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PAPERS ON INTER-RACIAL PROBLEMS 



\In English only\ 

A RECORD OF THE PROCEEDINGS 

OF THE 

FIRST UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

HELD AT 

THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 
July 36 to 29, 1911 


London 

P, a KING & SON 
1911 



PAPER'S 

ON 

inter-raCial 

PROBLEMS 

# 

. * 

COMMUNICATED TO THE 

FIR§T UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESa 

* • 

HELD AT 

THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON 

JULY 26-29, 1911 

EDITED, FOR THE CONGRESS EXECUTIVE, BY 

G. SPILLER 

HON, ORGANISER OF THE CONGRESS 



LONDON 

P. S. KING & SON 
ORCHARD HOUSE, WESTMINSTER 

BOSTON, U.S.A. 

THE WORLD’S PEACE FOUNDATION 

29A, BEACON STREET 
I9II 


Cet ouvrage est publu simultanimeni en fran^ais 
et en •anglais par Messrs, P. S, King &» Son. 



PREFACE 


• 

The object of the Congress is “to discuss, in the light of 
science and the modern conscience, the general relations 
subsistAg between the peoples of the West and those of 
the East, between so-called white and so-called coloured 
peoples, with a view to encouraging between them a fuller 
understanding, the most friendly feelings, and a heartier 
co-opecation.” 

The writers of papers were requested to keep in view 
the spirit of this object ; but were otherwise not supplied 
with, or bound by, any instructions. Accordingly, it would 
“•have been natural to find the widest differences of opinion 
expressed in the following contributions. Singular to state, 
however, the writers — coming literally from all parts of the 
circumference of the globe — manifest a remarlbible agree- 
ment on almost every vital problem with which the Congress 
is concerned, and support, as a whole, a view which must be 
very encouraging to those in every land who see a brother 
and ^n equal, at least potentially, in every human being, 
whatever the colour of his skin. In view of the eminent 
fitness of the writers to pronounce judgment on the issues- 
involved in the contact of races, the Congress may be said to* 
have effectively served both a scientific and a humamtarian 
purpose. Henceforth it should not be difficult to answer 
those who allege that their own race towers far above all 
other races, and that therefore other races must cheerfully 
submit to being treated, or mal-treated, as hewers of wood 
and drawers of water. The writers have, as it were, reduced 
to reasoned statements the generous sentiments prevailing 
on this subject among the most cultivated and responsible 
section of humanity, a section fairly represented in our 
imposing list of Vice-Presidents, Hon. Vice-Presidents, and 
Members of the Hon. General Committee. 

It was felt that in a Congress of this comprehensive 
char^ter each people should speak for itself ; and it is for 
this reason that every paper referring to an Oriental people 



VI 


f PREFACE 


will be Ifound wifitten by an eminent pei;son belonging W it 
Thus the Occidental reader of this volume has the unpre- 
cedented opportunity of learning what Oriental* scholafs 
think of the contact of races. It is to be hoped that at 
the Second Universal Races Congress a much larger ^lumber 
of ■ the general and scientific papers will cpme from Oriental 
sources,. * • 

■ The particular opinions expressed by the writers in this 
volunfte arg personal, and do not in any way commit the 
members of the Congress. The organisers adhere tok their 
original statement that “whilst wholly sympathetic towards 
all far-sighted measures calculated to strengthen and oromote 
good relations, the Congress is pledged to no ^litical 
party and to no particular scheme of reforms.” To this 
should be added, in order to prevent possible misunden 
standings, that the contributors speak in their individual 
capacity, and not as official representatives. These meces- 
sary limitations, however, do not detract from the signifi- 
cance and importance of the contributions embodied in 
this volume. , 

' The Executive Council takes this opportunity of 
expressing its deep gratitude to the many writers of papers 
who have contributed to the value and success of the Con- 
gress by putting at its disposal their rich stores of knowledge 
and experience. It desires also to acknowledge the valuable 
services rendered by the translators, Mrs. Boyce Gibson and 
Mr. Joseph McCabe. And, last but not least, the Executive 
cannot forbear tendering its sincerest thanks to the Sdnate 
of the University of London for having generously granted 
the free use of haMs and rooms for the meetings of the 
Congress. 



‘ INf RODUCTION 

To thoSe who regard, the furtherance of Internatlonaf Gobd 
Will and Peace as the highest of all human interests, the 
occasion of the First Universal Races Congress opens a 
vista of almost boundless promise. 

^ No impartial student of history can deny that in the case 
of nearly all recorded wars, whatever the ostensible reasons 
assigned, the underlying cause of conflict has been the exist- 
ence of race antipathies — using the word race in its broad 
and popular acceptation — which particular circumstances, 
" often in themselves of trivial moment, have fanned into 
flame. 

In the earliest times it took the form of one race attempt- 
ing to subjjigate and indeed enslave another; but even in 
modern wars, while questions of frontier, the ambitions of 
rulers, or the rivalries of commercial policies, may have 
provoked the actual crisis, it will be found, in almost every 
instance, that the pre-existence of socjal and racial enmity 
has in reality determined the breach which particular inci- 
• dents had merely precipitated. 

As civilisation progresses and the Western world more 
fully recognises its ethical responsibilities, it may be hoped 
that such influences will become an ever-diminishing force ; 
but the modern conscience has to-day, in addition, other and 
quite new problems to solve in face of the startling and 
sudden appearance of new factors in the Eastern Hemi- 
sphere) 

In less than twenty years we have witnessed the most 
re;{narkable awakening of nations long regarded as sunk 
in'Such depths of somnolence as to be only interesting 



iTiii /INTRODUCTION 

to the Western ^orld because they presented h wide an^ 
prolific field for commercial rivalries, often gr^d^, fruel, 
and fraught- with bloodshed in their prosecution, but which 
otherwise were an almost negligible quantity in international 
concerns. . * • 

How great is the change in thfe life-time of a single 
generation, when, to select two instances alone^ we contem- 
plate the most remarkable rise of the 4)ower of the Entpire 
of Japan, the precursor, it would seem, of a similar revival 
of the activities and highly developed qualities of the 
population of the great Empire of China! 

Nearer and nearer we see approaching the day when the 
vast populations of the East will assert their claim to meet 
on terms of equality the nations of the West, when th* free 
institutions and the organised forces of the one hemisphere 
will have their counterbalance in the other, when their 
mental outlook and their social aims will be in printiple 
identical ; when, in short, the colour prejudice will have 
vanished and th% so-called white races and the so-called 
coloured races shall no longer merely meet in the glowing 
periods of missionary exposition, but, in very fact, regard 
one another as in truth men and brothers. 

Are we ready for this change ? Have we duly considered 
all that it signifies, and have we tutored our minds and 
shaped our policy with a view of successfully meeting the 
coming flood ? It is in order to discuss this question of such 
supreme importance that the First Universal Races Congress 
is being held. The papers, so varied in their scope and 
treatment, which have been communicated by individuals of 
eminence from many distant lands, will testify to the world- 
wide interest which the examination of these grave problems 
has aroused, the wise handling of which would remove 
dangers and possible causes of strife which, but for skilled 
guidance, might conceivably convulse mankind. 

WEARDALE.*. ' 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 


• * PAGE 

CIRCULARS ISSUED BY THE CONGRESS EXECUTIVE . xiil 

OFFICBRS, EXECUTIVE, HON. VICE-PRESIDE 1 /tS, AND 
HON. GENERAL COMMITTEE * . xvii 

FIRST SESSION 

FUNDAMENTAL CONSIDERATIONS 

^EAN^^G OF Race, Tribe, Nation. By Dr. Brajendranath Seal . i 
' Anthropological View of Race. By Prof. Felix v. Luschan . 13 

Race from the Sociological Standpoint. By^Prof. Alfred 


Fouill6e 24 

The Problem .of Race Equality, By G. Spiller ... 29 


• SECOND SESSION 

CONDITIONS OF PROGRESS {GENERAL PROBLEMS) 

The Rationale of Autonomy. By John M. Robertson . . 40 

Influence of Geographic, Economic, and Political Con- 
ditions. By Prof. P, S. Reinsch 49 

Language as a Consolidating and Separating Influence. 

By Prof. D. S. Margoliouth 57 

Religion as a Consolidating and Separating Influence. By 

Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids and Mrs. Rhys Davids . . . 62 

Differences in Customs and Morals and their Resistance 

to Rapid Change. By Prof. Giuseppe Sergi .... 67 

On the Permanence of Racial Mental Differences. By 

Prof. Charles S. Myers 73 

The^Intellectual Standing of Different Races and their 

bESPECTivE Opportunities for Culture. By John Gray . 79 

> IX » 



X 


TABLE OF CONTENTS- 


FA08 


The Present PoItTioN^ of Woman. By Sister Nivedita (Miss 

Margaret Noble) * . . # p*. 86 

4 NSTABiLrrY OF ftuMAN Types. By Prof. Franz Boas . , . $9 

/Climatic Control of Skin- Colour. By Prof. Lionel W. Ly^e . 104 
The Effects of Racial Miscegenation. By Prof. Earl^Finch .• loS 

f ^ * •* 

. * THIRD SESSION ^ 

• ^CONDITIONS OF PROGRESS {SPEQIAL PROBLEMS) 


m 

Tendencies towards Parliamentary Rule. By Dr. Chr. 

L. Lange 113 

China. By Dr. Wu Ting-Fang 123 

Japan. By Profs. Tongo Takebe and Teruaki Kobayashi . . 132 

Shintoism. By Prof. Genchi Kato I4f 

Turkey. See Appendix ^ 

Persia. By Hadji Mirza Yahya 143 

The Bahai Movement. Letter to the Congress by *Abdul Baha 

’Abbas 154 

East and West in India. By the Hon. G. K. Gokhale . . 157 

Egypt. By Moh. Sourour Bey 167 

Some General Considerations on the People and the 

Government of Haiti By General Legitime . . 178 

Hungary. By Prof. Akos de Timon 184 

The Role of Russia in the Mutual Approach of the West 

and THE East. By Prof. Alexander Yastchenko . .• 195 


FOURTH SESSION 

I. SPECIAL PROBLEMS IN INTER-RACIAL ECONOMICS 

• 

Investments and Loans. By Prof. A. de Navratil . . .208 

Wages AND Immigration. By Fred C. Croxton and W. Jett Lauck 21X 
Opening of Markets and Countries. By John A. Hobson . 222 

II. PEACEFUL CONTACT BETWEEN CIVILISATIONS 

» ' 

Science and Art, Literature and the Press, By Prof. 

Ferdinand Tonnies 233 

The Work done by Private Initiative in the Organisation 

of the World. By Prof. H. La Fontaine .... 243 
The International Institute of Agriculture at Rome. By 

David Lubin ^ 254 

The Batak Institute at Leyden. By Prof. A. W. Nieuwenhuis .* 259 



TABLE OP CONTEKTS 


lei 


FIFTH SESSION 

r&£ MODERN CONSCIENCE IN RELAflON TO 

RACIAL QUESTIONS {GENERAL) 

* 


The ^Fundamental Principle of IiJter-racul Ethics, and 
Some, Practical®Appli^ations of It. By Prof. Felix Adler . 261 

The jEWisa Race. By Israel Zangwill * . 268 

The Modern Conscience in Relation to the Treatment wf , 
Dependent Peoples and Communities. By Sir Charles 

Bruce 279 

The QpVERNMENT OF Colonies and Dependencies. By Sir 

Sydney Olivier * . 293 

^The Influence of Missions. By Prof. Alfred Caldecott . . 302 

Indentured and Forced Labour. By the late the Right tton. 

Sk Charles W, Dilke 312 

Supplement^ by Joseph Burtt, Matlock .... 323 
Traffic in Intoxicants and Opium. By Dr. J. H Abendanon . 324 
% 


SIXTH SESSION 

THE MODERN CONSCIENCE IN RELATION TO 
RACIAL QUESTIONS {THE NEGRO AND THE 
• AMERICAN INDIAN) 


The World- Position of the Negro and Negroid. By Sir 

• Harry H. Johnston 328 

Native. Races of South Africa. By J. Tengo Jabavu . . 336 

The West African Problem. By Dr. Mojoia Agbebi . . ' ^ 4 ^ 
The Negro Race in the United States of America. By Dr. 

• W. E. B. DuBois • . 348 

The Negro Problem in Relation to White Women. By 

Dr. Frances Hoggan 364 

The North American Indian. By Dr. Charles A. Eastman . 367 
The Metis^ or Half-breeds, of Brazil. By Dr. Jean Baptiste 

de Lacerda 377 


SEVENTH SESSION 

POSITIVE SUGGESTIONS FOR PROMOTING 
INTER^RACIAL FRIENDLINESS 

The Respect which the White Race owes to Other 

t 

Races. By Baron d’Estournelles de Constant . . . 383 



xii 


TABIiE OF CONTENTS 


International La^,* Treaties, Conferences, and the Hague 
Tribunal. By Prof.*Walther Sch ticking • . . % 387 

International LIw and Subject Races. By Sir John Macdonefl 398 
Periodical Peace Conferences. By Jarousse de Sillac . . 409 

Letter from M. Leon Bourgeois* See Appendix. * • 

f * • .4, 

EIGHTH SESSION • . 


POSITIVE SUGGESTIONS FOR PROMOTING • 
INTER-RACIAL FRIENDLINESS (continued) 

The Press as an Instrument of Peace. By Alfred H. Fried*. 
International Language. By Dr. L. L. Zamenhof . 

Ethical Teaching in Schools with Regard to Races. By 

Dr. J. S. Mackenzie 

The Cosmopolitan Club Movement By Louis P. Lochner f 
International Organisation for Inter-Racial Goodwill. By 
Edwin D. Mead 


420 

425 

433 

439 

443 


APPENDIX--- 

Turkey. By Dr. Riza Tevfik . 
Letter from M. Leon Bourgeois 


• 454 
. 462 


BIBLIOGRAPHY . 




INDEX . 


• 478 



CfkCULARS ISSUED BY THE EXECUTIVE 
- * COUNCIL 

I INVITATION 


A Congress dealing with the general relations subsisting between 
West and East will be held in London from July 26 to July ^39, 
^911, So far as possible special treatment will be accorded to the 
problem of the contact of European with other developed types of 
civilisation, such as the Chinese, Japanese, Indian, Turkish, and 
Persian. The official Congress languages are to be English, French, 
German, and Italian ; but Oriental and other languages will not be 
rigidly excluded. The papers (which will be taken as read) are to 
appear, collected in volume form, both in an all-English and an all- 
French edition, about a month before the Congress opens, and 
among the contributors will be found eminent •representatives of 
more than twenty civilisations. All schools of thought which 
sympathise with the Object of the Congress are hereby invited to 
take part in the proceedings. Resolutions of a political character 
will not be submitted. 

II. OBJECT AND NATURE OF JHE CONGRESS 

The object of the Congress will be to discuss., in the light of science and 
•the modem conscience, the general relations subsisting between the peoples 
of the West and those of the East, between so-called white and so-called 
coloured peoples, with a view to encouraging between them a fuller under- 
standing, the most friendly feelings, and a heartier co-operation. 
Political issues of the hour will be subordinated to this compre- 
hensive end, in the firm belief that, when once mutual fespect is 
established, difficulties of every type will be sympathetically 
approached and readily solved. 

; The origin of this Congress is easily explained. The interchange 
of material and other wealth between the different races of 
mankind has of late years assumed such dimensions that the old 
attitude of distrust and aloofness is giving way to a general desire for 
ctostr acquaintanceship. Out of this interesting situation has sprung 



xiv CJBIECT AND -NATURE OF THE CONGRES^ 

the idea* of holdibg a Congress where the represerftatives of tJie 
different races might meet each other face to face, and. migbt, in 
friendly rivalry, /urther the cause of mutual trust and respefct between 
Occident and Orient, between the so-called white peoples and the so- 
called coloured peoples. ^ ^ 

• Accordingly the Congress will -not represent a meettngW all the 
races for the purpose of discussing indiscfiminalely everybody'^ con- 
cerns. .It will not discuss purely European questions,. such aS the 
r^latidiis existing between or within the different Eurdpean countries ; 
nor, of course, will it discuss the attitude of Europe towards the 
United States, or towards other American Republics representing 
races of European descent. Again, whilst wholly sympathetic 
towards all far-sighted measures calculated to strengthen and pro- 
mote good relations, the Congress is pledged to no political party and to 
no particular scheme of reforms. The writers of papers will, however 
have the full right to express whatever political views they may hold, 
though they will be expected to do justice to all political parties and 
to treat the issues of the day only passingly. Furthermore, the Con- 
gress will not be purely scientific in the sense of only stating facts and 
not passing judgments. Nor will it be a peace congress in the# sense 
of aiming specifically at the prevention of war. Finally, it should be 
noted that, since the Congress is to serve the purpose of bringing 
about healthier relations between Occident and Orient, all bitterness 
towards parties, peoples, or governments will be avoided, without, of 
course, excluding reasoned praise and blame. With the problem 
simplified in this manner, and with a limited number of papers 
written by leading authorities, there is every hope that the^ dis- 
cussions will bear a rich harvest of good, and contribute materially 
towards encouraging ^friendly feelings and hearty co-operation 
between the peoples of the West and the East. 


IIL QUESTIONNAIRE 

{Replies to any or all the questions should reach the Hon. Sic. 
not later than June 15, 1911.) 

I. (a) To what extent is it legitimate to argue from differences in 
physical characteristics to differences in mental characteristics ? (3) 
Do you consider that the physical and mental characteristics 
observable in a particular race are (i) permanent, (2) modifiable only 
through ages of environmental pressure, or (3) do you consider that 
marked changes in popular education, in public sentiment, an® 
environment generally, may, apart from intermarriage, mateAally 



08|-E^T, anei'^iatvre, or rm , • im . 

Viurfaiw pfd^al aod specially m^ptal ii;I^tactprist*si ipj# 

genw^m ox two? ^ ^ 

2, ; (a) Co what extent does the stattis of a fate at any paitioulaT 
czioiteht of time offer an index to its innate or inherited caf^cities? 
( 6 ) Of what importance is it in this respect fhat civilisations ate 
meteoric in Mature, bursting out of obscurity only to p{tingd back 
into it^ and' how wriiild y^u explain this ? 

3, (a) How would you combat the irreconcilable contentions 

prevalent among all the more important races of mankind that t!hit§r 
customs, tAeir civilisation, “and XAeir race are superior to those of other 
races ? {d) Would you, in explanation of existing differences, refer 
to special needs arising from peculiar geographical* and economic 
conditions and to related divergences in national history^, and, in 
explanation of the attitude assumed, would you refer to intimacy 
4vith one’s own customs leading psychologically to a love of theth and 
unfamiliarity with others* customs tending to lead psychologically to 
dislike and contempt of these latter ? (c) Or what other explanation 

and arguments would you offer ? 

4, (a) What part do differences in economic, hygienic, moral, and 
educ^ional standards play in estranging races which come in contact 
with each other? (d) Is the ordinary observer to be informed that 
these differences, like social differences generally, are in substance 
almost certainly due to passing social conditions* and not to innate 
racial characteristics, and that the aim should be, as in social differences, 
to remove thdse rather than to accentuate them by regarding them 
as fixed ? 

(a) Is perhaps the deepest cause of race misunderstandings the 
tacit assumption that the present characteristics of a race are the 
expression of fixed and permanent racial characteristics ? (^) If so, 

could not anthropologists, sociologists, and scientific thinkers as a 
class, pihverfuily assist the movement for a juster appreciation of 
•races by persistently pointing out in their lectures and in their works 
the fundamental fallacy involved in taking a static instead of a 
dynamic, a momentary instead of a historic, a local instead of a 
general, point of view of race characteristics ? (c) And could such 
dynamic teaching be conveniently introduced into schools, more 
especially in the geography and history lessons ; also into colleges 
for the training of teachers, diplomats, colonial administrators, and 
missionaries ? 

6. (a) If you consider that the belief in racial superiority is not 
largely due, as is suggested by some of the above questions, to unen- 
lightened psychological repulsion and under-estimation of the 
dynamic or, environmental factors, please state what, in your opinion, 
the gchief factors are? (^) Do you consider that there is fair proof, 



dsifect’ ANEr NAlPtJRE OF THE COSfUvmS 

4nd p|&of, df some faces bein^' ^b$tanti^ly sspiexidt to 

otbi^ in inborn <papacity> and in such case is^the tnoi'si tfIMiChllfd to 

f7* 5(4) What is your attitude towards the suggestion (n) that, so 
fhr at least as intellectual and moral aptitudes are conc^ed, we 
,Oil^t to speak of civilisations where we now speak of races ? (^) that 
the stage or form of the civilisation of a people Ifas no connection with 
its special inborn physical characteristics ? (c) and that even its 
physical characteristics are to no small extent the*di»ect result of the 
environment, physical and social, under •which it is living at the 
moment? (B) To aid in clearing up the conceptions of rac 0 and 
civUisation, how would you define these? 

8. («) Do you think that each race might with advantage study the 
customs and civilisations of other races, even those you think the 
lowliest ones, for the definite purpose of improving its own customs 
and civilisation? {b) Do you think that unostentatious conduct 
generally and respect for the customs of other races, provided these 
are not morally objectionable, should be recommended to all who 
come in passing or permanent contact with members of other races ? 

9 . {a) Do you know of any experiments on a considerable scale, 
past or present, showing the successful uplifting of relativel>^badk- . 
ward races by the application of purely humane methods? , '{b) Do 
you know of any cases of colonisation or opening of a countrjr achieved 
by the same methods? {c) If so, how far do yoii think ‘cbuld such 
methods be applied universally in our dealings with other races ? 

la What proposals do you have {a) for the Congress effectively 
carrying out its object of encouraging better relations between East 
and West, and more particularly {b) for the formation of atl associa- 
tion designed to promote inter-racial amity ? 



OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS, 


Fresiiieiit: 

The Right Hon. LoRit Weardale 

® yice-Ppesidents : 

The Right Honourable The Prime Minister 
The^Right Hon. Viscount Morley of Blackburn 
The Right Hon. Lord Curzon of Kkdleston 
The Right Hon. Lord Avebury 
The Right Honourable The Speaker 
The Right Hon. Arthur James Balfour, M.P, 

The Right Hon John Burns, M.P. * 

The Right Hon. Herbert Samuel, M.P. 

J. Ramsay MacDonald, Esq., M.P. 

The Right Hon. The Lord Mayor of London 

His Grace The Archbishop of York 
The Very Reverend Hermann Adler 
General Booth 

Rev. Prof. J. Estlin Carpenter 
Edward Clodd 
Dr. Stanton Co it 
Frederic Harrison 
The Rev. F. B. Meyer 
Father Bernard Vaughan, S.J. • 

Tlie Vice-Chancellors of the Universities of Aberdeen, St. Andrews, 
Belfast, Bristol, Cambridge, Dublin, Durham, Ireland, Leeds, 
Liverpool, London, Manchester, Oxford, Sheffield, and Wales 

Chairman of Executive : 

^ The Hon. William Pember Reeves 

Vice-Chairman of Executive : 

Sir Edward Brabrook* 

Chairman of General Committee : 

Prof, Felix Adler, New York 

Vice-Chairmen of Hon. General Committee : 

Prof. Felix v. Luschan. Berlin 
Sir Edward H. Busk, London 
Baron d’Estournelles de Constant, Paris 
His Highness Prince de Cassano, Rome 

Director of Exhibition : 

Dr. Alfred C. Haddon 

Hon. Treasurer: 

Sir Richard Biddulph Martin, Bart, 

Assistant Hon. Treasurer ; 

John Gray, Esq. 

Hon. General Secretary: 

G. Spiller, Esq., 63 South Hill Park, Hampstead, London 



xyiii ' UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 


rfON. SpCRETARIES. 

• • 

f 

Argentina--^, V. O. Diard, 253, Tucuari, ^Buenos Ayres. 

Belgique— yi. le Dr. E. Waxweiler, Parc Leopold, Briycelles. 

le Dr. Edgard R. Pinto, MuseuJNjicional, Rio de Janeiro. 
Bulgarie—M.. le Prof. Ischirkoff, ub. Aksacoff 9, Sofia. 

Central Americ^ — M. D^sir6 Pector, 51 rue de Clichy, Paris. 

Chili — M* le Dr. A. Alvarez, Santiago. 

Costa Rica—M, le Theodoro Picado, San Josc^. 

Deutschland— Prof. Ferd. Tonnies, Eutin, Holstein. 

Egypt— L. Mosely, Esq., 5 Sharia Kasr-eFNil, Cairo. 

Espaha — M. le Prof. Gascon y Marin, Coso 5, Saragoza. 

Finland — Herr Prof. Rafael Karsten, Die Universitat, Helsingfors. 
France — M. Jean Finot, 45 rue Jacob, Pans. 

Grkce — Dr. S. C. Zavitzianos, Corfou. ' 

India— yit, Jehangir B. Petit, 7/10 Elphinstone Circle, Bombay. ' 
Italia — Principe de Cassano, Corso Umberto I. 440, Rome. 

Japan— ? tqI K. Yoshida, Hakusangatenmachi no, Tokyo. 

Magyarorssdg—Dir. F. Kemeny, Bulyovszky-utca 26, Budapest ; 

Aristide de Dessewffy, K^pviselohi/, Budapest. 

Mexico — Sehor Agustin Aragon, sa del Pino 215, Mexico. 

Nederland— M. le Dr J. H. Abendanon, Jan v. Nassaustr. 43, Den Haag. 
Oesterreich — Herr Wilhelm Burner, I. Spiegelgasse 19, Wien. 

P^ou — M. le Prof. Joaquin Capelo, Lima. 

Perse — M, Hadji Mirza Yahya, T^h^ran. 

Roumanie — M. Marc-A. Jeanjaquet, Boulev. Carol 5, Bucarest. 
Serbie—y[. le Prof. Novakovitch, University, Belgrade. 

South Africa— K qv, Ramsden Balmforth, Upper Camp Street, Cape 
Town. 

United States — Dr. W. E. B. DuBois, 20 Vesey Street, New York ; 

Rev. Frederick Lynch, 13 E. 124th Street, New York. 

West Indies — A. F, Palmer, Esq., Soufri^re, St. Lucia. 



OFFICERS^ COUNCIL, AN0 SUPPORTERS ■ 


EXECUTIVE COIIlfclE.* 

0 

Chairman; The Hon. william pember reeves, 
Vice-Chaipman ; Sm EDWARD BRABROOK, C.B. 

(The meji^bers ojf^he Executive are drawn from all parties as befits a universal congees / 
hut the Execuliije as suck does not stand or work for any party, ) 

f he Rt Hon. Ameer Ali, P.C., &)ndon. 

Prof. T. W. Arj^OLP, M A. {Arabic^ U. of London). 

MiRZA Ali Abbas* BAig, Member of Council of Secretary of State for India. 

J. Allen Baker, M.P., London. 

Henry "-IBalfour, M.A , F Z S , Oxford, representing the African Society. 
Thomas Baty, D C.L., LLD., London 

Sir Mancherjek Merwanjee Bhownaggree, K.C.I.E., London. 

Major Syed Hassan Bilgrami, I.M.S. (Retired), London. 

Wilfrid Scawen Blunt, Southwatcr, Sussex. ® 

Oscar Browning, M A., Senior Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge. 

Prof J. B. B(try U of Cambndge). 

Edward H. Busk, Chairman of Convocation and Past Vice-Chancellor of the 
University of London. 

Rev. Prof. A Caldecott, D.D , D Lit, repiesentmg the University of London. 
Howard d’Egville, Barnster-at-Law, Secretary of the African Society, represent- 
ing the African Society. 

John Arthur Fallows, M.A., London. 

Dr. Charles Garnett, M.A., B D , London. 

Dr. M. (Raster, London, representing the Royal Asiatic Society. 

•Prof. Patrick Geddes, F.R S E {Botany,^ U College of Dundee). 

John Gray, B.Sc , A.R.S.M , F.R A. I , London {Hon Assistant Treasurer^ 

K. G. Gupta, London, Member of Council of Secretary of State for India 

Dr, B. Guttman, J ournalist, London. * 

Prof. Alfred C. H addon, M A , Sc D., F.R.S. {Ethnology ^ U. of Cambridge). 
Halil Halid, M.A. {Turkishy U of Cambridge). 

Prof. Leonard T. Hobhouse {Sociology y U. of London). 

John Atkinson Hobson, M.A., London. 

Sir Harry Johnston, G.C.M.G., KCB., Polmg, representing the Royal Geo- 
graphical Society 

T. A. Joyce, M.A., London, Hon Sec, Royal Anthropological Institute. 

Arthur F. Lake, Merchant, London. 

Duncan Campbell Lee, M.A., London. 

Mrs. Archibald Little, London, Author and TravellA. 

Robert RaNULPH Marett, M.A, F R.A I., Oxford University. 

Prof, D. S. Margoliouth, U Lit {ArabtCy U. of Oxford). 

R^v. F. B. Meyer, BA, late President of National Federation of Free Churches. 
John E. Milholland {Hon, Treasurer for U,S,A,)y New York and London. 

Prof. J. H. Muirhead, LL,D. {Philosophy y LT. of Birmingham). 

Prof. J. L. Myres, M.A. F.S.A. {Anaent History 
Shrijut Hi pin Chandra Pal, London. 

R. H. Pye, F.R.A.I., London, representing the Royal Anthropological Institute. 

S, K. RatCLIFFE, London, Secretary and representing the Sociological Society. 

L. W. Ritch, M.A., Barrister-at-Law, London. 

John Mackinnon Robertson, M.P., London. 

Rev. Dr. RosedaLE, London. 

Harry Snell, London, Secretary Union of Ethical Societies. 

William T. Stead, London, Editor of “ Review of Reviews ” 

S. H. Swinny, M.A., London, representing the Sociological Society. 

Mary F. A. Tench, F.R.A.I., London. 

Major A. J. N. Tre^Siearne, B.A. {Hausuy U. of Cambridge). 

Major-General Sir Alfred Turner, K.C.B., London. 

H. J. Welch, Solicitor, London. 

Prof.,l!DWARD Westermarck (London U. and U. of Helsingfors). 

J. MarjiN White, J.P., London. 

Sir James Wilson, K.C.S.L, London. 



XX 


UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 


.HON.‘ VICE-PRESIDENTS. 

/. Members qf the Permanent Court of Arbitration and of the { 

Second Hague Conference, 

• (At the time of acceptapce — Pi. la date d’adh^sion.)F ^ 

Argentina — M. ESTANISLAS S. ZEBALLOI^ late Minister of State,* Member 
of fhe Hague Court, Member of the Institut de Droit International, Professor 
qf International Law. ^ 

Austria — Prof. Dr. H. LAMMASCH, Member of both Hague Conferences, 
Member of the H^ue Court, Professor of Ifitef national Law. . 

Baron Dr. ERNEST DE PLENER, Senator, Councillor of State President 
of the Supreme Court of the Exchequer, Member of the Hague Court, 
Member ofihe Council of the Inter- Parliamentary Union. 

Belgiumr-wyi, A. BEERNAERT, Deputy, Minister of State, late Prime 
Minister, Member of the Hague Court and of both Hague Conferences, 
President of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, Nobel Peace Prize, Hon. 
Member of the Institute of International Law. * 

Le Baron GUILLAUME, Belgian Minister in Paris, Member of the Second 
Hague Conference, Member of the Royal Academy of Roumania. 

M. ERNEST NYS, Judge at the Brussels Court of Appeal, Member of the 
Hague Court, Professor of International Law. 

Brazil — M. CLOVIS BEVILAQUA, Jurisconsult at the Foreign Office, Member 
of the Hague Court, Member of the Brazilian Academy, Professor of Law. 

M. EDUARDO F. S. DOS SANTOS LISB6A, Brazilian Minister at The 
Hague, Member of the Second Hague Conference. • 

M. LAFAYETTE RODRIGUES PEREIRA, late Prime Minister, Member 
of the Hague Court. 

Bulgaria — Dr. STOYAN DANEFF, late Prime Minister, late Minister for 
Foreign Affairs, Member of the Hague Court, late Professor at the 
University of Sophia. 

M. IVAN KARAN DJOULOFF, Attorney General of the Bulgarian High 
Court of Cassation, Member of the Second Hague Conference. 

Chile — Dr. ALEJANDRO ALVAREZ, Councillor at the Foreign Office, 
Member of the Hague Court. 

Dr. MIGUEL CRUCHAGA, late Prime Minister, Chilian Minister at 
Buenos-Ayres, Member of tJie Hague Court. 

+M. DOMINGO GAN A, Minister of Chile in Loncjon, Member of the Second 
Hague Conference. * 

M. AUGUSTO MATTE, Minister of Chile in Berlin, Member of the Second 
Hague Conference. 

M. WU TING-FANG, late Chinese Ambassador in Washington, late 
Imperial Commissioner, Member of the Hague Court. 

M. LOU TSENG-TSIANG, Chinese Minister at The Hague, Member of the 
Second Hague Conference. 

Colombia — M. PEREZ TRIANA, Minister of Colombia in London, Member of 
the Second Hague Conference. 

M. JUAN B. HERNANDES BARREIRO, President of the Supreme 
Tribunal of the Republic, Member of the Hague Court. 

M. GONZALO DE QUESADA, Cuban Minister in Berlin, Member of 
the Hague Court. 

Denmark — M. A. VEDEL, Sheriff for the county of Nestvest, Member of the 
Second Hague Conference. 

Dominican Republic— Dv. FRANCISCO HENRIQUEZ Y CARVAJAL, late 
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Member of the Hague Court and of the Second^ 
Hague Conference. 

M. RAFAEL J. CASTILLO, President of the Supreme Court of Justice, 
Member of the Hague Court. ^ . 

M. ELISEO GRULL6n, late Minister for Foreign Affairs, Membef of the 
Hague Court. 



OFFICERS, CX>UNCIL, AND ‘SUPPoIrTERS ^ 

Ecmdor^U^ E. DORN Y m ALSUA, Member of the»Second Hague C<m-» 
feimncc^Charg^ d’Af&ires in Paris. * 

General JULIO ANDRADE, Deputy, laisp Mj^istse*! cffi^PubUc Instruction, 
. Ministeppf Ecuador at Bogota, Member of the Hague Ck)urt 

Franc 0 ^M* L60N BOURGEOIS, late Prime Minist^ and President of the 
'' Chamber of Deputies, Member of the Hague Court and of both Hague 
Conferences. , , , * ^ 

Baron D’ESTOURNELLES DE CONSTANT, Senator, Member of 
bcllh Hague Conferences, ^Member of the Hague Court, President of the 
Conciliation Internationale,Wobel Peace Prize. 

M. ALBERT Q^GRAIS, Seilator, late Ambassador and Colonial MJpister, 
Member of the Hague Court, 

M. MARCELLIN PELLET, French Minister at The Hague, Member of the 
Second Hague Conference. 

M. LOUIS RENAULT, Membre de ITnstitut, Member of both Hague Con- 
ferences, Member of the Hague Court, Nobei Peace P^ze, Professor of 
International Law. 

Germany — Dr. L. v. BAR, Member of the Hague Court, Hon. Meifiber of the 
Institute of International Law, Professor of International Law. 

^ Dr. PHILIPP ZORN, Senator, Member of both Hague Conferences, 
Professor of International Law. 

Greece — M. A. TYPALDO-BASSIA, late President ad interim of Greek Parlia- 
ment, Member of the Hague Court, Professor of Economics. 

Prof. Dr. MICHEL KEBEDGY, Judge of the Court of Appeal at Alexandria, 
Member of the Hague Court. , 

M. CLEON RIZO RANGABE, Greek Minister in Berlin, Member of the 
Second Hague Conference. 

, M. GPEORGES STREIT, Member of the Second Hague Conference, Member 
of the Hague Court, Professor of International Law. 

Guatemala—U, ANTONIO BATRES JAUREGUI, late Minister of State, 
Member of the Hague Court. , 

M. LUIS TOLEDO HERRARTE, Minister of Guatemala at Washington, 
Member of the Hague Court. 

M. MANUEL CABRAL, late Minister of State, President of the Judiciary 
Power, Member of the Hague Court. 

Haiti — M. JEAN JOSEPH DALBEMAR, late Haytian Minister in Paris, 
Member of the Second Hague Conference. 

M. tTERTULLIEN GUILBAUD, late Chief of Cabinet, late Senator, 
Member of the Hague Court. 

M. PIERRE HUDICOURT, Member of the Second Hague Conference, 
B^tonnier de I’Ordre dcs Avocats de Port-au-Prince, late Professor of Inter- 
national Law. 

M. JACQUES NICOLAS LEGER, late Minister of Hayti in Washington, 

^ Member of the Hague Court, Member of the Second Hague Conference, 
President of the Port-au-Prince Society for Legislation. 

General LEGITIME, late President of the Republic of Hayti, Member of the 
Hague Court. 

M. SOLON MENOS, late Minister of Finance, Commerce, Justice, and 
Foreign Affairs, Member of the Hague Court. 

Hungry — Count ALBERT APPONYI, Deputy, late Minister of Public Educa- 
tion, late Speaker, Member of the Hague Court. 

M. ALBERT de BERZEVICZY, President of the Chamber of Deputies, 
^#^resident of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Member of Hague Court. 

Itcdy — M. GUIDO FUSINATO, Deputy, Councillor of State, late Minister of 
Public Instruction, Member of the Second Hague Conference, Member of 
the Hague Court, late Professor of International Law. 
fM. ANGELO MAJORANA, Deputy, late Minister of Finance, Member of 
the Hague Court, Professor of International Law. 

+M. AtlGUSTE PIERANTONI, LL.D. (Oxford and Edinburgh), Senator, 
late President of the Institute of International Law, Member of the Hague 
•Court, Professor of International Law. 

GUIDO POMPILJ, Deputy, Under Secretary of State for Foreign 
Affairs, Member of both Hague Conferences. 



KXii dNlVBRSAL RACES COArGftESS 

/a^ftwM^Baron Dr. ^TCHIRd MOTONO, Japanese Ambassador at St, Peter^s- 
buri^, Member of the Hague Court and of the First Hague Coofeirence, 

M. AIMARO ^SATO, Japanese Minister at The Hague, Mfmoer of the 

^ Second Hague Conference. ' 

' Ml KKIROKU TSyOZUKI, Member of the Second Hague Confetieitcee 

EYSCHEN, Thg Minister of State, President of Jhe Grand- 
, • Ducal Government, Member of both Hague Conferences. ♦ \ 

Mexico— M, FRANCISCO L. de la BARRA, Mexican Ambassador at Wash- 
ington, Member of the Second Hague Conference. 

M. JOAQUIN D. CASASUS, late Ambassador at Washington; late Director of 
tiie National School of J urisprudence of Mexico, Member (ff the Hague Court. , 
M. GONZALO A. ESTEVA, Mexican Minister in Rome, Member of the 
Second Hague Conference. # 

Dr^JOApUIN OBREGON GONZALEZ, Governor of the State of 
Guanajuato, Member of the Hague Court. 

M. JOS6 ItfES LIMANTOUR, Secretary of State in the Ministry of 
Finance, Member of the Hague Court. 

M. PABLO MACEDO, Deputy, President of the Monetary Commission^ 
Director of the National School of Law, Member of the Hague Court. 

M. SEBASTIAN B. de MIER, Mexican Minister in Paris, Member of the 
Second Hague Conference. 

N^0terlands — M. T. M C ASSER, Minister of State, Member of the Council 
of State, Member of the Hague Court and of both Hague Conferences, 
Foundation Member and Hon. Member of Institute of International Law. 
The JONKHEER G. L, M. R. RUYS de BEERENBROUCK, late 
Minister of Justice, Queen’s Commissioner in the Province of Limburg, 
Member of the Hague Court. u 

M. F. B. CONINCK LIEFSTING, late President of the Court of Cassation, ‘ 
Member of the Hague Court. 

The JONKHEER DEN BEER PORTUGAEL, Lieutenant-General, late 
Minister of Wa^ Member of the Council of Slate, Member of the First and 
Second Hague Conferences. 

The JONKHEER J. A. ROELL, Vice-Admiral retired, Aide-de.Camp to 
Her Majesty, late Minister of Marine, Member of the Second flague Con- 
ference, First Naval Delegate to the Naval Conference in London. 

Nicaragua CRISANTO MEDINA, Minister of Nicaragua in Paris, 
Member of the Hague Court and of the Second Hague Conference. 

M. D6SIR6 PECTOR, Member of the Hague Court, Consul-GenA'al for 
France of Nicaragua and Honduras. 

Norway — M. JOACHIM^ GRIEG, late Deputy, Member of Second Hague 
Conference. * 

Dr. FRANCIS HAGERUP, late Premier, Norwegian Minister at Copen- 
hagen, Member of the Second Hague Conference, Member of the Hague 
Court, Member of the Storting Nobel Committee. « 

M. H. J. HORST, late Deputy, late President of “ Lagting,” Member of Inter- 
parliamentary Council, Member of the Nobel Committee of the*“ Storting,” 
Member of the International Peace Bureau, Member of the Hague Court, 
Dr. SIGURD IBSEN, late Minister of State, Member of the Hague Court. 

Dr. CHRISTIAN L. LANGE, Member of the Second Hague Conference, 
General Secretary of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. 

Panama — M. BELISARIO PORRAS, Envoy Extraordinary, Member of the 
Second Hague Conference. 

