more conciliatory manner, and then, too, the
stability of the empire was much more firmly established
than four years before. There began to appear in. one Reconciliation
• •, • x 1 t with Rome -
section and another a desire for some settlement. In
May, 1878, the government filled several unoccupied
bishoprics and Leo XIII. confirmed them all. At this
time, several of the larger bishoprics were vacant, the
press was under such a surveillance that the enforcement
of the law caused constant imprisonments, and it be-
came evident that the movement had gone too far. At
the same time, in the Reichstag, Herr Windhorst, who
was and had been since 1873 the indefatigable leader of
the Catholics in all their opposition to Bismarck, had
made so perfect a party organization of his followers
that they could prevent any measure from going through
the house that did not have the other parties unani-
mously on its side. It is partly due to this obstructive
power and largely to Bismarck's desire to put through
his bills for raising revenue and for bettering the condi-
tion of the laboring classes, especially the tobacco
monopoly bills, that gradually an agreement was come to
between Windhorst and himself, so that in 1879 mutual Mutual
concessions became still more the order of the day. The
pope granted the right of the government to demand
allegiance to the civil laws from all bishops (the Anzeig-
erpflicht). The dismissal of Falk followed on July 13,
as a concession to the Catholics, for he had been their
greatest enemy. In 1880 things began to promise
better, when suddenly Cardinal Franchi died and Car-
dinal Nina, an enemy to Germany, became the diplomatic
minister of the church, and affairs came to a standstill
again. Gradually, however, more concessions were
wrung from Prussia and the enforcement of the May
concessions.
322
Imperial Germany.
Power of the
Catholic party.
Social
democracy.
Laws was largely put into the emperor' s hands, with the
power of using his personal judgment with regard to
their strict interpretation. The fight could not be kept
up, since the Center could prevent the government from
doing anything else. It is, however, false to say that
the spirit that had caused the May Laws in 1874 had
completely died out. The stability of the empire was
less uncertain now and the necessity for other legislation
was more important. In 1881 the ambassador to the
Holy See was reappointed, and the pope made some
concessions. The Center joined the Conservatives in
1884 and Bismarck had his long-sought majority for his
revenue laws, so that in 1886 the Kulturkampf was just
where it had been in 1873, except that the Catholics had
a party upwards of a hundred strong under splendid
drill. An act was then carried taking away the law
requiring that the bishops be examined by the state.
After 1887 Herr Windhorst took every occasion to state
the principles of his party, not with any immediate hope
of bringing about their adoption, but to keep the matter
before the Reichstag. He demanded the absolute
authority of the pope in matters spiritual within the em-
pire, which implies the annihilation of the whole legisla-
tion since 1872. The loss of their leader in March,
1 89 1, was a great loss to the party. Windhorst had
been firm and consistent since 1873 in his demands, and
it cannot be denied that he totally defeated the govern-
ment and almost brought the Catholics back to the posi-
tion they occupied before the formation of the empire.
His death has seriously weakened the Center.
Prince Bismarck in his contest with the Ultramontane
party had joined himself with the Liberals to secure
a large enough majority to defeat the one hundred
members of the Center in 1878. He had also previous
Appendix, 323
to 1873 encouraged the socialist feeling among the more
radical members of the Liberal party for the same
reason. Lassalle had been a great friend of his up to the
time of his death. Consequently the little party, repre- 5»2 , SScSli»S*
senting some three hundred thousand voters in the large
cities of Germany, became toward 1876 a more notice-
able feature in the Reichstag. While acknowledging
the German emperor and their allegiance to him, they
stipulated as their guiding principle the absolute free-
dom of the press, regulation of the hours of labor, public
education, self-government, and adjustment of the rela-
tions of labor and capital. Such a party must necessarily
contain most of the dissatisfied portion of any commun-
ity, and there are, therefore, among the Social Demo-
crats many who believe in community of goods, abolition
of marriage, etc. They, however, do not represent the
better class of electors in the party of the Reichstag.