Persia ^U, MIRZA HASSAN-KHAN MUCHIR-UL-DEVLET, Minister of 
Justice, Member of the Hague Court. 

M. MIRZA AHMED KHAN SADIGHUL MULK, Persian Minister at the 
Hague, Member of the Second Hague Conference. 

M. MIRZA SAMAD-KHAN MOMTAZOS SALTANEH, Persian Minister 
in Paris, Member of the Hague Court and of both Hague Conferences. 

Portugal — M. ALBERTO D’OLIVEIRA, late Portuguese MinisterVt Berne, 
Member of the Second Hague Conference. ** ^ 

M. FERNANDO MATTOSO SANTOS, late Minister of Finance and of 
Foreign Affairs, Member of the Hague Court. 



OFFICERS, C0?JNOIL, AND -StJPPdRTERS 

MARQUIS 6e SOVERAL, G.C.MlG.i Councillor tofptate, lat? Mini^^ 

, f0r F^^^ign Affairs, late Portuguese Ambassa^otr in London, Member <>1* 
the S^nd Hague CSnference. * 

I^ 0 umanm-r~M. CONSTANTIN G. DISSESCU, Senator} late Minister of 
Justice and of Education, Member of the Hague Court, Member of the 
Inter-Parliam^ntary'Council, Professor of Law. * 

Bt.jum i^LmOERU, lale President the High Court of Cassation and 
Jifttice, Member of.^thc Roumanian*^ Academy, Administrator of the C*t>wn 
Domains, 'Member of the Hague Court ' 

M. THEODORE G. ROSKin, late Premier, late President of the High 
Court of Cassation, Membe)^ of the Hague Court. 

— M.’ J. OVTCHINNIKOW, Professor of International Law, jSfembef 
of both Hague ConferencciJ. 

JNICOLAS TCHARYKOW, Russian Ambassador at Constantinople, 
Member oi the Second Hague Conference. 

Satvador-^M,, PEDRO J. MATHEU, Consul-General of Ssivador in Spain, 
Member of the Hague Court and of the Second Hague Conferei]pe. 

Servia — General SAVA GROUITCH, late President of the Council of State, 
Member of the Second Hague Conference. 

• M. MILOVAN MILOVANOViTCH, Ministerfor Foreign Affairs, Member of 
the Hague Court and of the Second Hague Conference, late Professor of Law.' 
M. MILENKO R. VESNITCH, Servian Minister for France ^d 
Belgium, late Minister of Justice, late President of the Skouptchina, 
Member of the Hague Court, late Professor of International Law. 

GABRIEL MAURA Y GAMAZO, Comte de la Mortera, Deputy, 
Member of the Second Hague Conference. 

M. EDUARDO DATO IRADIER, President of the Chamber of Deputies, 
late Minister of the Interior and of Justice, Member of the Hague Court, 

M. RAFAEL M. DE LABRA, Senator, Director of Primary Instruction, 
Member of the Hague Court, Member of the Institute of International Law* 
M. RAFAEL DE URENA Y SMENJAUD, Member «f the Hague Court, 
Professor of Law. 

M. WENCESLAO RAMIREZ DE VILLA URRUTIA, Senator, late 
Minister for Foreign Affairs, Spanish Ambassador in London, Member of 
both Hague Conferences. 

Sweden— U. JOHAN FREDRIK IVAR AFZELIUS, Deputy, President of the 
Commission for the Revision of the L.aw, late Judge of the Supreme Court, 
Member of the Hague Court. 

M. KNUT HJALMAR LEONARD DE HAMM ARSKJOLD, late Minister 
of Justice and of Education, late Swedish Minister at Copenhagen, late 
President of the Court of Appeal of Jonkoping, Governor of the Province of 
Upsala, Member of the Hague Court and of the Second Hague Conference, 
late Professor of Law. 

Switzerland — M. GASTON CARLIN, Swiss Minister in London, Member of 
the Second Hague Conference. 

Dr. EUGEN HUBER, Member of the National Council, Member of the 
Hague Court, Professor of L;iW. 

Dr. MAX HUBER, Member of Second Hague Conference, Professor of Law. 

Turkey — M. SAID BEY, President of the Legislative Section of the Council of 
State, Member of the Hague Court. 

GABRIEL EFFENDI NORADOUNGHIAN, Senator, late Minister of 
Commerce and Public Works, Member of the Hague Court. 

MOUSTAFA R^;CHID PASHA, Turkish Ambassador at Vienna, Member 
of the Second Hague Conference. 

TURKHAN PASHA, Ottoman Ambassador at St, Petersburg, Member of 
the Second Hague Conference. 

United States— The Hon. JOSEPH H. CHOATE, LL.D., late United States 
Ambassador to Great Britain, Member of the Second Hague Conference* 
The Hon. GEORGE B. DAVIS, Judge Attorney GenerS, Member of the 
Second Hague Conference. 

The Hon. JOHN W. GRIGGS, late Attorney-General, Member of the Hafoe 
Court. 



, uilVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

The Hon. HORi^E PORTER, late United States Ambassador in Paris, 

Member .of the Second Hague Conference. i ^ « 

The Hon. URIAH M. ROSE, Ambassador Extraordinary, Menioer of th© 
Second Hagu^ Conference. 

Uruj^y--Dr, GONZAJ.O RAMIREZ, Minister of Uruguay at Buenos-Ayres, 
Professor of International Law in the University of Montevideo, Member 
of the Hague Court. * , ^ 

Dr. FRANCISCO ARROYO PAREJO, «Legal Adviser at the 
Ministry for Public Works, Professor of Civil Law at the Univtff^jty ol* 
Caracas, Member of the Hague Court. f 

Dr,^ARLOS LEON, late Minister of Pfblic Instructii»n, late Governor 
of the Federal District, late Judge at the Court of Cassation, Professor 
of Sociology and Economics at the University of Caracas, Membe^j-of the 
Hague Court. 

General MANUEL ANTONIO MATOS, late Minister of State, late President 
of the Senate^ Member of the Hague Court. 

c 

. //. Presidents of Parliaments 

(At the time of acceptance— A la date d^adh^sion ) 

Argentina — M. B. VILLANUEVA, President of the Senate. ** 

Belgium — M. le VICOMTE SIMONIS, President of the Senate. 

M. COOREMAN, President of the Chamber of Deputies. 

Brazil— Nf, QUINTINO BOCAYUVA, President of the Senate. 

Bulgaria — Dr. P. ORACHNOWAC, President of the National Assembly. 

Canada — The Hon. CHARLES MARCIL, M.P., LL.D., Speaker of the House 
of Commons of Canada. • 

Costa Rtca — M. RICARDO JIMENEZ, President of the Chamber of Deputies, 
President of the Republic for 1910-1914. 

Denmark — Dr. CARL GOOS, President of the Senate. 

M. CHR. SONNEI^ (late) President of the Senate. 

M, A. THOMSEN, President of Folketing. 

France — M. ANTONIN DU DOST, President of the Senate. 

M. HENRI BRISSON, President of the Chamber of Deputies. 

Germany — Graf v. SCHWERIN-LOWITZ, President of the Reichstag. 

Hayti — M. F, P. PAULIN, President of the Senate. 

M. GERSON DESROSIER, President of the National Assembly. • 

Hungary — Count ALB IN CSAKY, President of the Chamber of Magnates. 

M. ALBERT DE BERZEVICZY, President of the Chamber of Deputies. 
3 <lso Section I ) ^ 

Count AURELE DESSEVFFY, (late) President of the Chamber of Magnates. 

Dr. ALEXANDER GAL, (late) President of the Chamber of Deputies. 

Japan — M. S. HASEBA, President of the Chamber of Deputies. * 

Netherlands— M. I. E. N. Baron SCHIMMELPENNINCK VAN DER OYE 
DE HOEVELAKEN, President of the Senate. 

PoHugal—U. ]OSt JOAQUIM MENDES LEAL, President of the House of 
Deputies, late Ci\il Governor. 

iifottwamfl^General C. BUDISTEANU, President of the Senate. 

M. PHEREKYDE, President of the Chamber of Deputies. 

Russia — M. N. A. HOMIAKOFF, late President of the Duma of the Emplro. 

Servta — M. A. NIKOLITCH, President of the Chamber pf Deputies. 

Spain—U, le MARQUIS de AZCARRAGA, President of the Senate. 

M. EDUARDO DATO IRADIER, President of the Chamber of Deputies 
(See also Section I.) 

Sweden — M, CHR. LUNDEBERG, President of the First Chamber. 

Switzerland — Dr. VIRGILE ROSSEL, President of the National Council 
Professor at the U niversity of Berne. 

Dr. PAUL USTERI, President of the State Council. ^ 

Turkey — His Highness SAID PASHA, President of Senate, late^Grand Viziw* 

M. AHMED RIZA, President of the Chamber of Deputies. ^ 



OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND* SUPPORTERS 

Ap*. jRuierSf Mmuiers of Gortsefn&n^ and Jm$a$sadort* 

* (At the time of acceptance — la date d’adhOsioiii*) 


acicv 


dfgmima-^Dr. V, DE LA PLAZA, Minister for Korean Affairs* 

le COMTE de LALAING, Belgian Minister in London. 

M. IcENKIN, Minister for Coloni^ AfifSirs. * 

Bolivta-^U. P. SANCHEZ BUSTAMENTE, Minister for Foreign Affairs. 
Bntstl^U. le MAR^CHAL S^^ERMES da FONSECA, President of the Re- 
' public. y 

BuIjspafia^'M* H®DJI MISCH^FF, Bulgarian Charge d’Affaires in LoMdon. 

General PAPRIKOFF, Bi^garian Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

Chinc^M* YIN-CH’ANG, Chinese Minister in Berlin. 

M. LI CHING FONG, K.C.V.O., Chinese Minister in London. 

M. WOU TSUNG-LIEN, Chinese Minister at Rome. 

Colombia — M. C. CALDERON, (late) Minister for Foreign Aftairs. m 

Denmark— M, LIMPRICHT, Governor of the Danish West India Inlands. 


J^rance—M. G. ANGOULVANT, C M G , Governor of French Ivory Coast. 

, M. VICIOR AUGAGNEUR, Governor-General of Madagascar. 

M. DIDELOT, Administrator of Saint-Pierre and Miquelon. 

M. LIOTARD, Lt -Governor of French Guinea. 

M. PASCAL, Governor of French Somaliland. 

Germany — Dr. ALBERT HAHL, Governor of German New Guinea. 

Dr. SOLF, Governor of Samoan Islands. 

Great Admiral Sir DAY H. BOSANQUET, G.C.V.O., K.C.B., J.P., 

EXL., Governor of South Australia. 

Sir CAVENDISH BOYLE, K.C.M.G., Governor and Commander-in-Chief 
of Mauritius. 

The Hon. ALFRED DEAKIN, Prime Minister of the Commonwealth of 
Australia. • 

Sir THOMAS DAVID GIBSON-CARMICHAEL, Bart., K.C.M.G., M.A., 
D.Lm Governor of Vicloria. 

Lt.-Ccdonel HENRY LIONEL GALLWEY, C.M.G,, D.S.O., Governor of 
$t. rielena. 

His Highness the RAJA OF KANIKA, 

Sir EVERARD im THURN, K.C.M.G., C.B., Governor of Fiji and High 
Commissioner of the Western Paciiic. 

The Hon. WILLIAM KIDSTON, Prime Minislir of Queensland. 

Sir GEORGE k. LE HUNTE, K.C M.G,, Governor and Commander-in-Chief 
of Trinidad and Tobago. • 

Sir JAMES H, S. LOCKHART, K C.M.G. , Commissioner of Walhaiwai. 

Sir WILLIAM MacGREGOR, G.C.M.G., C.B., M.D., D.Sc., LL.D., 

F. F.P.S,, Governor of Queensland. 

• His Highness THE MAHARAJA BAHADUR of Darbhanga, K.C.I.E. 

His Highness THE MAHARAJADHJRAJA, Bahadur of Burdwan. 

His Highness MAHARAJA SAYAJIRAO GAEKWAR OF BARODA, 

G. C.S.I., etc., etc. 

The Right Hon. Sir FREDERICK ROBERT’ MOOR, P.C., K.C.M.G., 
D.C.L., LL.D., M.L.A., Prime Minister of Natal 
Lt.-Col. Sir N. J. MOORE, K.C.M.G., Premier of Western Australia. 

The Hon. J. H. P. MURRAY, Lt.-Governor of Papua. 

The Hon. JOHN MURRAY, Premier of Victoria. 

His Highness THE NAWAB of Dacca. 

Sir SYDNEY OLIVIER, K.C.M.G., Governor of Jamaica, 

The Hon. A. C. RUTHERFORD, Prime Minister of Alberta, Canada. 
Lieut.-Col. Sir JAMES HAYES SADLER, K.C.M.G., C.B., Governor and 
Commander-in-Chief of Windward Islands. 

The Hon. J. W. SAUER, M.L.D., Minister of Railways and Harbours of the 
Dominion of United South Africa. 

pXs Highness RAJA AIPUDAMAN SINGH of NABHA, G.C.S.L, G.C.I.E. 


\ 


See also under Sections I. and II. — Voir aussl Sections I. et 11. 



' Th^ Hon. CHARLES 

Spnth Wales. » . 

TbeRiffht Hon^Sir JOSEPH G. WARD, K.C.M.G., LL.D., Premier of 
New Zealand. t 

dreece — M. J. GEN NADI US, Gre^ Minister in London. ^ 

dmiemala—U. ESTRADA CABRERA, President of the Republic. • 

HayH — M. MURAT CLAUDE, Minister for Foreign Affairs* and .Public 
Instruction. / 

M. C/FOUCHARD, Haytian Minister in Beilin. 

M. GEORGES SYLVAIN, Haytian Ministerfin Paris. • 

M. DURACIN6 VAVAL, Haytian Minister inj-ondon. 

Honduras — General MIGUEL R. DAVILA, President of the Republic. 

Dr. LUIS LAZO ARRIAGA, Minister of Honduras at Washington. 

Italy — M. L. CR^DARO, Minister of Public Instruction. 

Liberia — M. ARTHUR BARCLAY, President of the Republic. 

M. J. CROMMELIN, Liberian Minister in London. 

M. M. DINKLAGE, Charge d ’Affaires for Liberia in Germany. 

The Hon. F. E. R. JOHNSON, Secretary of State. 

Mexico — M. MIGUEL COVARRUBIAS, Mexican Minister in London. 
Netherlands — Dr. D. FOCK, Governor of Surinam, late Colonial Minister, 
Member of the Institut Colonial International. 

Baron GERICKE VAN HERWIJNEN, Netherlands Minister in London. 

M. J..ft. de WAAL MALEFYT, Minister for Colonial Affairs. 

Dr, Th. J. A. NUYENS, Governor of Curasao, West Indies. 

Baron A. J. QUARLES DE QUARLES, Governor of Island of Celebes. 
Nicaragua — M. JOSE MADRIZ, President of the Republic. 

Persia — M. HAKIM-EL-MOLK, Minister of Public Instruction. 

M. MAHMOUD KHAN, Persian Mimster at Brussels, Corresponding 
Member of the LKbon Geographical Society. 

M. MIRZA MEHDl KHAN MUSHIR-UL-MULK, Persian Minister ia 
London. 

M. MOHTACHEMOS-SALTANEH, Minister for Foreign Affairs. ‘ 

M. MIRZA MOUSTAPHA KHAN SAFAOL MiiMALEK, Persian Minister 
in Vienna 

M. ISAAC KHAN MOFAKHAM-ED-DOVLEH, Persian Minister at Rome. 
M. MOKHBER-ES-SALTANEH, Governor-General of Azerbaidjan (Tabriz). 
M. MIRZA MAHMOUD KHAN EHTECHAM-OS-SALTANE, Persian 
Minister in Berlin. 

M. VUSOUK ED DAULEH, Minister of Justice. 

Peru — M. EDUARDO LEMBCKE, Charge d’Affaires of Peru in London. 
Portugal — M. A. A. FREIRE D’ANDRADE, Governor-General of Portuguese 
East Africa. • 

M. MAGALHAES LIMA, Portugese Minister in London. 

M. MARQUES, Governor of Macao. 

M. ROCADAS, Governor of Angola. 

RouMania^M. A. C. CATARGI, Roumanian Minister in London. 
Saivador-^GencraA F. FIGUEROA, President of the Republic. 

Servia.^U. S. Y. GROUITCH, Servian Charge d’Affaires. 

The Ven. P. C. JINAVARAVANSA, S’yam Rajakumara Niyaka 
Thera, M.R.A.S. (the late Col. Prince Prisdang, C.M.G., etc., of Siam)« 
Ratna Chetiyarama, Colombo. 

Spain-^M. FIDE LEON Y CASTILLO, MARQUIS DEL MUNI, Senator, 
late Minister of State, Spanish Ambassador in Paris. ^ 

Sweden — Qount H. WRANGEL, Swedish Minister in London, 

Turkey — NAOUM PASHA, Turkish Ambassador in Paris. 

RIFAAT PASHA, Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

TEWFIK PASHA, Turkish Ambassador in London. • 

General JUAN VICENTE GOMEZ, President of the Republic.* 
UniUd States^"!.}. O’BRIEN, LL.D., United States Ambassador at Tokycf. 


G&.EGORY WADE, K.C., •Prime MimWlr*of New 



OFFICERS, COUNCIL, ANO '^PlflRTEkS ^ 


, HON. GENERAL COMMlfXEE, 

President: > 

Prof. FELIX ADLE;|1, New York. 

• "• 

^ ^ Vieo-Presldents : 

Prof. FEI45£^v. LUSCHaV, Berlin. Sir 'EDWARD BUSK',* I-ondon. 

Baron D’ES^TOf-lRNELLES de CONSTANT, Paris.^ 

Ills HiGH^ss Prince de Cassano, Rome. 


^ ^ AFGHANISTAN. 

Fakir Syed Iftjkharuddin, British Agent at Kaboul. 

ARGENTINA. 

*Dr. F. Ameghino, Director National Natural History Museum at Buenos Ayre^. 
Prof. Eduardo L Bidau, Aigentme Delegate to the fourth Pan-Amencan Cour 
gress {International LaWy U. of Buenos Ayres). 

M. Nestor Careto, Cordova 
Dr. Manuel Dessein, Buenos Ayres. 

M. Victor O. Diard, Buenos Ayres, President- General of the Universal Scientific 
Alliance for America 
M. AUG|]rsTE Lappa, Buenos Ayres. 

Dr. iGuJLLERiMO iMatti, Buenos Ayies. 

Prof. 15(5^*! Enrique Martinez Paz {Sociology y U. of Cordova) 

Prof. 'iteNAUD .Sarrat, Buenos Ayres 

M. TratoDOKL SOURDILLE, Mathematician, Cordova. * 

Prof. Leon Suarez {International Lawy U. of Buenos Ayres). 

AUSTRIA. 

Prof. Dr. J. DE Blociszewski {Dzplofnattc History and International Law, 
•Consular Academy, Vienna). 

Dr. Rudolf Eisler, Secretary of the Vienna So:iological Society, Editor of 
“ Philos.-Sociologische Bucherei,” 

M. Alfred H. Fried, Vienna, Editor of FriedensguartCy Member of the Inter* 
national Peace Bureau 

Prof. Dr. Rudolf Geyer {ArabiCy U. of Vienna). 

Dr. Rudolf GolBscheid, Sociological Society of Vienna. 

* Prof. Dr. Hans Gross {LaWy U. of Graz). 

Prof. Dr. Max GruNIIRT, Rector of the German University in Prague. 

Prof. Dr. Wladyslaw Heinrich {Philosophy y IT. of Cracow), 

Dr. Friedrich Hertz, Vienna, Author. 

Prof. Dr. Maurice Hoernes {Prehistorical Archaeology, U. of Vienna). 

Prof. Baron Alexander v. Hold-Ferneck {International LaWy U. of Vienna). 
Prof Dr. Friedrich Jodl {Philosophy, U. of Vienna). 

Prof. Dr. J. KirstE {Oriental Philology, U. of Graz). 

Prof. Dr. Rudolf Kobatsch {Commeraal Politics, Konsular Akademie, Viopa)*," 
Prof. pr. Karl Kretschmer {Comparative Philology, U. of Vienna). / 

Prof. T. G. Masaryk, Member of Reichsrat {Philosophy, U. of Prague). 

Prof. Dr. Alexius Meinong {Philosophy, U. of Graz). 

Dn Julius OfneR, Vienna, Member of Reichsrat. 

Dr. Albert REIBMAYER, Bnxen, Tyrol. 

Prdf Dr; Emil Reich (Aesthetics, U. of Vienna). ' 

Count Michel Rostworowski, Associate of the Institut de Droit International 
" ^ yConisUtuUonal and Infer tiaiional Law, U. of Cracow), 
rrof. Pr. Franco Savorgnan {Economics, Higher Commercial School^ Trieste). 
Fatj^er Wilhelm Schmidt, S.V.D., Editor of Antkro^s, MOdlihg, Vienna. 



^viii UrdVERSXL RACES CONGRESS . 

Prof. Dr. Leo Striswer {Ikterm^^nal Law^ U* of Vienna). 

Baroness Bertha V. Buttnbr, Vienna, Authoress, Ho% President o^ldie Int^- 
national Peace Bureau, Nobel Prize Laureate. #'• 

Prof. Dr. M.WinteiA^itz {Ethnology and Indian Philology^ German U.of Prague). 


BELGIUM. . # 

* • * 

Prof. MAtTRiCE Ansiaux {Economics, U of Brussels). 

Prof. Dr. BONMARIAGE {Colonial Hygiene, InstitutAes Hautes Etudes, Brussels). , 

Prof. J EAN Capart {Egyptology, U. of Li^ge) f 

The Ve^ Rev. Father A De Clercq, Scheut, Rertor of the S^minaire deS Mis- 
sions Etrang^res. 

Prof. Uector Denis {Philosophy, U of Brussels). • 

M. V. Denyn, Brussels, Director-General at the Belgian Colonial Office and Chief 
of the ColoniaLMinister’s Cabinet 

Prof. R. De Ridder {International Law, U. of Ghent). 

M". Destr^Bi Deputy, Brussels. 

Prof. Dr. Emile De Wildeman, General Secretary of the Third International 
Congress of Botany. 

M. Norbert Diderrich, Brussels, Member of Colonial Council, Member of* 
Institut Colonial International. 

Dr. Gustave Dryepondt, Brussels, Associate of Institut Colonial International. 

Prof L. Dupriez, Member of Colonial Council {Comparative Law, U.of Louvain). 

M, Paul Errera, Rector of Brussels University, Associate Institut de Droit 
International {Public La%u, U. of Brussels) 

M. Leon Furnemont, Brussels, Barrister, Deputy. 

Prof. Goffart {Economics and Industrial Geography, U of Ghent). 

Prof Th. Gollier {Japanese, U. of Li^ge) 

M. Michel Halewyck, Brussels, Director at the Belgian ColoniaU Office of 
Belgium, Second Secretary of Belgian Colonial Council. 

Prof Dr. E. Houze {Anthropology, U. of Brussels). 

Prof Michel Huisman {History and Economic Geography, U of Brussel?). 

Dr. Jules Ingenbleek, Brussels, Private Secretary" to Their Majest-ics the King 
and Queen of Belgium 

M. T. Janson, Brussels, Deputy, late Batonnier 

M. Camille Janssen, late Governoi-Geneial of the Belgian Congo, General 
Secretary of the International Colonial Institute 

M. H. La Fontaine, Senator, President of the International Peace Bureau {Inter- 
national Law, U. of Brussels). 

M. Aug. Houzeau de Lehaie, Senator, Member and Treasurer of the Inter- 
parliamentary Council. • 

M. Maurice Maeterlinck, Author, Grasse (France). 

Prof Ernest Mahaim {International Law, U. of Li^ge). 

M. Paul Otlkt, Brussels, General Sec of Institut International de Bibliographic ^ 
and of Office Central des Institutions Internationales. 

M. Cyril van Overbergh, Brussels, Director-General for Higher Education, 
President of the Belgian Sociological Society, President of the Provisory 
International Bureau of Ethnography. 

Prof P. Poullet, Deputy, Associate of the Institut de Droit International {Inter- 
national Law, U of Louvain) 

M. Adolphe Prins, Inspector-General of Belgian Prisons, President of the Union 
Internationale de Droit P^nal {Law, U. of Brussels). 

Prof Albi^ric Rolin, General Secretary of the Institute of International Law 
{International Law, U. of Ghent). 

M. Henri Rolin, Judge {Law, U. of Brussels), 

M. F. C. DE Skeel-Giorling, Brussels, Editor of Revuo de la Kongresoj, 

Prof H. Speyer, Member of Colonial Council, Associate of Institut Colonial 
International {Criminal Law, U of Brussels). 

Colonel Thys, Brussels, President of the Compagnie du chemin de fer du Congo, 
Member of the Institut Colonial International. 

M. J. Van den Gheyn, S.J., Brussels, Chief Librarian Royal Library of Belgiffk^. 

Prof A. Vermeersch, S. J. {Moral Theology, Theological College, Louvain). 

M. p. VOUCHARD, Brussels, Editor of Mouvement Giographique, i 



. M* A. J. Walters, Brussels, General Sec, of Cot; 

Boyal Academy, Associate of In#tut ^ 
Brol Erw^WEiLER, Direc 


, Director of the Ins^tul do 



[way, Member of the 
ntemational. 
iog^ Brussels. 


BRAZIL. 

Madame AMEtU be Freitas Bevilaqua, Author, Rio de Janeiro. 

Frof.jojfto BliPTl^pE DE L ACERB A, Di^ectof National Museum of Rio de Ti^neiro. 
M. Jacques Huber, l^h.D., Par^, Director of Museo Goeldi de Historia Natural 
e*Ethnographia. ^ 

\ BULGARIA. 

M. Stefan S. ^BBbtchkv, Aputy, President of the Socidt^ Slave adfl of the 
Socidt4 des Publicistes B^Aares {History of Law ^ U. of Sophia). 

Prof^r. T. GH^ORGOV { Ph ^ sophy ^ U. of Sophia). 

Prof. Dr. IsiRKOL {Geography^ U. oi Sophia). 

Prof. M. POPOVILIEV, Dean of Faculty of Law {International J^am^ U. of Sophia). 


CHILE. 

M. Antonio Huneeus, Santiago, late Minister for Foreign Affairs. 

M. Marcial Martinez, LL.D. (of Yale and Edinburgh). 

•Prof. Carlos E. Porter, Director of the Natural History Museum of Valparaiso, 


CHINA 

C. W. Campbell, C.M.G., F.R.A.I., British Legation, Peking. 


COSTA RICA. 

Dr. Theodore Picado Marin, San Jose. 

DENMARK. 

Prof. Dr, Dines Andersen {Indian Philology^ U. of Copenhagen). 

M. Fredrik Bajer, Copenhagen, late Hon President of«the International Peace 
Bureau, Nobel Prize Laureate, Member of Inter-Parliamentary Council. 

Commodore E. Bluhme, Norlund, late Deputy, Membsitof the Danish Committee 
of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. 

M. Jens Christian Christensen, Copenhagen, late Prime Minister, Member 
of the Danish Committee of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. 

M. Carl Goos, late Minister of Justice, Member of Institut de Droit International. 

Prof, Dr. Harald PiOEFFDiNG {Philosophy^ U. of Copenhagen). 

Prof. Dr. Vilhelm Thomsen, Hon. M.RAS, President of the Royal Danish 
Academy {Comparative Philology^ U. of Copenhagen). 


DOMINICAN REPUBLIC. 

General Casimiro N. de Moya, Santo Domingo. 

EGYPT. 

Dr. M. Muhammad Badre, F.R.S.E., M.R.A.S., Cairo, of Edinburgh and Bonn 
Universities. 

His Excellency Hassan Sabry Bey, Cairo. 

His Excellency Shiek Aly Yusif, Cairo, Editor- Proprietor of AUMoayad^ 
President of the Constitutional Reform League. 

FRANCE. 

M. Emile Arnaud, Luzarches, Notary, General President of the Ligue Interna- 
tionale de la Paix et de la Libert^, Vice-President International Peace Bureau. 

M ALFRED Barriol, General Secretary of the Soci^t6 de Statistique of Paris. 

M. Guillaume Le Bars, Barrister, Vitry le-Fran^ois. 

M. Auguste Barth, Pans, Membre de Tlnstitut. 

Prof, Basdevant {International Law^ U. of Grenoble). 

M. Charles Beauquier, Deputy, Vice-President of the Parliamentary Peace 
Group, President of the Franco- Italian League, and Hon. President of the 
Franco-Ottoman League. 

Prijf. Alexis Bertrand {Philosophy^ U. of Lyons). 



7 


Universal races congress 


Prof. P. Vidal 'DE LAteLACHfc, Membre de flimkut U; 

Prof. Charles -de BOpcK (Mfenta/ionai Law, W. of Bo^^eaux). 

M. LiON BOLLACKf Paris, President of the Paris section of the AssodRIbn d« la 
Faix par le Droit, Author of La Langue Bleue. . 

Prof. Emile Borel, Editor of Revue du Mots {Maikematics, U. of Pans). 

Dr. Rodolphe Broda, Paris, Editor of Les Documents du Progrh. 

PrdF, Lucien L^vy Bruhl {Philosophy, U. of Paris). ^ # 

Prof. i^ON Brunschvicg {Philosophy, l>. of Pans). , 

M. Ferdinand Buisson, Pans, Deputy, Member Inter- Parliamentary Council. 
Prof. Paul ^Bureau {International Lazo, Faculty J^re de Droit, Jjaris). 

Prof. Jules Cabouat {International Lazv, U. of Chen). 

Prof. J!»CHAILLEY, Deputy, Director-General ol the French ‘Colonial Union, 
Member of the Institut Colonial Internatio\aJ {Comparative Oolof^sation, 
Ecole des Sciences Politiques, Pans). ^ 

Prof Alfred Chretien, Associate of the Institute of International Law {Inter^ 
national Lazv, U. of Nancy). 

M. Arthur Chu(Juet, Membre de T Institut {History and Germanic Languages, 
tJ. of Pari^\ 

Prof. Ambroise Colin {Comparative Lazv, U. of Pans). 

Dr. Ren]^ Collignon, Hon. F.R.A I , Cherbourg 

M. Gabriel Compayri^, Pans, Membre de F Institut. < 

Prof. Louis Couturat {Philosophy, U of Pans) 

Prof. Joseph Delpech {International Lazv, U of Dijon). 

Dr. J. DENlKER,Hon F.R A I ,Paris, Librarian of the Museum d’Histoire Naturelle. 
M. Paul Drschanel, Pans, Deputy, Member of the Acad^mie Frangaise^ late 
President of the Chamber of Deputies. 

Prof. L, Duguit ( International Lazv, U. of Bordeaux). 

Prof. Emile Durkheim {Sociology, U of Pans). 

Prof. E. DoVTTt {Mohammedan Civilisation, Ecole Supeneure des Lettres, Algiers). 
M. Paul Fauchille, Sceaux, Editor of the Revue GInIrale de Droit Inters 
national Public, 


M. Jean Finot, Paris,«Editor of La Revue, 

M. Alfred Fouill£e, Mentone, Membre de Flnstitut 

M. Lucien le Foyer, Deputy, Vice-President Association de la Paix par le Droit. 

Prof. E. F Gautier {Comparative Philology, Ecole des Lettres, Algiers). 

Prof. Henri Gerard {International Lazv, U. of Algiers). 

Prof. Gilbert Gidel {Intemahonal Lazv, U. of Rennes). 

Prof. Arthur Girault, Member of the Institut Colonial International {Colonial 
Legislation, U. of Poitiers). • 

Prof. J. Hali^vy {Egyptology, Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Pans). 

M, Clj^ment Huart, Professeur k PEcole des Langues Onen tales Vivantes, 
Directeur d’etudes a FEcole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Paris 

Prof. Jules Jacquey {International Lazv, U. of Lille). 

M, Emile Labiche, Pans, Senator, President of the French Inter- Parliamentary 
Peace Group, Member of Inter-Parliamentary Council. ^ 

Prof. A. DE Lapradelle, Editor of the Revue de Droit International Prive, and 
Co-Editor of the Recueil des Arbitrages Iniernationaux {International Law, 
'U. of Paris). 

M. FAbb6 Adrien Launay, S^minaire des Missions Etrang^res, Paris. 

Sa Grandeur Msgr. Alexandre Le Roy, Pans, Ev^que d’Alinda, Supi^rieur 
G^n^ral de la Congregation du St.-Esprit. 

M. le Vicomte Combes de Lestrade, Pans, Member of the International Institute 
of Sociology. 

Prof, E. Levasseur, Membre de Flnstitut, Administrator of the College de France 
((Economic History and Statistics, U. of Pans). 

Prof. L. Manouvrier, Hon. F.R. A. I. {Anthropology, Ecole Anthropologic, 
Paris). 

Prof. C. MeliNAND {Ethics, Ecole Normale Superieure, St. Cloud). 

M. Gaston Moch, Paris, Member of the International Peace Bureau, Hon. 
President of the Institut International de la Paix of Monaco, and Member of 
the Pans Committee for the Defence and Protection of Abongines. 

Prof. Gabriel Monod, Membre de Flnstitut, President of the Historitial 

Philological Section at the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes {His^^ and 
Historical Method, U. of Paris), | 



OFFICERS, COUNaL, AND 'SUPPC^TERS xjM 

t - ■ *• f ' • 

Fi^ Marcel {Intermtimal O. M a 

M- LoxJiSjtojL-iviER, Editojjof the G/mroiis^^^Scim^. 

Prof. Dr. ^Papillault (Soaolo^, Ecole d^Aftthropdteig^ie, Pms). 

Pr.of. D. Parodi {Philosophy^ Lycee Michelet, Paris). , 

Prof. Jean Perrinjaqukt U. of Aix-Marseille)* 

Prof. P. PlC {International Law^ U. of Lyons): • ^ ‘ ^ 

Prof. N- EpLi Jis, Associate of the Institute %f International Law, Edit^ of tho 
Roeueu des Arbitra^^ Internationault {International Law^ U. of Foitiei^)/ 

Prof MICHEL PevON {Civilisation of the Extreme East^ U. of Paris). ' 

Prof. Dr. C. RiOHET, Member International Peace Bureau {Physioloytf^ U. of Pahs). 
Dr. J. A.^ Riviere, President of Bhe International Medical Association for Aiding 
th^ Stippressiftn of War, Edijbr of Annales de Physicothlrafie. ^ 

Prof. L6on de Rosny, Pans, ^Tounf.e;- and European President of the Int^r- 
nfitoonal Association of Men of Science, formerly Professor of Eastern ^ligions 
at the Soi bonne and Professor of Japanese at Ecole des Langues Orientales. 
Prof. Th. Ruyssen, President of the Association de la P^ix par le Droit 
{Philosophy^ U. of Bordeaux). 

Prof. Gabriel SjSailles {Philosophy^ U of Pans) • 

Prof. A. Gairal de S^:rezin {International Law^ U. of Lyon). 

Dr. Paul Torinard, Pans, late Gen. -Sec of the Soci^te d’ Anthropologic of Pad|. 
5rof. Arnold VissiIire {Chinese^ Ecole des Langues Orientales, Pans). 

M. Waille>Maryal, Oran, President-General of the Alliance Scieatifiquc 
Universelle foi Africa 

Prof. Andri^ Weiss, Member of the Institut de Droit International {International 
Law^ U. of Pans). 

Prof, Ren#. Worms, Pans, Permanent Secretary Institut International de 
Sociologie, Editor of the Revue Internatiofiale de Soctologie {History of 
Sociology^ Ecole des Hautes Etudes Sociales, Pans). 

GERMANY. 

Prof. Dr Philipp Allfeld {International Law ^ U. of Erlangen), 
prof. Dr. Richard Andree, Munich. • 

Prof. Dr G. K. Anton, Member of the Institut Colonial International {Political 
Economy, U of Jena) 

Prof Dr. Paul Barth {Philosophy ^ U of Leipzig). 

Prof. Dr C. H. Becker, Associate of the Institut Colonial International {OrientcU 
History^ Colonial Institute in Hamburg). 

Pi of. Dr. Lujo Brentano {EconoimcSy U of Munich). 

Prof. Dr. Siegfried Brie {International Law, U. of Breslau). 

Prof Dr. Hermann Cohen {Philosophy, U. of Marbu.-g) 

Pi of. Dr. Friedrich Delitzsch, Hon. M R.A S {Assyrtology, U. of Berlin). 

Prof. Dr Alfred Doren {History, U. of Leipzig) • 

Prof. Dr. August During (Philosophy, U of Berlin). 

Prof Dr. Godehard Josef Kbkks {International L( no, U. of Breslau), 
jgrof. Richard Eickhoff, Remscheid, Member of Reichstag and Prussian Oitt 
Member of the Inter-Parliamentary Council. 

Prof. Dr. Benno Erdmann {Phtlosopf^, U. of Berlin). 

Frau LutY Hoesch Ernst, Ph.D., F.R.A.I., Godesberg. 

M. Erzberger, Member of Reichstag. 

Prof. Dr. Rudolf Eucken, Nobel Prize for Literature {Philosophy, U. of Jena). 
Dr. L. Feyerabend, President of the Anthropological Society of Oberlausitz, and 
President of the Society of Natural Sciences of Gorlitz. 

Prof. Dr. A. Finger {International Law, U. of Halle) 

Prof. Dr, august Fischer {Semitic Philology, U. of Leipzig). 

Prof. Dr. Eugen Fischer {Anthropology, U. of Freiburg). 

Prof. Dr. Wilhelm Foerster {Astronomy, U of Berlin). 

) Prof. Dr. Ernst Friedrich {Geography, U. of Leipzig). 

Sr. Hochw. P. Provinzial Dr. J. Froberger, Missionshaus der Weissen Vater, Trier, 
Prof. Dr. Fran? Adam Goepfert {Moraltheology, U. of Wurzburg). 

Prof, Dr. Ernst Haeckel {Zoology, U. of Jena). 

Prof. Dr. H. Harburger, Judge of the Supreme Court of Bavaria, Member 
^ institut de Droit International {International haw, U. of Munich). 

Prof, Dr. W. Hasbach {Economics, U. of Kiel). 

Prof. Dr. Julius Hatschek {Law, U. of Gottingen). 



, UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

\ ' V V ^ ' 

Profc Dr. Felix IlAUPTMfcv.NN, Member of Frussian Diet, Member 4f 
Parliamentary Cbuncil (^eikodolo^ of Latv^ U. oifiomi), ^ 

Justiarat Dn A. Heilberg, Breslau, Member of the International PeajRr Bureau. 
Prof Dr. Paul HeAborn {International Law, U. of Breslau). 

Dr. H. Herkner {Political Economy, Technische Hochschule, Berlin). 

Prof. Dr. J. Jastrow {Economics, Handelshochschule, Charlottenburg). 

Prof. Dr. Georg Jellinek {International Law, U. of Heidelberg). ^ 

Prof. Dr. Wilhelm Kaufmann {International Law, U. of Berlin); • 

Prof f)r. A. VON Kirchenheim {International Law, U. of Heidelberg). 

Dr. THEOtoOR KoCH-GRtNBERG {Ethnology, U^of Freiburg). 

Prof Dr. Josef Kohler {International Law, U. of Berlin). 

Prof 'Dr. Ernst Kuhn, Hon. M.R.A.S. {A riant Philology, U. df Munich)., 

Prof Dr. Eugen Kuhnemann {Philosophy, U. Breslau). 

Prof. Dr. Paul Laband, Member of the Council of State of Alsace- Dc^traine, 
Associate of the Institut Colonial International {Public Law, U. of Strassburg). 
Prof Dr. P. VON Lilienthal {International Law, U. of Heidelberg). 

Prof Dr. Theodor Lindner {History, U. of Halle). 

Prof Dr. F.RANZ v. Liszt {International Law, U. of Berlin). 

prof Dr. F. v. Luschan, Hon F.R A.I. {Anthropology, U. of Berlin). 

Prof Dr. Georg von Mayr, President of the Munich Oriental Society, Under- 
secretary of State {Economics, U. of Munich). ^ 

Prof Dr. Friedrich Meinecke {Modern History, u. of Freiburg). 

Prof Dr. Carl Meinhof {African Languages, Colonial Institut, Hamburg). 

Prof. Dr. Meurer {International Law, U of Wurzburg). 

Prof. Dr. Paul Natorp {Philosophy, U, of Marburg). 

Prof Albert Neisser U of Breslau). * 

Baron E. de Neufyille, Francfort o/M., Member International Peace Bureau. 
Prof Dr. Karl "Neumeyer {International Law, U. of Munich). 

Prof Dr. Theodor Niemeyer {International Law,'\3. of Kiel). 

Prof Dr. Hermann Oncken {Modern History, U. of Heidelberg). 

Prof Dr. Wilhelm Ostwald, Gross-Bothen. 

Dr. Rudolph Penzjg, Editor of “ Ethische Kultur,” Berlin, 

Dr. Arthur Pfungst, M R.A.S., Francfort-on-Mam. 

Prof Dr L. Flate {Zoology, U. of Jena). 

Prof Quidde, Munich, Member of the International Peace Bureau* 

Prof Dr. J. Ranke, Hon. F.R A.I. {Anthropology, U. of Munich). 

Prof Dr Paul Rathgen, Associate of the Institut Colonial International 
Economy, Colonial Institute in Hamburg). 

Prof. Dr. Fritz Regel {Geography, U. of Wurzburg). 

Dr. Adolf Richter, Pforzheim, President of the German Peace Society, Member 
of the International Peace Bureau. 

Prof Dr. Alois Riehl {Philosophy, U. of Berlin). 

Prof Dr. Robert Schachner {Political Economy, U. of Jena). 

Prof Dr. L. Schemann, Freiburg, President of Gobineau-Vereinigung. 

Prof Dr, Joseph Schmidlin {Church History, Catholic Faculty, U. of Munster). 
Prof Dr. Paul Schoen {International Law, U. of Gottingen). • 

Prof. Dr. Walter SchUcking {International Law, U. of Marburg). 

Prof Dr Georg Simmel {Philosophy, U. of Berlin). 

Prof Dr. Werner Sombart {Economics, Handelshochschule, Charlottenburg). 
Prof Dr Carl Stumpf, late Rector Vmversity of Berlin {Philosophy, U, of Berlin). 
Prof Dr. G. Thilenius, Gen Sec. of the German Anthropological Society, 
Director of the Ethnological Museum of Hamburg {Anthropology and 
Ethnology, Hamburg). 

Prof Dr. Ferdinand Tonnies {Sociology, U. of Kiel). 

Prof Dr. C. Uhlig {Geography, U. of Berlin). 

Prof Dr. V. Ullmann i^Internattonal Law, U. of Munich). 

Dr. A. Vierkandt {Ethnology, U. of Berlin). 

Prof Dr. Weule, Director Leipzig Ethnological Museum {Ethnology, U. of Leipzig). 
Prof Dr. Julius Wolf {Political Economy, U. of Breslau). 

GREAT AND GREATER BRITAIN. 

(a) BRITISH EMPIRE, EXCLUDING INDIA* 

Prof Albert H. Abbott {Philosophy, U. of Toronto). 

Dr. A. Abdurahman, Cape Town. 



OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS 3dt4i 

ISRAEir Abrahams, M,A. (Ta/mu^c, U. of OambridgJ)* 5 

Pim S". Ai^teANDER {Philosophy ^ U. of Maiich«flfer). , * 

Justin Charles William Alvarek, I.S.®., Tripcfli, Consul-General 

' for Tripoli of Barbary. 

The OMaNIJWB Amo^joO V., Anumabu, West Africa, ^ 

The Rt Rev. WaLter Andrews, D.D., Bishop of Hokkaido, Japan. 

Prof. Edward AnWYL, M.A. {Comparative Philology, U. College of Aberystwyth). 
The Rf. Rev. Thomas^ Henry Armstrong, D.D., Bishop of Wang^atta. 

AiUsWaiia. \ 

the Right Hon. W. F. Bailey, C.B., F.R.G.S., Dublin. 

Rev. RaMSDEN 'B^lmforth, Cafte Town. ^ 

The Rt Rev. Christopher GeAge Barlow, D.D., Bishop of Goulbum.^ 

Prof. .^aRLES F. Bastabli^, LL D., {International Law, U. of Dublin). 
JOHN^EDDOE, M.D , LLD., F.R S-, V.P R A L, etc., late President Royal Anthro- 
pological Institute, Biadford-on Avon. 

Sir Henry Arthur Blake, G.C.M.G., Youghal (heland), late Governor 
Bahamas, Newfoundland, Jamaica, Hong-Kong, Ceylon. 

Edward Wilmot Blyden, LL.D., Siena Leone. ^ 

Rev. W. Copeland Bowie, London, Sec. British and Foreign Unitarian Association. 
Prof. George Sidney Brett, M.A. {Philosophy, U. of Toronto). 

Rev. David Brook, M A, D.C.L. (Oxon), Southport, ex-President National Free 
Church Council. ' 

Prof. J. Brough, LL.D. {Philosophy, U. College of Aberystwyth). 

The Hon. Joseph Peter Brown, Cape Coast Castle, West Africa. 

Sir Charles Bruce, G.C M.G., J.P., D L., Leslie, late Governor of Mauritius. 
Prof. Thomas H. Bryce, M A , M D {Anatomy, U. of Glasgow). 

Prof. T. L. Bullock, M.A. {Chinese, U. of Oxford). 

Sir Percy Bunting, M.A., London, Editor of the Contemporary Review. 

• Herbert Burrows, London. 

The Rt. Rev. Herbert Bury, D.D. (Oxon), Bishop of British Honduras with 
Central America. 

William P. Byles, M.P., London. • 

Mrs. W. P. Byles, London. 

Charles Callaway, M A , D.Sc , Cheltenham. 

Edward Carpenter, Author, Sheffield. 

Prof. J. Estlin Carpenter, D Litt., Principal of Manchester College, U. of Oxford. 
Roger Casement, C.M.G., Consul-General at Rio de Janeiro. 

Joseph Charles Casson, Superintendent of Native Affairs, Zomba, Nyasaland, 
The Rt. Rev Arthur Chandler, Bishop of Bloemfontein, Orange Frefe State. 
Prof. S. J. Chapman, M.A {Political Economy, U. of Manchester). 

George G. Chisholm, M.A., B Sc {Geography, U. of Edinburgh). 

The Most Rev. Henry Lowther Clarke, Archbishop of Melbourne. 

Rev. John Clifford, M.A , LL.D., D.D., London. 

Edward Clodd, Author, London. 

^ANTON COIT, Ph.D., London. 

Robert J. Colenso, M.D. (Oxon), etc., London. 

Dr. Frank Corner, F.G.S , F.R A.L, M.R C.S., London. 

W. L. Courtney, M.A., LL.D., London, Editor of the Fortnightly Review. 
William Montgomery Crook, B A , F.R.G S , London. 

William Crooke, B.A., F.R.A.I., M.F.L.S., Cheltenham. 

Major S. Lyle Cummins, R.A.M.C., F.R A I., Netley, Hants. 

Dr. W. Evaj^s Darby, London, Secretary of the Peace Society, Member of the 
International Peace Bureau. 

Candn G. Dauth, Vice- Rector of the University of Laval, Montreal. 

Mrs. Rhys Davids, M.A., Ashton-on -Mersey, Hon. Sec. Pali Text Society. 

Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids, F.B.A., LL.D , Ph.D. {Comparative Religion, U. of 
Manchester). 

Rev. J, G. Davies, Barmouth, Sec Welsh Calvniistic Methodist General Assembly. 
.Prof. T. WiTTON Davies, Ph.D., D.D. {Semitic Languages, U. College Bangor). 
W. Boyd Dawkins, M.A., D.Sc., F.R S., F.S.A., F.G.S., F.R.A.I., Hon. Professor 
of Palaeontology in U. of Manchester. 

Mrs,t::. Dkspard, London. 

Robert Dqnald, London, Editor of the Daily Chronicle. , 

The M^st Rev. St. Clair G, Donaldson, Archbishop of Brisbane, Qaeenslend.<, 



^ MUBiv RAGES CONafUE^ 

Tlie Rt R^. JOHW P. Dlij, MoxJtw, Bishop of Niaqjara, Canada, 
llie Bt' Rev. A. Ht Dunn, D,D., Bishop of Qudjec, Canada. ^ 
gSe ltt. Rev’, ,Dr^, H. Duveret, D.IX, Bishop of Caledonia. . ' 

Rev, Charles S. Eby, D.D., Sec. Peace and Atbitration Society, Toronto, - 
Fnrf. Edward Edwards, M. A. {Hisiory^ U. College of Aberystwyth), ' 

ThcRt Hon,.Sir Edwin EGERTON,G.C.!d.G., K.C.B., York, late BtitishAlhbiistWidior 
>;at Rome. ^ 

RbBERT William Felkin, M.D., F.R.S.E,, F.R.G.S,; F.R.A:I., London! 

Pro£ Henry O. Forbes, LL.D., F.R.G.S., F.R.A.I., Director Of City 

Museums [Ethnography^ U. of Liverpool). 

The Rt. Rev. George H. Fordham, D.D., Bishop of North Queensland. 

Rev, J* E. Frederick, Native Wesleyan Minliter, Sierra Leone. i ' 

Aihf9LED G* Gardiner, London, Editor of the^^z;-^ iVm'x , 

, ARTHxm Eardlev Maxwell Gibson, M.A., B.C.L, -Southern Nigeria. 

V Rev. T. Monro Gibson, M.A., D.D., LL.D., late President National Free Church 
Counal. c 

Reginald John Gladstone, M.D., F.R.C.S., London. 

The Rt. Rev. Frederick Goldsmith, D.D., Bishop of Bunbury, Western Australia. 
George Peabody Gooch, M.A., late M.P., London. 

* Prof. Henry Goudy, M.A , D.C.L., LL D. (Civz/ Law, U. of Oxford). 

Prof. Frank Granger, D.Litt. [Philosophy, U. College of Nottingham). • 
Prof. Arthur J. Grant, M.A. [History, U. of Leeds). 

J, Frederick Green, London, Member of International Peace Bureau, Secretary 
of International Peace and Arbitration Association. 

The RtRev. John Grisdale, D.D., D.C.L., Bishop of Qu’appelle, Canada. 

Dr. Haden Guest, London. 

HADlR-UD-DEEN,Sec Government Mohammedan Board of Education, Sierra Leone. 
The Most Rev. Charles Hamilton, D D., Archbishop of Ottawa. 

Rev. James Hastings, M.A., D.D., St. Cyrus, Scotland. , , 

Prof. Matthew Hay, M.D., F.R.A.I. [Forensic Medicine, U. of Aberdeen), ' ' 
Prof. F. j. C. Hearnshaw, M.A , LL.B. [History, U. College of Southampton).* 
Carl Heath, London, Sec. National Peace Council. 

Rev. Archibald Henderson, D D , Crieff, Moderator of Assembly of the United 
Free Church of Scotland. 

D. F, a. Hervey, C.M.G., R.A.S., F.R.G.S., F R.A.I., Aldeburgh. 

Alexander Pearce Higgins [International Law, Cambridge and London). 

Prof. R. F. Alfred Hoernl6 [Philosophy, S. African College, Cap0 Town). 

Prof Hope W. Hogg, M.A., B.Litt. [Semitic Languages and Literature, U. of 
Manchester). 

A C. Hollis, Secretary Native Affairs, Nairoli, E. Africa Protectorate. 

The Rt Rev. Wilfrid Bird Hornby, D.D., Bishop of Nassau, Bahamas. 

Rev. Dr. R. F. Horton; M.A., London, late Chairman of Congregational Union 
of England and Wales 

The Rt. Rev. Geoffrey D. Iliff, D.D., Bishop of Shantung, N. China. 

, The Hon. Sir James Rose-Innes, K.C., Chief Justice of the Transvaal, Pretoria 
— Hugh, Editor The Voice, St Lucia, British W. Africa. 

The Rt. Rev. James Johnson, D.D., Bishop of Western Equatorial Africa. 

Sir Harry H. Johnston, G.C.M.G., K.C.B., D.Sc., etc., etc., Arundef Sussex. 
Rev. J. D. Jones, M.D., B.D., Bournemouth, President Congregational Union. 
Prof. W. Jenkyn Jones, M.A. [Potitical Saence, U. College, Abery&twyth). 

Prof Charles H. Keith Jopp [Maratta, U, of Oxford). 

A. H. Keane, LL.D , F.R.A.I., London. 

The Rt Rev. G. Lanchester King, D.D., Bishc^ of Madagascar. 

Dr. Louis Laberge, Montreal. 

The Rt Rev. Gerard H. Lander, D.D., Bishop of Victoria, Hong Kong. 

Rev, William B. Lark, Bude, President of the United Methodist Church. 

Prof. Robert Latta, Ph D [Logic and Rhetoric, U. of Glasgow)* 

Alfred Lionel Lewis, F.C.A., F.R.A.L, Wallmgton, Surrey. 

Rev. J. Scott Lidgett, M.A., D.D., late Presidfent Wesleyan Methodist Confer* 
ence and late President National Free Church Council. 

The Rt Rev. Joseph Lofthouse, Bishop of Keewatin, Canada. 

Prof. Joseph Henry Longford, late H.M. Consul at Nagasaki ijii^amse^va^% 
College, London). 

J. J. McClure, Cape Town, Ex-Moderator Presbyterian Church of fil Africa. 



OFFlfcEftS^ COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS 

Krof. J. Fk^DERtCK McCuri>v {Oneffial of.Taroato), 

a; C. MaciIdnald, F*R,G,6., F.R.Hist.Soc., F.Jnn&t* Mel^me. ' 

J. A. MjjrrSy Macd«3>nald, M.A,, M.P., Loi^doa. 

Sir-TORN Macponell, C.B., LL.D, M.A. {Inter^ional Law^ U. of London), . 
Prof. J. S. Mackenzie {Philosophy^ U. College, Cardiff). 

Henrv Ezxiot Malden, M.A., London, Hon. Sec. Royal Historical Society. 
Joseph J.P., Birmmghann Grand Cinef Templar for England of'^tke 

Int8mationid Order ef Good Teinplarl. ^ t , 

Alfred-.MaNGENA, of Zululand, Barrister, Pretoria. ^ r 

Henry Colley March, M.D., F.R.A.L, Dorchester. ’ ^ 

Rev. John Turner Marshall, M.A., D.D., Manchester, President Baptist 
' R. H- Marten, M D., F.R A I , .^ekide, S. Australia. 

H. W<;.JVIassingham, London, l^tor of the Nation. 

F . jAMis Matheson, London. “ , . 

The MostRev. S. Pritchard Matheson,D.D., ArchbishopofRupeiPsLand,^Ghii^dA« 
The Rt. Rev. John Edward Mercer, D D , Bishop of Tasmai^a. , 

J. C. Millington, M. A., London. ♦ > 

P. Chalmers Mitchell, M A., D.Sc., LL.D., F.R S , London, Sec, Zoological 
Prof. William Mitchell {Philosophy., U. of \delaide). 

The Rev. J. S Moffat, C.M G., Cape Town, late South African Missionary aikd , 
• Resident Magistrate 

The Rt. Rev. Herbert James Molony, D.D., Bishop in Chekiang, China. ' 

E. D. Morel, London. 

Felix Moscheles, London, Chairman of International Arbitration and Peace 
Association, Member of the International Peace Biiieau. * . 

The Rt. Rev. H. Carr Glyn Moule, D.D., Bishop of Durham. 

The Rt. Rev. W. Robert Mounsey, Bishop of Labuan and Sarawak. 

Charles S. Myers, M.A, yi.D..,ScS>. {Experimental Psychology., U. of Cambridge). 
•The Rt Rev. Samuel Tarratt Nevill, D D., Bishop of Dunedin and Primate 
f Aof Hew Zealand. 

H! Wl Nevinson, War Correspondent, London. 

Prof. Reynold Alleyne Nicholson, Litt D. {Persian^ U. of Cambridge). 

Prof* L. OPPENHEIM, M.A., LL D. {International Law^ U. of Cambridge). 

Ernest Parke, J.P , London, Editor of the Morning Leader . 

CHARLES Partridge, M.A., F S A , F R G S , District Commissioner in S. Nigeria. 
Prof. A. Melville Paterson, M.D., F R A I. {Anatomy., U. of Liverpool). 
Francis John Payne, London, Hon. Gen Sec. Buddhist Society of Great. Britain 
and Ireland, Editor of the Buddhist Review 
The Rt Rev. John PErcival, D.D., Bishop of Hereford 
J, S. R, Phillips, Leeds, Editor of the Yorkshire Post. 

The Rt Rev. W. Cyprian Pinkham, D D., D C.L., Bishop of Calgary, Canada. 
Capt D. V. PiRlE, M.P , Member of the Inter- Parliamentary Council. 

Prof. Thomas Powel, M a. {Celtic, U. College of Cardiff ). 

The President Gold Coast Aborigines Society, Cape Coast Castle, W. Africa, 

The Rt Rev. H. M. C. E Price, Bishop m Fuhkien, S. China. 

Miss B. Pullen-BIurry, F.R.A.I., Croydon. 

Ernest G. Ravenstein, Ph.D., F.R,G.S., F.R.A.L, London. 

Col. Herbert Edward Rawson, C.B., York, late Imperial Representative , Natal 
[ Native Affairs Commission. 

Prof. William Ridgeway, M.A., D.Sc., President Royal Anthropological Insti- 
tute {Archaeology, U. of Cambndge). 

The Most Rev. Tames Robertson, D.D., Prestonkirk, Moderator of the General 
Assembly of the Church of Scotland. 

W. C. F. Robertson, Secretary Native Affairs, Gold Coast. 

William ROTHENSTEIN, Artist, London. 

M. EuGilNE Rouillard, Publicist, Quebec. 

The Hon. Adolphe B. Routhier, Judge of the Court of Admiralty at Quebec 
^ {International Law, U. of Laval). 

Sir ^DWARD R* Russell, Liverpool, Editor of the Liverpool Daily Post. 

John Russell, M.A., London. 

Samuel Sacoom, Axim, Gold Coast, W. Africa. ^ 

Sir ]^EDEitlCK R. St. John, K.C.M.G., Shanklin, late Minister Plenipotenlii^y. 
C..W. SaLEEBY, M.D., F.R.S.E., London. 

The Horn John Mensah Sarbah, Cape Coast Castle, W, Africa. 



xx*vi UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRES^ 

Ti>e Hon. Sir Francis C-Iscattlek, K.C.M.G., SaUsbury, Rhodesia, late /^ifcinis- 
tratot of Rhodtisia. r*. . 

F. C. S. SCHILLHR, M.A., D.Sc. {Philosophy^ U. of Oxford). 

OUVE Schreiner, Author, Cape Colony. " 

C. F. Scott, J.P., Manchester, Editor of the Manchester Guardian^ ^ 

Rev. Thomas G. Selby, Missionary and Traveller in China, Bromley, Rent; 
Charles G. Seligmann, M D., F.R.A*!-, London. • ^ • 

Sir Henry SETon-Karr, C.M.G., J.P., London. ^ 

H. W. SETON-Karr, F.R.G.S., F.R,A.L, London. 

Frank Charles Shrubsall, M.A., M.D., F.R.A.I., London. . ^ 

WM.TER W. Skeat, M.A., F.R.A.I., St. Albans. • 

L W. Slaughter, Ph.D., London. I 

The Rev, Canon F. C. Smith, Sierra Leohe. V 

The Rt. Rev. W E. Smyth, M.A , M.B., Bishop of Lebombo, Louren^o Marques. 
Mrs. Julia F. Solly, Cape Colony. 

Mrs. Saul Solomon, of Cape Colony, London. 

Capt. Boyle T. Somerville, R.N., F.R.A.I , Tenby, S. Wales. 

The Hon? Sir R. Stout, K C.M G , Chief Justice of New Zealand, late Premier. 
The Rt. Rev. Herbert Tagwell, D D., Bishop in W. Eq Africa, S. Nigeria. 

Prof. F. Robert Tennant, D.D., B Sc. {Philosophy of Religion ^ U. of Cambrid^). 
The Hon. Jonathan James Thomas, C.M G., Unofficial Member of the Legis- 
lative Council of Serna Leone. 

Simeon Cornelius Thompson, Old Harbour, Jamaica. 

Prof. Arthur Thomson, M B. {Human Anatomy , U. of Oxford). 

Basil Thomson, London, late Colonial Service, late Prime Minister of Ton^a. 

Rev. W. T Townsend, D D , late President of National Free Church Council and 
of United Methodist Church 

Rev. James Travis, Chester, ex-President Primitive Methodist Conference, ex- 
President National Free Church Council. * 

The Rt Rev. A. B Turner, D D , Bishop of Corea. 

Prof. E. J. \ J ^'^ ic \{ Political Economy , King’s College, London). 

Dr. R. Villecourt, Montreal. 

Prof. Paul Vinogradoff, M.A., F.B A, LL D { Jurisprudence , U. of Oxford). 
Rev. Thomas A. Walker, LL D , LittD. {International Law , U. of Cambridge), • 
Graham Wallas, M.A., London. . . 

H. G. '^Vells, B.Sc, Author, London. 

The Rt. Rev. Gilbert White, Bishop of Carpentaria, Queensland^ 

The Rt. Rev Cecil Wilson, D,D., Bishop of Melanesia, Norfolk Island. 
Bertram C. A. Windle, M A , D Sc , F R S , President of U. College, Cork. 

Sir James S Winter, K.C M.G , K.C , St. John’s (NeN\foundland), late Speaker, 
Solicitor-General, Attorney-General, Judge of Supreme Court, and Premier. 
Prof. George M. Wrong { History , U. of Toronto) 

Israel Zangwill, London, President International Jewish Territorial Organi- 
sation 

A. E. ZiMMERN, M.A., Surbiton, late P'ellow and Tutor of New College, Oxfor'd. 

(b) INDIA.* 

Syeo Abul Aas, mas, Zemindar and Hon. Magistrate, Bankipur. 

The Hon. Mr P S Si vaswany Aiyer, C.LE.,J\.dvocate-General, Madras. 

Sir Arundel T Arundel, K.C.S.I , Wokmg, late Member of the Council of the 
Viceroy of India. 

Hon. Ahmad Muhiuddin Khan Bahadur, Mylapur, Madras. 

The Hon. Nawab Syed Mohammed Saheb Bahadur, Madras. 
Surendranath Banerjee, Calcutta, Editor of Bengalee . 

Sir David M. Barbour, K C S.I , K.C.M.G , Crawley Down. 

Mrs. Annie Besant, Adyar, President of the Theosophical Society. 

SRtsH Chandra Biswa, B.A., B.L., Calcutta, Pleader, Editor of Lawyer, 
BussaNTa Coomar Bose, Pleader, High Court, Calcutta. 

Diwan Tek Chand, B.A., I C.S., M.R.A.S , Deputy Commissioner in the Punjab, 
Revenue Minister, Baroda. 

An and A K, Coomaraswamy, D.'fec., F.G.S., F.L.S,, Broad Campden. 

Harry Evan Auguste Cotton, London, Editor of India, 


* See also Hon. Vice-Presidents and Execut've Committee. 



OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS xxxvifc. 

Sir Hbnky John SYEdmaK Cotton, K.C.SJ., Londod, late Chief-Commissiosef 
ofAssaiii* •• ' 

ISWAS Das, Advocate, Chief Court, Lahore. ' ^ 

The Hon, M. S. Das, C.I.E., M.A., M. R. A. S., Cuttack, Member of Bengal Legislat 
lative Council, . 

The Rt, Rev, C. J. Ferguson Davie, D D., Bishop of Singapore. 

Sir V. C. De5WKA*Charry, B.A., B.L., F.M.U., jadge of the Court of Small Causes, 
Madinas. « • 

The S DlKSHlT, B.A., LL.B , Solicitor, Bombay. 

J*C. DUT'I', M.A., B.L., Calcutta. 

Prof. S..M. KoWAhE^s, I.S.S , President Anthropological Society of Bombay. , 
Kt. Rev. Rollestone S. Fyfje, D D , Bishop of Rangoon. 

E. A.< 4 A|T, C.I.E., Simla, Census Commissioner for India. 

MohaN&AS Karamchand Gandhi, Johannesburg, Barrister-at-Law. 

Prol M. A. Ghana, M.A. {^English Literature^ Islamic College, Lahore). 

Prof. Jogendra Chunder Ghose, M.H., B L , Bhowanipore, Tagye Prof, of Law^ 
Pleader High Court, late Member Bengal Legislative Council. 

The Rt. Rev, Charles Hope Gill, MA, D.D., Bishop m Travamcore and; 
Cochin. 

The Hon. G. K. Gokhale, C.I E , Poona, Representative of non-ofhcial Members 
♦ of Bombay Legislature on Viceroy’s Legislative Council, late President of 
Indian Congress 

The Hon. KiSORl LaL Goswami, Rai Bahadui, M.A., B L., Seraihpore, India. 

Dr. A. F. R. Hoernle, M A., C.I E , Oxfoid. 

Sir Frederick Russell Hogg, K.C.I.E, C.S.I., London, late Directof^General 
Post Office of India 

Col. Sir Thomas Holdich, K C.M G , K C.I E., C B , D Sc. ^ 

Sir Thomas H. Holland, K.C.I E., D.Sc , F.R S , late Director of the Geological 
• Survey of India and President Asiatic Society of Bengal {Geology and 
Mineralopf^ U. of Manchester). 

T, Husain, M.A , M R. A S , Arabic College, Lucknow. 

Mirza Hashem I&pahani, Calcutta • 

U. AdinarayanA Iyah, Rao Bahadur, Retired District Commissioner, Madras. 
The Hon. V. Krishnaswamy Iyer, Judge of the High Court, Madras. 

T. Sadasiva Iyer, B.A, M.L, F.IS, Chief Justice, High Court, Travancore. 
Sir S. Subramania Iyek, K.C I.E , LL D , Judge of Madras High Court. 

Sir H. Evan M. James, K C.I E , C.S L, late Under-Secretary to Government of 
Bombay, late Member of Governor-General’s Legislative Council. 

Sir JOKN Jardink, K.C.I.E , LL D , M P., Godaiming, late Acting Chief Justice, 
Bombay, and Vice-Chancellor University of Bomba/. 

James Kennedy, l C.S. (retired), London 

Taw Sein Ko, M.R A S., Office of Superintendent Archaeological Survey, Burma. 
ManG^SH Bal Kolasker, M.R A.S , Barrister, High Court, Bombay. 

The Hon. Shadi Lal, M.A., B C L. (Oxon ), Rai Bahadur, Barrister, Lahore, 

The Rt. R^- George A. Lefroy, D.D., Bishop of Lahore. 

Sir Frederic S. P. Lely, KC.I.E., Sevenoaks, late Member of Viceroy’s Legis- 
lative Council and Chief Commissioner Central Provinces. 

Franklin Marston Leslie, B.A., Solicitor, Calcutta. 

Sir Roper Lethbridge, K.C.I.E., M.A, J.P., D.L., Exbourne, late Secretary 
Simla Education Commission and Indian Political Agent. 

Prof. C. S. MahalaNOBIS, B.Sc., F.R.M S., F.R S E., Calcutta University. 

Prof. D. N. JMalLIK, B.A., Sc.D., F.R.S.E., Presidency College, Calcutta. 

^ Sir William MaRKBY, D.C.L., KC.IE, Oxford, late Judge of High Court,. 
Calcutta, “mte Reader in Indian Law, Oxford 
J. H. Marshall, M.A., Director-General of Archaeology for India. 

B. C. Ma'ZVMDaR, B.A., B.L., M.R A.S., Vakil High Court, Sambalpur. 
^Bhaskarrao V. Mehta, M.A., LL B , M R.A.S , High Court Pleader, Bombay^ 

R. D. Mehta, C.I.E., J.P., Calcutta. 

S. M. MiTra, M.R.A.S., London, late Editor of The Deccan Post 
Prof. KH. Dil Mohd, M.A. {Mathematics^ Islamic College, Lahore). 

^Sir Theodore Morison, K.C.I,E.,Weybridge^Wice-Presidentof Council of India. 

Lal Mukherjee, M.A., M.I.R.S , Attorney-at-Law, Calcutta. 
PhaNiMhusan Mukerji, B.Sc. (London), M.R.A.S., F.C U., Inspector of 
Schws, Presidency Division, Bengal. ^ 



■ ' tJNlVERMt 

' 1 ' \ 

KttiSttNiii MurtH^ K.C.I.E,, BangjUore, ktls Wme Ministei’ ’<3f .JJysore 
States late Deputy Commissioner and Judge of Hi|h Court. ><' 

C. Sani^ran Nair, C.I.E., judge of tWe High Court, Madras. * / 

R. l^iatASlMHACHAR, M.A., M.R.A.S., Officer inCharge ofArchseological ReMUrdies 
. ; in Mysore, Bangalore. 

^ ^Pro£ J. W. Neill {Inman Law ^ U. of London). , 

N. SuBBARAO Pantulu, B!A., ^.L., Member Imperial Le^jfislaaive^CiiWmci;! 

^ of India. ♦ , * 

T. Rama Krishna Pillai, B.A., F.M.W., K.R.Hist. Society (London), Madras; 

' Ljieut.-Colonel John Pollen, C.I.E., LL.D., London, Hon. Sec. East 
Association, President British Espeianto Association. « 

Guyadhur Prasad, Patna, late Member Bengal Legislative Council, 

Shaikh Abdul Qadir, B A., M R A S., Barnst^at-Law, Lahore. 

The Hon. Ibrahim Rahimtoola, C I.E , Bombay. 

Prof. Lala Hans Raj, Principal of Dayanand Anglo-Vedic College, Lahore. 
Rl'RAGHUNATHrRow, Diwan Bahadur, C S.L, Madras Presidency. 

K, B. Ramanathan, M A., B.L , L T. {English^ Pachaiyappa’s College, Madras). 
C. Hay AV ADANA Rao, B a., B L., Madras. 

Sir J, D. Rees, K C.S.I , C.V.O., C.I.E , J P., London, late Additional Member of 
Governor-General of India’s Council 

Colonel H. Rivett-Carnac, C I E , F S A , Chateau de Rougemont, Switzerlanlf!, 

' Corresponding Member of the Royal Academies of Spam, Sweden, Belgium, 
etc. 

The Hon. Deva Prasad Sarvadhikary, M A., B L., Calcutta. 

SiT‘J. George Scott, K.C I E , London, late Superintendent and Political Officer 
m Southern Shan States 

The Hon. Khan Bahadur Mian Muhammad Shafi,^ Barrister-at-Law, 
Lahore. 

Prof. Bohuvallabha Shastri, Headmaster, Sanskrit College, Calcutta. • 

Prof, PRABHU Dutt Shastri, M A , Lahoie. 

S. N. SiNHA, Barnster-at-Lavv, Lucknow. 

R. K SORABji, M A* Barnster-at-law, Officiating Principal, TTniversity School of 
Law, Allahabad. 

His Holiness Sri Sumangala, Hon. M R.A S., Colombo, Ceylon, Chief High 
Priest of Adam’s Peak, Principal of Vidyodaya Oriental College. 

F. C. Tarapore, F.R.C S , Barnster-at-Law, London. 

RaTAN j. Tata, F R A I , Bombay, 

Prof. Maung Tin Tut, Rangoon College 

Prof, Satis Chandra Vidyabhusana,M A ,Ph D., M.R A S {Sanscrit, Presidency 
, College, Calcutta) 

\ J. Ph. Vogel, Ph.D , Archaeological Department, Lahore. 

Lt.-Colonel Laurence AUstine Waddell, C.B, C.I.E., LL.D., M.B., F.L.S., 
F.R.A.I , Hastings. 

Sir Donald Mackenzie Wallaci^ K C.I.E., K.C.V.O., London, Tate Private 
Secretary to Marquess of Dufferin and Marquess of Lansdowne as Viccroj^s 
of India, Member of Institut de Droit International. 

Sir Raymond West, K C.I.E., LL D , M A, London, late Member of Bombay 
Government, Director of Royal Asiatic Society. 

The Rt. Rev Foss Westcott, D.D , Bishop of Chota Nagpore. 

The Rt. Rev Henry Whitehead, D.D , Bishop of Madras. 

Don M. be ZiLVA Wickremasinghe {Tamil and TelugUy U. of Oxford),, 
Abdullah Yusuf-Ali, I.e.S , M.A,, LL.M , M.R.A.S., Sultanpur. 


GREECE. 

Piof. S. Hadji SoucX, Athens. 

Prof. Dr. Cyparissos Stephanos, Rector of the University of Athens, iqo8-'9. 


HUNGARY. 

Prof. Ladislas Buza {International Law^ U. of S^rospatak). ^ 

Prof. Dr. Jeno de Cholnoky {Geography^ U. of Kolozsvdr). 

Director F. R. Kem^ny, Budapest, Member of the International P^acie Bureau. 
Dr. Miklos KrAl, Budapest. 


RACES 



OFFICpilS^ CX^tTNCII-, AND'^UPPORtERS laa^k 

.IMA-GUK.LAVKS DB^LBKZ, Mmistetistl 

M. Emile *Pfi «Nagy, Budapest, Deputy, M^ber of tnt«»r-Psiiui|^t»Fy CouaoU., 
Prof. Dr. Felix Soml6 {International Law^ U. of Kolozsvdr). ^ 

E. Torday, F.R.A,I., Loadon. 

Prof Dr; Alexander Vutkovich U*ofPo 2 Sony); 


Prof. DlONlSlO Anzilotti {Infernaiional Law^ U. of Bologna). 

Prof. MlC^tBLE fiAlijjpLARi {Philosophy of Law^ U. of Naples). ^ 

^iProf . f-ANFRANCO BeLLEGOTTI {International Laiv^ U. of Pisa). 
t)r. BERtolini, Barrister, v{!!ssociate International Institute of Sociology.* 
Prof. Drl Luigi Bonelli {Turkish^ Persian^ Oriental Institute Naples). 

Prof. Gv C. Buzzati, Member of the Institut de Droit International {IntetnugHoiml 
LaWy U. of Pavia). • 

Prof. Dr. Luigi Cappelletti {Anthropology, U. of Ferrara). ' . 

Prof. CaRNAZZA-Amari, Senator {International Law, U. of Catania). • 

Prof Dr. Eni^ICO Catellani {International Law, U. of Padua). 

Prof, Arrigo Cavaglieri {International Law, Higher Institute, Florence). 

Ptof. GuiOo Cavaglieri, Editor of the Rivista Itabana di Sociologia (Law of 
Administration, U of Rome). 

Prof. P. Chimienti, Deputy, late Under- Secretary of State {ConsHtutionai LakOi 
U. of Cagliari) 

Prof. Edoardo Cimbali {International Law, U. of Sassan). 

Prof. Dr. Napoleone Colajanni {Statistics, U. of Naples). 

Marquis Charles Compans, deputy, Member of the I nter-Parliamentaiy Council. 
Prof. Dr. Francesco Paolo Contuzzi {International Law, U. of Cagliari). 

•Prof. Alessandro Corsi {International Law, U. of Pisa). 

Prof. Amedeo Crivelluci {Modern History, U. of Pisa). 

Prof. Nicol6 D’Alfonso {Philosophy, U. of Rome). 

. Prof. Riccardo D all a- Volt a, Director of the Institute of Social Sciences {Poli- 
tical Economy, Institute of Social Sciences, Florence). ^ 

Prof. IL Conte Angelo Degubernatis, President of the International Union 
for Peftce,' Director of Or’enlal School, U of Rome. 

' Prof. GlOl^o Del Vecchio i^Phtlosophy of Law, U. of Sassari). 

' Prof. Giuw Diena, Associate of the Institut de Droit International {Inter- 
national Law, U. of Turin). 

Prof. DonatG Donati {Constitutional and Intcrnationt I Law, U.of Camermo). 
Prof. Antonio Falchi {Philosophy of Law, U. of Perugia). 

Prof. PrOSPERO Fedozzi {International Law, U. of Genoa). 

Prof. Guglielmo Ferrero, Turin. 

Prof. Enrico Ferri, Deputy {Criminal Law, U. of Rome). 

Prof. PasQUALE Fiore {International Law, U. of Naples). 

P#of. C. F. Gabba, Senator, late President of the Institut de Droit International 
{Philosophy of Law and Civil Law, U. of Pisa) 

Baron RafpaelE Garofalo, Senator, Attorney General at the Court of Appeal 
in Venice, President of the International Institme of Sociology. 

Prof. SCIPIONE Gemma {International Law, U. of Siena). 

Dr. ET)0ARDQ Giretti, Bncherasio, Member of the International Peace Bureau. 
Prof. Dr. GiacX)MO Grasso {History of Treaties and Diplomacy, U. of Genoa), , 
Frol Alessandro Groppali {Philosophy of Law, U. of Modena). 

Prof. Ignazio Guidi, Hon. M.R.A.S., Director of Oriental School, Rome {Hebrm 
and Semitic Languages, U. of Rome). 

Prof. Ferdinando Laghi {International Law, U. of Parma). 

Prof, Dr.^D AVID Levi-Morenos, Venice. 

Prof. Dr. Ridolfo Livi, Hon. F.R.A.I {Anthropology, U. of Rome). 

Prof. NoCENTINI Lodovico {Literature of Extreme East, U. of Rome). 

Prof AcHille Loria {Political Economy, U. of Turin), 

Dr. Mario MarinonI, Venice. 

Pro^MARlO Martini Zatt/, U. of Rome). 

M, De Martino, Senator, President of the Colonial Institute in RoiQt^ * 
Pr«^>r.jGiusEPPE Mazzarella {Ethnology, U. of Cata®ia). 

Prof Vincenzo Miceli {Philosophy of Law, U. of Palermo). ^ 



UNIVERSAL RACES COMPRESS , ‘ 

* f ^ * 

Prof. CvBimAfiLO Mondaini( Rome, Lecturer inr^volonial History in the R,.|sfituto 
Suf^eriore di Sti^i Commerciali, Coloniaii et Attuafiali in Rome|,an^ E^tor of 
the Rivisia Q^oniale. * ^ 

Prof, Dr. Francesco Orestano {Moral Philosophy^ U. of Palermo). 

ProU Guiserpe Ottolenghi {International Law, U. of Turin). 

Prof. Giuseppe VadalI Papale {Philosophy of Law, U. of Catania). 

Prof Guido Perri {Japanese, Oriental Institute, Naples). # • 

Prof. Dr. Filippo Porena {Geography of Naples). • • 

Prof. Ill Conte Francesco L. Pull^ {Comparative Philology, U. of Bologna). 
Prof. PiEfRO Ragnisio {Ethics, U. of Rome), 

ProfGlUSEPPE Ricchieri {Geography, Accademia Scientifico-LdUeraria, Milan 
PrOTrtTlCCOLO Rodolico {History, R. Istituto di Sclen^e Sociali, Florence). 

Prof. Dr. Giacinto Romano {Modem History, IJ. of Pavia). 

Prof. Giuseppe SalvIOLI ( Philosophy of Law, U. of Naples). 

Prof. Michelangelo Schipa {Modef'n History, U. of Naples). 

Prof. Dr. Antonio Scialoia {International Law, U. of Siena). 

Prof. Giuseppe sergi, Hon. F.R.A I. {Anthropology, U. of Rome). 

Dr. SCIPIO tSiGHELE, Florence 

Dr. F . Squillace, Professor at the Brussels University Nouvelle. 

Prof. A. Tamburini, President of the Society of Anthropology of Rome. 

Prof. Michelangelo Vaccaro, Deputy {Philosophy of Law, U. of Rome). 

Prof, G. Dalla Vf.dova {Geography, U. of Rome). 

Prol Giovanni Vidari {Moral Philosophy, U. of Pavia). 

Prof. Pasquale Villari, Senator {History, Higher Institute, Florence). 


JAPAN. 

^ ,Prof. M. Anesaki {Philosophy of Religion, U. of Tokio). 

Prof. Sidney L Gulick, American Board Mission, Kyoto, Japan. 

J. Carey Hall, M.A,, I.S.O , British Consul General, Yokohama, Japan. 

Prof. Mas AO Kambc^ {International Law, U. of Kyoto). 

Prof. Dr. Genchi Kato {Saence ^ Religion, U. of Tokio). 

Prof. Dr. Rikizo Nakashima U. of Tokio). 

Prof. Shigeo Suyehiro {History of Politics, U. of Kyoto). 

Prof. Dr. TonGO Takebe {Sociology, U. of Tokio). 

Prof. Dr. Tomeri Tanimoto {Pedagogy, U of Kyoto). 

Prof. SanjOro Tomonaga {Philosophy, U. of Kyoto). 

MEXICO. 

Agustin Arag6n, Editor of the Revista Positiva, Mexico, 

M. Jos^ M. Aramendia, Mexican Consul, Panama. 

Dr. Genaro Garcia, Director of the National Museum of Archaeology, History, 
and Ethnology, Mexico. 

M. Lucio T, Gutierrez, Engineer, Guadalajara. • 

Dr. PoRFiRio Parra, Director of Secondary School, Mexico. - 

NETHERLANDS. 

Dr. J, H. Abendanon, late Director of Public Instruction, Worship .find Industry 
m the Netherlands East Indies, Associate of Institut Colonial fnternationah 
Prof. Dr. F, J. de Boer {Philosophy, U. of Amsterdam). 

Prof. Dr. P. D. Chantepie de la^aussaye, President Royal Academy of Sciences 
of Amsterdam ( Theology, U. of Leiden). 

M. J. T. Creme^, Amsterdam, late Colonial Minister, President of the Nether- 
lands Society of Commerce, Member of the Institut Colonial International. 

Dr. C. Th. van Deventer, The Hague, Deputy, Member of Institut Coldnial 
International. 

Prof. Dr. D. van Embden {Economics and Statistics, U. of Amsterdam). 