Under the patronage of the chancellor and the growth
of the sentiment among the laboring classes, the little
party grew until the government saw the necessity of
checking it. It was just at this time that the two
attempts on the emperor's life were made. He was
riding one day in May, 1878, on the Unter den Linden,
when one Hoedel shot twice at him without wounding AA K t . e
° Attempt on life
him, and on June 2 a man named Dr. Nobiling wounded of William 1.
him in the face. A cry at once arose all over the empire
charging the socialists with the instigation of the crime
and this became sufficient cause for legislation against
them.
There were at the time about sixty thousand socialists
in Berlin and perhaps a half million in the empire.
They had thirty-five newspapers and periodicals, and a
large number of associations. In the Reichstag twelve
members had been elected in 1877, and Herr Bebel, the
324
Imperial Germany,
Anti-socialist
measures.
Growth of the
Social
Democrats.
leader, managed with his little body of followers to
create considerable commotion at times. A bill was at
once brought in against the socialists, but it called forth
the censure of the Liberals, because it pointed in several
clauses to the absolute suppression of free speech in the
empire and left to local authorities to decide what was
" socialist ' ' matter and what not, with the power to
suppress it if they saw fit. On the 21st of October a
modified bill was passed, but was restricted to three
years. All the socialist meetings and newspaper organs
were to be suppressed. In Berlin alone on the first
day four organizations and thirty-five periodicals were
stopped. The same plan was followed throughout the
empire. On May 31, 1881, the law was renewed for
three years more without any material change. The
little party remained about the same, but the beginning
of Bismarck's policy for raising the revenue by the
tobacco tax, making it a government monopoly in Ger-
many, drew upon him the censure of all Liberals and
among them the socialists, and thus the latter' s vote
came to be of more importance to him. In 1887 the
feeling was still more in favor of the Social Democrats
and it was with difficulty that the law was again passed.
The party had eleven members in the Reichstag and
their votes in the empire numbered something over a
million. Labor unions and strikes occurred in spite
of the authorities, and the Social Democrats returned to
the Reichstag in 1890 with a party of thirty-six mem-
bers. Publishing houses had been started in Zurich and
in Geneva, and quantities of pamphlets were circulated
from one end of the country to the other under the very
eyes of the law. With such a growth the socialist law
could not compete when in January and February, 1890,
it came up for discussion again. A very much modified
Appendix. 325
bill was proposed and failed on the third reading, so that
on the 1 st of October, 1890, the social democratic legis-
lation and laws went back to the status of 1878. Noth-
ing like freedom of speech is permitted, but meetings
can be held and periodicals issued to a certain extent,
and the emperor has distinctly recognized the claims of
the laboring classes and the necessity for some legislation
in their behalf. In his treatment of the question and in
Caprivi's policy in regard to the legislation for the lower
classes, Germany has taken the foremost ground in gov-
ernment socialism within recent years. To-day, in spite
of suppression, the social democracy stands with two
able men at its head, Bebel and Liebknecht, and a party
of magnificent organization over a million strong.
In 1 88 1 William I. said in 'his message to the Reichs-
tag that he was going to inaugurate a system of laws
that should make the social condition of the poor better, insurance
This proposal has crystallized into three compulsory in- ,egis ' ation -
surance acts. 1. The first is known as the Act of Insur-
ance against Sickness. 2. The second act, known as
the Compulsory Insurance against Accident, was pro-
posed and carried in 1884-85. It was at first confined
to men working for the government but has been
extended to the different trades. 3. The third law
has recently been under discussion in the Reichstag. It
is a system of old age and infirmity insurance which is
compulsory.
These three acts embody in themselves a principle of
socialism in its theoretical sense that makes them the
most pronounced practical acts toward socialism that
have been passed by any great power. They involve a
matter of the deepest interest, coming as they do with
the emperor's words at different times during the last
few years.
326 Imperial Germany.
The modern German colonial system began in 1884.
colonies. Th e growth of the knowledge of Africa and the interest
taken in colonial possession by France and England had
much to do with inducing Prince Bismarck to open
a channel for colonial possession in that continent. The
enormous emigration of Germans to the United States
and elsewhere was one of the causes also. The govern-
ment sought some method of keeping Germans under
German rule.