Dr, P. H. Eykman, The Hague, Director of the Foundation for the Promo^n of 
Internationalism. * 

Dr. S. Baart de la Faille, The Hague, Member International Peace Bureau. 
Pyof. Dr. M. Th. Houtsma, Hon. M.R.A.S. {Semitic Languages, U. of Utrecht). 
Prof. H. Kern, Hon. M.R.A.S., late Professor of Sanskrit in Leiden Universjjyfc 



OFFICERS, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTERS M 

V * ’ ■ . t 

ProC J« ix£ Louter, Associate of Institut de Droit ^letematioikal 

IL'^tFtrecht). • ' * 

M. K MORICSCO, The Hague, late Goveiwment Stoetary Dutch Indies, 
Lecturer at tbe.Dutch Indies Academy of Colonial Administration, Associate 
- Institut Cnlonial International ^ 

rroi,,A,W^NtMXtWW^HVls(Etkno^ynpAy^lJ.o{Le\dtri)» * . , 

Prof. Dr. C^Snouck-Hurgronje, Councillor the Colonial Office, Memher of 
the Institut Colonial international (.4 U. of Leyden). 

Prof Di»(*A. A. H. STRtJycHEN {^International Law^ U. of Amsterdam). , 


NICARAGUA. 
ARJONA, Nicaraguan Consul, Panama. 

NORWAY. 


Prof. Dr. Bredo v. Munthe af Morgenstikrne {Law and Economics, U. ^ 
Christiania). 

Prof. Dr. Christen Collin {Modern Literature^ U. of Christiania). * 

M. John Lund, late President of the Norwegian Parliament, Vice-President of 
the Nobel Committee. 

Irof. Fridtjof Nansen {Oceanogra^phy^ U. of Christiania). 

Prof. Dr. Yngvar Nielsen {Ethnography, U. of Christiania). 

Prof. Fredrik Stang, Member of the Norwegian Committee of the Inter- 
parliamentary Union {Law, U. of Christiania). 


PERSIA. 

M. Agha Moayed-ol-Eslam, Calcutta. 

•M. Hadji Mirza Yahya, Teheian. 

PERU. 

M. Eulogio Delgado, President Lima Geographical Soci^y. 


PORTUGAL. 

Prof. CONDE DE Felgueiras {Economic Legislation, U. of Coimbra). 

Dr. Jo AO DE Paiva, President of the Commercial Tribunal in Lisbon, Member of 
the Council of the Inter-Parliamentary Union, President of the Parliamentary 
Peace Group, President of the Portuguese Peace Association. 

Dr. JOSlS DA Sir.VA Pessanha, Lisbon {History of At t, School of Art). 

Prof. RUV EnnE^ Ulrich {Colonial A dmimstratton, L.of Coimbra). 

' ROUMANIA. 

M. Charles .Gr. Lahovary, Bucharest, late Deputy, Secretary of the Roumanian 
Inter-Parliamentary Group, 

Prof. S. Mehedinti {Geography, U. of Bucharest). 

Prof. P. Missir {International Law, U. of Jassy). 

Prof. C. Thiron {Medicine, U, of Jassy). 

Prof. Valerian Ursianu, Senator, Dean of Faculty of Law {Intemationml Law, 
U. of Bucharest). 

Prof. A. D. XenopOL {History, U. of Jassy). 

RUSSIA. 

Prof, D. ANOUTCHine, President of the Soci^tt^ Imp^riale des Amis des Sciences 
Naturelles, d’Anthropologie et d’Ethnographic {Geography and Ethnography, 
U. of Moscow). 

M. H. Arakelian, Tiflis, Member of the Russian Geographical Society and of 
the Pans Asiatic Society. 

f M. G. Dekanozi, Montpellier, of Georgia, late Editor of Gakhartsvelo, 

Prof Dr, O. EIchelmann, Conseiller d^Etat actuel {International Law, U. ofKxtft), 

ProL Vladimir E. GRabar {International Law, U. of Dorjpat). 

Prof. RaRAEL KarSTEN {Comparative Religion, U. of Helsingfors). 

Prof. P. Kazansky, Dean of Faculty of Law {International Law, U. of Odessa)* 

Prof N. Lange ^Philosophy, U. of Odessa). 



'Mi ^ [univwMxL. '^c£s' 

* ■ ' ' f v' , (, 

SisjII Nolde S t PetersbcKf)^. 

M» lACQI^ Novicayir, Odessa, laie Vice-President of *the lntemadoiia^fli»tktite 
. df^Socioiogyi I^Snber of the International Peace Bttreaa ' ‘ 

PiN*(^ MjKHKt SOBOLEFF {Political Economy^ U. of Tomsk). . " 

M. ITseretHELI, London, of Georg^ia. > ^ 

Pfof Dn Richard Weinberg, St Petersburg {Anahmy^ Imperial . MedKaf 
College for Women). • ^ • 

Prof. Alexander Yastchenko {InterhaHonai Law^ U, of Dorpat). 
l>r, Louis L. Zamenhof, Warsaw, Author of the international language 


SERVIA. c * 

ProL^iLETA Novakovitch {International Law^ U. of Belgrade). 


SPAIN. ^ . 

Prof. Dr. Manuel Torres Campos, Member of the Institute of International 
Law {IntemdHonal Law^ U. of Granada). 

Prof. Gonzalo FernAndez C6rdova {International Law^ U. of Valladolid). 
Eduardo Sanz y Escartin, Senator, Secretary Royal Academy of Moral and ' 
Political Sciences, Madrid. 

Salvador Cabeza L^ON {International LaWy U. of Santiago). , • 

Josfe Gascon Y Marin {Intemattonal Law, U. of Saragossa). 

Prof. Dr. Manuel Sales y Nevv]^ {Sociology, U of Madrid). ” - 

Prof. ‘Aniceto Sela (Vice- Rector and International Law, U. of Oviedo). * ^ 


SWEDEN. 

Dr. Ernst Beckman, Deputy, Member of the Inter-Parliamentary Council. 

Baron Bonde, Enesberg, Deputy, President of the Swedish Committee of the 
Inter-Parliamentary Union. 

L Broom^e, Deputy, Member Swedish Committee of Inter-Parliamentary Unio^i' 
Prof. Dr. Pontus Erland Fahlbeck, Senator {Economics, U. of Lund). 

Baron Louis de Geer, Kristiansand, Senator, Member of the Sweqgsh Com- 
mittee of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. » \ , 

Prof. Dr. Rudolf Kjell^N {Staatswissenscha/ten, U. of Goteborg). 

Prof. Dr. Per Efraim Liljequist {Practical Philosophy, U. of Lund), j 
Dr. N. A. Nilsson, Orebro, Member of the International Peace Bureau. '% 

Prof Dr. Otto Nordenskjold {Geography, U. of Goteborg). r 

Prof. Dr. Vitalis Norstrom {Philosophy, U. of Goteborg). 

M. K. H. Gez. von Scheele, D.D., Ph D., LL.D., Deputy, Bishop of Gothland, 
Member of the Swedish Committee of the Inter-Parliamentary Union. 

Prof. Dr. Gustaf F. Steffen {Sociology, U. of Gbteborg). 

Edvard Wavrinsky, Stockholm, Deputy, Member of Inter-Parliamentary 
Council, Chief of International Order of Good Templars. 


SWITZERLAND. . 

Prof. Dr. Edouard B^:guelin {International Law, U. of NeuchAtel), 

Prof. D Alfred Bertholet, General Secretary of the International Congresses 
of the History of Religions {Theology, U. of Basle). 

Prof. Dr. Jean Brunhes, Rector Fribourg University {Geography,X], of Fribourg). 
Dr. Tules Ducommun, Berne, Treasurer of the International Peace ijg^ureau. 

Prot Dr. Fr. W. Foersteu {Pedagogy, U. of Zurich). , V >\ 

Prof. Dr, Hans von P'risch {International Law, U. of BAsle). ' 

Prof Ferdinand Gentet {International Law, U. of Geneva). • , 

Dr. Albert Gobat, Member of the National Council, Member of the Inters 
Parliamentary Council, and Director and Member of the International Bgace 
Bureau, Nobel Prize Laureate. ' 

Prof Dr. Eduard Muller Hess {Philosophy, U. of Berne). 

Prof. Dr. Harry Hollatz {International Law, U. of NeuchAtel). 

Prof. Charles Knapp, Conservator of Ethnographical Museum {Geography, Ui 
of Neuch^tel). , “ 

Prof Dr. J. Kollman, Hon. F.R.A.I, {Anatomy, U. of Bisle). 

Prof Dr. U. Lampert {International Law, U. of Fribourg). 

Prc^. Albert Lecl^re {Philosophy, U. of Berne). 

Gustav Maier, Zurich, Author and Traveller. 



, OFFICES, COUNCIL, AND SUPPORTEltS 

Pn^Di^ RuDOllF ltlARTiM, H<m. af2Uirk^)^^ ' ' ^ 

Prc^ Dr^ JkStifRi Mercikr, Associate oi thtf InstJtttt ^^Dtok Intematiofi^^^' 
{CH^tnalaf^ Internaiianal 

Prcff . Maurice Millioud { PhUos ^ phy ^ U. of Lausanne). 

Prof. Dr. Ludwig Stein {Philosophy, U. of Berne). 

Prof, Dr. Albert Teichmann iLaw, U. of?BAsle>. 

Prof Dl Hans^TT. Wehrli { Geo^apky and Ethnography , U- of ^irich). * 

. • • it ^ ' 

- TURKEY. . ' ' 


HOW^tD X BLiSCi President Syrian Protestant College, Beyrouth^ 

|M, QiRABET HaGOPian, M.R.A.S., London, Professor of Oriental Larnguagea^ 
Tlmyiiilli J. Manasseh, B.Sc., M.D , Beyrout. 

M. RecBid Safvet Bey, Pirst Secrretay to the Turkish Embassay at Teheran. 
Khalil Sarkis, Editor/* Lissan-Ul-Hal,” Beyrout. 


UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. * 


Prof. Dr. Ephraim D. Adams {History, Stanford U ). • 

Prof. George Burton Adams {History, Yale U ). 

Miss Jane Addams, Hull House, Chicago 

Prof, Felix Adler, Theodore Roosevelt Professor in Berlin, 1908-9 {Political) 
and Social Ethics, Columbia U ). 

Prof. W. H. Allison {History, Bryn Mawr College). 

Prof. Dr. Clarence W. Alvord {History, U. of Illinois), 

Prof. Charles M. Andrews {American Colonial History, U.). 

Prof. Charles Arbuthnot {Economics, Western Reserve U.). ^ 

P^of, Charles M. Bakewell {Philosophy, Yale U ). 

Proif. Ei^hly Greene Balch {Sociology, Wellesley College). 

• Prof. James Mark Baldwin, Ph D ,‘D Sc , LL D {Philosophy, John Hopkini U.)* 
Governor the Hon, S E. Baldwin, LL.D {International Law, Yale U.). 

Prof. Earl Barnes, Philadelphia 

Richard Bartholdi, Member of the House of Representatives, Washington. 
Prof. D^.John Spencer Bassett {History, College, Northampton). 

Prof. Rev. Harlan P Beach, M.A., F.RG.S. {Chinese and Theory and Practici 
of Missions, Yale U,), 

William S. Bennet, Washington, U.S. House of Representatives, Immigration 
Commissioner, 

Prof. G. H. Blakeslee {History, Clark U.). 

Prof. M'iURlCE Bloomfield {Comparative Philology, Johns Hopkins U.). 

Prof. Boas {Anthropology, Columbia U.). , 

Prof’ilfeRBERT E llox/ro^ {American History, Stanford U.). 

Pro£ Henry E. Bourne {History, Western Reserve U.). 

ProL’ JlA^TES H. Breasted {Egyptology, U,of Chicago). 

Pr^.^ Julian -P. Bretz {American History, Cornell ) 

Bi:^.'J/AVip*J. Brewer, Justice Supreme Court of the United States {IniernuHamit 
^ \iLaWj^, of Washington). 

JOHN Gilaham Brooks, New York, Author. 

Frof. Carl D. Buck {Sanscrit and Comparative Philology, U. of Chicago). , 
^Prof. UowARp W. Caldwell, Ph.B., A.M. {Amencan History, U. of Nebraska). 
'iProf. Mary W. Calkins {Philosophy, Wellesley College, Mass.). 

Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt, New York, President of the International Womani 
Suffrage Alliance. 

Prof. Alexander F. Chamberlain {Anthropology, Clark U.). 

Charles W. Chesnutt, Cleveland, Ohio. 

prof, John Bates Clark {Political Economy, Columbia U.). 

Prof. George A. Coe, Ph.D., LL.D., President of the Religious Education Asso-^ 
elation, Union Theological Seminary, N.Y. 

Prof. Charles H. Cooley {Sociology, U of Michigan). 

Prof. Arthur L. Ckoss {History, U. of Michigan). 

Prof. James Elbert Cutler, Ph D. {Soaology, Western Reserve U.). 

Pro! Arthur Ernest Davies, B.D. {Philosophy, Ohio State U.). 

Prol Edward H. Davis, S.B. {Economics, Purdue U.). 

Prof Tames Quayle Dealey {Social and Political Science, Brown 0 .), 

, Prof. Gilbert W. Deniston {Political Science, U. of Southern CaUlbmia),^ 



xli4 -UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS/ 

Profi Dt, Aitrbd L. P. Denmis {History^ U* of Wisconsin). 

ProC John Dewey {Philosophy^ Columbia UO* " 

Prol WitLlAM E. ®ODD {American History^ U. of Chicago). 

Pro£ George A. Dorsey, Ph.D., LL.D. {Anthropology^ U. of Chicago), 

^Pl-of. Earle W. Dow {History^ tJ. of Michigan). 

Ptof. Garrett Droppers {Economics^ Williams College). 

ProC W. E. Burghardt DuBois (Economics and History^ Atlanta? U^)'. 

PrafTDr. D. Shaw Duncan {History^ U‘of Denver). o ' 

Pitof. George M. Dutcher, Ph.D. {History^ Wesleyan U., Middletown). 

Rev. Caleb Samuel S. Dutton, M.A., Brooklyn. 

Pro^AMUEL X Dutton, Secretary of New York Peace Society<^[ Columbia U.). , 
ProS^DWlJi |.EE Earp, Ph.D. {Sociology, Drew Theological Seminary, MadismO^ 
Brigadier-General Clarence R. Edwards, U.S. Army, Chief of the BurppmfW 
Insular Affairs, War Department, Washington, 
prof. Charles A. Ellwood {Sociology, U. of Missouri). 

Prof. Dr. Lawreijpe B. Evans {//ulory. Tufts College, Mass.). 

Prof Walter Goodnow Everett {Philosophy, Brown U.). 

Prof H. P. Fairchild {Economics and Sociology, Bowdoin College, Brunswick). 
Prof W. H. P. Faunce, President Brown University. 

Prof (Frank A. Fetter {Economics, Cornell U ). 

Prof J.WaLTER Fewkes, Ph D., President Anthropological Society of Washington? 
John H. Finley, Ph D., LL.D., President College of the City of New York. 

Prof. Carl Russell Fish {History, U. of Wisconsin). 

Prof Irving Fisher {Political Economy, Yale U ) 

Prof Dr. Alexander C. Flick {European History, Syracuse U.). 

Prof. Guy S. Ford {Modern European History, U. of Illinois). 

Prof Kuno Francke, LL D {History of German Culture, Harvard U.). 

Prof Dr. John Fryer {Oriental Languages and Literature, U. of California). 

Prof Herbert P. Gallinger {History, Kvdlu^xst College). 

Prof George P. Garrisson {American History, U. of Texas). 

Prof Franklin H, Giddings, LL.D. {Sociology, Columbia U.). 

Edwin Ginn, Boston5f Founder of the International School of Peace. 

Prof J. Paul Goode (Geography, U. of Chicago). 

Major-General AW. Greely, Washington, Explorer, Member of the International 
Colonial Institute. 

The Hon. John P. Green, ex-Judge, ex-Senator, Barrister, Cleveland. 

Prof Charles Noble Gregory, M.A, LL.D, Chairman of Standing Com- 
mittee on International Law of American Bar Association (Dean of College of 
Law, International Law, U. of Iowa) 

Archibald H. Grimke, President of the American Negro Academy, 

Dr. Louis GroSSMANN, Rabbi {Ethics, Hebrew Union College) » , 

Prof Dr. Edwin A. Grosvenor {International Law, Amherst College). ^ 

Prof J. E. Hagerty {Soaology, Ohio State U.) y » 

Prof Thomas C. Hall {Christian Ethics, Union Theological Seminary, 

Charles Thomas Hallinan, Chicago. 

Prof Lewis H. Haney {Economics, U. of Michigan). 

Prof Edward Cary Hayes {Sociology, U. of Illinois). 

Prof Amy Hewes {Soaology, Mount Holyoke College, Mass.). 

Prof Homer C. Hockett {American History, Ohio State U.). 

Hamilton Holt, Managing-Editor of “ The Independent,” N.Y. * 

Prof Herman H. Horne {Pedagogy, U. of New York). 

W. L. Houston, Grand Master of the Grand United Order of Odd-Fdlows in 
America, Washington. 

Prof George E Howard {Sociology, U. of Nebraska). 

Prof Ira W. Howerth {Soaology, U. of Chicago). ' 

W. W. Husband, Secretary of the Immigration Commission, Washington. 

Prof A. V. Williams Jackson {Indo-Irantan Languages, Columbia U.). 

Prof Edmund J. James, President of the University of Illinois. 

Prof Albert Ernst Jenks {Anthropology, U. of Minnesota). 

Prof J. W. Jenks, Immigration Commissioner {Political Economy, Cornell VO* 
Prof Dr. A. JOHNSON {History and Political Science, Bowdoin College, Brpnsmck). 
Prof Henry Johnson {History, Columbia University). 

Prof Dr. Albert G. Keller {Science of Society, Yale U.). 

Pr^f Carl Kelsey {Sociology, U, of Pennsylvania). 



OFI^bERS, CXJUNCIL, AMJ ’SUPPORTERS ^ 

s 

P^f. E. W. Kkmmerer {Economics^ CorndR U;), | ^ 

Prof. CLyj5» L. KiN<3 {EcdHomics and Sociolifgy\\J, of Colorado). 

Prof/^Dr.'DAVED KiNLEY {Economics^ U. of lllmois). ^ #.. 

Prof. George Wells Knight (American History , Ohio State U.). 

Prof. A. L. Kroeber (Anthrofiologyy U.of California). 

Prof. Charles R. L an man (Sanscrit, Harvard U.). • ^ 

Prof. l.XA»^RHtt^CE Lagghlin (Political Ecommy, U. of ChicaiTO)* 

, Mr* u.*J. Ledoux, Intarnational School bf Peace, Boston, Mass. 

Prof. A&freo Henry Lloyd (Philosophy, U. of Michigan). , 

Prof. William MacDonald (American History, Brown U,). 

Alfred W. MARjriN, Associate Leader New York Society for Ethical CultUgir 

S D. Mead, Boston, Member of International Peace Bureau. ^ 

ORGE H. Mead (PMlosophy, U. of Chicago). 

MOND S. Meany, M.S., M.L. (History, U. of Washington). 

Prof, Sidney E. Mezes (Philosophy, Austin U.). 

Prof. Adolph Caspar Miller (Political Economy, U. of Califc^fnia). 

Prof. Merton Leland Miller, Chief of Ethnological Division, Bureau df 
Science, Manilla, Philippines. • 

Prof Henry Raymond Mussey (Economics, Columbia U.). 

Charles P Neill, Immigration Commissioner, Washington 
Prof, William Jesse Newlin, M.A (Philosophy, Amherst College). 

Prof. H* A. Overstreet (Philowphy, U. of California). 

FranJc C, Partridge, Law Office, Proctor, Vermont. 

Charles Peabody, Ph D , F R.A I , Peabody Museum, Harvard University. 

Prof. George F. Peabody, New York. 

Rev. Prof. Ismar J Peritz, Ph D (Semitic Languages, Syracuse U.). 

Prof. Ralph B. Perry (Philosophy, Harvard U.). 

Prof, Ut rich B. Phillips (History and Political Science, U. of Louisiana). 

' Prof. W. B. Pillsbury (Philosophy, U. of Michigan). 

Prof. F. W Putnam, Hon. Curator Peabody Museum of American Archaeology 
and Ethnology at Harvard University 
Prof. Samuel Nicholas Reep, M.A. (Sociology, U. of Minnesota). 

Prof. Oliver Huntington Richardson, Ph D. (History, U. of Washington). 
Prof. Thomas J. Riley (Sociology, U. of St. Louis). 

Prof. Allan Roberts (History and Political Science, Lafayette College). 

Prof. E. Van Dyke Robinson (Economics, U. of Minnesota). 

Prof. Dr. James H Robinson (Hi dory, Columbia U.). 

Prof. Tames E. LE Rossignol (Economics, U of Denver) 

Prof^.,^^, L. S. Kowe (Political Science, U. of Pennsylvania). 

WlLLfi^ M* Salter (Philosophy, U of Chicago). 

Prof. W^jLIAM a. Schafer Science, U. of Minnesota) 

Dr. William J. Schiefflin, New York • 

Prof. Louis Bernard Schmidt (History, Iowa State College). 

Prof. NX'tHANIEL Schmidt (Semitic Literature, Cornell U.). 

JProf. George W. Scott (International Law, Columbia U.). 

ProL W. A. Scott (Economics, U. of Wisconsin). 

Prof. Edwin R. Seligman (Economics, Columbia U.). 

Prof. William R. Shepherd (Hn^tory, Columbia U.). 

Prof. Albion W. Small, Editor of tne American Journal of Soaology (Dean of 
Arts and Literature, Sociology, U. of Chicago). 

Prof. Dr. Harrison S. Smalley (Economics, U. of Michigan). 

C. Sprague Smith, Seal Haibor, Managing-Director Ethical and Social Leaghe. 
Prof. J. Russell Smith (Geography, U of Pennsylvania). 

Prof. Samuel G. Smith (Sociology and Anthropology, U. of Minnesota). 

Prof. Edwin D. Starbuck (Philosophy, U. of Iowa). 

Pro! E. L. Stevenson, Ph.D. (History, Rutgers College). 

Prof. William Graham Sumner (Sociology, Yale U.). 

Prol Ellen Bliss Talbot (Philosophy, Mount Holyoke College, Mass.). 

Robert H. Terrell, Judge, Washington. 

Prof. Frank ThilLV, LL.D. (Philosophy, Cornell U.). 

Prof. W. |. Thomas (Sociology, U. of Chicago). 

Prof. Charles F. Thwing, President Western Reserve University. 

Prof* Walter S. Tower (Geography, U. of Pennsylvania). 

Prof. Norman^ M ACL AREN Trenholme, M.A., Ph.D. (History, U. of Missomj), 



I^vi , •; ,V in<JlVER^AL races C^SfGRESS^ ,, 

^ . ' >' * * 

JftmAmn F.^TRUEBLOOl:l^ LL.D,, Secretary of the American Peac^ -Sodf^, 
^ ’ Member of the international Peace Bureau. ® . 

Prot i-^SON V- HjCkey {Ecimomics amd Seciok^^ Syracuse U.). * 

Prof. James Hayden Tufts {Philosophy^ U. of Chicago). 

Pr^. JOHN Martin Vincent {European History^ Johns Hopkins U.)* ' 
CARLES D. WALCOTf» President of Washington Academy of Scienccij. Viele- 
President of N ational Academyof Sciences, Secretary of Smithscwiia?! InStjtBtkm- 
Prdf. Ulysses G. Weatherly {Sociolbgy^ U. of Indiana). ® 

Prof Hutton Webster {Social Anthropology U. of Nebraska). ’ ^ 

Prof Herbert Welch, D.D., LL.D., President Ohio Wesleyan University. 

PiK^, R. M. Wenley, Sc.D., Litt.D., LL.D. {Phtlosophyy U. of^Midhigan). 

Prof. Willis Mason West, M. A U of Minnesota). 

K . Nathan Weston {Economiesy U. of Illinois). . 

Georgia L. White {EconomieSy Smith College, Northampton). ’ ^ 

The Hon. James Gustavus Whiteley, late ConsuLGeneral Belgian Congb» 
Associate o^^the Institut de Droit International. 
i Prof. Albert C. Whittaker {EconomieSy Stanford Ua). 

Prof. Burt G. Wilder, M.D. {Neurology y Cornell W.). 

Prof. Walter F. Willcox {Political Economy ana StatisticSy Cornell U.). 

Trof. Frederick Wells Williams {Modern Or%intal Historyy Yale U.). 

, Prof. Henry Horace Wiluams {Philosophy y U. of Carolina). 

Prof. Dr. Ch. C. Williamson {Econo^i^its and Pohticsy Bryn Mawr College). 

Prof. W.W. Willoughby, Ph.D. {P,^ of'^l Science, Johns Hopkins U.). 

Prof George Grafton Wilson \^uonal Law, Brown U.). 

Prof. A. P. Winston {Ecom^SyXppea^i%\,ony U.). 

Dr. Stephen S. Wise, S/aagogue, New York. 

Prof, James Withrow {Ck^nistry, Ohio State, U.). 

Prof. Theodore Salisbury Woolsey, LL.D {International Law, Yale U.), 

Prof. Abbott Young {Economics, Stanford U.). 

: Prof. Charles Zueblig, Boston. 


Occident 


Orient 



PAPERS 




FIRST SESSION 

FUNDAMENTAL CONSIDERATIONS 


MEANING OF RACE. TRIBE, NATION 

/ By Brajendranath Seal, M.A., Ph.D., 

Principal^ Maharajah of Cooch Behar's College^ Cooch Behary India. 

If modern* civilisation is distinguished from all other civilisations 
by its scientific basis, the problems that this civilisation presents 
must be solved by the methods of Science. The evolution of Uni- 
versal Humanity through the concourse and conflict of Nationalities 
and Empires is too vast and complex for the analytical methods of 
Aristotelian or Machiavelli<.n Politics, the so-called Historical Schools 
of Montesquieu or Vico, the arbitrary standards of the Law of 
Nature, or- of Nations, or the learned decisions of international 
jurists. Modern Science, first directed to the conquest of Nature, 
must now be increasingly applied to the organisation of Society, 
But, in this process, Science is no longer in the merely physico- 
chemicalj or even in the merely biological plane, but is lifted to the 
socft)logical and historical platform. A scientific study of the con- 
stituent elements and the composition of races and peoples, of their 
origin and development, and of the forces that govern these, will alone 
point the way to a settlement of inter-racial claims and conflicts on 
a sound progressive basis, the solution of many an administrative 
problem in the composite United States and the heterogeneous 
British Empire, and even the scope and’ methods of social legis- 
lation in livery modern State. 

Physical Anthropology with its permanent anatomical types, 
cultural Ethnology with its geographical zones of ethnic culture, the 
Philosophy of History with its Jaw of three or more stages, have 
made notable contributions to this end. But their conflicting 
clainas must be ha'rmonisAl. A synthetic view of Race is possibly# 

I B 



, f UNIVERSAL RACES CONGte^ 

we^onsiddr it not as a statical, but as a dynamk&l 
fluent, growing, with energies not exhaust, but suj>drii|iposing 
layer upon Idl^er like the earth, its scene, still subject to primal 
^ forces that have built up the bed-rocks in their order of sequfenCfc 
and distribution. This is the point of view of genetic Anthropology. 
It will study Race and RaciahTypes as developing dntRies, tracing 
the formation of physical stocks or types as radicles, their grp^th and 
^transmutation into ethnic cultural units (clans, tribes, peoples), knd 
finally, the course of their evolution into historical *na 
study of genetic conditions and causes, of the biological, 
sociological forces at work, which have shaped and governed the rise, 
growth, and ^decadence of Races of Man, can alone enable us to guide 
and control the future evolution of Humanity by conscious selection 
in intelligent adaptation to the system and procedure of Nature. 

Race^ Variety^ Species , — Physical Anthropology must turn to Jhe 
systematists for definitions of these terms. Not that the Systematists 
are agreed in theory or in practice. The line between ** good ** and 
“bad” species remains as uncertain as when Keener discussed the ques- 
tion, But by general consensus, such classifications are based on 
the following considerations : — 

c. 

(1) Degree of likeness in characters (morphological and physiological); 

(2) Degree of ^lability or constancy of the like characters ; 

(3) Degree of fertility of unions within the group as well as outside, after 

groups have been tentatively formed by considerations of likeness and 
stability ; and 

(4) Degree of community of blood, descent or kinship. 

First, we group together individuals resembling one ano^er with 
some certain degree of distinctness in one or more characters Araich are 
peculiar, i,e., by which such an assemblage is differentiated from allied 
assemblages. If we then find that the distinctive characters are not 
stable but more or less readily modifiable, and either (i) that they 
are not uniformly transmitted to offspring within certain limits of 
allowable variation, or not so transmitted under some certain chaqge 
of environment, neither very violent nor very sudden, or (2) th^t they 
are definitely known to have been induced by recent change of 
environment, the assemblage is regarded as a variety (climatic or 
otherwise). If, again, we find that the peculiar characters, though 
stable and uniformly transmissible under the above conditions and 
limitations, are not sufficiently distinct, or “present but smalldegrees 
of divergence from those of allied groups,” we class the group as a 
constant variety. Now, when the comrnon and peculiar characters of 
a group are distinct, stable and transmissible (hereditary) within wide 
limits of environmental change, it is usually found that the indiiifiduals 
of such a group breed together in a state of nature, ancjl are ino):e 


tionalities* 

psych^l^'gical, 



SESSION'"*;' 

^c^lfSsS e^lSu^tvdy fertile among the^sehhes other wheiti 

vtr6ss^ with individuals of even alUedirgrouo$, Itoey produce oflF- 
S|>ring' wlaich arcf more or less infertile inter in nne first or the 
second generation. Such a group may be provisionally regarded 
aS/ a species. But it is also often found that, Vithin the group, 
there aaP cZ?rt^n sub^dinate aggregates which may be diflerentlattod 
from one another by the same kind of tests that were employed 
' in forming ther group itself, though these traits are present 
^i^m^arkfedly inferior degree. In other words, the subordinate aggrd^ 
gareS^re marked off by peculiar distinct hereditary characters, and , 
they show greater fertility in the second, third, and succeeding 
generations, inter se, than when crossed with other^ subordinate ^ 
groups* Such a subordinate group may be said to form®, a sub- 
species or race. 

^ ^ m « 

, Application to Man. — I. Like Characters : Formation of Types . — 
Essentially unsound are all classifications based on a single character, 
whether it is the pigmentation of skin, hair, and iris, the texture of 
hair with shape of transverse section, the nasal index, the cephalic 
index, or the geometrical varieties of the cranial or the facial form. 
Ptor does it help to employ single characters successively in con- 
tinued sub-division, first dividing by hair, sub-dividing by pig- 
mentation, sub-dividing still by cranial and facial form, or in the 
reverse order. This dislocates natural affinities, and frustrates a 
sound serial arrangement 

It is necessary to adopt biometric methods in studying characters 
and variations, and to find the mean or means by co-ordination and 
seriation^ Averages are apt to be misleading, and conceal the 
differences of type that may exist in a group, except where very 
extensive observations have been made under a variety of conditions. 
The range of variations in a character is as important an index as 
th^ character itself, and the variations should be studied, not merely 
among the adults, but with reference to sex and ontogenetic (includ- 
ing embryonic) development, as well as to reversion and retrogression. 
These are of great value in determining the pure stocks in a hetero- 
geneous mixture as well as racial affinities and distinctions. 

We may arrange the types of physical race in several ways — 

(l) We may classify them as primary, secondary, tertiary, and so on, but 
this can not be properly done until the effects of environment and miscegenation 
have been studied by the biologist, and not by the statistical empiric, as has often 
been the case. When sufficient data are available, We may represent the 
formation of the physical types by a modified genealogical tree (with devices 
for intocrossing and retrogression), or by symbols and formulas analogous to 
those OT organic chemistry (as in arranging isomers, polymers, &c.). But even 
chemistry is becoming increasingly evolutionary, and the descent of the elements 



; UNIVERSAI, RACES CONGRES^ 

' (aa4 tMiven <x, sixteen races), with the po^tim, say, of the 
grou^ 'Will, shortly be discussed as hotly as the afi^des of the Me^iSterane^ 
rAoe* " ' 

■ (2) A second way would be to arrange the types in space (or, iimply, 

oq, a plane surface), the distances along different directions marking the. degree 
of atoity as estimated by three (or two) groups of correlated characters (</* the 
hc^rizontal and vertical rows of the periodic classification in chonig/try)* 

(3) A third way would be to conceive an ideal fype as the goaf towards 
which the normal development of the organism is tending, and to filace the 
^^gtual types round this as a centre, at distances correspondin'^, more or less, to 
their approximation to the ideal. The difference between the second add vthffipri 
third method is that while the former is statical, the latter is dyqg0llES^* 
Though the third method is not quite feasible, an occasional application of this 
test of normal jDr standard development is a useful corrective. ^ 

General Remarks on Morphological Characters, — The morphological 
characters most useful in distinguishing types of physical race are not 
necessarily of zoonomic interest. Many of the marks are nw- 
adaptive and useless. As Topinard notes, the facial angle is a 
rational character in craniometry, but the nasal index of which po 
rational (or zoonomic) explanation is available, is far more valuable 
as a racial mark. Secondary parts best furnish such distinctive traits. 
Again, most of the morphological distinctions do not connote vitality, 
or a high or low place in the normal scale of development. The 
head and the foot do not vary among races according to their order 
of superiority. A long head (a so-called simian character), or a long 
foot, is not a characteristic of inferiority. Taking prognathism (the 
true or sub-nasal prognathism), while all races are prognathous, * 

of the neolithic European races were less prognathous than.rrioderti 
Europeans (eg., Parisians); and the Polynesians of the purfestbfoodj 
and (probably) the Tasmanians come nearer to the white riicbs than 
'the yellow races or the African Negroes (Topinard). As 'Weisbach 
remarks, each race has its share of the characteristics of inferiority. 
As regards the ideal of normal development for the human body, it 
is disputed whether the infantile or the adult condition of man ipakes 
the nearest approach to it. The young of the anthropoid apes and 
of man are somewhat alike, but the adult in both cases falls away 
from this, not in the same direction but along collateral lines, the 
deviation being much greater in the adult ape than in the adult man. 
On the whole, as Havelock Ellis notes, *‘the yellow races are nearest 
to the infantile condition (in brachycephaly, scanty hair, proportion 
of trunk and limbs) ; “ Negroes and Australians are farthest removed 
from it (though not always in the direction of the ape); the Caucasian 
races occupy an intermediate position. In the nose” (and also in the 
well-developed calves as contrasted with the Negro’s spindle-legs) 

“ they are at the farthest remove from the ape ; in the haiiy coererlng 
they recede from the human and approach the ape. The Ipwoat ra^ 



Fxkl^'lSESStON* ' ; 

d^ jbsome respects more highly evolved th$ifj the white 
Ibices.”, From the mse^ble of osteological character:^ appears that 
the Australians, the South Sea Islanders, and the ffegntos have 
affinities to the Pithecanthropus erectus^ the Polynesians to the Orang, 
the Negtoes tp the Gorilla, the Mongols ^o the Chimpanzee, and two 
of the j^original European types, the Neanderthal man and the 
Autignac man, to the Gorilla and the Orang respectively (KlAatsch). 

Physiologicdl^and Pathological Characters: General Remarksr.0^ 
3fH^jAa?;acters relating to metabolism and reproduction are of greater , 
bionomic value than any of the morphological ones. The number of 
red corpuscles and the amount of haemoglobin in the blood, the pulse- 
rate, the vital capacity, the muscular strength, the amount of urea in 
the urine, are different in different races. But they depend in part 
On the quantity of proteid consumption. This has been conclusively 
e^ablished by clinical researches in India into the metabolism of 
peoples with a vegetarian diet. Indeed, some of the morphological 
characters {e.g.^ pigmentation of skin, hair, and eye, amount and 
dfetribution of hairy covering, &c.), are themselves due to physico- 
chemical processes connected with the metabolism (as well as the 
gecretions)of the organism. The racial differences in muscular force 
and in vital capacity (as measured by the dynamometer and the 
spirometer), like those in stature and weight, depend on conditions 
of nutrition and habitat (including climate), though the costal 
breathij^ of civilised as contrasted with the abdominal breathing of 
uncivfilfel women has aribcn from conventions of dress. The depth 
and range of the voice also furnish racial characters. In the lower 
races (as in women), the larynx is less developed than in the higher, 
and the voice is shriller. Still the Germans are not at the top ; the 
Tartars appear to have even louder and more powerful voices. 
Thus sexual selection (if this is the origin), like natural selection, 
does not always work advantageously for the so-called higher 
races, nor in all directions. 

The resistance to particular local diseases that marks particular 
races may have been due to the elimination of the more susceptible 
through that selective mortality, which, in the view of Karl Pearson 
and Archdall Reid, is the most effective instrument of natural 
selection among the races of men. 

Acclimation appears to depend in part on the quantity of water 
in the brganism, the tropics requiring more water than temperate, 
countries (Kochs). On the other hand, cold climates require more 
proteid than hot. Pure or primitive stocks are less easily acclimated 
than civilised (or mixed) stocks ; the latter are more cosmopolitan. 
Losi^^f vital energy owing to chemical changes in metabolism, 
incapacity to resist diseases of bacterial origin (the phagocytes in the 



the supply of the requisite opsonsjv 
or diminishing fertiH^^ the germ-^lasm due to iassjag^io 
tap pttvifonmAi^ food, and habits of life — these are the circutestamses 
that set a limit to the cosmopolitanism of a race, and baffle suicessSil 

r lSmation and colonisation. ^ " 

II. Stability of Characters and Type . — Both morphologfcal tod’ 
physiological characters change with change of envifonmeitt. The 
^emical changes due to the new conditions of climate or nutrition 
act upon the “ hormones ** and enzymes, stimulate cell-growth, injaafeg*^ 
changes of form in the somatic tissues, and, sometimes, affecting the 
germ-plasm, become hereditary. This is not merely in the fungi, 
algae, flowerilig plants (Klebs), or in protozoa, sponges, sea-urchins 
(Roux, Herbst), or in insects (Weismann, Tower, &c.), but also in 
domesticated animals and in man. The rate of change and the 
amount vary, being less in pure stocks of long standing and more^in 
mixed or recent stocks. ' 

Evidence is gradually accumulating to show that other morpho^ 
logical characters, e.g., the changes rung on a few simple varieties 
of geometrical form, in the structure of the hair, the face, the 
orbits, the nose, the cranium and the pelvis, are not so stable as 
some physical anthropologists would fain believe. That remarkable 
Osteological changes of this description may be induced in mammals 
,&c., by the action of environment, has indeed }>een lon^ known 
(egy in the niata cattle, the Java ponies, the Gangetic ciwodiles, 
not to mention oysters and crabs). And the recent careful* inquiry - 
of Professor Boas into the anatomical characters of United ^Stptes ‘ 
immigrants, under the direction of the Immigration Committee of 
Congress, shows that profound changes of head-form (cephalic 
index) occur under the influence of American environment, in the 
American-born descendants of immigrants as compared with the 
foreign-born immigrants of the same races ; that the amount of 
change in the American-born depends in part on the period ^of 
their immigrant mothers’ stay in America before their birth ; that 
the rate of change decreases as this period increases^ and finally 
that the changes make the most divergent types (^.^.,TSast European 
Hebrews and Sicilians) converge and approach to Uniform type 
in this respect. The cephalic index in man, even if it were not 
otherwise open to dispute as confounding real ^distinctions of 
shape, , seems to be unstable under special conditions^ That the 
changes of head-form in American-born children are persistent 
and hereditary under American conditions may be presumed firpm 
the fact that they are in the direction of the normal ^.merican 
That there may be a reversion with a return to J^urt^iean 
conditions cannot be urged as an objection against one wto / 



mcM. d^ificsnce' of tlifs cephalic ' ttl<! 

of Keqindertha,! tyjfe or the Aurignac type, so iar as Is '4'\ 
fett, ntiy he' due to the operation of similar coi<l?tions, ot ttio 
absence of special modifying agencies, or, in some instances, to . 
abivism, revision or freaks. * 

%•'’ •* *.** » 

Froto*man!—K proto-human type with primitive characters 

must he assumed as the starting-point, a generalised type 
'•v^^^h all the pure primary stocks of Man may be derived by 
further differentiation cind specialisation along different collateral 
lines in special environments. 

The Proto-man as a more generalised form possessed this 
(phylogenetic) variability in a greater measure, and his skull,' 
cerebral mass and cerebral convolutions have shown striking 
changes ; in other words, the evolution of man has been rapid 
and continuous in the direction in which he differentiated from 
the anthropoids. For example, the cranial capacity of the gorilla 
is about 450 c.c. ; of the Pithecanthropus erectus, in Upper 
Pliocene, about 900 c.c. ; of the Neanderthal man, in middle 
Pleistocene, about 1,250 c,c. ; and of the Cro-Magnon man of the 
lower alluvium about 1,500 c.c. The progress was most marked in 
the earj^r stages, and gradually slowed down 

All cerebral change is the index of a rapid psychic variation. 
Even in the tase of the higher animals, the psychic (and social) 
characters are of zoojenic ” value, influencing the course of 
animal evolution and the origin of species among the higher 
vertebrates (birds and mammals), e,g , through sexual selection, 
gregarious impulses, instincts of species-pre^^ervation, mutual aid 
and sympathy. It is these psycho-social characters of the organism 
that chiefly differentiate Man from the animals. They ensure the 
exercise of that foresight, control, and co ordination which are 
ttfe chief marks of bionomic progress. Besides, what is of vital 
importance, these psycho-social characters (and therefore the 
Racial types of Man whereof they are constituent elements) are 
marked by that greater range, variability and plasticity of response 
(/.^., of the internal factor in organic evolution), which is the con- . 
comitant of all higher and more complex organisation. As such, 
they furnish some new developments, especially an extending 
range bf wants, and the phenomena of choice and conscious 
control which condition the operation of natural selection, and 
determine its direction, though they do not by any means suspend 
!€. H^ce it is that no view of civilisation is sound or adequate 
considers Race and Racial types statically, and not 
dynamically as growing, developing, progressive entities. 



, UNIVERSAL JIACES COJJGRES^ 

S00^l Instinct , — The sa'me ^niggle fi>r^ existenos.y^ 
de!i^elo|)a the egoistic impulses also develops the ego-^lti:ufetic:and 
the altfuisticA |Social life survives as the best aid to lim main- 
tenance of the individual as well as the species. And the sckial 
instincts thus evoked have left their impress on the physical ty|)e* 

has been held with somb plausibility that devefopcd sociality 
gave a^ longer pairing arrangement in the primitive -humaa family, 
with prolonged human infancy, and that this brought oi| the .more 
^veloped brain with the erect position. This so^ciality mamfesjpr 
itself in sympathy, imitation, play, communicativeness, associro^, 
which all spread by the law of surface expansion, i.e.y in geometrical 
progression, #by creating new centres of diffusion. All this pre- 
pared tlje way for the origin of language. 

Psychology of Primitive Peoples , — The scientific anthropologist 
must beware of one vulgar error on pain of being taken for® a 
caricaturist. The primitive psychical type like the physical differs 
from ours not by being abnormal or pathological, but only by 
being undeveloped and rudimentary. The normal movement is 
from the mind of the ape to that of the civilised man ; and the 
appearance of any new factor in proto- man or prehistoric man, be 
it conceptual language or reasoning, religion or art, magic of 
myth, marriage or property, must be sought, in its origin^ along 
this line of adf^ance, and in the normal experience of ifie race. 
Sometimes we have to deal with abnormal or pathological 
phenomena among primitive or “ natural races, e,g.^ traned fihe- 
nomena, black magic, cannibalism, revolting puberty rite^ /Wgies, 
sexual perversions and inversions, &c., just as we find the same in 
the civilised peoples of to-day ; but then we must analyse them as 
such. Some of these arise by temporary excess or defect of 
normal impulses ; and when they survive in the present day, they 
are not survivals in the true sense, but arise from similar excesses 
or defects of the same normal impulses in civilised man. Excesiises 
of sensuality, and many superstitions, are of this class. As to 
the anti-social impulses, it must be remembered that some of 
them arise in the struggle for existence, and are to that extent 
normal. Sociality went pari passu with egoism. Sympathy 
within the horde was no doubt of adaptive value, but it was the 
correlative of antipathy outside the horde, which was equally 
adaptive at the origin. 

But as sociality is ultimately more adaptive or life-maintaining, 
it has gone on, expanding its circle, and the anti-social impulses 
have contracted theirs ; the evolution of Man has been, ind will 
. be, the evolution of Sociality, within the limits of the complete 
and free personal life. If, therefore, we find anti-$ocial excesses 

C ' ' I 



_ ,m?fcT'SESSlQN. 

zwxfidg sav!^€$, they are aiso^ in ca^es wt abnornfe! hait 

ipnjy irudinjentary. Bat there are other ]p»henc!ipiena which are 
abnormal, pathological, implying degenerallire trfifsformation of 
structure or function. Cannibalism, promiscuity, Morgan’s con- 
sanguineous marriage, group-marriage, infanticide, black magic, 
&c., a^ of Ithis cljss. In the ' first place, they are far outside 
the linifi from* the ape to the civilised man. The higher apes had 
already’' begun to avoid too close in-breeding, and to live 
jealously guarded polygynous-family hordes, or pairing families^ 
or less enduring. And secondly, natural selection would 
ruthlessly weed out stocks in which such impulses would be 
normal It follows, therefore, that, when such phenomena appear, 
as they undoubtedly do, among savages or primitive folk, they 
are not part and parcel of their normal physio-psycho-social type, 
b^iit are phenomena of degeneration or retrogression in those 
peoples. They are not samples of the normal savage mind, much 
less of the mind of Proto-man, who was a plastic and progressive 
being, not arrested, and not decadent, as savages in many cases 
have come to be in their isolated and inhospitable habitats. 

Cultural Race . — This comprehends in intimate inter-dependence : 

• 

(1) Grades of material culture with elaboration of useful Arts, and traditions 
those connected with food, fire, shelter, disposal o^ the dead, fishing, 

hunting, war, medicinal and other healing, basket and textile weaving, pottery, 
decoration, mechanical inventions, domestication of animals, pasture, agricul- 
ture, writing, weights and measures, coins ; — in more or less successive epochs, 

the stick-usmg, eohthic, palaeolithic, mesolithic, neolithic, eneolithic, bronze, 
and iron ages — with several layers in each age, e.g , the Chellean, Mousterian, 
Solutrian, Lower and Upper Aurigiiacian, and Magdaleman epochs of 
palaeolithic Europe, &c.). 

(2) Grades of ethnic culture, with elaboration of social structures, and of customs 
(the economic, juristic, socio-ceremonial, religious, and political traditions). 

The unit of the social structure was the horde, a small 
p«>lygynous family-horde, rather than a pairing family. Composite 
structures were produced by genetic multiplication, fission, aggre- 
gation, coalescence, absorption, assimilation, adoption, initiation, 
conquest and capture. 

The composite social structures that were thus evolved ap- 
peaned in the following order : — 

(i) Family groups and possibly local exogamous groups by fission and 
aggregation; (2) clans, metronymic or patronymic, totemistic or eponymous, 
exogamous or endogamous, or both, with “ beena,” or with wife capture, 
purchase or expropriation ; (3) sometimes, phratries, classes, &c. ; (4) tribes, 
based on agnatic or female kinship, or cemented by common good and ill, 
or comlnon vendetta, or common land and water, or participation in the 
domflmnal land, or adoption into the village community or township as 
strangers or as servi ; (5) confederacies of tribes, or peoples. 



k6i RACES'' CQNGkESs/ 

' ^b^.» com^:Nbslte aggi«gatioQ of like uniis bj^ 

of parts. In structure as in function a pap^l'is a 
a trfbf is a big phratry or dan, a clan is a big;^uni^-^ 
^rou^, a family-group is a big family. ■ ' 

Every one of fhese groups performed four functions, ibough 
' fflot indifferently, or in the same degree. r * f ' , . 

' ^ " • 

(i) Economic, by provision of communal food, and communal shelter ; ^ 

^ ,(2) Socio-ceremonial, at feasts, games, choral dances ; f' 

(3) Juristic, by the inviolable custom of blood -feuds, &c. ; and 

(4) Religious m communal worship and propitiation of the common an- 
'Jijcstors, tribal deities, and jungle or other spirits. 

# 

This compound structure is characteristic of low organisms, 
the 'colonies of the Hydroidea the compound eye, &c.). The 
units are not sufficiently differentiated, the whole is not sufficientljy 
coherent. The superior aggregate cannot control the ultimate units 
except through semi-independent intervening media. The jurisdic- 
tion is particulate. As Morgan observes, the plan of government 
in the tribal stage deals with individuals through their relations 
to tlie gens or clan. Status is all in all, and individuation is only 
rudimentary. The social acts of the individual, as Hermann Postf^ 

' remarks, are all determined by the assumptions on which his society 
is based — postulates, social categories, embodied in custom or law. 
These traditions are quasi-instinctive, and constitute the essential^ 
moments of ethnic entity or cultural Race.^ 

National Race, — The third stage evolves a complex and coherent 
structure, by redistributing the elements of the previous coniposit^i; 
formations. Differentiation of the individual and central 
go together. In other words, while the individual begins^ to be 
differentiated from the family and the clan, the Nation by its 
central organ, the State, deals with the individual directly, by 
gradually usurping and annulling all intermediary jurisdictions. 
Family-groups within clans, and clans within tribes, duplicating 
.structure and function, cannot constitute a nation. The uniformity 
of the family-clan-tnbe-people stage must be broken up.® The 
individual units and lower aggregates are more and more jdifferen- 

/ * If the individual oiganibin is mamlamed by the balance of hereditary 

conservation and progressive variation, cultural Race is maintained ,by the 
balance of two corresponding capacities, viz., the cumulation of experience in 
the form of tradition, and modification by new experience and growing lyints. 
As Ratzel points out, the most profound differences among ethnic civilisations 
' arise out of the varying degrees of these two fundamental capacities. But 
the capacities themselves, like all other bio-sociological characters, are^ plastic,', 
fluent, developable under suitable conditions and stimuli. , ^ ^ 

® Even in this stage there had been a progressive specialisation of functions, 
more especially m the tribe and the confederacy. . ' ' i 



> of labour and apeckilissStfon 'of irierS^i ; 

Ocoipatjio^l castes, ^ilds, classes, cofpom^ioilSj ^adually talec 
pl^e ' of the older ethnic groups. Plrsc^pajiaw based on 
kindiip gives place more and more to territorial law based on 
allegiance. Jhe coherence thus becomes mofe effective, mbre 
direct » Whether the government • is vested in one or many; a 
nation^* ajwayg begins by creating an absolute central authority. 
In the intermediate feudal stage, the State deals with the individuaJr 
tljrough his overlord or corporation, but a true national government 
can ohly rise on the ruins of the feudal system, by creating art 
ibso|dte central power.^ Constitutions and constitutionalism are* a ' 
/later growth, effected through the differentiation and separation of the 
legislative, executive, and judicial functions of this sovereign author!^. 

Pari passu with the increasing variability of response in the 
individual, which is itself the cause and concomitant of individual 
emancipation from the family and clan, is developed the increasing 
, variability of the social mind, and the phenomenon of social choice. 
The customs, traditions, postulates of social life so long rigidly 
determined the responses of the social organism, but now th<^se 
rciSponses show the characteristics of all complex evolution, viz., 
indefinite variability, deliberative veto, purposive control, rational 
choice of alternative. These choices, of course, obey the biological 
law of adaptation and survival of the fittest, but the spontaneous 
process of natural selection becomes a conscious organised rational 
seledtion determined b> ideal satisfactions or ends. A nation, 
thenSp a conscious social personality, exercising rational choice 
as dJifermined by a scheme of ideal ends or values, and having 
an organ, the State, for announcing and executing its will. Law 
is nothing but the standing Will of the national Personali^ty, and 
the old customary now receives its sanction explicitly or implicitly 
from this Will. All members of a truly National State are integral 
n!embei?s of this Composite Personality, but the individual units 
are themselves Persons, and, therefore, self-determining Wills. 

The common membership cf the State gradually replaces all 
the old bonds of common descent or kinship, common religion, 
common social customs, common personal law, common cultural 
stock, even a common language. The existence of theocratic codes, v 
servile classes, ethnic disabilities, privileged classes, co-ordinate 
jurisdictidris (ecclesiastical, feudal, municipal), retards the free and 
normal development of a National Race, and these ethnic survivals 
disappear in adult nationality. 

. This centralisation itself makes for decentralisation within the 
Uctifts of the State paramountcy. 

' . / * E,g., the recent case of Japan. 



ii ; , bilTORSAlJ RACES, congress' 

V^lmltaxy assocktlohs, companies,, corporations (Ottl^M^ties, 
Inns dF Court, Social Reform-Associatibns, political 
cciqamercial firi^s, banks and services unions, trusts, co-6]^a^vc 
l^lfencies, &c,) extend this decentralisation within limits hf 
State supervision ‘secured by charters, registrations, ^and licences. 
Local self-governments carry the decentralisation still Itiirther hj^ 
delegation of State functions to local bodies. But the sphdre and 
i4COpe of State legislation, in other words, the lii^jits (other than 
those of Justice) within which the social personality is bound JfcO 
tolerate and respect the personality of its members in their activities 
to realise 4heir own schemes of values and ends, is a hyper- 
Constitutionaf question, and must depend on the free consensus of 
the members themselves, whether in an explicit form or as implied 
by continued membership of the State. 

With increasing decentralisation, the State with its ally, tfie 
Church, ceases to formulate economic, social or domestic standards 
or values. The individual members, as self-determining Personalities, 
exercise rational choice, and are determined by ideal ends and 
Vfidues. The National Ideal is now lifted to a higher platform. It 
no longer competes with the ideals of individuals. It becomes truly« 
a regulative Ideal — the Ideal of harmonising, fulfilling, realising, in 
each and all of^ the members, their personal, social, national and 
cosmic ideals and values. 

Political Art, then, consists in the national adaptation of the 
Environment, both Natural and Social, to the realisation, by the 
national Personality (which is a regulative moment of every indivi- 
dual Personality) and in the persons of the individual 
themselves, of the highest ideal values, which they choose ai^a, pro- . 
pose to themselves as free self-determining agents. 

But Nationalism is only a halting stage in the onward march of 
Humanity. Nationalism, Imperialism, Federationism are world- 
building forces, working often unconsciously, and in apparent strife, 
towards the one far-off divine event, a realised Universal Humanity 
with an organic and organised constitution, superintending as a 
primum mobile the movements of subordinate members of the y^orld- 
system, each within its own sphere and orbit. Respectilig 4i»ach 
I*Iational Personality, and each scheme of National values and ilieals. 
Universal Humanity will regulate the conflict of Nations and 
National Ideals and Values on the immutable foundation of Justice, 
which is but the conscious formulation of the fundamental bio- 
sociological law : that every National Personality (like every ih^ivi- 
dual personality in the Nation) has a right to the realisation of its 
own ideal ends, satisfactions and values within the limits imppse<f.by 
the similar rights of others (individualistic Justice), and also a rlg^t 



, FIRST' SESSION.'. 

-t0^-]pafin^rship and cooperation for the comispon ^ood and csprtiiis^ 
advjmtage (sodalistk Justice), within the limits imposed by the 
pr^cedhtg claused ‘ ^ 

'SjijiCh is the fundamental principle of International Jurisprudence. 
A revised Universal Humanity on this immutabie basis is the goal 
of a U^iverisa^ Races^ Congress like tjiis.* 

Of .the vajrious non-political agencies which may be useful in 
promoting the- objects of such a Congress, one or two are note^ 
below * 

(1) The organisation of‘ a World's Humanity League (not an Aborigines 
Protection Society), with branches, committees, and bureaus in different 
countries The chief object should be to promote mutual under^anding, among 
members of different races, peoples, nationalities, of one another's national 
ideals, social schemes, and regulative world-ideas. Congresses m^ be held 
under the auspices of the League in different centres. Thinkers from the 
B^st should be regularly invited to explain their own nalional or racial cultures 
and standpoints at meetings organised by the different branches in the West; 
and viqe versa, 

(2) The endowment of Professorships of Oriental Civilisation and Culture in 
Western Universities and Academies, to be held by Orientals from the countries 
concerned ; and muiatis mutandis in the East (in countries in which European 
civilisation does not already hold a dominant position). No scheme of national 
•values, ideals, cultures, m one word, world-ideas, will in the present day be 
dealt with by foreigners, ab other than curiosities of an Archaeological Museum 
(or an Entomological Laboratory). 

(3) The publication of an International Journal of Comparative Civilisation, 
which would serve as a medium for the exchange of international views on 
economic, domestic, social, religious and political problems of the day from the 
different national standpoints , and would also expound the origin and develop- 
ments of social institutions in the different national histones. The Journal 
would hAve for its chief object the application of the biological, sociological, and 
historical Sciences to the problems of present-day legi .lation and administration* 

(4) Some organised effort, if possible, against the anti-social and anti- 
humanitarian tendencies of the modern political situation ; such as the colour 
prejudice, the forcible shutting of the door m the West against the East, with 
the forcible breaking it open in the East m favour of the West ; nationatl 
chauvinism ; national aggressiveness, and war. 

Our motto is Harmony. 

[Paper submitted tn English. ‘\ 

ANTHROPOLOGICAL VIEW OF RACE 

By Dr. Ffxix von Luschan, 

Professor of Anthropology in ike University of Berlin. 

\ 

Coloured people are often described as savage races, but it is com* 
pamtively rare to find any attempt to give a proper definition of 
"cOlou!*ed** and ‘‘savage.” 



H UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS J 

. .\.A<9Wtaifi order issued by a European Governor in 
^ted'what Negroes, Arabs, Hindus, Portugu^Sfse, Greeks^ airSd^ottier 
coloured people, had to do on meeting a white man, the 

German Reichstag one of the successors of Bismarck once spotce of 
the Samoans as a “ handful of savages.” Again, many books have 
been written on the differefices, between races, of men, agnd*kSerk)us 
scientists have tried in vain to draw up an exact" definition of 
what really constitutes the difference between savage and civilised 
"races. It is very easy to speak of “ Greeks and other coloured 
people” ; but some assign the ancient Greeks to the group of 
' civili^icd races, and are so severe in their division as to exclude from 
that group tlv', ancient Romans as half-barbarians. . 

The division of mankind into active and passive races is an old 
one. Since then an attempt was made to put “ twilight ” races 
between the “day” races and the “night” races, and the Japanece 
were included in this group of “ Dammerungs-Menschen — the 
Japanese, who are now in the van of human civilisation in Asia, and 
who have, perhaps, saved the mental freedom of Europe at Tshushima 
and on the battle-fields of Manchuria. 

Still weaker and more objectionable is the division as to colour. 
We now know that colour of skin and hair is only the effect of 
environment, and that we are fair only because our ancestors lived 
for thousands, or probably tens of thousands, of years in sunless and 
foggy countries. Fairness is nothing else but lack of pigment, and . 
our ancestors lost part of their pigment because they did not need 
Just as the Proteus sanguineus and certain beetles became bfiiid in 
caves, where their eyes were useless, so we poor fair people hai^e to 
wear dark glasses and gloves when walking on a glacier, aftd get our 
skin burned when we expose it unduly to the light of the sun. 

It is therefore only natural that certain Indian races and the 
Singhalese are dark ; but it would be absurd to call them “ sa|j^age ” 
on that account, as they have an ancient civilisation, and bad 
,and refined religion at a time when our own ancestors bad 0^\ery 
low standard of life. ^ ; 

Some men say that coloured people are “ ugly.” They should 
be reminded that beauty is very relative, and that our own idea of 
beauty is subject to changes of fashion. We know, too, that artists so 
refined as the Japanese find our large eyes and our high noses horrid. 

It is also said of the primitive races that they are not as cleanly 
as we are. Those who say this, however, forget the dirt of Eastern 
Europe, and are ignorant that most primitive men bathe every day^ 
and that the Bantu and many other Africans clean their teeth after, 
every meal for more than half an hour with their msuakiy whila^ On 
the contrary, millions of Europeans never use a tooth-brush. 



FiasT ss^ssioai: ts 

. So it is with dress* Ethnography tea^hiE^' ns primi^jpe co^ 
can have a highly developed sense of modesty, though naked, aiM 
we all know how immodest one can be in silk and vAvet. 

The same can be said of the lack of written language. It is true 
that most primitive men are Analphabets, but so are 90 per cent, of 
the Russiai^s ? and w^e know that memory is generally much stronger 
with thp illiterates than with us. It may very well be that t^e very 
ioven1;iO|i of writing led to a deterioration of our memory, ^ 

Most frequently savages ” are accused of being weak in abstract 
thinking, like children. To show how such opinions originate, I beg 
to relate a single case lately reported to me by one of my friends. 
A youtig colonial officer buys a basket and asks the naanie of it in the 
native language. The first native says, “ That is of straw another 
native says that they also make them of rushes. One of the two 
seemed to have lied, so each of them received twenty-five lashes. A 
third native is called. He says, “ This basket is plaited,” and gets 
twenty-five also. The next native affirms that the basket is nearly 
new, and gets twenty-five. The next, that he does not know whose 
basket it is, &c. The final result of this scientific investigation is 
two hundred lashes ; and the white man writes in his notebook : 
These natives here are brutes, not men.” The black man says to 
is friends, This fellow belong white is not proper in his save box,” 
and thinks it safer to keep at a good distance from him ; and a 
certain^^iCntist at home gets a splendid illustration of his theory 
of the poor intellect of savage man and of his weakness in abstract 
thinking. 

I once personally witnessed how a would-be linguist tried to 
learn Kurdish from a Kurd, with whom he .ould only just speak 
by means of a Turkish and French interpreter. He began with 
one of the famous phrases in Ahn^s Grammar, in the style of my 
brother’s pocketknife is prettier than your mother’s prayerbook,” 
attd wanted to have it translated into Kurdish. The result wa6 
rather poor, and my pseudo-linguist soon gave it up, saying that 
the Kurds were so stupid that they did not know even their own 
language. My own private impression was somewhat different, 
and I took great care afterwards to convince my Kurdish friend 
that not all Europeans were so silly and impatient as his first 
interviewer. 

In former times it was not so much the mental and material 
culture of foreign races, as their anatomical qualities, which were 
taken the starting-point, in showing their inferiority. Especially 
in America^ before the war, Anthropology (or what they called by 
tbak natne) was engaged in showing that the Negro, with his 
black skin, his prognathism, his blubber-lips and his short and 



i6 UNIVRRSAt RACES CONGRESS 

hroad%]iQ 5 e» was no real human being but a domestifo animal. 
How to treat him was the owner's private affair; it was nobody 
else’s busineJ^, any more than the treatment of his cattle , or 
horses, ^ ' 

vEven to-day there are scientists who claim a separate origin for 
V th^ various human types, arfd ^yho link one pjtlaeolithic iracg tbllie 
Gorilla and another (or perhaps the same) to the Orang. The» author 
'of Anthropozoon biblicum goes still further ^nd wants us to belieye 
that the dark races are the descendants of incestuous intercourse 
between “Aryans” and monkeys. But the great majority of our 
modem authorities now claim a monogenetic origin for mankind 

So the quf»stion of the number of human races has quite lost its 
raison ditre^ and has become a subject rather of philosophical specu- 
lation than of scientific research. It is of no more importance now 
to know how many human races there are than to know how mar^ 
angels can dance on the point of a needle. Qur aim now is to 
find out how ancient and primitive races developed from others, 
and how races have changed or evolved through migration and 
interbreeding. 

We do not yet know where the first man began to develop from 
earlier stages of zoological existence, and we know nothing of his* » 
anatomical qualities. The Pithecanthropus erectus from Java was*' 
for some time cdhsidered to be such a first man or “ missing^link ” ; 
but he proved to be only an enormous Gibbon. The oldest known 
remains of real man have been found in Western Europe. They do 
not show one single trait that is not found in one or other modern 
skull or skeleton of aboriginal Australians , even the mandible of 
Mauer-Heidelberg, primitive as it is, has a typical human dentition. 
So we shall probably not be far from the truth if we state that the 
palaeolithic man of Europe was not essentially different from the 
modern Australian, If we are allowed to draw conclusions as to 
the soft parts from the qualities of the skeleton, our palaeolithk: 
ancestor had dark skin, dark eyes, and dark, more or less, straight 
hair. His home was probably in some part of Southern Asia ; but 
we find similar types even now among the Toala of Celebes and the 
Veddas of Ceylon. In fact, millions of dark men in India belong 
to the same stock, and so do all the dark tribes of Afghanistan and 
Beluchistan. 

So we can trace an early and primitive type of mankind from 
Gibraltar, Moustier, Spy, Neanderthal, Krapina, &c., to Ceylon, 
Celebes, and Australia. This certainly is a wide area, but ^ every 
year is now bringing fresh proofs of this direct continuity of a 
distinct human type from the earliest palaeolithic ages to moctem 
times. 



FIRST SESSION., 

' The question naturally arises how it is that our Australian 
brothers have remained for fifty or a h|^undred ' thousand years, or 
longer, ifi such a primitive state of mental afed Witerfi^f^culture, while 
we Europeans have reached the height* of modern c^v^ilisation. The 
answer fs not difficult. Australia was isolated frown the rest of the 
world ^lowgfi an eajly geological catastrophe soon after the imi^jii- 
gration, of palaeolithic man. Every impulse and incentive from 
without ceased,* and human life began to petrify. ^ 

It was quite* otherwise in Europe and in Western Asia. The 
thousand advantages of the environment, the broken coastlines, the' 
many islands, the navigable rivers, and especially the constant pass- 
ing from Asia to Europe and from Europe to Asia and Africa, the 
ready exchange of inventions and discoveries and acquisitions, the 
incessant trade and traffic, have made us what we are. 

^ This primitive but uniform human type began to change chiefly 
in two directions. To the south-west of the line connecting Gibraltar 
with Australia, man, in some way or other, developed curly and 
woolly hair, and so became what we now call Protonigritian. We 
find descendants in Melanesia and in Africa. The Pygmies 
form very old branch of this protonigritic group ; and we find 
them in South Africa (Bushmen), in many parts of Tropical Africa 
and of South-Eastern Asia, and even in some islands of the Pacific. 
We do not know where they became small, whethei* in their original 
home or later on, after their dispersion. The first theory is certainly 
the simpler; but the second is not without analogy. We know that the 
Ammonites began to unroll themselves quite independently of each 
other in distant oceans, but more or less in the same geological period. 

On the other side of this line, in Northern Asia, primitive man 
acquired, during many thousands of years, straight hair and a shorter 
or broader skull. The modern Chinese and the typical, now nearly 
extinct, American Indian are at the end of this north-eastern line 
oM^elopment, while the typical Negro represents the south-western 
end.^^ 

Wb; have thus three chief varieties of mankind — the old Indo- 
Eurdpein, the African, and the East- Asiatic, all branching off from 
the sai& primitive stock, diverging from each other for thousands, 
perhaps hundreds of thousands, of years, but all three forming a com- 
plete unity^ intermarrying in all directions without the slightest 
decrease of fertility. 

From these three varieties came all the different types of modern 
mankind, generally by local isolation. A very interesting example 
of such mutation is found in the earliest known inhabitants of 
Webern Asia. This is the land of those extremely narrow and high- 
arched noses, we generally call Jewish or even Semitic. These 

c • 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

nbs^es, however, do not belong to the Semitic tih^ders, of 
whom Abraham is the eponymic hero, but to the pre-Semitic popula- 
tion wh|ch mi^ht be called Hittite or Armenoid, as the' modern 
Atmcsni^ms are their direct descendants. 

These old Hittites or Armenoids emigrated in very early times 
ta Europe, where the “ Alpine Race” descended from them.^ Jn the 
most out-of-the-way valleys of Savoy, Graubiinden, Tyrol, and 
^Carinthia more than half of the modern population has the head^ 
form and the nose of this second immigration from Asia td Europe, 
and from the mingling of this short-headed '' Alpine Race” with the 
descendants of the long-headed Palaeolithic or Neanderthal or proto- 
Australian Race, all the great modern European races have sprung. 
Only the Turks and the Magyars represent a later immigration from 
Northern Asia, and of the Magyars in particular we know that they 
settled in their present home in Hungary only a thousand years ago, 
and that their grammar is most intimately related to the grammar of 
the real Turkish languages Perhaps the Slavonic races also were 
more or less influenced by later immigrations from Northern Asia. 

Thus the European races can only be understood by considering 
Europe as a small peninsular annexe to ancient Asia, and for the 
understanding of the non -European races it is necessary to remember 
that the boundaries of water and land and glaciers have altered 
immensely in fhe course of the many hundreds of thousands of 
years of human existence. 

While the first varieties of primitive man were certainly formed 
and fixed by long isolation, later variations and races were caused 
by migration and colonisation, as might perhaps best be shown by ' 
sketching the anthropology of Africa and of the Pacific Islands. 

Just as Madagascar was peopled about 900 or lOOO A.D. by 
Indonesian colonists, coming from Sumatra, so untold ages ago 
the first inhabitants of Africa came from a place somewhere in 
Southern Asia on the great line from Gibraltar to Australis^^.^ iio 
skulls or skeletons of these earliest Africans are as yet kno^n, but 
we may hope to find them sooner or later, as we already how 
know a good many sites of palaeolithic implements in various parts 
of Tropical and Southern Africa. 

The anatomical qualities of these first Africans will certainly 
be found to differ little from those of aboriginal Australians ; but 
in tens or hundreds of thousands of years the palaeolithic African 
evolved into a real Negro. He exists in two varieties: a tall 
variety, like the modern Nigritian from the coast of Upper Guinea, 
and a small one, like the Bushmen and the Pygmies, now known f 
in so many places in Central Africa. But I have already stated that 
we are as yet quite ignorant of the real home of these small races! 



FlRSt SESSION- 


!Pe) these tw dements in Africa was added, age^*after- 

^tds, but still in prehiirtoric times, a third one, the ^,amitic. It is 
descended from the same ancient ** Gibraltar- Ausjralia-line,” but 
was' in a higher stage of civilisation. These Hamites had already a 
greatly refined language, with an admirable grammar, closely 
rdated fo iJiat of the Semitic and. Inclo-germanic languages. In 
Egypt they created, more than six thousand years ago, the matvel- 
lous civilisation ’ which we now admire as the mother of our own. « 
Ancient Hamitic influences can be traced all through Africa ; in 
Abyssinia, in Galla-, Somal-, and in Masailand, we find even now 
Hamitic languages, or at least Hamitic grammar and Hamitic 
types. ^ 

In Central Africa, in the region of the great lakes, we have the 
Hima and Tasi, generally as chiefs, reigning over Bantu tribes, often 
with face and figure like those of the old Pharaohs of Egypt. Even 
in South Africa nearly i per cent, of the actual Bantu population 
have high and narrow noses, thin lips, and fine, large, and orthog- 
nathous skulls of the Hamitic type, and all the Hottentot languages 
and dialects have a pure Hamitic grammar. Also the pastoral 
habits of many African tribes, their long-horned cattle, their spiral 
Basket-work, &c , are Hamitic, and we can thus trace Hamitic 
influence from the Nile to the Cape of Good Hope. 

In the West of Africa, also, the Hausa and many other Hamitic 
tribes have been of the greatest importance in the progress of 
African civilisation and the formation of new tribes. 

It! later historic times Arabic, Persian, and Indian influences were 
at work in Eastern Africa. The periodic occurrence of Passat and 
Monsoon had aiready led to occasional visits and perhaps even to 
some colonisation at a very early stage of human history ; the 
zebu, the goat, and a great many domestic plants, were brought 
from India to the Swahili coast, and from there to the interior of 
Africa ; but we do not know when. We know only that Islam 
came from Arabia comparatively late — Islam that is now the 
prominent religion throughout vast regions of Africa, and will 
probably remain so for many centuries to come. 

The Mediterranean coast of Africa also has always been open 
to foreign influences. The Vandals who came to Africa in 429 A.D. 
certainly had forerunners even in prehistoric times. The trepanning 
of skulls which was known in the late palaeolithic cave dwellings in 
France, was performed on the Canary Islands, and is even now found 
among some tribes in Southern Algeria. The modern pottery of 
Adaipaua shows a close relation to the pottery of the Hallstatt 
period and of ancient Sardinia, and some modern armlets and 
bronze daggers in the Western Sudan look as if they might belong 



i20 ^ UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

to th^ European Bronze Age. We do not know where the art of 
casting in \bronze (the cire perdue process of the . French, the 
casting with c^ra perduta of the Italians) had its real origin ; 
probably it came from Egypt or from Babylonia. We are 'also 
ignorant of the Vl^ay it took in coming from there to Europe and 
to the Western Sudan, but we., see from the prehistoric tfch^racter of 
man)^ African bronze daggers, armlets, &c., that the art of casting 
^ must have come to Adamaua not later than the sixth centiiry B.C. 

Six centuries before the historic invasion of the Vandals, 
Hannibal sent his soldiers from Africa to Europe and from Europe 
to Africa, and we know that in the early Middle Ages African 
Mohammedhns reigned in Spain for more than five hundred years. 

Thus there was a constant coming and going between North 
Africa and Western Europe, and we cannot be astonished to find so ' 
many blue eyes among the Berbers of Morocco, and even among^the 
Ful and other tribes in the Sudan. 

In fact, the natives of Africa, who were considered not long ago 
to be a homogeneous mass, now turn out to be in reality a qiost 
complicated mixture of quite different elements, the outcome of 
immigration at different periods and from different parts of the 
globe. * 

Not much less complicated is the anthropological structure of 
Oceania. Here we have real pygmies, and the Melanesians, who are 
very similar to the African negroes with dark curly and often spiral 
hair, dark skin, long skull, prognathous face, broad nose, ahd thick 
lips. They are found nearly pure on the Fiji Islands and in some 
parts of New Caledonia and in the Solomon Islands and the New 
Hebrides. In other parts of the Western Pacific they are more or 
less mixed with the old pygmy races and form what are now 
generally called the Papuan elements of Oceania. The greatest 
possible contrast to these Melanesians and Papuans is found in the^, 
Polynesian type, which is found in its purest form in Tonga •and ' 
Samoa, but partly also in the Eastern Group of Polynesia. The real 
and pure typical Polynesian has a skin not much darker than that of 
many Sicilians or Spaniards ; his hair is dark and straight, the skull 
is extremely short, but very broad and high ; the face is orthogna- 
thous, the nose narrow, the lips sometimes very thin, never as thick 
as those of the Melanesians. Many Polynesians might easily be 
taken for full-blooded Europeans ; others, especially some of the 
females, resemble types from Indonesia or from Siam and Cambodja, 
except that they are, as a rule, much taller than any tribes of South- 
Eastern Asia, On the whole it is evident, without any recourse to 
linguistics and ethnography, merely by studying their physique that 
the Polynesians came from Asia and that they came by way of 



FIRST SESSiOri 21 

ltid<>n«^a. This is also shown by their cosmogonical system ari 3 their 
eschatology. * v * ^ 

These two races, the Melanesians and Polynesians, different 
from each other as they are, have intermarried on many groups 
of the Pacific islands for at least many c;pnturies. On some islands, 
in New* Zealand, sort of real mixture of types has taken place, 
on o1:hers the two types have remained quite distinct, so that, in 
accordance with» Mendel's law, always a certain proportion of the^ 
people belong to the one^ and another proportion to the other type, 
and only one-half (or less) of the inhabitants have the qualities 
of both types mixed. 

Wherever we try to investigate in this way the natural history 
of man, we always find inter-connection and migration, often 
over more than half the circumference of our globe. We can 
trice Turk languages from the Mediterranean all through Asia 
to the vicinity of Kamtschatka, and Malayan languages are spoken 
eastwards as far as Rapanui or Easter Island,, the ultima Thule 
of the Pacific ; westward we find the Hova of Madagascar, 
descendants of old Indonesian colonists who probably came from 
Sumatra about a thousand years ago, still preserving their type, 
their Indonesian language, and their old material culture. Hamitic 
grammar and Hamitic type can be traced right through Africa. 

The religions of Buddha and of Christ have each conquered more 
than 500 millions of men, and Islam spreads from Arabia as far as the 
West Coast of Africa, and eastward all through Asia, as far as the 
Indonesian Archipelago. We find carvings in New Ireland that can 
be traced back to the famous Greek marble representing the rape of 
Ganymede, and we know that the religious style of Buddhist art goes 
back to ancient Greece, just as the Japanese No-masks are the direct 
descendants of the masks in ancient Greek and Roman plays. 

^ In the same way our own domestic animals and plants, our corn 
and grains, can be traced round the globe, and in a few centuries 
American plants have spread so universally in Africa, that to the non- 
botanist they seem to be indigenous in the Dark Continent. 

In former times ethnologists used to admire the apparent unity in 
the direction of the human mind, and to wonder how it was that in 
all parts of the earth men had similar ideas and ways. Now this 
“ Vdlkergedanken " theory is nearly abandoned, and we are forced to 
admit the real unity of mankind. Fair and dark races, long and 
sbort-^headed, intelligent and primitive, all come from one stock. 
Favourable circumstances and surroundings, especially a good environ- 
ment, a favourable geographical position, trade and traffic, caused one 
groilp to advance more quickly than another, while some groups have 
remained in a very primitive state of development ; but all are adapted 



h UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

to stirrpundings, according to th6 law of the surviva;! - the 
fittest V * * • . : 

,One type mi?y be more refined, another type may be coars^'; ,but 
if both are thoroughbred, or what we call “good types,” however 
they may differ, one is not necessarily inferior to the ether, |!h this 
sense I could once say in onef of my UniverjSty lectures that the 
only “jfeavages ” in Africa are certain white men with “ TroperikoJIet” 
^ I am afraid I owe perhaps to this paradox the honour of being 
invited to take part in this Congress, and I feel it therefore my duty 
to declare most formally that I still adhere to my word, and that I am 
stijl seriously convinced that certain white men may be on a lower 
intellectual and moral level than certain coloured Africans. But this is 
a mere theoretical statement and of little practical value, except for the 
Colonial Service. In the Colonies, naturally, a white man with a low 
moral standard will always be a serious danger, not only for the 
natives, but also for his own nation. 

But much greater is the danger to civilised nations by the 
immigration of coarser or less refined elements. The United States 
provide a most instructive example of such a danger on account of 
' their twelve millions of coloured people, and wc can understand the 
feeling of racial antagonism that is now directed against immigration 
from Asia and ^the immigration of less desirable elements from 
Eastern Europe. Even in Germany the constant migration of 
Eastern Slavs into the Western Provinces is regarded as regrettable 
by people who are not suspected of narrow-mindedness. 

It certainly cannot be a matter of indifference to a nation, if 
great numbers of strangers come into their towns, take lower wages, 
live on a very low standard of life, and send home the greater parb 
of their income. But far more serious is the question of racial 
mixture, and I feel sure that this First Universal Races Congress 
will do a good work, and one that will not be forgotten for centuries 
to come, if it insists on the necessity of studying this problem on 
a broad basis 

We all know that a certain admixture of blood has always been 
of great advantage to a nation. England, France, and Germany are 
equally distinguished for the great variety of their racial elements. In 
the case of Italy we know that in ancient times and at the Renaissance 
Northern “ Barbarians ” were the leaven in the great advance of art 
and civilisation ; and even Slavonic immigration has certainly not been 
without effect on this movement. The marvellous ancient civilisation 
of Crete, again, seems to have been not quite autochthonous. We know 
also that the ancient Babylonian civilisation sprang from a mixture 
of two quite different national and racial elements, and we fi^d a 
nearly homogeneous population in most parts of Russiai and in 



FIRST SESSION- 

‘ ^ 
the ihterior of China assoctstted with h som^lrtiat low strf|;e. of 
evolution, . * • /* 

Qi!^ the other hand, we are all more or lest disposed to dislike 
and <iespi^e a mixture of Europeans with the greater part of fore%n 
raced. ** God ^created the white man and God treated the black 

man, twt the ^created the mulatfo,'^ is a very well-known 

proverb. ' As a matter of fact, we are absolutely ignorant as -to the 
moral and inteljectual qualities of half-castes. It would be absurd^ 
to expect from the union of a good-for-nothing European with an 
equally good-for-nothing black woman, children that march on the 
heights of humanity, and we know of many half-castes that are 
absolutely sans reproche , but we have no good stAi sties of the 
qualities of half-castes in comparibon with those of their parents. 

Meanwhile it may be permitted to anthropology to wish a 
separate evolution of the “ so-called white and the so-called coloured 
peoples.** As yet we know very little about the interesting and 
complicated psychology of most of the coloured races, and I am 
seriously convinced that better knowledge will be followed by nqjore 
and more mutual sympathy ; but racial barriers will never cease to 
exists an 1 if ever they should show a tendency to disappear, it will 
certainly be better to | reserve than to obliterate them. 

The brotherhood of man is a good thing, but the struggle for life is 
a far better one. Athens would never have become wliat it was, without 
Sparta, and national jealousies and differences, and even the most cruel 
wars, have ever been the . eal causes of progress and mental freedom. 
As long as man is not born with wings, like the angels, he will 
reru^^ 'subject to the eternal laws of Nature, and therefore he will 
hs^Ve to struggle for life and existen:e. No Hague Con- 
ferences, no International Tribunals, no international papers and 
peace societies, and no Esperanto or other international language, 
will ever be able to abolish war. 

* The respect due by the white races to other races and by the 
white races to each other can never be too great, but natural law will 
never allow racial barriers to fall, and even national boundaries will 
never cease to exist. 

Nations will come and go, but racial and national antagonism will 
remain ; and this is well, for mankind would become like a herd of 
sheep, if we were to lose our national ambition and cease to look with 
pride and delight, not only on our industries and science, but also on 
our splendid soldiers and our glorious ironclads. Let small-mindfed 
people whine about the horrid cost of Dreadnoughts ; as long as ' 
every nation in Europe spends, year after year, much more money 
on %ine^ beer, and brandy than on her army and navy, there is no 
reason to dread our impoverishment by militarism. 