The colonial possessions of Germany and protecto-
rates are at present as follows : .
In West Africa : Sq. miles. Inhabitants.
Togoland, Porto Seguro, Little
Popo 16,000 500,000
Cameroons 130,000 2,600,000
In South Africa:
Damaraland, Namaqualand, and
Angra Pequena 342,000 250,000
In East Africa :
Usagara, Uhaim, Nguru, and Usequa 60,000 \ ~
Other territories 233,520/ 1,700,000
In the Pacific:
Kaiser Wilhelm Land 72,000 110,000
Bismarck Archipelago 19,000 190^000
Solomon Islands 9,000 80,000
Marshall Islands 150 10,000
Total 933,i5o 5,5<»,ooo
INDEX.
Abgeordnetenhaus, 317.
Adelmann, Count Alfred, 205.
Albert, king of Saxony, 101.
Alexander, Prince, of Battenberg, 169.
Alsace, 24, 33, 34, 112, 312, 317.
Alsatians, 27, 109.
Amtsgericbt, 314.
Aristocracy, the, 20, 84, 96, Chap.
VIII., 234, 235.
Army, the, 113, Chap. VII., 303, 315.
Arndt, Ernst Moritz, 182.
Arnim, Count, 150, 198.
Bach, 64.
Baden, Grand-Duke of, 99.
Barbarossa, 20, 21.
Bazaine, Marshal, 162.
Bebel, 323, 325.
Beer-houses, 216, 240.
Beethoven, 60.
Berlin, 120, 223, 291.
Berlin Congress, 140, 154.
Berlin, treaty of, 184.
Berlin, University of, 292.
Bessemer, Sir Henry, 263.
Beust, Count, 150.
Bill of Indemnity, 138.
Billroth, Dr., 39, 52.
Birkenhead, the, 162.
Bismarck, 19, 23, 27, 28, 31, 36, 53, 55,
66, 91, 108, 112, 126, Chap. VI., 160,
170, 172, 178, 198, 200, 210, 224, 240,
243, 245. 248, 249, 253, 263, 276, 277,
279, 280, 288, 297, 301, 302, 303, 310,
317, 3i8, 320, 321, 322, 324. 326.
Bismarck, Herbert, 153, 178.
Bismarck, Princess, 242.
Bismarck, William, 153, 178.
Bittenfeld, General von, 168.
Bliicher, 54, 173.
Blumenthal, Oscar, 49.
Bodenstedt, Friedrich, 43, 44, 47.
Borne, Ludwig, 16, 46.
Boulanger, General, 32, 169, 183.
Bucher, Lothar, 71.
Budritzki, General von, 168.
Bundesrath, 118, 313.
Bunsen, 37, 38, 273.
Capri vi, General von, 319, 325.
Carlsbad Congress, 308.
Carnot, General, 162.
Carrifcre, Moritz, 40.
Cartel party, the, 318.
Catherine, Empress, of Russia, 229.
Catholic Congress, 302.
Cavour, 24, 108.
Center, the, 318, 319, 320, 322.
Charles V. of Hapsburg, 21.
Charles Theodore, Duke, 195.
Chopin, 61.
Christian IX., 310.
Clive, Lord, 136, 145.
Colonies, German, 326.
Commerce, 117; and man u fact ure,
Chap. XII.
Conservatives, 280, 300, 318, 322.
Constitution, national, 312; state, 316.
Cornelius, Peter, 65.
Crimean War, 113, 134.
Czermak, Professor, 38.
Darwin, 36, 51.
D'Herisson, Count, 151, 161.
Duelling, 75, 219.
Diirer, Albrecht, 65, 268.
Ebers, Georg, 47.
Education, Chap. III., 83, 117, 241.
Engel, Dr. Ernst, 39.
Ense, Varnhagen von, 223.
Esmarch, Professor von, 39, 196.
Falk, Herr, 319, 320, 321.
Feuilleton, the, 281, 283, 284, 286.
Fitger, Arthur, 48.
Forckenbeck, 294.
Franchi, Cardinal, 321 .
Franco-German War, 178.
327
328
Index.
Frankfort, 112, 221.