*4 


UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

S^vis pdcem, para be^m; ai^ in reality there is no doiibt^that 
we shall be better able to av«d war, th« better we csurd for <wr 
aimsour, A nation is free only in so far as her own internal affairs 
are, concerned. *She has to respect the right of other nations as well 
as to defend her (Jwn, and her vitaj interests she will, if necessary, 
defend with blood and iron.^ • 

^ . [Paper submitted in English ] 


RACE FROM THE SOCIOLOGICAL 
STANDPOINT 

By Alfred Fouill^e, Paris, 

Member of the Institut de France. ® 

1. In discussions of the race problem there is one factor of supreme 
importance which has been so far disregarded — to wit, the opinion or 
idea which a race has of itself and the influence exerted by this 
idea. It is a view I have long been contending for, namely, that 
every idea is the conscious form in which feelings and impulses are 
cast. Thus every idea contains within it not merely an intellectual 
act, but also a certain orientation of sensibility and of will. Conse- 
quently every idefh is a force which tends to realise its own c' feet 
more and more fully. This is true of the idea of race, just a, t is 
true of the idea of nation. Hence we have (i) a certain selt-con- 
sciousness in a race, imparting to each of its members a llind of 
racial personality ; ( 2 ) a tendency to affirm this personalitwmore 
and more strongly, to oppose it to other racial types*^and sectfro^tts 
predominance. In other words, the race-idea i A dudes within it a 
race-consciousness. It is certain, for instance, t nite man 

shares the idea and the will of his race — a result t inevitable, 

inasmuch as he has but to open his eyes in order t( uish white 

from yellow or black. Frenchmen or Russians m be able to 

recognise one another at sight, but there can be no using blacks 

and whites. Colour is a visible and immediate bon >etween men 
of white, black, or yellow race. Even among white men certain 
types lend themselves to easy recognition and the setting up of a 
tie between men who share certain typical features. Take, for 
instance, the dark dolichocephalic Arab type, or, the dark brachy- 
cephalic Turkish, and compare either with the^ fair dolichocephalic 
English type. 

If an ethnic consciousness gives a "face greater solidarity and 

* To prevent the last few paragraphs from being misinterpreted, Professor v. Lusohan 
authonses us to state that he regards the desire for a war between Germany and England 
as “ insane or dastardly." — Editor. 



FlisT SESSION 2$ 

inward unity, it has, on the other ^and, the dlsad^-^nta^e of 
nating nearly always in an assumption of superiority kxA^ for that 
very reason, in a feeling of natural hostility. Tlje yellow man 
thinks himself no less superior to the white than the white man 
belieyes himself superior to the yellow.^ At all events, he believes 
himself 4o be very different, and from the conviction of difference 
to that *of enmity there is only a step. 

Differences language and custom — and, above all, of religion — 
serve to intensify the hostility. All religion is sociological in char- 
acter, and expresses symbolically the conditions native to the life or 
progress of a given society. The religion of a race converts it into 
a huge society animated by the same beliefs and the same aspira- 
tions. Moreover, all religion is intolerant, and hostile to other reli- 
gions. It believes itself to be the truth, and thus seeks to universalise 
that which is only the particular spirit of one race or one nation — 
the Jewish spirit, the Christian spirit, the Mahommedan spirit. 
When, then, the ethnic consciousness becomes at the same time a 
religious consciousness, the assertion of the individuality of a race 
implies a counter-assertion to the individuality of other races. It is 
hidden \.^arfare, passing over at the very first opportunity into open 
warfare. 

II, How, then, are we to war against the forep of hatred and 
which is inherent in the idea of race when wedded to the 
id^Sf religion ? We must fight it by the force of other ideas which 
contain a different set oi" feelings and tendencies. These “ id6es- 
forces,” or motor ideas, are of two kinds : scientific ideas and moral 
ideas. Just as ethnic and religious ideas are dividing factors, so 
scientific ideas are conciliatory in tendency. Science recognises no 
colour line : it is neither white, yellow, nor black, neither Christian 
nor Mahommedan. When a man of science demonstrates the 
equality of two triangles, he makes the sides of these triangles 
coincide ; and no less surely do his geometrical conclusions coincide 
with that of all other geometricians, be they white, yellow, or black. 

Over and above the consciousness of race, nationality, or religion, 
scientific ideas develop a human and social^ not to say human and 
cosmic consciousness. Science, then, is the great reconciler, the 
fruitful germ of universal peace, realising in the world of intelligence 
the ma^im “ All in one.” By the force that belongs to ideas union 
tenck^^pass from the intellect into the heart. Men of science, be 
their^^our white or yellow, hail one another as brothers. 

Industrial technique^ being the application of science, shares the 
universal character of science. A railroad, whether Chinese or 
Etigltsh, is always a railroad, A telegraph line, Russian or Japanese, 
is always a telegraphdine. A telephone, whether Turkish or Aus^ 



26 UNIVERSAL RACES^ CONGRESS , 

‘ trian, iS always a telephone. Every industrial invention is a igaahifes- 
tation of sci^ce, truth leaping into obviousness in all itS luminous 
ipjpersonality, ^nd, like the sun, shining equally upon Waek and 
iwbite. 

Hand in hand with science and industry goes comm^rct^ another 
bond between races. Commerce requires a cofistant increase in the 
Inumbe'r and speed of the methods of communication, and these bring 
^"'nations together; and commerce requires, moreover, Qodes of morality 
and law which tend to the establishment of moral and legal simi- 
larities between one race and another — similarities the importance 
of which is becoming daily more manifest. 

Another great link between races and nations, and one which is 
destined in the future to play a still more important part, is to be 
found in philosophical ideas. Even in the Middle Ages such ideas 
were the bond that united Christians, Jews, and Mussulman. St. 
■fThomas, Averroes, Avicenna, Maimonides paid common homage to 
Plato and Aristotle. To-day there are many points on wH|ch a 
disciple of Confucius or of Mencius will have small difficulty in 
coming to an understanding with a disciple of Kant or of Schopen- 
hauer. Philosophical ideas, even when they seem to divide men by 
the apparent multiplicity of their systems, yet really unite them in 
one and the same love of truth, one and the same disinterested 
inquiry into the heart of things, into the meaning of the ultimate 
laws of nature and of life. Among all true philosophers the d5f^rcal 
spirit and the speculative interest are the same. While all religions 
are guilty of the two great capital crimes — pride and hatred-^the 
philosopher knows that he knows little or nothing. He delights in 
contradiction, inasmuch as it reveals to him another aspect of truth 
which differs from his own. His opponents seem to him at bottom 
his best friends. He has no inclination whatsoever to kill or burn 
them. His universal tolerance is not born of a condescending indul- 
gence for those who differ from him, but of respect for freedom*of 
conscience and of gratitude for efforts which are complementary to 
his own and for the fresh light which comes to the aid of his own 
imperfect vision. Nor must it be thought that philosophical ideas, 
with the new perspective which they open out upon life and the 
world, are doomed to remain the exclusive possession of a small and 
select company. Little by little they mingle with the intellectual 
atmosphere which is the property of us all. The thoughts pfe^en 
such as Descartes, Voltaire, Rousseau, or Kant float, so to sfj^c, in 
the very air we breathe. Many humble people who have never even 
heard these names are unconsciously affected by those philosophical 
influences which have helped to mould our modern civilisation. 
Thanks to the world’s thinkers, there is something new urtdet the 



FIRST SESSION"* 


27 

sun ; 'something new, too, in our human consciousness./ Nothing is 
Ipst ; all is fruitful and multiplies ; ideas which to ail appearance are 
most abstract end by takihg form and dwelling amcjng men. Here 
we have the true mystery of incarnation. 

III. Are then, to trust solely to tjie spontaneous propagation 
of scienee, ihdustry, commerce, afid even of art, which is becom- 
ing mote and more cosmopolitan, and of social morality and laW| 
which are consfiantly bringing greater uniformity into systems of 
contract and exchange and international relations generally? Or 
are we to add unto these things religious propaganda? I think not. 
The question is so important for ethnic sociology that it deserves 
closer attention. I have already said, and it cannot be repeated too 
often, that nothing divides men more than religious dogmas* each of 
which exclu<^les absolutely the contrary dogma : sint ut sunt^ aut mn 
sint Our missionaries are psychologists and sociologists who feed 
themselves on generous illusions. They think that they are going to 
convert Mahommedans or Buddhists to the beauties of Christianity. 
They only succeed in making a few isolated converts who are 
ashamed of their former co-religionists. Too often the missionaries 
make Christianity hated rather than loved. Moreover, what message 
have they for those whom they wish to enlighten ^ Will not Jehovah 
seem to a disciple of Confucius just as vindictive as Baal or Moloch ? 
Will even Jesus Himself seem to a Buddhist altogether an embodi- 
ment of gentleness when He threatens those who do not share His 
beliefs with being conserved in fire to all eternity ? Take the story 
of Adam eating the apple, and thus compelling God to make His Son 
perish on the cross in order to appease His own wrath. Is it likely 
that this, from a moral and social point of view, will seem superior to 
the story of Buddha offering himself to be torn by lions and tigers ? 
How should the sacrament of the eucharist, which culminates in 
representing God as consumed in flesh and blood, convert a poor 
savage for whom a god who allows himself to be eaten will never 
be a god ? The symbolic and philosophic meaning that may be given 
to such dogmas (though, for the matter of that, most believers take 
them literally) escapes and will always continue to escape those whom 
it IS desired to convert. They take hold of the dogma only by its 
absurdj inhuman, anti-social side, and they do not see why they 
should betray their race by renouncing its gods for those of a race 
that is foreign and often hostile. 

It is idle, then, to count on religion for bridging over the gulf of 
.race. On the contrary, the different religious beliefs of each race 
must be respected. If a race wishes to believe in Brahma, Vishnu, 
and ^ivdi instead of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, it must he 
allowed to believe in Brahma, Vishnu, and Qiva. Religions^ through ^ 



28 ^ UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

the whole c^yrse of history, have too often set nations at variance. 

they have produced friendship and union"^ they have Hkeiyise pro- 
duced discord, hate, and war. There is not a religion which '4as not, 
like Lady Macbeth, stains on the hand that all the vast oceans could 
never wash away. ^ 

' Moreover, for the sociologist as for the philosopher, there is a 
violation of right and of the freedom of conscience — there is ah actual 
" injustice — in the indiscreet intrusions of preaching missionaries who 
S€^ to substitute a foreign for a national fanaticism. 

It is an established conclusion of sociology that every religion, 
however universal it claims to be, has always an ethnic and national 
basis corresponding to the needs and traditions of a race or nation. 
It is thus illogical to try and transplant it, either forcibly or through 
appeal to the imagination, and set it up among nations who already 
have a religion adapted to their race and nationality. Religion is 
not an ‘‘ article of export.’* Once again, the only universal, the only 
really “ catholic ” things, in the Greek sense of the word, are science, 
philosophy, and morals. It is these things which we must peaceably 
introduce among races the most distant from our own. It is not the 
Christian religion which has transformed and will continue to trans; 
form Japan. It is science and industry. Men of science are to-day 
the true and only missionaries. The inventors of railroads and tele- 
graphs have done more to link different races together than all the 
Francis Xaviers and Ignatius Loyolas. Each new truth discovered 
is one light more in the firmament that all men gaze at — a light, tpo, 
which all, save the blind, can see. It becomes the common heritage 
of all the races. It fosters in mankind, as we have seen, a common 
consciousness, a consciousness of man as man. 

It is just the same in the realm of pure moral ideas, which are 
based on the nature of men and things and give expression to the 
universal conditions of life and progress in society — in other lyords, 
of social statics and social dynamics. Try to draw from every r^^giou 
and every race its whole moral and really social content, and then 
accept this without troubling about dogmas and particular symbols. 
In universal religious tolerance, combined with universal tnorality 
and science, we have the one great means of establishing mutual 
racial sympathy. If, notwithstanding, morality itself should vary 
from one race to another, let us be tolerant of such variations. They 
will gradually wear away under the influence of mutual friction and 
of a progressing civilisation which is becoming daily more uniform. 
Allow the Mahommedans to wed several wives openly and do not , 
yourself wed several secretly. There must be a tolerance in morality 
no less than in religion and philosophy. Provided that there^Is no 
^actual attack on other peoples* rights, you should shut your eyes to 



>IRST SESSION ‘ 90 

customs which are not those of your race or countri^ WJit tSl 
science and, civilisation «have gradually ;^orthed |heni 

In short, new forces are gaining ground, fotces that are working 
in favour of peace. International life — a product Of Science, industry, 
and economic relations — is hardly yet born ; yet itf is daily becoming 
a morj^and more comprehensive reality, including within its sphere 
items whose number and importance are steadily increasing. Nor 
is <Ais common^^ life merely international. Might one not say that< 
it is also inter-ethnic, in the sense of embracing the most diverse 
races, not only in Europe, but also in America, Asia, and Africa? 
Over the whole globe we are witnessing the spread and propagation 
of ideas that are also forces — motor ideas which aft everywhere 
identical and are drawing very different minds in the same directions^ 
For the sociologist, there is but one practical means of bringing 
races together, and that is to diffuse scientific, moral, and social instruc- 
tion as widely as possible. Instruction of this kind, spread gradually 
among the different nations, is the one great means of ensuring peace. 

As we have shown in our Psychological Sketch of European 
Nations^ it is a historical law that the progress of modern civilisation 
is markf^d by a continually growing ascendancy of scientific, social, 
and therefore intellectual or moral factors, over such as are racial, 
geographical, and climatic The advance of science and of industrial 
invention is transforming, with ever-growing swiftness, the conditions 
of social life and labour and also the mutual relations of the various 
classes. No nation can flatter itself with the belief that its pre-eminence 
will last for ever. None, on the other hand, can be condemned to an 
incurable decline. Thanks to a universal solidarity, each race profits 
by the discoveries and experiences of the others This law of solidarity 
in social environment is daily asserting itself more strongly against the 
conditions which favour a native originality due to racial temperament 
and physical environment. ^ As I have already stated elsewhere, it is 
ri^ither to Anglo-Saxons nor Germans that the future belongs, neither 
td^. Greeks nor Latins, neither to Christians nor Buddhists ; but rather 
to those most qualified by their knowledge, industry, and morality. 

\Paper submitted tn French ]» 

THE PROBLEM OF RACE EQUALITY 

By G. Spiller, Hon, Organiser of the Congress, 

Backwaid" does not necessarily mean ** inferior." — R atzel. 

It is generally conceded that we should be considerate to all races of 
regardless of their capacities ; but there is equal agreement, and 
* Esqmsse psychologique des pcuples europiens.-^ConclvisioviS. 



^ould bt considerate to doAiestiiaai^^' Ali^AjA^ for 
iiSiSliiMDe* Iflcre, then, is our dilemma, for •the most considerate of 
i^/i( he Is saue,wiU not treat his horse exactly as he tieats his 
compatiiot, e,g^y he will not expect both of them to converse, to 
reflect, to fashior? and obey the laws. Accordingly, considerate 
actions have to be adapted tp the nature of the bei^g have 
dealings with, and if some races of men should prove to Jbe very 
decidedly inferior to other races in inherited capacity, it is evident that 
they would have to be treated apart to a very considerable degree, 
being excluded, perhaps, from all important functions in the com- 
munity. This, of course, would not preclude our loving them 


tenderly and'‘doing everything which conduced to their welfare. 

Now, since it is hotly contended that “ the Negro is not a human 
being at all, but merely a different form of ox or ass, and is, therefore, 
only entitled to such kindness as a merciful man shows to all his 
cattle,” and since this is as warmly contested by the Negroes and 
other races concerned, it becomes a vital matter to grapple with the 
problem of race equality. Especially is this important becau^le 
many races are actually being treated, or even mal-treated, ks 
inferiors, without any strong presumption in favour of the alleged 
race-inferiority. If to this be added the all-too- ready tendency to C 
regard other races than our own as “ inferior races,” and to force these ' 
into becoming our hewers of wood and drawers of water, it is manifest 
that there is urgent need for some light to be thrown on the subject. 

Moreover, if the brotherhood of man is to become a reality, as 
poets and prophets have fondly dreamed, and if the great nations of 
the world, irrespective of race, are to create a World Tribunal and a 
World Parliament, it is indispensable that the leading varieties of 
mankind shall be proved substantially equals. A parliament com- 
posed of human beings very widely differing in capacity is a 
palpable absurdity, only realisable in in Wonderland. Firmin, 

seeing the bearing of this, wisely remarks, “ Les races, se recdn- 
naissant ^gales, pourront se respecter et s’aimer ” {^De HEgalite des 
Races HumatneSy 1885, p. 659). 

, However, we need not include in our problem every tribe and 
race whatsoever, but only the vast aggregate of mankind, say, China, 
Japan, Turkey, Persia, India, Egypt, Siam, the Negro, the American 
Indian, the Philippino, the Malay, the Maori, and the fair-white and 
dark-white races. These constitute, perhaps, nine-tenths of the human 
race. If an insignificant people here and there, say the Veddahs or 
the Andamanese, the Hottentots or the Dyaks, should be shown to 
be unquestionably inferior, this would constitute no grave inter-radal 
problem. The rare exception would prove the rule, and the bcoad 
rule would make the reality of the rare exception doubtful. 



FIRST .SESSION .. ’ SI 

' A<entury ago the’ issue we are discussing might ’haw beeif voy 
difficult of approach. 0ur knowledge of other races^was then a' 
negligible quantity, and of most of the important races we had no ' 
compelling evidence of higher aptitudes. This is altered now. We 
know almost^intimately the various great peoplesf and fortunately 
there exjsts^to-day a » common stand^rd*by which we can measure 
them at least in one respect. This standard is supplied by the 
University. As a mere matter of theory it is conceivable that not one 
non-Caucasian should be capable of graduating at a University, and 
it is even possible to conceive that a number of peoples should not 
be able to force their way through the elementary school. The da^a, 
however, favour no such conclusion, for individuals of ^1! the select 
races which we have mentionetl above have graduated in , modeirn 
universities and in diverse subjects.^ To appreciate this statement, 
especially in the light of disparaging remarks to the effect that the 
facial angle of certain races more nearly approaches that of apes than^ 
that of Caucasians, we must remember that not a solitary ape has yet 
been known to have reached the stage of being able to pass the 
entrance examination to an infant school or kindergarten. We must 
agree with Ratzel, who says, “ There is only one species of man ; the 
variations are numerous, but do not go deep.'' 

An objector might argue that the academic member of an 
inferiof race is a shining exception, a freak of nature, and that from 
his feat nothing can be deduced regarding the average capacity of 
his race. This theoretical objection can be disposed of in various 
ways. We might meet it with the irresistible contention that no 
member of any species departs far from the average, for else a lioness 
could give birth to a tiger. Or we might, what is more satisfactory, 
test the objection by the data to hand. For example, of the ten 
nlillion Negroes in the United States, many are said to be lawyer^ as 
well as surgeons and physicians, several thousa id have graduated in 
Uif!versities,2 hundreds of thousands ply trades or have acquired 
property, and a few, such as Dr. Booker Washington and Professor 
DuBois, are recognised as men of distinction.3 Nor is even this a 

* Certain inquiries at European universities where Asiatic and African students are 
to be found, tend to show that there is no good reason for thinking that they possess 
less ability than Euiopcan students. 

® See Prof W. G. B. DuBois’s searching volume, The College-bred Negro. 

3 M. Eirmin, a Haitian, a full-blooded Negio, I am informed, has written a highly 
learned and remarkably judicious and elegant work on the Equality of the Human 
Races. Another Haitian, of humble and pure descent, but who later became Presi- 
dent of the Republic of Haiti, General Legitime, has composed a luminous and 
comprehensive introduction to philosophy A West Indian of immaculate Negro 
descent, Dr Th. Scholes, has issued two excellent treatises on the races question. 
The Hon. John Mensa Sarbah, a West African, has written with conspicuous ability 
on thi^ Failti National Constitution Many other works of equal worth, composed by 
Negroes, exist. 



32 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

fair %tate^nt of the case. The Negro population of the United 
States is d^pised if not downtrodden, largely deprived of elementary 
education, and lacking, therefore, generally wealth and the corre- 
sponding opportunities for culture. Manifestly, if we assumed that 
the Negro race ceased to be thus severely handicapped, the possible 
number of university graduates among thfm woul^d materially 
increase.! There remains alone the academic argument that under 
e^ual conditions the white race might show a greater proportion of 
'professors or graduates, but the figures are wanting to decide this. 
Suffice it that we cannot speak of exceptions where thousands of 
graduates are involved. 

A final dojection might be raised relating to the absence of great 
men among the Negroes of the United States. They have produced 
no Shakespeare, no Beethoven, no Plato. Which is perfectly true ; 
but neither have the teeming millions of the white race of America 
produced one such towering giant through the centuries. Moreover, 
the time of the recognition of great men appears to be from about 
the age of fifty onwards, and altogether only a little over forty years 
have passed since slavery was abolished in the United States. 

Needless to say, what is stated in the preceding paragraphs 
regarding the capacities of the Negro race — which, according to Sir 
Harry Johnston, embraces some 150,000,000 souls — holds with 
increased force of the great Oriental peoples, who can point to 
complex civilisations and to illustrious sons and daughters.^ 

We must now examine the contention that man is more than 
intellect, and that while the various races may be possibly equal on 
the whole as regards intelligence, they differ much in enterprise, fnorals, 
and beauty. 

Enterprise is a vague term to define. So far as the qualities of 
the warrior are in question, these appear to be universal. The 
Greeks, the Romans, and the Carthaginians were certainly bold and 
daring. The Egyptians, the Persians, and the Hebrews foi»ght 
intrepidly. The Middle Ages found Christians, Turks, and Huns, 
accomplished in the fine art of massacre. Gustav Adolf of Sweden, 
Frederick the Great, Napoleon, Wellington, splendidly led superb 
armies. Japan recently showed the world what matchless fighting 
stuff is to be found in the Far East. And so-called savage tribes — 
north, south, east, and west — appear to be no whit behind in the 
matter of dauntless bravery. 

* It might be said that many of the so-called Negro graduates are not full blacks* 
Since, however, very many of them are, the argument remains unaffected. It should 
also be noted that “coloured” people are treated precisely as if they were full-blooded. 

® “ I consider that your propositions could be abundantly supported by Instances 
taken from India,” writes a Civil Servant who occupied for many years a resffonsible 
post in India. 



FIRST SESSION 33 

* Wa:ri however, is supposed to offer a powerful ^titr ulM, tni it is 
ai^pued that where the stimulus is ge^tki it finds ^ some races 
responding’ and not others. Inveterate idleness is thus stated to 
distinguish most non-European races. The Hon. James S. Sherman, 
Vice-Rresidei^t of the United States, well grasps this nettle. ** The 
Indian,” he gays, is .naturally indolent, "naturally slothful, naturally 
untidy he works because he has to work, and primarily he does not 
differ altogether ^rom the white man in that respect. Mr. Valentin, 
this morning, very vividly pictured what the Indians were. He said, 
as you remember, that some drink, some work, and some did not, 
some saved the^r money, some provided for their farftilies, and some 
went to jail. Still I would like to know what single whfte community 
in this whole land of ours that description does not cover P^^fKeport 
of the Twenty-Seventh Annual Meeting of the Lake Mohonk 
Conference of Friends of the Indian and other Dependent Peoples, 
October 20-22, 1909, pp. 80--81. Italics are ours.) Vice-President 
Sherman gives here the happy despatch to a very common fallacy. 
Man requires an appropriate stimulus to spur him to action — whether 
it be that of the warrior, the hunter, the shepherd, the peasant, the 
tradesman, or the scholar, and West and East are at one in this 
respect. The inhabitants of China and Japan are world-famed for 
their industriousness, and the populations of Turkey, Persia, and 
India are also busy bees in the mass. Similarly* the Negro and 
the American Indian in the United States are falling into the habit 
of what is called work in I'he West, and primitive peoples generally 
are as active as the circumstances demand. 

Fearlessness and industry may not form dividing lines between 
the races; but what of such attributes as initiative, inventiveness, 
progress ? Historians inform us that in Dante's time the Western 
methods of agriculture were still those of the ancient Romans, and 
they further show us that the red-haired Teutons about the beginning 
of our era, while possessing themselves a civilisation of a most rudi- 
mentary character, exhibited no desire to emulate the dark-white 
civilised Romans with whom they came into contact. Should we, 
then, be justified in concluding from such facts that the European 
races in general and the Teutonic race in particular are unprogressive 
races? Or does this not suggest that complex social conditions 
determine whether a race shall be pushful, empire-building, inventive, 
progressive? So far as modern warfare is concerned, Japan ranges 
now admittedly with the great Western Powers, and in industry and 
in science this Eastern nation is also taking its place in the front 
rank. Yesterday, as it were, despotic rule was supposed to hall-mark 
the East, to-day representative government is clamoured for in the 
few Oriental countries where it does not exist already. This, too, 



34 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

merefy repots the story of Europe’s recent emergence froni an^auto*^ 
cratic Hgiim. Taking further into consideration the imposing ancient 
civilisations of Egypt and Babylon, Persia and Phoenicia, and more 
especially the magnificent civilisation of China which is responsible 
for innumerable inventions and discoveries of the higly;st order, and 
bearing in mind that eveiy country in the East is at present 
remodelling its civilisation on Western lines, it is reasonable to 
suggest that, so far as the spirit of enterprise is concerned, the 
liiiaafious races of mankind may be said to be, broadly speakihg, 
on an equality. 

We must now examine another momentous factor , moral factor. 
A few decade's ago, due partly to unavoidable ignorance and partly 
to racial, and religious prejudice, it was thought that morality was a 
monopoly of the West. Bret Harte’s Ah-Sin was the typical 
Chinese ; cruelty and prevarication were alleged to be the special 
prerogative of the Mohammedan ; the less developed types of men 
were head-hunters, cannibals and shameless ; and self-respect and 
respect for others were iridescent virtues only to be encountered in 
Central Europe and the United States. Now, however, that we 
possess the beautiful Sacred Books of the East in translation, this 
view has lost almost every vestige of justification, for much in the 
Chinese, Hindu, Persian, Hebrew, and even Egyptian and Baby- 
lonian classics fs of the profoundest ethical significance. 

Coming to moral practice^ travellers of unimpeachable repute have* 
taught us that love of family and country, devotion to friends, 
succour of those in distress, are not virtues characteristic of any 
one particular race. Concerning the Chinese the distinguished 
English missionary and scholar, Dr. Legge, says in a Present-Day 
Tract, “Take the Chinese people as a whole . . . and there is much 
about them to like and even to admire. They are cheerful, temperate, 
industrious, and kindly, and in these respects they will bear a com- 
parison, perhaps a favourable comparison, with the masses of eur 
own population. ... I found those of them who. had any position 
in society for the most part faithful to their engagements and true to 
their word. I thought of them better, both morally and socially, 
when I left them, than when I first went among them, more than 
thirty years before.” And such passages abound in modern works, 
not only in regard to the doyenne of the nations, but in regard to 
most non-European peoples.^ 

y Lastly, that there is little to choose in regard to physique^ a glance 

' “Among the cleanest — physically and morally — men that I have known hav« 
been some of African descent ” (Prof. B. G Wilder, The Bratn of the Amencan Ne^rOf 
1909). See also the chapter on the truthfulness of the Hindus in Max 
Can India leach Usf 



FIRST SESSION"" ^5 

at any good modern cpllection of fair-sjzed ethnographical photo- 
graphs will show* It was the old drawings, little more than naive 
caricatures, and later the photographs of hideous exceptions, which 
supplied us with those types of other races that suggest startling race 
distinctions. ^ Michelet and others ha^ dwelt on the beauty, of 
Haitian^J, aftd Firmin, with apparent good reason, thinks that the 
classic type of beauty is closely bound up with a high state of 
civilisation, a remark which Schneider (^Die Naturvolker^ 1885) 
endorses. Privation and affluence, refinement and degradation, 
leave their traces on uncivilised ard civilised alike. • 

We are, then, under the necessity of concluding that an impartial 
investigator would be inclined to look upon the various important peoples 
of the world as y to all intents and purposes^ essentially equals in intellect^ 
enterprise^ morality^ and physique. 

Race prejudice forms a species belonging to a flourishing genus* 
Prejudices innumerable exist based on callousness, ignorance, mis- 
understanding, economic rivalry, and, above all, on the fact that our 
customs are dear to us, but appear ridiculous and perverse to all who 
do not sympathetically study them. Nation looks down on nation, 
class on .lass, religion on religion, sex on sex, and race on race. It 
is a melancholy spectacle which imaginative insight into the lives 
and conditions of others should remove. • 

Considering that the number of race characteristics is legion, it 
would be embarrassing to assert that they possess a deeper meaning. 
Every small tribe seems to be the happy possessor of a little army of 
special characteristics, and one ethnologist actually speaks of five 
hundred tribes ♦‘o be found in a radius of as many miles in a certain 
locality. The American Indians are said to be related to the Tartars, 
whilst possessing very distinct common traits ; and each of the at 
present recognised great racial divisions is equally capable of sub- 
division, and equally merges by degrees into the others. Again, we 
hear of red-haired, yellow-haired, fair-haired, brown-haired, and black- 
haired peoples, and we read of frizzly hair, woolly hair, silken hair, 
as well as of a few tufts of hair on the head in some tribes, and trains 
of hair trailing on the ground in others. Peoples differ in average 
height from less than four feet to over six feet. Some of these have 
very small and others very large eyes, and length of limbs varies 
considerably. The bodies of some few tribes are richly covered with 
hair, while others are practically devoid of it. The variations in 
colour of skin, from pink to yellow, reddish-brown and black-brown, 
are very conspicuous, and the so-called Caucasian type alone embraces 
the fair Scandinavian, the dusky Italian, the dark Hindu, and the 
almost blacks Fellah Noses, lips, chins, cheek-bones, jaws, vary 
prodigiously, and no less facial angle, forehead, and shape of skull. 



36 UNIVEltSAL RACES CONGRESS 

Accordinglj^ the observable physical differences between so>£ailed 
distinct races tiiust be regarded as incidental on pain of having to 
assume hundrejjs of separate origins for the human race. Ratzel 
truly says : “ It njay be safely asserted that the study of comparative 
fethnology in recent years h^s tended to diminish the height of the 
traditionally accepted views 6f anthropologists as tcf racial dis- 
tinctions, and that in any case they afford no support to fhe view 
which sees in the so-called lower races of mankind a transition stage 
from beast to man.” ^ 

We commoRly judge races nearly as much by their customs as 
by their phy^*cal appearance, almost as if the former fatally depended 
on the latter. Indeed, anthropologists and travellers often unques- 
tioningly and unsuspectingly assume that the mental traits of races 
are innate and fixed, like the tendency to anger or to walking 
uprightly. Yet a Zulu, for instance, taken from his tribe where he 
appears to possess innumerable rooted and peculiar customs, very 
soon loses them nearly all. The American Negro missionaries in 
Africa find that custom is deeper than physical appearance, since 
their fellow Negroes in Africa look upon them as Americans rather 
than as men of their own kith and kin. As one of the Honorary 
Vice-Presidents of the Congress, the first delegate to the Second 
Hague ConfercRce of one of the greatest Eastern Empires, convinc- 
ingly expresses this in a letter to the Congress Executive : Races 
show nothing but skin-deep differences. Differences of language, of 
religion, of manners and customs, are nothing but accidental 
modalities attendant on the respective historical evolution in the 
past — in no way sufficiently powerful to efface the sub-stratum 
common to all humanity, and in no way tending to hinder any 
co-operative effort in the fulfilment of the mission common to 
mankind in general.” 

Is it, then, to be inferred, we may be asked in astonishment, that 
we should encourage indiscriminate miscegenation, free intermarriage 
between white, black, and yellow races ? The inference need not 
be drawn, since we may say that, just as in parts of Europe, for 
instance, Protestants, Catholics, and Jews live together amicably 
while yet intermarrying very rarely, so the equality of the human 
races might be universally acknowledged and yet intermarriage not 
take place. However, we ought to note that in the West the fairest 
whites freely intermarry with the darkest whites, and that it is 
difficult to see why — theoretically at least — any limit should be 
drawn. 

What has been said above regarding the ephemeral importance 

* A comprehensive ciiticism of works that lay stress on the inequality of races Is to 
^ be found in Jean Finot’s Race Prejudice and in Friedrich Hertz’s Moderne Rassenthconen, 



FIRST SESSION^ 37 

of ratjal distinctions embraces, so it appears to the present writer* 
the bedrock truth which* must be ever borne in mmd^ in this contro- 
versy. The trunk of the elephant, the neck of the giraffe, are some- 
thing singular in the animal kingdom. Man, too, possesses a unique 
quality whic'h likewise sharply divides him from sentient beings 
generally %A11 other animals are* almost altogether guided ‘by 
individual or gregarious instincts, and their wisdom, natural a^d 
acquired, almost completely dies with them. The bee’s hive and^^tie 
ant’s nest represent wonderful structures ; but these sti^ctulelf 
wherever we meet them, are so strikingly alike tljat it is evideni 
natural selection and not reason or tradition accounts for them. 
Only man as a race has a history — a history of speech and writing, 
a history of architecture and dress, a history of laws, and ol^e of arts 
and crafts. The individual thought of thousands of brains has, to 
give a trivial instance, created the safety bicycle, and the collective 
thought of millions through the ages has built up our complex civili- 
sation. And this thought is transmitted socially — through home and 
school education, through public institutions, or through the impos- 
ing accumulations of science, art, and industry. Except for such 
social transmission the work of the past would have to be com- 
menced, Sisyphus-like, all over again by each generation, and the 
stage of savagery and barbarism would be unendipg. 

Man’s social nature distinguishes him from his fellow animals 
absolutely in that no animal species, however gregarious, is in posses- 
sion of traditional knowledge collected throughout the length and 
breadth of thousands of years, and funda^nentally in that any attempt 
to turn an animal into a social being is doomed to fail miserably. 
To illustrate, the domesticated animals may readily be isolated at 
birth from their kind with no appreciable consequences to their 
development, while, on the other hand, a human being thus placed 
would probably grow up more brutish than a brute. Man’s upright 
attitude, his comparative hairlessness, the place of his thumbs, the 
size and weight of his brain, are undoubtedly radical differentiae in 
relation to other animals ; but these in themselves do not constitute 
him the premier species of the globe. The most hopelessly 
benighted pigmy in the forests of Central Africa possesses these 
characteristics nearly in perfection. The social and historical 
element makes man the civilised being, and it alone accounts for 
the successive ages of stone, bronze, iron, steam, and electricity. 

A theory such as is here propounded ought to remove innu- 
merable preconceptions from thinking minds. It is a theory which 
in a very real sense makes all men kin. It discourages inconsiderate 
pridfe of race, of sex, of birth, of nation, of class, and of religion. 
It encourages education, co-operation, science, strenuousness qom-^ 



■'sS UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

bined^'with modesty, and equal rights and opportunities for all* men 
and women. It puts at its true value the*emmently plausible but 
almost certainly unscientific doctrine that mankind can soldly or 
mainly be impil»ved in the only manner that animals can — by 
careful selection breeding. Above all, it paves /the way for 
uHational and international 'concord and co-operation, /and for a 
fair treatment of backward races, subject peoples, and small nations. 

In conclusion, the writer of this paper cannpt refrain from 
expressing a fervent hope that the deliberations of this historic 
Congress may result in a better understanding and a higher appre- 
ciation of the different peoples on the globe, and may lead to the 
enactment of^ beneficent laws as well as to the formation of a 
powerful .public opinion which shall promote this loftiest of objects. 

Conclusions, — The present writer has taken the liberty to put 
forward as his conclusions certain proposals implicit in the Question- 
naire published by the Congress Executive. He has preserved the 
wording as far as possible : — 

1. (a) It IS not legitimate to argue from differences m physical characteristics 
to differences in mental characteristics [b] The physical and mental charac- 
teristics observable in a particular race are not (i) permanent, (2) modifiable 
only through ages of enviionmcnlal pressure, but (3) marked changes in 
popular education,, in public sentiment, and in environment generally, may, 
apart from intermarriage, mateiially tiansform physical and especially nlental 

' characteristics in a generation or two. 

2. (a) The status of a race at any particular moment of time offers no index 
to its innate or inherited capacities, (b) It is of great importance in thi^ 
respect to recognise that civilisations are meteoric in nature, bursting out i 
of obscurity only to plunge back into it. 

3. (a) Wc ought to combat the irreconcilable contentions prevalent among 
all the more important races of mankind that fkeir customs, fbeir civilisations, 
and ifhetr race are superior to those of other races. (^) In explanation of 
existing differences we would refer to special needs arising from peculiar 
geographical and economic conditions and to related divergences m national 
history ; and, in explanation of the attitude assumed, we would refer*' to 
intimacy witli one’s own customs leading psychologically to a love of them 
and unfamilianty with others’ customs tending to lead psychologically to dislike 
and contempt of these latter. 

4. (a) Differences in economic, hygienic, moral, and educational standards 
play a vital part in estranging races winch come in contact with each other* 
(b) These diiferenees, like social differences generally, are in substance almost 
certainly due to passing social conditions and not to innate racial charac- 
teristics, and the aim should be, as in social differences, to remove these 
rather than to accentuate them by regarding them as fixed. 

5. (a) The deepest cause of race misunderstandings is perhaps the tacit as- 
sumption that the present characteristics of a race are the expression of fixed 
and permanent racial characteristics. (6) If so, anthropologists, sociologists, 
and scientific thinkers as a class, could powerfully assist the movement for a 
Juster appreciation of races by persistently pointing out 111 their lecture?' and 
in their works the fundamental fallacy involved in taking a static instead 



FIRST SESSION^ / 39 

of a dynamic, a momentary instead of a historic, a local instead of a general, 
point of view of race charalbteristics. (c) And such djfOi^|imic teaching could 
be Conveniently introduced into schools, more csptihiaMy ih the geography 
and history lessons ; also into colleges for the training of teachers, diplomats, 
colonial administrators, and missionaries. 

6. (n) The ftelief in racial superiority is largely due, as^s suggested above, 
to unenlightei^d psych^ogical repulsion apd dndcr-estimation of the dynamic 
or environmental factors; (6) there is no fair pi oof of some races beipg sub- 
stantially superior to others m inborn capacity, and hence our moral standard 
need never be modified. 

7. {A) {a) So far at least as intellectual and moral aptitudes are concerned > 
^e ought to speak of civilisations where we now speak of races ; (6) the stage 
or form of the civilisation of a people has no connection with its special’ 
inborn physical characteristics ; (c) and even its physical cl|aracteristics arc 
to no small extent the direct result of the environment, physical and social,, 
under which it is living at the moment. {B) To aid m clearing up the con- 
ceptions of race and ctvtltsahon, it would be of great value to define these. 

8. (a) Each race might with advantage study the customs and civilisations, 
of other races, even those it thinks the lowliest ones, for the definite purpose 
of improving its own customs and civilisation (b) Unostentatious conduct 
generally and respect for the customs of other races, provided these are 
not morally objectionable, should be recommended to all who come in passing 
or permanent contact with members of other races. 

9. (u) It would be well to collect accounts of any experiments on a considerable 
scale, past or present, showing the successful uplifting of relatively backward 
races by the application of purely humane methods ; (6) also any cases of 
colonisation or opening of a country achieved by the same methods ; (c) and such 
methods might be applied universally in our dealings with ofher races. 

10. The Congress might effectively (a) carry out its object of encouraging 
better relations between East and West by encouraging or carrying out, among 
others, the above proposals, and more particularly (b) by encouraging the forma- 
tion of an association designed to promote inter-racial amity. 

[Paper submitted tn English ] 



SECOND SESSION 

CONDITIONS OF PROGRESS {GENERAL PROBLEMS) 


THE RATIONALE OF AUTONOMY 

By John M. Robertson, M.P., London, 

In most discussions on the demands by members of subject races 
for self-governing institutions, there appears to be little recognition 
-either of the strength of the historic case for autonomy, or of the 
vital danger of^its perpetual prevention. Perhaps this is in part 
due to the mode in which such claims are usually pressed. The 
mouthpieces or champions of the depressed races commonly, and 
naturally, make the appeal to their masters on grounds of abstract 
right and justice; and, when met by the reply, “You are not 
qualified to govern yourselves,” they as naturally retort with an 
indictment of the governing faculty of the controlling Power, and 
a claim to be equal in intelligence and civilisedness to other races 
who actually have attained autonomy. Thereafter the debate is 
apt to become a series of recriminations, the spokesmen of the 
ruling race using the language of contempt, and the other side the 
language of resentment. 

Inasmuch as the handling of specific cases is apt to feopen 
such unprofitable disputes, it may be well to try to state the 
general case from the point of view of dispassionate political 
science, leaving for separate discussion the practical problems of 
method and initiation in given instances. To this end we have 
first to make clear the implications of the negative answer commonly 
given to the aspiring “native.” It really amounts to confessing 
that all peoples who have not hitherto governed themselves are 
relatively undeveloped ; that, in short, self-government is the pre- 
requisite of any high level of social organisation and gefteral 
capacity. This implication, however, is not always avowed, even 



SECOND SESSION^ 


41 
* ^ 

by tile" more thoughtful exponents of imperialism ** in our own 
day ; and until recent times it was rather the/|j>fceeptioil than the 
rule for historians even to note that when, in ancient Greece and 
Jlome, an end was put to the life of free discussion and political 
conflict, the general level of human faculty began to sink. The 
truth that thm habit of constant debarte and the perpetual practice 
of affairs "are the vital conditions of intellectual and moral betterment 
for communities ds wholes, is still far short of being a current axiom. 
Yet it is proved alike by the decay of the classic civilisations after 
the ending of autonomy and by the advance of modern civilisation 
hand in hand with autonomy. And no great subtletjn^ of analysis 
is needed to explain the necessity. 

Even the strongest champions of the rule of advanced over 
backward races admit the evils of despotism : it is indeed one of 
the main pleas of British imperialists that British rule is better 
for those under it than the “ native ” despotism which would be 
the only alternative. Yet the same reasoners constantly avow the 
fallibility of British rulers ; inasmuch as they mostly belong to 
one of two parties, of each of which the members habitually impeach 
alike the capacity and the good faith of those of the other. Unless, 
then, it is alleged that a man confessedly fallible in dealing with 
the members of his own advanced race becomes *infallible when 
dealing with men whose language, ideals, and religion are alien to 
his, it follows that mistakes are made by all dominant races in 
their treatment of subject races. 

Is it to be desired, then, that the latter should be either too 
unintelligent to know when they are misruled or too apathetic to 
care? The avowal of cither desire would obviously amount to a 
complete condemnation of the ideal or polity involving it. Every 
polity professes to aim at betterment. But where there exist no 
means of correction or protest on the part of thuse who suffer by 
errors of government, there must be generated either apathetic 
despair or a smouldering resentment. It would be gratuitously 
absurd to expect that the men of the “ backward ” race should be 
positively more patiently forgiving or more cheerfully tolerant 
than their “ advanced ” masters. If they can be so, they are the 
more “ advanced ” race of the two, in some of the main points of 
capacity for self-rule. If, on the other hand, they are not to be 
either brutalised or prostrated, they must think and criticise , and, 
as John Stuart Mill long ago pointed out, efficient thinking cannot 
coexist with a settled belief — however acquired or imposed — in the 
entire beneficence of the ruler. To cognise beneficence there is 
needefi judgment, reflection on experience ; and absolute faith in 
the superior wisdom of the ruler would soon make an end of the 



* 42 K UNIVERSAL RACBS C/QNGRESS 

. very faculty of judging, by making an end of its exercise. An 
unexercised reason cannot subsist. In a Word, if the/ul^ are to 
progress, they must think and judge ; and if they think and judge 

* they must frotn time to time be dissatisfied. There is no escape 
, from the dileml?ha ; and if the ruling race is at all conscientious, 

at all sincere in its professed desire for the betterment ^f its subjects, 
it must desire to know when and why they are dissatisfifed. The 
need for reciprocity holds no less, albeit with a difference, in the 
case of the ruler. To exercise an absolute control over a community 
or a congeries of communities in the belief that one is absolutely 
infallible, is to tread the path of insanity. 

To know that one is politically fallible, and yet never to care 
for the- opinion of those whom one may be at any moment mis- 
governing, is to set conscience aside. Either way, demoralisation 
or deterioration follows as inevitably for the ruler as for the ruled. 

All history proclaims the lesson. Whether we take ancient 
despots ruling empires through satraps, or States playing the despot 
to other States, the sequence is infallibly evil. Never is there any 
continuity of sound life. In the absence of control from the 
governed, the despotisms invariably grew corrupt and feeble. On 
the substitution of despotic rule for self-rule, all the forces of , 
civilisation began to fail. The State Imperialism of Rome was 
even more utterly fatal than the personal imperialism of Alexander 
and his successors : it destroyed alike the primary power of self- 
defence and the higher life throughout nearly its whole sphere, 
till all Western civilisation sank in chaos, and that of Byzantium 
survived in a state of mental stagnation only till as strong a 
barbarism assailed that as had overthrown the empire in the West* 
The domination of Florence over Pisa exhibited the fatality afresh ; 
that of Spain over Italy had the same kind of double consequences; 
and the arbitrary rule of England over Scotland in the fourteenth 
century, and over France in the fifteenth, was similarly followed by 
periods of humiliation and decadence. It is only because of the 
much slighter implication of the national life in the remoter 
dominations of to-day that the harm is now so much less perceptible; 
the principle of harm can never be eliminated where the unsound 
relation subsists. 

The contemporary problem may be put in a nutshell. Are the 
subject races of to-day progressing or not? If yes, they must be 
on the way, however slowly, to a measure of self-government. If 
not, the domination of the advanced races is a plain failure ; and 
the talk of “ beneficent rule ” becomes an idle hypocrisy. The 
only possible alternative thesis is that the subject races are incapable 
of progress ; and this is actually affirmed by some imperialists %ho 



SECOND SESSION . \ , 43 

reason 4hjat only in "temperate climates*' do the natural conditions 
essential to self-governmfint subsist Their cioctrfne may be left 
to the acceptance of all who can find ground for e^ulf^tion and 
magniloquence in the prospect of a perpetual dominion^ of white men 
over cowed coloured races who secretly and helplessfy hate them, in 
lands where vjjhite mefi can never hope, to rear their own offspring. • 

If, instead of a dreary fatalism of that description, there is ilrged 
upon us the simple difficulty of building up a new social order in 
the tropical or semi-tropical lands where self-rule has never yet 
subsisted, and where mixture of races complicates every problem, 
we can at once assent. To plead difficulty is to ad desirability, 
and to confess that the perpetual absence of every element of 
political self-determination from a people's life means a failure of 
civilisation. Given that admission, difficulties may be faced in the 
spirit of good counsel. 

But the first thing to be posited is a warning that " difficulty ’* 
and " ill-preparedness " are in no way special to the cases of tropical 
countries and so-called " backward ” races. The critical process 
applied to these cases by those who commonly fall back on the 
formula of " unfitness " is extraordinarily imperfect. On their own 
view, those races are “ fit " which have slowly attained self-govern- 
ment after starting on the journey at a notably low stage of " fitness," 
and undergoing on the way all manner of miscarriages, including 
civil war. Only by development out of unfitness, obviously, is 
fitness attainable. Yet the bare fact of unfitness is constantly 
posited as if it were the fixed antipodes of fitness. It is commonly 
put, for instance, as the decisive and final answer to any plea for 
the gradual development of self-governing institutions in India, that 
if India were evacuated by the British forces there would ensue 
civil war, if not a new war of conquest. That is of course an even 
superfluously valid argument against the evacuation of India, which 
no politician is known ever to have suggested. But it is put as if 
the bare potentiality were a demonstration of the unfitness of the 
Indian peoples collectively for any kind of institution tending ever 
so remotely towards autonomy. Now, within the English-speaking 
world, the mother country had civil wars in the seventeenth and 
eighteenth centuries ; there was civil war between mother country 
and colonies towards the end of the eighteenth ; and again within 
the independent United States and within Canada in the nineteenth 
— all this in a "race" that makes specially high claims to self- 
governing faculty. On the imperialist principle, a Planetary Angel 
with plenary powers would have intervened to stop the " premature 
experiment" of Anglo-Saxon self-government at any one of the 
stages specified — if indeed he had ever allowed it to begin. 



44, ^ UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

It wotild seem that a first step towards a scientific or^even a, 
quasi-rational view of the problem muk be to put fiside the 
instinctive hypothesis that faculty for self-government is a matter 
of race.” The people of the United States, who began their own 
independent life by civil war and revolution, and have had a civil 
War since, have been largely wont to join with those /of the mother 
country (whose history has included a round dozen of revolutions) 
in ascribing unfitness for self-rule to the South American Republics 
in general on the score of the number of revolutions in which they 
have indulged. Yet the South American State of Brazil has some* 
how contrivp(i to solve peacefully the problem of slavery, which the 
United States could not solve without one of the most terrible 
civil wars in the world’s history. Further, the South American 
State, after attaining republican government by a notably peaceful 
revolution, seems unhaunted by the shadow of a deadly Race 
Problem that dogs the Anglo-Saxon world in the North. It would 
seem that we must admit varieties of kind as well as degree in 
our conception of political fitness In the middle of the nineteenth 
century, North Americans were found to impute unfitness for 
autonomy to the whole f^rench people ; and that people, after having 
undergone three revolutions within two generations of “ the ” 
Revolution, wfiich was in itself a series of Revolutions, attained 
autonomy only after a cataclysm in which civil war followed upon 
a vast disaster in foreign war To-day, however, probably no 
thoughtful person in either hemisphere disputes the fitness of France 
for autonomy, save in a remote philosophic sense in which fatness 
for autonomy may be denied to all peoples alike. 

If the problem be reduced to its elements, in short, it will be 
found that none of the d priori arguments against autonomy for any 
race have any scientific validity. As a matter of fact, practical 
autonomy exists at this moment among the lowest and most retro- 
grade races of the earth , and probably no experienced European 
administrator who has ever earned his thinking above the levels of 
that of a frontier trader will confidently say that any one of these 
races would be improved by setting up over them any system of 
white man’s rule which has yet been tried. An extremely interesting 
experiment in white man’s rule has been at work for a generation in 
Basutoland ; but whatever may be its results, it seems likely to 
remain an isolated case. 

The difficulties which stand in the way of autonomy for the 
leading subject-races consist — as apart from the simple unwillingness 
of many imperialists to proceed upon a road of reciprocity — in 
differences of social structure and external relations, not of metital or 
racial “ character ” ; and much good might be done in promoting 



SECOND SESSION- » 45 

better ‘feelings between rulers arid ruled, if this were frankly and 
intelligently avowed by tbe former. When Japan has developed a 
large measure of constitutional autonomy and China is visibly moving 
oh the same path, it is sufficiently idle to talk either oJ*‘ Oriental ” or 
of “ hereditary ” incapacity for self-government. The differentia for 
India are in tgrms or (< 2 ) muHiplicity*and (i) extreme disparity 6f 
races, involving liability to conquest (c) from within and (of) from 
without When^^^ again, Turkey and Persia alike have for the time 
attained autonomy by revolution, and Russia is moving theretowards 
by convulsion after convulsion in one vast protracted revolution, it 
is sufficiently idle to talk of “ unpreparedness '' in \gypt. The 
differentia for Egypt are in terms of (a) variety of alien elements 
installed on the spot and (^) incapacity on that as well as oh other 
grounds for secure self-defence against conquest. If but Hindus 
and Egyptians were rationally dealt with in terms of these real con- 
siderations, to the exclusion of plainly fallacious and sophistical 
objections, the chances of a good understanding between dominator 
and dominated would be much improved. 

The very first step in the discussion would mean a recognition 
of the fundamental “fitness” of self-controlling machinery for all 
races alike. Putting aside all the “ sentiment” accruing to the con- 
cepts of “liberty” and “independence,” both parties would have 
agreed that it is good for a man to be an intelligent agent instead of 
a recalcitrant machine — and good for his controller likewise. There- 
after the problem would be one of determining from time to time 
exactly how far the relation of reciprocity can be developed between 
the controlling bureaucracy and the controlled, to the end of setting 
up the state of mutual responsibility. The rational acceptance of a 
relation of primary obligation might be made easy to all “ natives ” 
capable of practical politics by showing them how the virtual self- 
government of Britain has been evolved, and subsists, under the 
assertion of a primary right and power of dominion, on the part of 
the sovereign. 

Given such a point of departure, the educing of local modes 
of rational relation between controllers and controlled may go on 
through the centuries at a rather more rapid rate than marked the 
evolution in the case of the Anglo-Saxon race — provided only that 
the controllers possess the capacity for one thing. That is to say, 
they must have the capacity to adjust themselves to the relation 
of sovereign-race and self-asserting subjects as the actual sovereigns 
of the past to do. “ Liberties ” have been won by the peoples, 
thus far, either by convincing their arbitrary rulers that real power is 
after ^11 in the hands of the majority, or by simply removing the 
rulers who could not admit it. In the case of dominant and subject 



46 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

races, where neither process is possible, the state of upward pog:i^ 
can be brought about only by substituting^ in the minds -of the former 
\i^sympaiketic relation for one of mere adjustment of forces. The race 
ill power must^^e concerned to keep pace with the evolving faculty of 
the race in tutelage, strik^g a careful balanc^ at all times between 
lX\e forces of aspiration and resistance which conflict fh all Societies. 
But, above all, it must do this calmly and scientifically in face of the 
vituperation of the progressive sections of the race In tutelage. And 
here lies the “great perhaps of the political destinies of mankind. 

Again, w^ may put the problem in a few words. In all auto- 
nomous couAitries political progress means constant friction and much 
embittered language between factions. To expect of the “ back- 
ward ’’races that they shall be more considerate in their characterisa- 
tion of the policies of their masters than those masters have ever been 
in their own faction-strifes, is plainly fantastic. It would seem no 
very great stretch of common sense to realise that when Liberal and 
Tory, for instance, habitually denounce each other’s administration at 
home, they must look to having the administration of either or both 
denounced by those who have to endure it abroad. Yet the Briton 
can daily see in his newspapers the spectacle of journalists grossly 
vituperating their own Government in one column and in another 
denouncing as* “sedition ” all vituperation of it by Hindus. If this 
state of moral incoherence be not transcended by the majority or |ihe 
ruling spirits, the problem of peaceful progress towards autonomy 
among the subject races is hopeless. The demand that the latter 
shall maintain an attitude of humble acquiescence for an indefinite 
time in the hope that when they have ceased to ask for anything 
they will spontaneously be given it, is quite the most senseless formula 
ever framed in any political discussion. Peoples so acquiescent 
would be the most thoroughly unfit for self-government that have yet 
appeared. They would be no longer “ viable.” ^ 

As the case stands, the responsibility clearly lies on the races 
in power. If they cannot make the small effort of self-criticism and 
consistency required to realise that they should tolerate blame from 
the races they dominate (since these can simply blame no one else 
for whatever misfortunes they endure), should still go on helping 
them forward, the game is up. 

In that case they will have failed to comprehend the necessary 
conditions of progress in the race relations in question ; and when 
the history of the failure comes to be written, it will not be upon 
the victims of the failure, probably, that posterity will think it worth 
while to pass the verdict of “ unfitness.” It will be passed, if upon 
any, on the race which, imputing unfitness to those whose fate it con- 
trolled, was itself collectively unfit for the task of conducting them on 



SECOND SESSION* 


'. 47 ' 

an upward path. Insisting on being their earthly Providence, it will 
hkve entitled ^them to cui*se it for all their troubles. And, boasting 
all the while of its supreme capacity, no less than of its high inten- 
tions, it will have earned from the dispassionate onlookter no claim to 
merciful judgment. 

That th^re should occur such a ban*kriiptcy of civilisation fn 
respect of this one mode of relation between races while other 
relations are impioving, seems, so to speak, unnecessary- The prac- 
tical problem is certainly hard; but then so are all gieat practical 
problems in politics. What is most disquieting so far is the lack; 
of semblance of any general comprehension of the theo^tic problem. 
The danger seems to be that the personal equation of the least 
thoughtful and most brutal sections of the dominant races will keep 
the question indefinitely on the primitive level. When whole classes 
and parties are found declaring that the subject race shall have 
no concessions made to it until it ceases to use insubordinate 
language, it becomes acutely clear to the investigator that we are 
still at the stage before science if not before morals- Obviously the 
thoroughly subordinate race will never have any “ concessions ” made 
to it : concessions are things asked for and striven for. Does the 
dominator, then, suggest that he is improving a backward race 
by making it cultivate servility and hypocrisy? Is it not his 
frequent complaint that those qualities are dangerously developed 
already? What would he have? 

Let the imperialist once become morally consistent and we can 
usefully come to the practical problem. It is primarily one of 
education. The strongest theoretical case that could be made out 
against the plea for a measure of self-government ’n a subject race 
would run somewhat thus : “ Precisely because this race, as you 
argue, has not had the scrambling education gone through by our 
own, it cannot pass from complete subjection to any higher state. 
You* admit that they cannot simply be let loose to begin with. 
Then they cannot have the needed preparation. The countries des- 
tined to self-government get there by walking on their own feet, with 
however many stumbles, Japan and Turkey may shake off their 
native absolutism and set up constitutionalism : they do it because 
they can. But for one race to give constitutionalism to another is a 
quite different thing. There is no case on record of even the 
attempt. Remember you will be giving it to a huge and hetero- 
geneous population, many of whom do not even ask it, do not even 
dream of it.*' 

Putting the counter case in that way, we answer that the argu- 
ment from the past really begs the question. The fact that certain 
races have reached self-government through long endeavouring to 



48 » UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS . 

stand alone, in the " natural ” way of the growing child, does * not 
mean that a nation or a congeries of peoples long withheld from the 
given exercise of function can never develop it. There are supers 
stitions in regard to evolution as in other matters ; and history tells 
of change by initiation as well as by haphazard adaptation. If one 
born blind, or long blind, be enabled by surgery to^see, a raOe 
not ' bred to self-government may be enabled by^example and 
institution to grow gradually into the practice of ‘it. If Turkey and 
Japan, with an Oriental past, can of themselves enter upon the 
new life, races in tutelage may be inducted into it under guidance. 
And where ^nguided races have made the entrance by more or less 
spasmodic movements and with chronic friction and reaction, super- 
vision may save others from the errors of ignorance. 

Further, if only there be good-will on the part of the race in 
command, there is not more but less difficulty in the planned intro- 
duction of the rudiments of autonomy into any polity, however 
backward, than in the compassing of them by effort from within. 
Normally, the making of all the steps is by way of a fortuitous 
wrestle between progressive and reactionary forces equally impas- 
sioned : here, it lies with the ruling races to prepare for and time the 
steps. The preparation lies in the conveyance of the two forms of 
universal knowledge — knowledge how to live and work in the 
present, and knowledge of the historic past and of other polities. It 
is in terms of their failure to undertake this essential schooling 
all dominant races thus far stand convicted of a mainly self-seeking 
relation to those in their power, all their protestations to the contrary 
notwithstanding. 

Abstention from the task of education is confession either of fear 
or of indifference. Where it has never been undertaken, the charge 
of “ unfitness ** partakes of the nature of the indictment brought by 
the Wolf against the Lamb. The progress towards self-government 
began for our own race when other education was at a minimum. 
Let it be preceded for the backward races by such education as is 
within the competence of modern State machinery, and the old 
pretext of unfitness will become impossible. Given the initial steps, 
progression for the ruled in the discipline of self-government will be 
seen by the ruling races to be progression in co-operation, and will 
be desired instead of being feared. 

Towards irreconcilables the attitude of wise friends of the subject 
races will simply be that of sane politicians towards extremists 
in other countries. The fact of intransigeance is just a fact like 
another, one of the hundred variations in political outlook and 
bias which express the law of variation in all things. Aspiration 
or zeal without extremism has never occurred in any wide field of 



SECOND SESSION • 


49 

human*life, and never till mankiild has reached a very remote stage 
of equilibriuiji conceivably will. Whatever, then, may be 'ts 
reaction, good or bad, on the totality of progress, extremism !s 
literally a condition of progress in the sense of bein^ inextirpable. 
What is to be hoped concerning it, in the cases under notice, 
is that there as well® as in the history of other races there will 
take place the usual amount of conversion through stress of ex- 
perience to more'^ moderate ideals. And such conversion will quite 
certainly be easier when the controlling Power is avowedly bent on 
promoting racial progress than when it is believed to be funda- 
mentally hostile to all racial aspiration. For all A^tremism in 
politics the great prophylactic is steady progression. Those who 
would substitute for this conception that of a “ one way *^o rule 
Orientals — force” are simply reviving for Orientals that blind denial 
of natural law which has meant so much strife for Occidentals in the 
past. They are the correlatives of the irreconcilables who demand 
instant freedom ” ; and, error for error, theirs is the worse. 

[Paper submitted in EiKplish ] 


INFLUENCE OF GEOGRAPHIC, ECONOMIC, 
AND POLITICAL CONDITIONS 

W Bf Dr. Paul S. Reinsch, 

Professor of International Law in the University of Wisconsin^ 
US,A.f Theodore Roosevelt Professor at Berlin for 1911-12. 

In speaking on a i.ubject so broad as that indicated by the title 
of this paper, it would be easy to fall into a discussion composed 
of vague generalisations. Yet this certainly would not correspond 
with the desires of the Committee which fixed the programme ; 
they^did not, as was actually done by a small college in the west of 
the United States, intend to create a chair of Pantology. I shall 
therefore endeavour to be concrete in the few suggestions which 
I have to contribute in this discussion, and to indicate in a specific 
manner how the modern tendencies of civilisation are influenced 
by geographical situation, by economic activities, and by the forms 
of political action. 

I am not in fear of contradiction when I state that the cardinal 
fact of contemporary civilisation is the unification of the world, 
the emergence of organic relations, world-wide in scope, uniting 
the branches of the human family in all parts of the earth. This 
result ois due primarily to the really marvellous advances made 
in all the methods and processes of communication. Distance has 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

^ V 

bf#ii unihilatedi and lands on the opposite sides of the * eaitb> 
formerly mysterious to one another, are nOw next-doojr neighbcmri^! 
In the train of these advances there has followed the organi^tion 
of the economkjj^ life of the world upon a centralised system. Econo* 
mic power is radiated from the European and American centres 
td the farthest corners of Africa and Asia. ^ Railways and other 
engineering works are executed, agricultural and mining resources 
are developed, through energies propelled from tke great financial 
centres. Moreover, the scientific and technical processes employed 
in industry and commerce are also being standardised upon a 
uniform ba^. With variations imposed by climatic and other 
physical conditions, the scientific methods of the world are never- 
theless practically uniform, and this uniformity reacts upon and 
strengthens the unity of economic organisation. Last, but not 
least important, there arises from all these mechanical and industrial 
advances a true psychic unity of mankind. The daily news is 
the same the world over in its great important facts. Its items 
are flashed from zone to zone, and in the morning and evening 
papers the reading world of all the continents follows the same 
dramatic unfolding of political and social world life. Great types 
of character are no longer merely national household names, but 
their lineamenj:s are known the world over and everywhere interest is 
taken in their views and actions. There is a world-wide sympathy, 
so that if evil befall in California, or Chile, or Italy, or China, the 
entire world is affected and all nations are anxious to offer their 
aid and bear their share of the burden. ’ 

The growth of world unity which we have witnessed in our 
day has already modified, and even superseded to some extent, 
the effect of geographic separation, of political nationalism or 
particularism, and of economic exclusiveness. Economic and social 
forces are beginning to flow in a broad natural stream, less and 
less hampered by dynastic and partisan intrigue, by protectibnist 
walls, by monopolies and all sorts of exclusive privileges. 

In past ages, indeed, geographic separation was a fundamental 
fact. Mountains, deserts, and the sea set limits to the expansion of 
races and separated them from one another to such an extent as to 
prevent mutual acquaintance and understanding. Civilisation on 
this earth will, indeed, always be dependent upon physical environ- 
ment, but the complete dominance of local conditions over national 
development is a thing of the past. The domination of natural 
forces has been largely overcome by scientific mastery, subduing 
nature through its processes and unifying the different branches of 
the human race. It is here that we touch upon the great achieve- 
ment of Western civilisation in the conquest of nature. The mastery 



SECOND SESSION 


of m^tn over physical forces is the primal fact To me, what dis* 
tinguishe$ Europe from Asia is the spirit of the Greeks with all that 
it Implies, with all that developed out of it It is in the narrow 
valleys of Hellas, confined by high mountains yet Jisfbking out upon 
the sea, that humanity first became copscious of itself and of its 
destiny. Prqfected Irom being overborne by the sweep of conquer- 
ing hordes in the great migrations that preceded settled nationalism; 
yetwith a breadth of view that came from looking out upon the ocean, 
the Greek cities could acquire that stability which enabled them 
to be the theatre of an independent and consistent political develop- 
ment Thus, secure and protected, they passed in revibw the things 
of this world, and there arose that spirit of free discussion which is 
the beginning of all progress and all inventiveness. Things are no 
longer taken for granted, but the reason of their being is inquired 
into. This state of mind also meant a development of independent 
individualism. Athens was a great school in which men educated 
each other, and no nation within a period so short as the hundred 
years preceding 400 B.C. has developed so brilliant and striking a line 
of great personalities as those who flourished in the small city of 
Athens durng the years of her prime. In this Greek experience 
there is contained the root of that individualism, that national self- 
consciiousness, that adaptability and inventiveness,* which, to my 
mind, form the essence of Western civilisation, and which have been 
unfolded in its later history. 

It is not surprising that in the Orient the idea of the dominance 
of man over nature did not occur. Where the cloud-piercing 
Himalayas set a horizon to all possible expansion ; where mighty 
rivers, descending in spring torrents, flood whole p*'ovinces, sweeping 
away mankind together with its handiwork ; where earthquakes and 
tidal waves devastate the coastal regions — it is not surprising that 
here man would not conceive of himself as the master of nature, the 
lord of creation. So terrible is nature in her manifestations that man 
bows down in awe and at her hands accepts life as a favour. It is 
not surprising that the Orient lived by custom, that it was reluctant 
to venture beyond what experience had proved safe and salutary, 
that it erected class and caste systems for protection against the 
mutability of things. 

It is in this connection that the presence of fixed boundaries 
defining rather narrow territories is important. Nationalism first 
grew in Greece and Italy, protected by mountains and by the sea, 
and in the modern world it was England, whose insular position 
enabled her first to develop a self-conscious and independent national 
life. Africa the absence of such boundaries has contributed to 
hinder the development of civilisation. The tribes are not settled 



^ / ' UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

lotig enough, nor are their boundaries sufficiently fixed for th^ to 
develop those qualities which are based upon stability .of location/ 
The eternal shifting back and forth of population elements has 
retarded Afric&o development ; to a lesser degree and in a different 
^manner has operated in the^ Indian and Chinese world. India, a vast 
country readily overrun by Conquerors, has appeared a *continent 
rather than a nation, and instead of like Attica in its protected nook 
developing a stable political system, India has relied upon the caste 
system for protection against the ever-shifting mutations of power 
and population. China, too, has appeared to her people more as a 
world than a/ a nation. It was again Japan that, like Greece and 
England, and like Chile in South America, first developed an intense 
spirit of nationalism and first achieved a true national organisation, 
because her territorial extent was small and her boundaries were 
strictly defined. She was protected against that influence of 
humanity in the mass which does not allow the spirit of individualism 
to stand forth in nations or in men. 

But the gift of science and invention developed in the West has 
now become the heritage of the entire world, and the vast populations 
of Asia are profoundly stirred in the transition to new views of life. 
They, too, are grasping the idea of natural law, of scientific mastery, 
and with it they are turning to the individualism and nationalism 
of the West. The conquest of Nature is thus becoming a world-wide 
phenomenon in which all races share. Distance is overcome, and 
what is accessible to one part of the world is brought to the door 
of all the others Thus conditions are assimilated, and, through 
the spread of scientific processes, methods of thought and of action 
are becoming more and more alike the world over. Science is the 
same everywhere. The engineering solutions in railway building, 
irrigation, and other mechanical works are identical ; physics and 
chemistry are the same in France, America, and Japan. Thus 
scientific method is a unit through which the separating influence 
of geographic location is overcome. Through participation in the 
scientific spirit, those deep-lying differences in point of view, which 
had been developed through centuries of historic experience, are 
giving way to a unified mode of seeing and solving the problems 
of life. 

We may here ask whether this development does not introduce 
a danger or resuscitate an old peril under a new form ? We 
have seen that humanity needed local protection against the indis- 
criminate onslaughts of the mass. Now that natural boundaries 
have ceased to be determining factors on account of the supremacy 
of the human mind over physical conditions, is it not to be beared 
that humanity will be reduced to an indiscriminate mass lacking 



SECOND SESSION 53 ' 

distinttion— in a word, that it will be vulgarised and barbarised ? 
We ire, still in need of* cores or nuclei about Which human self- 
consciousness may gather. It is here that the usefulness^ of 
nationalism, with its ideals, lies. When the phjjfiical conditions 
which gave it birth have lost in relative importance, humanity is, 
nevertheless, ^still in need of that distinguishing national self-con- 
sciousness under which its ideals and achievements will be further 
protected and developed. As mere localism the national idea has 
lost force. Ai a means by which values fixed and gained in the 
struggle of history may be preserved for the future it still has a 
meaning and importance. 

The economic world having become a unit, its parts mutually 
complement each other^ One region produces what another re- 
quires, and it again takes from that second the products which it 
cannot itself bring forth. This is especially true of the tropics and 
the moderate zone, as, between these, physical facts will always have 
a preponderating influence. Most of the things grown in the tropics 
cannot be produced in the colder zones. The mutual dependence is 
in the nature of things permanent. Modern development has simply 
made it easier to supply the needs of one another, and have cen- 
tralised the exploitation of tropical industries in a notable manner. 
But how about the countries lying within moderate ^ones ? Will not 
the very similarity of scientific and industrial methods lead to more 
intense competition among them, or is it possible that there should 
be such a specialisation as will give to each a well-defined field of 
activity ? Will such products as wheat, cattle, iron, tea, cotton, and 
silk be distributed locally, so as to avoid rivalry ? It would seem 
that any intensifying of competition brought about by the develop- 
ment of scientific methods can only be temporary and superficial. 
Where science controls, the activities of each part of the world will 
be determined by underlying facts which, when cmce recognised, will 
haVe to be accepted without murmur or contradiction. As long as coal 
lasts industries may still be built up on a partly artificial basis ; but 
when that source of energy has once become exhausted, other forces 
more stationary in their nature will determine the localities where 
industry may profitably be carried on. The presence of water-power 
will be the first element in this determination. In regions where it 
is found, and to which the power generated may be taken, the 
industrial life of the future will develop. In this and other respects 
natural conditions will more and more determine the location of 
industries, to the exclusion of artificial and political factors. It is 
evident that this development will favour free trade and the abolition 
of all law-made restrictions. Already the days of excessive pro- 
tectionism are counted. Conventional tariffs, reciprocity, and all 



54 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

kinds of mutual adjustments have taken the place of the *high- 
tariff policy based upon the idea that nations* are entirely self-sufficing' 
and. that political and economic areas are synonymous. Hencefortii 
natural current^ of trade will more and more determine economic 
policy, when it has been found that policy would attempt in vkit 
to ‘determine the direction of these currents. 

Another phase of the newer developments of economic life is 
the internationalism of capital. In order that natural forces may be 
utilised to their fullest extent, it is necessary that technical manage- 
ment and power may be readily transferred to any place where it 
is needed. C/pital is controlled by the law of the highest returns. 
It therefore instinctively and consciously seeks to co-operate with 
the forces of Nature ; its returns are most ample where Nature herself 
has created the proper conditions. From this point of view, it is 
necessary that the entire earth should be opened to industrial enter- 
prise, that the capital and energy of any nation should be free to 
engage in the development of natural resources wherever found, and 
should be safe in undertaking such development. The web and 
woof of financial power, human energy, industrial enterprise, human 
labour and natural resources are making real that possibility of^ 
universal inter-dependence which the technical advance of 
world has promised for some time. 

Thus in every way the basis of artificial trade ana industrial 
policies is weakening, as nations recognise their mutual dependence. 
Like scientific technique, industrial efficiency knows no national 
moods ; while still at times wedded to national policies it is essen- 
tially human and world-wide. The test of success being not 
.adherence to narrower national ideals, but in the power to solve 
problems on a basis whose universal validity must be recognised by 
all, nations are thus more and more inclined to foster international 
relations in economic life. They owe it to their citizens to enable 
them to participate in these great activities. The standards are 
set by world-wide action, and success is measured by these wherever 
attempted or achieved. While national policy still strives to 
reserve some special benefits to citizens, the dominant note in 
industrial life is no longer national but international. This is also 
indicated by the manner in which practically every economic interest 
has organised itself on an international scale. Such great unions as 
those in which the activities of insurance, of railway management, 
of shipping, of agriculture, of building, of law, of education, and of 
science are discussed and acted upon, are the final proof that 
economic organisation has for ever abandoned the narrower field 
and recognises no confining local limits. * 

In history, political life has been conditioned by economic and 



SECONt) SESSION. 55 

gec^vftphicai facts. The manner in which this operated in the. 
case of the .Greek cities* has already been ^pointed out Physical 
conditions set limits, even to the ambitions of imperial Rome. 
Again the despotism of Russia was made possible b5^atural causes, 
and English and Japanese nationalism is the result of a physical 
fact As- though the scientific progress of the world the impor- 
tance of these factors has been largely reduced, shall we conclude 
that the age of internationalism has come in politics to the same 
degree as it has come in economic life ? There is a difference. The 
development of economic internationalism is a work in which every 
progressive nation will co-operate with all its power, i^lso we may 
say any nation withdrawing from this movement condemns itself to 
sterility and decay. But it is not so clear that political nationalism 
has entirely completed its service to humanity. In the words of 
one of the speakers of to-day, the Sister Nivedita, words found in 
her brilliant pamphlet on Aggressive Hinduism, “ Only the tree that 
is firm rooted in its own soil can offer us a perfect crown of leaf ' 
and blossom, only the fully national can possibly contribute to th^ 
cosmo-national.” The civilised nation to-day will recognise that its 
aim is hum'inity, and that the mission of its policy transcends by 
far the limits of geographit. al boundary, but we cannot as yet dis- 
pense with these nuclei of human force and ideals which history 
has developed. They are the great personalities which make up the 
system of civilised states. When their work is fully done, they will 
pass away, but for a time still it will be their mission to organise the 
efforts of humanity to higher ends and to protect mankind against 
engulfment in an indiscriminate mass, with a lowering of all ideals. 

Turning more specifically to political action, ve shall note that 
through the present development, which we have been following, 
the antithesis between politics in the narrower and in the broader 
sense is bound to disappear. More narrowly defined, politics is 
the struggle of men and of groups for recognised authority ; . more 
broadly, it is the management and administration of the common 
affairs of a nation. To Machiavelli it was principally the former; 
to Burke it would be the latter. But it is apparent that these 
distinctions must disappear, as political leaders realise more and 
more clearly that their success is bound up with good administration. 
Now, administration is becoming more and more purely a matter 
of science. The expert side of public work has assumed such pro- 
portions that the old Greek idea and the Jacksonian Democratic 
principle of rotation in office seems entirely primitive and inade- 
quate. The American Government in its Department of Agriculture 
alonii annually spends ;£’ 2 , 000,000 sterling a year for purely scientific 
investigation. Solutions of science control as well in the army, 



S6 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

the navy, and all the developmental activities of governmeht So 
it is no longer a matter of favour or o*f caprice what course of 
action shall be followed and what men shall be selected to ido 
the work, but these things scientific demonstration and impartial 
tests control This is also true of such fields as taxation, railway 
control, and the inspection of all other economic ^tivities. The 
prominence of the expert side of government, therefore, ' gives to 
that scientific unity, which permeates others fields^ of life, the same 
importance in public affairs. Thus the States become members 
of international unions in which expert administrations exchange 
their expene;(:ce and formulate rules and principles for their common 
guidance. 

The principle of expert administration in modern government is 
balanced by that of public discussion in parliaments. The danger 
of bureaucratic narrowness, which may be present even in men 
guided by scientific judgment, is met by calling upon the public in 
general to participate in State affairs, to make known its opinion^ 
and to select representatives who will constitute a “ great inquest ” of ' 
the nation. Thus theie is supplied a corrective of administrative 
decisions and a motive power which gives original strength and 
energy to the acts of government. The same unifying tendencies 
which we have^^ observed in other branches of human life are found 
here. The significance of the modern universal tendencies towards 
parliamentarism will be discussed by other speakers. From them we 
shall hear what effects are to be expected from the recent institutional 
changes in Turkey, Persia, Japan, China, and Russia, and from the 
Liberal movement in Mexico. When those new vast forces of public 
interest and energy are brought into the political field of action, we 
may indeed expect that the policies of the world will be profoundly 
influenced. It would be an interesting inquiry to try to trace out in 
detail how far the unifying power of scientific civilisation could be 
expected to operate upon parliamentary institutions and popular 
electorates the world over. With a mutual assimilation of the forms 
of government, there still remain very deep-seated differences in 
popular sentiment, which a growing scientific culture must seek 
gradually to overcome. Prejudices among broad masses of 
humanity are usually used as material for reactionary policies. The 
expectations that democratic Parliaments would always be pacific 
and humane have been disappointed ; but the great gain from the 
recent changes which we have noted will be that the progress of 
humanity in the future will not depend on narrower groups or 
coteries, but upon the manner in which humanity itself, that is, 
the masses of mankind, are able to respond to higher demands^ and 
ideals. 



SECOND SESSION. 


57 


The of political action is thus constantly being broadened* 
out;* The men who comf)ose Governments must take into account 
natural conditions and scientific methods, and participj^tion in public 
action is extended to constantly larger numbers. ^ In the latter, 
primal passions and prejudices are still active ; but with the spread 
of intelligence and sc*lentific methods of thought they too will come 
to appreciate ^more and more the underlying unity’ of manlcind. 
Intelligence, allied on the one hand to the ideals of a common 
humanity, on the other to a grasp of the complex, but unifying, 
forces that make up the modern industrial world — this intelligence 
we may rely upon to make political action more and icpore rational. 
In the last analysis, the highest demands of humanity and of 
efficiency are one; the world advances because the ideal attracts, 
and because science compels. 

[PafiiT submitted in Engiidt'\ 

LANGUAGE AS A CONSOLIDATING AND 
SEPARATING INFLUENCE 

By D, S. Margoliouth, D.Litt, 

Professor of Arabic tn the University of Oxford, 

The relations between language and nationality vary very much at 
different stages of evolution If we imagine a nation to commence, 
as its name implies, merely as an interbreeding group of human 
beings, it is evident that each group of the kind will have a common 
language or system of phonetic symbols for the < ommunication of 
ideas, and that whoever transfers himself from one group to another 
will be compelled to adopt the system of the latter, unless he can 
force them to adopt his. But when the nation becomes a political unit, 
it nfay very well embrace numerous groups of the kind. It will be 
sufficient if there are a few persons capable of acting as interpreters. 
Hence both in ancient and in modern times there have been nations 
in the wider sense without a national language ; such, e,g.^ is the 
case of Switzerland in the present day ; and the Babylonian king 
who issued rescripts to ‘*all peoples, nations, and languages” was 
addressing the inhabitants of one empire, and in the larger sense the 
members of one nation. But even where there is a national language, 
as in the British Isles, there may be groups of the population who 
rarely use it ; even in London it is worth many a candidate’s while to 
issue his address in a foreign language in order to appeal to a 
secti^«i of the constituents. Sometimes these groups are fluctuating, 
and the next generation will have adopted the national language ; in 



58 • UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

other cases a peculiar dialect or even language is tenaciously main- 
tainted by local groups, who, however, may*be as patriotic as the rest 
On the other Jiand, two or more nations may have the same national 
language, and«yet be no appreciably nearer to each other than If they 
spoke different tongues ; understanding in one sense does not pre- 
vent misunderstanding in ‘ another. ^ 

Of the various ties which bind human beings ‘ together that of 
common language seems to possess no great strength. Other bonds 
protect it rather than it them. Where in the same city different 
languages are spoken in different quarters, the quarters are not 
isolated beca/i<se the inhabitants speak different languages, but they 
speak different languages because they are isolated. They are isolated 
owing to religion or nationality ; and each preserves its own dialect 
in consequence. This is the case, in some Persian cities ; yet 
even there most of the inhabitants become bilingual or trilingual ; 
were it not for the real bonds which keep the groups together the 
linguistic differences would quickly disappear. 

Even where religion and nationality are able to maintain th(ft 
interbreeding group in its purity, they often fail to maintain the 
national language. How variable their efficiency is in this matter 
can be illustrated from the phenomena of the Islamic empire ; the 
East Syrians have maintained their vernacular, the West Syrians 
have lost theirs; Armenian is still spoken in Armenia, but Coptic is 
ho longer spoken in Egypt. The Jews, like the Copts, might be taken 
as a type of a tenaciously interbreeding group ; yet the Jews have no 
national language ; they speak a patois of German or Spanish, or else 
make the language of their neighbours their own. Both these races 
have indeed retained religious languages as the possession of the 
learned among them ; but for ordinary use “ a live dog is better than 
a dead lion.” 

Statesmen in both ancient and modern times have assumed that 

C 

the spirit of national independence must be fostered by the mainten- 
ance of a national language ; and just as under the Roman Republic 
the revolt of the Allies was accompanied by an attempt to lesuscitate 
Oscan, so in our day the ardent Irish Nationalist would like to see 
Irish take the place of Plnglish in the Emerald Isle. A policy 
of this sort seems to be based on a confusion of ideas. Like the 
Sabbath, like weights and measures, like the coinage, language exists 
for man, not man for language. A private language has about the 
same value as a cipher , it enables a group of men to communicate 
without being understood by others ; but the cipher gives them no 
advantage unless they can understand the others. The interests of 
the statesman are wholly different from those of the antiquarhm or 
the naturalist ; uniformity is the ideal of the one, variety what 



SECOND SESSION • ’ ^ 

charms Ihe others. That a great nation can arise without a peculiar 
language is demonstrated by the example of the' United States ; that ‘ 
nationality may be maintained in defiance of time and ^ace, though 
the national language is forgotten, is proved by the jfistory of the 
Jews. The endeavour^therefore to turn an^ obscure vernacular into a ^ 
national language when the nation is alnsady in possession of one oT 
the great languages of civilisation is not unlike in wisdom to the 
practice of burning bank-notes in order to show contempt for' the 
bank that issued them. 