Frankfort Parliament, 24.
Frederick I., 78.
Frederick II., 20, 95.
Frederick III., 88, 92, 94, 98, 205, 300,
302, 318.
Frederick Charles, Prince, 162.
Frederick, Empress, 216.
Frederick the Great, 16, 19, 78, 79, 80,
84, 127, 156, 224, 288.
Frederick William I., 79, 82, 96.
Frederick William III., 54, 84, 230.
Frederick William IV., 85, 90, 310,
316.
French Revolution, 26, 109.
Freytag, Gustav, 46, 196.
Geffcken, Professor, 150.
Gildemeister, Otto, 44.
Gneisenau, General, 54.
Gneist, Professor, 39.
Goethe, 19, 41, 42, 43, 54, 58, 86, 149,
231,232,245.
Gome, Captain von, 162.
Government, Chap. V.
Gravelotte, battle of, 172.
Grimm, Jakob and Wilhelm, 54.
Gutzkow, Karl, 59.
Haeckel, Ernst, 36, 71.
Hamburg, 292.
Handel, 64.
Harden berg, 85.
Hartmann, Eduard von, 40, 71.
Hartwig, 70.
Hegel, 45, 50.
Heidelberg, University of, 72.
Heine, Heinrich, 46, 238, 284.
Helmholtz, Hermann von, 39, 224.
Heppenheim, 309.
Herder, 41.
Herrenhaus, 15, 316.
Heyse, Paul, 46.
Hochberg, Count, 225.
Hoedel, 323.
Hohenlohe, Cardinal, 319.
Hohenzollern, House of, 26, Chap. IV.
Holbein, 65.
Holtzendorf, Dr. von, 39.
Holy Alliance, the, 308.
Humboldt, Friedrich and Karl, 55.
Ignatieff, General, 33.
Imperialists, the, 318.
Iron Cross, the, 171.
Isenberg, Count, 133.
Jaeger, Dr., 274.
Jena, battle of, 17, 113.
John, arch-duke of Austria, 309.
John of Saxony, 44.
Jordan, William, 71.
Kanitz, Count, 167.
Kant, Immanuel, 50, 55, 69.
Kaulbach, Wilhelm von, 65.
Kirchhoff, 37, 38, 273.
Knesebeck, Von der, 25.
Koch, Dr. Robert, 39.
Kuhn, General von, 185.
Kulturkampf, 322.
Laggard e, Paul de, 40.
Landsgerichte, 314.
Landwehr, 315.
Lang, Herr von, 230.
Langenbeck, 39.
L'Arronge, 49.
Laspeyres, 39.
Lassalle, 223, 323.
Le Bourget, battle of, 167.
Le Pfcre Didon, 67, 217. /
Lenbach, Franz von, 65.
Leopold, Emperor, 78.
Leopold, Prince, 311.
Lessing, 19,41,42.
Levin, Rahel, 223.
Liberals, the, 92, no, 248, 280, 300, 301,
323i 324.
Liebknecht, 325.
Lindau, Paul, 45.
Liszt, 61.
Literature, 41, 231, 283.
Lorraine, 24, 33, 312, 317.
Louis Ferdinand, 196.
Louisa, Queen, 85, 230.
Lubbliner, Hugo, 49.
Ludermann, Hermann, 50.
Luther, 54, 107, 156, 182.
Maria Theresa, 229.
Maybach, Dr. von, 124.
May Laws, 279, 320, 322.
Meissen, 269.
Melanchthon, 54.
Mendelssohn-Bartholdy, 61.
Mendelssohns, the, 223, 224.
Menzel, Adolf, 65.
Metternich, 86, no, 173, 308.
Index,
329
Meyer, Hermann J., 71.
Miguel, Dr., 294.
Mischke, General, 205.
Moltke, Count von, 55, 100, 139, 168,
169, 178, 186, 210, 313.
Mommsen, Dr. Theodor, 39.
Moser, Gustav von, 49.
Mozart, 61.
Muebler, 319.
Music, 58, 60, 61.
Nantes, Edict of, 82.
Napoleon I., 16, 23, 24, 25, 32, 34, 143,
145, 182. 230, 307.
Napoleon III., 255, 311.
National Assembly, 309, 310.
National-Liberal party, 301, 318.
National Union, 134.
Navy, the, 316.
Nietzsche, Frederick, 40.
Nina, Cardinal, 321.
Nobiling, Dr., 323.
Nordau, Dr. Max, 56.
North German Confederation, 138,
3"» 312.
Nussbaum, 39.
Oberlandsgerichte, 314.
Oppolzer, 71.
Philistine, the, 33, 60, 199, 200, Chap.
XL, 288.
Pless, Prince, 225.
if 4 Pour le Merite," 46, 140.
Presber, Hermann, 59.
Press, the German, 152, Chap. XIII.
Protection, policy of, 126, 148, 256.
Puckler, Prince, 223.
Puttkamer, Herr von, 94.
Railway system, the, 123.
Ranke, Leopold von, 39.
Rapp, General, 23.
Ratibor, Duke of, 224.
Reichstag, 118, 313.
Reformation, the, 22, 108.
Reuleaux, Professor, 71, 273.
Revolution of 1848, 24.
Richelieu, 30.
Richthofen, G. von, 40.
Rochow, Herr von, 130.
Rontgen, Wilhelm C, 39.
Roon, Count von, 55.
Rosenbusch, Professor, 40.
Rossini, 61.
Sadowa, battle of, 31, 90, 136, 162.
Scanzoni, 39.
Schaffgotsch, Count, 84.
Scharnhorst, 25, 54, 85.
Schelling, 45, 50.
Scherr, Johannes, 46.
Schiller, 41, 42, 43, 54, 149, 231, 236,
245-
Schlegel, August and Friedrich,, 44, 54.
Schleinitz, 224.
Schleswig-Holstein, 90, 112, 135, 310.
Schlieffen, Count, 169.
Schonthan, Franz von, 49.
Schopenhauer, 19, 46, 219.
Schubert, 60, 61.
Schumann, 61, 64.
Science, 37, 38, 273.
Sedan, battle of, 31, 100, 173, 311.
Septennate, the, 316.
Seven Days' War, 25.
Seven Years' War, 23, 127.
Social democracy, 127, 248, 318.
Social Democrats, the, 72, 107, 146,
248, 297, 323, 324.
Socialists, 121, 297, 298, 300, 301 , 323, 324.
Society, German, Chap. IX.
Spielhagen, 46.
Staelj Madame de, 229.
State indebtedness, 296.
Stein, Baron vom, 25, 54, 85, 173, 200.
Steinmetz, General, 166.
Stephan, Dr., 224.
Strassburg, 293.
Strauss, David, 46.
Strudelwitz, Lieutenant von, 225.
Talleyrand, 231.
Thiers, 35.
Thirty Years' War, 22, 23, 30, 77, 82, 90.
Thun, Count, 132.
Tieck, 44.
Treitschke, Heinrich von, 45, 89, 173.
Turco-Russian War, 140.
Universities, the, 24, 66.
Verdi, 61.
Versailles, coronation at, 31, 90.
Vienna, Congress of, 307, 308.
Virchow, Professor, 39.
Voss, Richard, 44, 49.
Wagner, Richard, 62, 96.
Waldersee, Count, 168, 169.
War of 1866, 91, 1 01, 137.
33o
Index.
War of 1870, 24, 34, ioi, 116, 139, 170,
173, 175. 184, 186, 210, 289.
Weber, 61.
Weber, Karl Julius, 129.
Wildenbruch, Ernst von, 48.
William I., 19, 22, 25, 53, 55, 57, 85, 86,
94,96, 112, 117, I2i, 134, 135, 137, 140,
177,230, 253, 277, 299, 311, 312, 317,
3i8> 325.
William II., 97, 179, 225, 318.
Windhorst, Dr., 27, 249, 321, 322.
Windscheidt, Professor, 39.
Wolff, Albert, 34.
Women, German, 210, 212, Chapter
X.
Wurtemberg, Duke of, 79.
Zaluskowski, Colonel von, 168.
Zirkel, Professor, 39.
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