The converse practice, forcible suppression of a language for fear 
of its preserving a nationality which the statesman wishes to merge 
in another is somewhat more benevolent, hut unlikely to compass its 
end. Polish children who are made to learn German or Kussian 
instead of their mother tongue will certainly be better equipped for 
the battle of life than if they had been taught Polish ; for the utility 
of a language varies with the number of persons whom it enables 
one to understand. But that a Polish child will be prevented from 
becoming a Polish patriot because it has been compelled to learn 
some language other than Polish is an assumption not justified by 
experience. As has been seen, those interbreeding groups that have 
preserved nationality most tenaciously have lost their national 
languages. • 

It might be thought that the possession of a national literature, 
as a ground for national pride, would add to the isolating power of a 
national language. There are reasons which either modify this effect 
or even annul it On the one hand, any national literature that is of 
value is international ; seven cities claim to be Homer’s birthplace ; 
Paris has a public monument to Shakespeare ; the Bible — originally 
a collection of Hebrew and Greek books — is pronounced by a queen 
to be the source of England’s greatness. Treasures are of little value 
if they are not coveted. Carlyle would not have regarded Shake- 
speare as a better national asset than the Cossacks if only England 
knew of Shakespeare, And as a rule the hereditary owners of such 
treasures are proud and delighted that others should share or even 
enter into their inheritance 

Literary masterpieces can take care of themselves, for there will 
always be men eager to master their original languages in order to 
interpret them correctly ; and since the variations in language which 
are due to time are as great as those due to any other cause, the 
hereditary interpreter will not necessarily be the best interpreter ; 
those who have done most for the interpretation of the Greek classics 
have as a rule had little acquaintance with the dialects of modern 
Greek/* 

Languages, then, are not worth artificially preserving either for 



6o V UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

patriotic or literary purposes ; like railways, they are insttuments 
fot communication ; and the question whether it is desairahle to have 
many langr^iges or one is not very different from the question 
whether it best for each country to have its own gauge or that 
all should have a common gauge. The protection from invasion 
afforded by a separate gauge is slight ; the facilities for commerce 
provided by a uniform gauge are vast The adyaiitage to Europe 
and to mankind of a common language would be infinitely greater 
than any loss which could be sustained through t|ie abandonment of 
a national language. The sound principle for determining what gauge 
should be adopted, if the gauges of the countries were different and 
it were decided that they should be unified, would be this : capital 
and energy are assets of the whole world, whence the mode of unifi- 
cation should be that which expended least capital and least energy. 
The gauges should be altered to the gauge of the country which 
had the greatest mileage and the largest amount of rolling 
stock. 

The same is the sound principle on which the unification ' 
language may one day be attempted ; perhaps our Congress will 
have played a modest part in preparing the way. The invention of 
a new language would be the least economical method ; for any 
language in possession of literary monuments, and which has been 
used for journalism, has accumulations of “rolling stock” in the 
shape of phraseology and idioms for which a substitute would have 
to be provided. Those accumulations represent in any case the 
expenditure of much energy; in the case of the great languages of 
civilisation vast expenditure, much of the product would necessarily 
have to be thrown away in the event of unification, but it would be 
wasteful to abandon what could be preserved. 

Like most human institutions, language has been the subject of 
numerous prejudices and superstitions , but few of these are now 
deserving of either notice or refutation. The excellence of language 
is that it should be clear and not mean ; in these words Aristotle (as 
usual) summed up all that can be said on the subject. Suppose that 
Arabic and English were spoken by the same number of individuals, 
the scale would be turned in favour of English by the considerations 
that it inserts its vowels, employs capitals, and can use italics ; a page 
of English is therefore vastly clearer than a page of Arabic. Between 
the great languages of Western civilisation — English, French, and 
German — it would not be possible to decide by these tests ; none of 
them leaves anything to be desired in either clearness or sublimity. 
The only principle capable of application would be that which has 
been suggested — let that language be universally adopttxl the 
adoption of which could be effected with the greatest economy. 



SECOl^D SESSION * ^ 6i 

t' 

We'hg^ve already seen that the study of literary monuments is a 
wholly different matter ftom the acquisition of a language for 
practical use. With us the Latin and Greek languages form parts 
of a liberal education : the one because the basis jpf European 
civilisation is Latin, the other because the mightiest monuments of 
human thought are Greek. Few, however, *ot those who study these 
languages in tl^r^youth ever have occasion to use them for com- 
munication. They are taught and cultivated because man does not 
live by bread alone. There is no reason why any living national 
language should not survive in its nation in the same way as Latin, 
or in the world in the same way as Greek. Some theoretic 
knowledge of it will always be desirable in order that later 
generations may learn whence they came ; and if it have produced 
monuments worthy of immortality, they will be immortal. But the 
desirability of preserving languages for these purposes, or for the 
purposes of those who investigate forms and roots, does not affect 
the question whether it is desirable that the world should continue or 
should cease to be a Babel. Reverence and affection, qualities which 
go to make up patriotism, may always be displayed in preserving 
and adorninf ; they need not be displayed in employing. Economy 
and efficiency should govern the selection of instruments for employ- 
ment ; and they point to the ultimate adoption of one of the three 
great languages of Western civilisation as the language of mankind. 
Such an arrangement need interfere with no national glories, no 
religious isolation, though the tendency of the immediate future is for 
religions, like seas, to join the regions they divide. Its effect would 
be only the beneficent one — facilitation of intercourse and economy 
of energy. 

The unification of language within great areas has probably been 
more often brought about by voluntary obedience to these principles 
than by actual compulsion. Preparation for the uPimate object must 
necessarily be slow ; the world must be made bilingual before it can 
be made unilingual ; greater uniformity must be obtained in the 
matter of the second language, which is destined ultimately to super- 
sede the first except in one linguistic area. The waste of energy 
arising from want of uniformity in this matter is notorious ; thus the 
Encyclopaedia of Islam has to be issued in three languages, when two 
should be ample, and one sufficient. But when once man has become 
more generally bilingual, when there is a recognised language for 
international and cosmopolitan communication of all kinds, the way 
towards unification of language will at least have been indicated. 

[Paper submitted in English ] 



fie ^ , UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

X' ' ' ' 

RELIGION AS A CONSOLIDATING AND 
^ SEPARATING INFLUENCE’ 

By'T. W. Rhys Davids, Ph.D., LL.D,, D.Sc., 

Professor of Comparative' Religion in the University of Moff Chester t 

and Mrs. Rhys Davids, « 

Hon, Special Lecturer on Indian Philosophy in the University of 

Manchester. 

The more /one thinks about this subject the more complicated 
and difficult it appears to be. To treat it adequately it would be 
necessary to take all cases in the history of the world of one race 
brought into contact with another, and to consider, in each case, 
the part played by religion in the resulting effect. A comparison 
of the different results in the different cases would then open Up 
the way to certain qualified conclusions which would not fail to 
be both interesting and instructive. This is precisely one of the 
problems to which the young science of Comparative Religion 
hopes eventually to be able to give attention. It is also one * 
the numerous social and religious problems to which the scientific 
method has not yet been applied. The facts have not yet been 
collected. We have vague generalisations drawn from single 
instances. We have suggestive studies on one or two of the best 
known cases. But no attempt has yet been made to deal with 
the question as a whole. 

A single case, though useless as the basis of any general con- 
clusion, may be useful to illustrate some of the difficulties involved, 
some of the points that will have to be determined before any 
such general conclusion can be formulated. 

When a horde of splendid barbarians who had accepted 
Mohamet’s doctrine of death to the infidels, burst upon the 
civilised states of Asia, they were no doubt inspired, in the fury 
of their onslaught, by what they would have called their religion. 
To each state in turn they offered the terrible alternative of con- 
version, tribute, or the sword. The amazingly swift and successful 
spread of Mohammedanism, from the time it started on its career 
as a militant missionary movement, engulfing in three or four 
centuries the half of three continents, is a matter of modern history. 
It seems to vindicate religion as, at the same time, a social con- 
solidator and social disintegrator without parallel. What other 
motive, unless it were the driving consensus of hunger, could have 
availed so to stir and urge the different sections of the Semitic 
race hither and thither under the common banner of one Prophet, 



/ ' SECOND SESSION . , 63 

athirst -to fling the world on its knees befoife the throne of the 
one God? From this (Present- time perspective, the movement 
reads like a frenzy for human consolidation, wortci» by way of 
an equally frenzied disintegrating machinery. Whejf we contem- 
plate the loyalty, among many millions, of one man to another as 
servants oC the Prophet, in the wake of \hat mighty wave of wat, 
it is the •consolidating power of religion that impresses us. When 
we cohsider the outrageous barbarity of the mind that says : 
“Because X has told me what to believe, I am going to kill you, 
unless you say X was right,” we are overwhelmed with the baneful 
cleavage wrecking the progress in human concord and wrought in 
the name of religion. 

Nor can it be generally claimed for militant propagandists, 
whether of Islam, or of the Christian Church, warring against 
heretics, that their dominant motive was altruistic or ethical. Per- 
sonal salvation for the individual rather than the good of the 
attacked, is put forward as the one thing needful and the exceeding 
greiE^t reward Founders and reformers in all religions reveal the 
great heart that yearns to gather the human brood together in 
love and concord. But the fierce missioner more often appeals to 
individual interest. And this makes men act in concert rather along 
the parallel lines of individualism than along the converging lines of 
solidarity and mutual service. The questions : “ What shall I do 
to be saved ? ” and “ What shall I do to be of service ? ” may both 
be accounted as religious, but only the latter makes essentially 
and entirely for solidarity. The former question has at times 
found its solution in a life of solitude and withdrawal from sharing 
in the common lot. 

In both of these extreme types, therefore, — the propagandist 
with sword in hand, and the apparently misanthropical recluse — 
we seem to see religion manifesting itself as a disintegrator among 
the • factors that tend to bring mankind into closer mutual 
intercourse. 

But is it after all accurate, in connection with Jehads and Crusades 
and persecutions and inquisitions, to call the motive and spring 
of these, religion? Is not religion possibly a pretext employed 
to veil the real motives? Consider the elements engaged in any 
so-called religious war on either side. Never has any one of them 
approached the spiritual plane of the one host or the other in 
the Holy War dreamt of by our John Bunyan —the celestial 
atmies of the Lord of hosts, and the battalions of evil spirits bent 
on the spiritual ruin of mankind and the reconquest of heaven. 
It weds a child's simple faith to people the camps of Crusaders 
or Covenanters with hearts burning with the white purity and 



64 


UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 


singk-mindedness of a Joan of Arc. It is as impossible to imagine 
the first Christians going forth sword in* hand to slpy unbelievers 
is it is to picture a Buddhist, first or last, taking up arms against 
his fellow-cr\itures. “ Put up again thy sword into the sheath,^* 
^ said Jesus to his first Crusader. If My kingdom were of this 
wor|d, then would My servants fight*' Nor can the militant 
Christian justly infer from the words: ‘‘I came ,n^ to send peace 
but a sword,” that it was a Christian’s duty to be he who should 
draw the sword. Unmodified, unqualified for early Christians, as for 
all Buddhists, is St. James’s answer to his own question: “Whence 
come wars and fightings among you? Come they not hence, even 
of your lusts that war in your members? Ye lust and have not; 
ye kill ' and desire to have. Ye fight and war . . . because ye ask 
not. Ye ask and receive not, because ye ask amiss, that ye may 
consume upon your lusts.” 

“ That worldly motives,” writes Mr. Haines in his Islam as a 
Missionary Religion^ “played a large part in the conversion, not 
only of the Arabs but of the other nations that were conquered 
and converted by the Saracens, cannot be denied, and the Arab 
apologist dwells at some length upon the fact.” When the Arabs 
of the harvestless desert tasted the delicacies of civilisation and 
revelled in the luxurious palaces of Chosroes, “ By Allah,” said 
they in their wonder and delight, “even if we cared not to fight 
for the cause of God, yet we could not but wish to contend for 
and enjoy these, leaving distress and hunger henceforth to others.” 
Desire for gain, from the bare need of necessaries that parted 
the Abrams from the Lots in so many folk-migrations up to the 
quest of treasure that drove the Spaniards over the seas and 
against the Aztecs, with the cry (O irony of history’) of Sant’ lago — 
St. James, their own denouncer — on their tongues, has waved on 
its hosts with the banner of religious zeal. 

Race-aversion and race-pride is another cause of cleavage 
between man and man that finds in religious zeal and orthodox 
aggression a convenient outlet. Surviving as a fossil even in 
Buddhism, the very gospel of mutual toleration and amity, where 
the term “ Ariya ” has come to mean, not race-complacency but 
ethical excellence, hate of the alien as alien and not only as 
infidel, appears too obviously in religious wars to need exemplifying. 
And the enmity may become intensified when the alien is the 
embodiment of successful rivalry, or of radically different social 
institutions. When the Christian, sheathing the sword, prays for 
all Jews, Turks, infidels and heretics, he confesses those as most 
needing escape from damnation who are not only aliens^' but 
who are or were the embodiments of success in business on the 



SECOND SESSION 


( 5 ^ 

orte 'haarid and, on the other, of aggressive restlessness and Asiatic 
institutions. The Spaniard might live side hy side with the 
Moslem ; the Frank and the Teuton could not. And fintther, where 
there has been aggression in the name of religion national 

borders, the anger of orthodoxy may always be traced at least 
in part to motives Mue to enmity; of a political, social, and 
economic natuhp# 

The terse and trenchant summary of St. James, which we quote, 
has so thrust us on to two of the three great roots of man*s miseries 
preached by Buddhism, greed and enmity, that we find ourselves in 
face of the remainir<g root or cause, and do not hesitate to bring it 
forward. If with Buddhist doctrine we class the yearning for rebirth 
in heaven under the general motive of greed or desire of gain, and 
if we then eliminate from all aggressive and inquisitorial measures, 
carried out under the sanction of religion, the greed and the enmity 
therein finding expression, we shall not greatly err in attributing 
the residual impulse to moha or unintelligence. It was over a 
Jerusalem that, with unintelligent, uncomprehending orthodoxy, 
persecuted the messengers of a new and purer word that Jesus 
wept. “ If thou hadst known,” hadst understood, hadst discerned, 
“ the things that belong to thy peace ! But now they are hid from 
thine eyes.’* That rulers and statesmen may discern Jn the rallying 
and concentrating attending a war the best occasion for effecting 
political unity is conceivable. But it is impossible to conceive any 
mind that has really grasped the spirit of an ethical religion, of a 
creed confessing a benevolent deity, to loose the dogs of war upon 
his fellow-men, or to coerce belief by prison or the stake. The 
stupidity behind ‘‘ man’s inhumanity to man ” is i erhaps the most 
tragic thing about it. 

Once more: we have alluded to the apparently disintegrating 
effect of religion in the case of the recluse, driving him into an anti- 
social career of solitary living. But neither is the mind of mon- 
achistic temperament so simple as to act solely by one motive, 
religious or other. We must first eliminate all the Christian Jeromes 
and the Buddhist Makakassapas, who adopt a retreat at intervals 
as a spiritual rest cure in the intervals of missionary labours, or 
again as an opportunity for intellectual production. These are only 
cases of men separating from their fellows, the better to work for 
universal amity. Nor must we confuse monachism with monasticism. 
Within cloistered precincts, the wider intercourse of the world is 
usually renounced in favour of the closer sodality of co-religionists. 
There remains the thorough -paced lifelong recluse. And here 
agai%^ while not denying him religious ardour, we discern other 
motives blJneath the religious pretext, or, at best, side by side with 
. \ F ‘ 



the'f^i^ns motive. Men and women ndio are 
dature^ who stifle in cities or in tamed confines of anjr soxt^ may 
atavistic or morbidly shy, or otherwise abnormal* But they 
‘real types, .^nd that injunction of all genuine religion which bkJs 
us foster the habit, with Plotinus as with the Buddhists, of “ going 
alone to the Alone,” affoids^such of them as are not frankly irre- 
ligious, a sanction for their natural bent. / 

If, on the other hand, we examine movements^of social groups 
towards unity and concord made in the name of religion, we shall 

It equally difficult to affirm that the driving power is genuinely 
religious. The human love of novelty and change may receive 
. gladly the inoculation of religious ideas from without, and fraternise 
with its adherents over the border. The latter would dream they 
were advancing human fraternity by good missionary work. The 
conservative interests at home judge that the recipients are gohe a- 
whoring after strange gods. Again, human gregariousness may fill 
church and chapel more effectively than any need to worship or to 
be edified. Political unrest in the different race factors of an 
empire may cause re-distribution in religious profession, as we see 
in Austria. And religious “ tests calling for certificates or pro- 
fessions of faith before the means of livelihood are granted, may 
produce an appearance of religious unity that is anything but 
genuine. 

To conclude this scanty glimpse at a great theme: Whethi^t 
religion be a disintegrating or a consolidating force is no questioh 
that may be answered by a bare “Yea” or “Nay” Deeply as the 
religious instinct lies and stirs in the heart of man, it cannot find 
expression apart from his other instincts, however much it may and 
does serve as a cloak for them. And, accordingly, as these instincts 
make for social disintegration or solidarity, so will be the reljgious 
activity that is pressed into their service. 

As the handmaid of theology, as the sanction of this or that sbcial 
institution, as crystallised and formulated into a creed, or a sect 
within a creed, religion may becon^ racialised. Thus narrowed, it 
will rather intensify the lines of cleavage between folk and folk, than 
bring them into closer intercourse. 

But as an instinct, deep-rooted in the heart, religion transcends 
the barriers of race, in offering the bond of a common aspiration 
between individuals. And as the day of dogmas wears on to its long 
twilight, and the true inwardness of religion becomes acknowledged, 
we may come to invert the relation between religion, as pretext, and 
other motives calling themselves by its name. More and more shall 

* G. Havelock Ellis, Contemporary February, 1909, and C. Rhys Davids, 

The Quest, April, 1910. 



SEGOKI) SESSION. 

we take other motives as pretext and expression, for the reUgiods 
instinct, which is our being's noblest ” creative impulse." * We shall 
come to suffer the radioactivity of each man’s religion work in the 
heart as a divine spring of action, and to take, as its ^ctexts all our 
aspirations for the g^peral increase of health and knowledge of beauty 
ahd happiness. v « • 

But still wi|\Jl)is inner spiritual fount ever make both forjfJivision 
arid for consolidation. Men and women will, in obedience to it, meet 
ever more and more, as here and now, in amity and ordered effort 
after mutual understandings and progress in fraternity. Yet no less 
wiy the inward monitor bid this man or that woman cultivate select 
tion and solitude ; ever will it lead them now to come away and now 
to approach, as befits the true aristocrat of the Spirit; ever will it 
urge them now and again to dee alone to the Alone, to feed and 
recreate the vital spark of divine flame before the altar of the Ideal. 

[Paper submitted tn En^ltsh.l 


DIFFERENCES IN CUSTOMS AND MORALS, 
AND THEIR RESISTANCE TO RAPID 
CHANGE 

By Professor Giuseppe Sergi, Rome. 

(a) Differences and Resistance — No one who has any knowledge of 
the social life of peoples, nations, and primitive tribes is ignorant 
of the existence among them of different customs and diverse forms 
of morals ; it suffices to observe how individuals be>iave when acting 
(i^ollectively and how these groups behave when all act together, in 
order to see how very different are marriage and funeral rites, 
festivals and combats, religious services, respect for human life and 
property and the laws relating thereto, among the various groups of 
the human race. If we observe their moial codes and religions in 
their outward manifestations, we find a great difference and a 
profound separation between the larger no less than between the 
smaller groups of the human race. 

A lengthy exposition of the facts is certainly not necessary to 
demonstrate such differences, falling as they do under general 
observation and being easily noticed in the relations which people 
maintain, or endeavour to maintain, with each other. 

In Europe, except perhaps in the eastern part, great and small 
nations have now the tendency to approach each other in customs 
and manners. Facts and inventions which are employed in daily 
/ ' * We refer to Bergson’s term, Clan vital et crCateur. 



68 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

life are easily communicated, imitated, introduced more er less 
rapidly into common usage, and are acce*pted without difjiculty or 
resistance, often even with great satisfaction. In spite of this 
tendency, whvh is an effect of centuries of communication between 
European peoples, there exist, nevertheless, m^ny different habits in 
iriodes of living, in the interpretation of morality, and in the religious 
character, although the dominant religion is Christianity. Hence We 
find differences, sometimes profound, in religious worship, in the 
character of religious rites, and in the conception of certain Christian 
principles, which form the common basis of very different practices. 

But analogous differences, often differences of form and of 
outward appearance, are to be found in the different regions of one 
and th^ same nation. These differences are a record of the ancient 
separation and the characteristic survivals of each national fraction. 
It would be sufficient to give a mere list of the characteristic customs 
which persist unchanged and do not change in the historical nations 
of Europe ; in Italy, with its primitive division into regions ; in France ; 
in the British Isles ; and wherever facts are to be met with which have 
an intimate relation to moral conduct in its connection with outward 
religious forms. These facts reveal the great persistence of customs 
and their survival through all the vicissitudes of political changes. 

The people, who are furthest removed from certain customs that 
are universal at the present day in Europe are the inhabitants of 
Russia. Although the ideas and manners of Western Europe have 
penetrated into Russia and have been accepted and imitated by 
certain classes of society, among the enormous mass of the people 
nothing is changed. Hence it seems a living world entirely apart 
and self-sufficient, ignorant of what occurs outside its boundaries. 

But the differences in customs and morals as well as in the 
prevailing religious sentiments are much more profound in Asia, 
where up to the present there has been immobility and little or no 
foreign penetration. Thibet is the most characteristic example of 
this, since having been completely closed to Europeans, it has come 
under no influence but that of the Chinese, and has accepted the 
religion of Buddha, of Indian origin. Political and social life, with 
its wholly theocratic character, is cut off from all communication 
with the world beyond and is inspired by a xenophobia, by which 
alone it can continue to preserve its characteristic forms. This 
people, therefore, isolated and defended by special geographical 
conditions, has acquired a peculiar character which shows an extra- 
ordinary persistence in the preservation of its customs. 

China, an enormous agglomerate of peoples which have been 
distinct for many centuries, has succeeded in uniting thete by 
internal evolution and by preventing all foreign penetration* It, has 



I ^ > 

SECOND SESSION. 

creiated a profound and characteristic civilisation, a great ciViIisa^ 
tiofii existing for thousanSs of years, with forihs peculiar to itself in 
language, in writing, in politics and in government, in religion 
(which is the cult of the dead), and in morals both phi’iosophical (the 
work of a Sage) ar|d popular. It has lived in its grandeur and 
isolation, cultivating a narrow xenoJ^holDia in order to retain its 
customs "and preserve its own civilisation, morals, and religion. 
Yet in spite of its isolation from the foreign element, the religion of 
Buddha and the Koran penetrated into China; but nothing further 
succeeded in penetrating until a short time ago. 

However, we must not believe that the various peoples, who form 
this national unity in China, have lost their peculiar customs and 
their primitive ways ; just as in all other peoples where new forms of 
morals and religions have penetrated and have imposed themselves, 
the ancient forms remain as survivals, persistent and resisting every 
change, as the new unites and mingles with the old , so it is easy in 
China to detect, together with Buddhism and Confucianism, the 
belief in spirits and other customs derived from the primitive ages 
of the various peoples. 

Nor are c auditions different in Japan, for the recent development 
of this great nation, if in part due to its Europeanisation in political 
and military matters, has not in the slightest degree destroyed its 
national customs, which are so very different from those of Europe. 
The people have remained steadfast and persistent in the ancient 
customs and ways which are peculiar to their country. 

But the persistence and resistance to change are seen most clearly 
in morals and religion, which are usually closely related in a people. 

It is in this field that those who believe they are improving morals 
with the introduction of Chiistianity are accustomed to exercise their 
reforming influence. And they meel a resistance not only to rapid 
change, but even to slow and peaceable propaganda. This fact may 
be confirmed by examples taken from the patient work of religious 
missions in the midst of primitive peoples and civilised and semi- 
civilised nations. I may instance China and Japan, which resisted 
the introduction of Christianity for a long time, and still resist it 
vigorously. The fruits of the laborious propaganda are very rare, 
often entirely absent, and the work is barren of results. It is useless 
to deny this, when we know that the number of converts is extremely 
small in proportion to the population. 

This resistance exists not only among peoples who are averse to 
new dogmas and new forms of morality, but also among those wl^o 
direct the affairs of state, whether from sheer resistance or front 
fear fliiat other new changes may follow in the life of the state. To 
this we may trace xenophobia. ^ 



IVERSAt races'- <! x>JfGR'ESS'-> 

\ \ Moreover, the results of the conversions are ambiguous 
we do not know if the change in the converts be really genuine aiid 
ooniplete, or merely superficial. Nor is the success deeper or mor^ 
^ncere amon^ primitive tribes. We know only that resistance to 
the. acceptance of new morals and a new religioA is so strong as often 
to lead to bloodshed and revolt. History is full of such accounts. 

(b) Psychology of Rests lance. — In order to urrd^stand how this 
resistance to changes in customs and morals originated, I think it 
*UHIll be well to indicate briefly the psychological and social factors 
which determine this phenomenon. 

The individual psychical state is of two forms ; static^ if we regard 
them as persisting ideas, or cognitions, acquired and accumulated ; 
dynamlcy if we refer to their active mobility. These two forms are 
not separable, except by analysis ; they are closely connected in the 
sense that they may succeed each other, as in the passage from repose' 
to motion and vice versd. 

The cognitions acquired, which form the patrimony of the 
intelligence, remain in the static position, as unalterable forms of 
thought. They pass on to the dynamic state, when they are 
renewed, or incorporated in reasoning or in actions which serve for 
the conduct of life or for some other purpose. In this case an 
impulse is needed to determine the dynamic motion ; and this impulse 
is sentiment in its various forms, so that this constitutes the dynamic 
motion, the driving force, as it were, towards an action. 

This phenomenon is purely internal, individual and psycho- 
logical, but it depends on other internal and outward factors, which 
act as forces of impulse or stimulation and as elements which 
promote the psychical life in the social state. Man does not live 
an individual life only, but also and principally a social one. An 
intimate reciprocal relation exists between man and society, and 
hence a current of action and reaction is formed which conduces 
to the inseparable union of the individual with his fellgw-beings 
taken collectively. The inner psychological conditions of each 
individual are interwoven with the external social conditions and 
the former cannot subsist without the latter . the individual is, as 
it were, a member of the social body. 

„ Further, every individual depends physically and psychologically 
on conditions that preceded his actual existence, namely, ' his 
ancestors and his family, from whom he receives by heredity and 
by communication peculiarities in his psychological as well as 
in his material life. These are factors which often escape observa- 
tion and are neglected ; but they are of great importance in the 
psychological condition of every one. , 

Here I must briefly enumerate such factors as enter into the 



SECOKO SESSION . 

fdmatidn of the individual psychological state of man by thelf 
collective, acti9n. These Are : — 

Hereditary characteristics, physical and psychological, which 
appear as instincts. ^ 

; Suggestion in all its forms, proceeding from family and social 
life. ^ . 

Imitation, %r^the tendency to imitate unconsciously deeds and 
actions of the social community, 
u Educability and tendency to be moved by human influence. 

Gregarious tendency, or a tendency to follow the paths traced 
by others in social conduct and to obey. 

Sociability, a characteristic developed very early in man. 

Now all these factors serve to form a psychological organism 
in individuals, which becomes the basis of all human life in so 
far as it manifests itself, in action and in thought. Habits are 
formed which are not only active forms, manifested in acts of 
conduct, but also static forms, that is, forms of thought to which 
dynamic forms of action correspond, because there is a co-relation 
established with the dominant sentiments developed in various 
ways. This whole psychological organism assumes the name and 
has the character of an automatism^ which implies the complete 
adaptation, already established, of thoughts or cognitions to senti- 
ments and impulses in thought and action. 

Automatism is useful in human life. When formed, it eliminates 
all effort in acts and movements with reference to conduct because 
it becomes the natural course and runs more smoothly than thought 
or action, and because it maintains the continuity of our action 
with surprising uniformity. What we may term psychical inertia 
I then establishes itself. This is altogether similar to physical inertia, 
and consists in the persistence of one and the same psychological 
state until a superior force succeeds in changing it, establishing 
a new state different from the former. 

The very brief exposition I have given of the psychological 
.organism in its formation and in its inner and social factors, of the 
final state which I have termed psychical inertia, gives us the 
explanation of the manner in which habits and customs are formed, 
and shows how moral conduct, connected with sentiments and acts 
of religious feeling, become one and the same with customs, and , 
derive from them a power of resistance to changes. 

^ If resistance be great in individuals taken separately, it becomes 
much greater in a group taken collectively. The reason of this 
being that the psychological organism and psychical inertia are 
already formed, since in the social mass there is a multiplication 



n . ^ : XJNTV|:ilSAL HACES CONGRESS 

^ ^ r . .. ^ 

of jredistance ; and if we compare in psychical phenomena 
resistapice to collective, we may say that "the latter amoui\ts to l^e 
square of the mass of which the human group is composed. 

(c) Practijal Conclusions , — What should be the attitude of one 
nation to another or towards other people^ with which it has 
relations, in regard to divelsity of customs, morals, and religion? 

The reply which presents itself immediately Je us is, not to 
attempt any change and to respect the existing usages together with 
the sentiments which accompany them, because one runs the risk, 
from the resistance which is made to changing the manner of living, 
of disturbing good international relations, of inciting revolt, blood* 
shed, and war. 

But this very general reply allows of modifications according 
to the character of the relations existing between different peoples 
and nations and according to the conditions of intellectual develop- 
ment and civilisation of the populations we are dealing with. The 
relations may be solely commercial, and then there is no need^ 
surely for foreign nations to introduce new customs. They may 
be political, due to alliance, and in this case no more than in the 
first should one attempt to change the forms of social life and the , 
sentiments of the allied nations, unless it were to render them more*^^ 
friendly and more sincere for mutual benefit. The possibility olf^ 
. change one must leave to time, to new needs, to utility, and also 
to imitation which is so ingrained in man. 

But if there be barbarous customs among these nations, of a 
deeply rooted character and repugnant to the sentiment of humanity; 
should one use influence to change them ? 1 believe so, but slowly% 

by example and persuasion which penetrate into the minds of the 
people and develop new sentiments and new habits. In doing this 
one should not insist in a direct manner ; nor under this pretext 
should one also change religious forms and sentiments also^ — the 
most profound in the human soul and the most resisting ; nor under 
the pretext that one religion is more moral or more civilising than 
another. The history of the relations between different peoples 
shows clearly that this attempt has led to many revolutions, mani- 
festations of hatred towards foreigners, and, in extreme c^es, 
even wars. 

Among savage tribes, such as are found in Africa and Oceania, 
no violence should be used in order to change their customs or to^ 
Christianise them. Introduce useful arts and crafts ; humane forms 
of living ; respect for human life by beginning to respect it, not 
as some Europeans do, who, thirsting for gain and gold, ill-treat 
the natives, respecting neither their lives, their property, nor«thetr 
families, and yet claim the respect and obedience of these same tribes. 



SECOND SESSION , ^ irj 

Under a protectorate, respect for the customs of the populations ^ 
should he the same as ftiat which should exist between friendly, 
na^tions, were it only in order not to orovoke resentment, rebellions, 
and wars. If the protecting Power possess sentiments^ of humanity 
and act in a humai|e manner towards the people protected, new^ 
customs may be introduced by example only, by showing , the 
immediate useftiifness of such customs, but never by violence. 

Man should feel sympathy for every one inhabiting our planet, 
who, created like himself, is a living being with the same right 
to existence and to the preservation of life. 

Sympathy, the most extended and most general sentiment of 
human nature, produces in its action the most beneficent effects 
and wards off the dangers of a struggle which would often be 
both useless and cruel. Human sympathy demands respect for 
the sentiments and customs of every people, as being the expression 
of a social life and an organisation dating from time immemorial. 

[Paptr submitted tn EngMt.l 


ON THE PERMANENCE OF RACIAL MENTAL 
DIFFERENCES 

• 

By Charles S. Myers, MA., M.D., Sc.D., 

Lecturer in Experimental Psychology in the University of Cambridge. 

I WISH to lay before the members of this Congress the four following 
propositions for their consideration : — 

I. That the mental characters of the majority of the peasant 
class throughout Europe are essentially the same as those of 
primitive communities. 

• II. That such differences between them as exist are the 
result of differences in environment and in individual varia- 
bility. 

III. That the relation between the organism and ’ts environ- 
ment (considered in its broadest sense) is the ultimate cause 
of variation, bodily and mental. 

IV. That this being admitted, the possibility of the pro- 
gressive development of all primitive peoples must be conceded, 
if only the environment can be appropriately changed. 

The first of these propositions I deliberately put forward as the 
outcome of a year’s experience in the Torres Straits and Borneo, and 
a somewhat longer stay in Egypt and the Sudan. I had the good 
fortune to visit the Torres Straits and Borneo as a member of the 







RAjC^i” 

>\ ^ ' ' " '''':,; ' ' W',' 

\CilWa^^ Escpedition tinder 

;:i^^a*id there I was principally occupied* with Dr. Riyfers.atid 
. McDougall in investigating the mental characters of primitive 
. ^pibpks ; whil^ in Egypt and in the Sudan I had abundant oppor^ 
tunities for making similar but less systematic j^udies, 

* X^e results of the Cambridge Expedition to the Torres Straits 
\ have shown that in acuteness of vision, hearing-^ smell, &c., these 
peoples are not noticeably different from our own. We conclude 
that the remarkable tales adduced to the contrary by various 
travellers are to be explained, not by the acuteness of sensation, 
but by the acuteness of interpretation of primitive peoples. Take 
‘ the savage into the streets of a busy city, and see what a number of 
' sights and sounds he will neglect because of their meaninglessness 
to him. Take the sailor whose powers of discerning a ship on the 
horizon appear to the landsman so extraordinary, and set him to 
' detect micro-organisms in the field of a microscope. Is it then 
surprising that primitive man should be able to draw inferences, 
which to the stranger appear marvellous, from the merest specks in 
the far distance or from the faintest sounds, odours, or tracks in the 
jungle? Such behaviour serves only to attest the extraordinary 
powers of observation in primitive man with respect to tljiings which 
are of use and hence of interest to him. The same poweri are shownC 
in the vast number of words he will coin to denote the s^me object, 
say a certain tree at different stages of its growth. f ^ 

We conclude, then, that no fundamental difference in »wers of 
sensory acuity, nor, indeed, in sensory discrimination, ex^$t&* between 
primitive and civilised communities. Further, there is no proof qlj; 
any difference in memory between them, save, perhaps, in a greater 
tendency for primitive folk to use and to excel in mere mechanical 
learning, in preference to rational learning. But this surely is also 
the characteristic of the European peasant. He will never commit 
things to memory by thinking of their meaning, if he can learn them 
by rote. 

In temperament we meet with just the same variations in primitive 
as in civilised communities. In every primitive society is to be foilnd 
the flighty, the staid, the energetic, the indolent, the cheerful, the 
morose, the even-, the hot-tempered, the unthinking, the philo- 
sophical individual. At the same time, the average differences 
between different primitive peoples are as striking as those, say, 
between the average German and the average Italian. 

It is a common but manifest error to suppose that primitive man 
is distinguished from the civilised peasant in that he is freer and that 
his conduct is less under control. On the contrary, the savage is 
probably far more hide-bound than we are by social regulations. 



Hfe Me is one round of adherence to the demands of custom. For 
instance, he may be compelled even to hand over his own childreti 
at their birth to others ; he may be prohibited from speaking to 
certain of his relatives ; his choice of a wife may be ^very strictly 
liraite^ by traditional laws ; at every turn there are ceremonies to 
be performed and presents to be made By him so that misfortune 
may be Safely averted. As to the control which primitive folk 
exercise over their conduct, this varies enormously among different 
peoples ; but if desired, I could bring many instances of self-control 
'before you which would put to shame the members even of our most 
civilised communities 

Now since in all these various mental characters no appreciable 
difference exists between primitive and advanced communities, the 
question arises, what is the most important difference between them ? 
I shall be told — m the capacity for logical and abstract thought. 
But by how much logical and abstract thought is the European 
peasant superior to his primitive brother ? Study our country 
folklore, study the actual practices in regard to healing and 
religion which prevail in every European peasant community 
to-day, and what essential differences are discoverable ? Of course, 
it will be urged that these practices are continued unthinkingly, that 
they are merely vestiges of a period when once they were believed 
knd were full of meaning. But this, I am convinced, is far from 
being generally true, and it also certainly applies to many of the 
ceremonies and customs of pnmitive peoples. 

It will be said that although the European peasant may not in 
the main think more logically and abstractly, he has, nevertheless, 
the potentiality for ^uch thought, should only the cDnditions for its 
manifestations — education and the like — ever be given From such 
as he have been produced the geniuses of Europe — the long line of 
artists and inventors who have risen from the lowest ranks, 

f will consider this objection later. At present it is sufficient for 
my purpose to have secured the admission that the peasants of 
Europe do not as a whole use their mental powers in a much more 
logical or abstract manner than do primitive people, i maintain 
that such superiority as they have is due to differences (l) of envi- 
rbnment, and (2) of variability. 

We must remember that the European peasant grows up in a 
(more or less) civilised environment ; he learns a (more or less) well- 
developed and written language, which serves as an easier instrument 
9,nd a stronger inducement for abstract thought ; he is born into a 
(more or less) advanced religion. All these advantages and the 
advafitages of a more complex education the European peasant 
owes to his superiors in ability < and civilisation. Rob the peasant 



76 UNIVERSAL RAdES CONGRESS 

of these opportunities, plunge him into the social environment of 
present primitive man, and what difference in thinking. power will be 
left between them ? 

The ans\yer to this question brings me to the second point of 
difference which I have mentioned — difference ji/n variability* I have 
adready alluded to the divergencies in temperament to be fouhd 
among the members of every primitive community. But well 
marked as are these and other individual differences, I suspect 
that they are less prominent among primitive than among more 
advanced peoples. This difference in variability, if really existent, 
is probably the outcome of more frequent racial admixture and 
more complex social environment in civilised communities. In 
another sense, the variability of the savage is indicated by the 
comparative data afforded by certain psychological investigations, 
A civilised community may not differ much from a primitive one 
in the mean or average of a given character, but the extreme 
deviations which it shows from that mean will be more numerous 
and more pronounced. This kind of variability has probably another 
source. The members of a primitive community behave towards 
the applied test in the simplest manner, by the use of a mental* 
process which we will call A, whereas those of a more advance4/ 
civilisation employ other mental processes, in addition to A, say B, 
C, D or E, each individual using them in differing degrees for the 
performance of one and the same test. Finally there is in all 
likelihood a third kind of variability, whose origin is ultimately 
environmental, which is manifested by extremes of nervous instability. 
Probably the exceptionally defective and the exceptional genius are., 
more common among civilised than among primitive peoples. 

Similar features undoubtedly meet us in the study of sexual 
differences. The average results of various tests of mental ability 
applied to men and women are not, on the whole, very different 
for the two sexes, but the men always show considerably greater 
individual variation than the women. And here, at all events, the 
relation between the frequency of mental deficiency and genius in 
the two sexes is unquestionable. Our asylums contain a considerably 
greater number of males than of females, as a compensation for 
which, genius is decidedly less frequent in females than in males. 

This brings me to the difficult problem of the effect of environ- , 
ment For it will be urged that these and other sexual mental 
differences are mainly the result of past ages of different environ- 
ment. I shall be asked to consider the undoubted increase in stature 
among women, which has followed from their modern training in 
athletics. Stature is admittedly one of the most easily moiSified 
physical characters, but may it not be that the present sexual mental 



‘ , SECOND SESSION / 77 

dlffereiices would similarly dwindle and perhg^ps toally disappear 
with a grjidilal^ equalisation of the environment to, which man and 
womah are exposed ? 

This is, indeed, a hard question to decide. Who knows the 
degree of mental poj/er to which any community might attain if 
only the environment could be appropriately modified ? Who cqukl 
have foreseen tb’e powers of discrimination which practice develops 
in the wine-expert or the tea-taster? With what surprise do we 
learn that the children of Murray Island, taught at the present day 
by a Scotsman, are judged by him to be superior in arithmetical 
ability to those oi an average British school, despite the fact that 
their parents’ language contained words for one and two only, and 
expressed three by one-two, and four by two-two ! Who knows what 
mental powers may be dormant even in primitive communities, 
ready to burst into full flower as soon as the environment becomes 
appropriate ? 

Against this point of view must be set another. For aught we 
know to the contrary, the essential functions of womanhood may be 
the determinants not only of their special sexual physical features 
but also of a greater uniformity of mental character. So, too, the 
particular environment in which the colour and physique of the 
negro have been evolved may have induced a still more uniform 
mediocrity of mental ability. Or there may be some direct but 
obscure correlation between rareness or absence of genius and 
insanity, on the one hand, and the feminine or negro physical form, 
on the other. Certainly there is not an instance of first-class musical 
genius, by which, of course, I mean originality in musical composition, 
among European w »men, despite centuries of oppoitunity. And so, 
too, there is not an instance of first-class genius in a pure-blooded 
American negro, despite the numbers of them who receive a uni- 
versity training in the United States, it is true that their adopted 
envfronment — social status and climate, in particular — have to be 
taken into account. We well know the type of individual w^hich 
contempt and persecution produce ; but these influences are surely 
limited to the moral, and hardly aifect the intellectual, development 
of the individual We have also to bear in mind the paucity of 
genius among the white population of the really southern States. 

All recent work goes to show that the influence of environment 
on biological characters is far more potent and direct than has 
hitherto been supposed. In organic growth and development a state 
of equilibrium has to be maintained, and if the internal or external 
conditions affecting the organism are changed, its unit-characters 
must alter, either by analytic or synthetic change. If they do not 
alter, or if the alteration is not a suitable one, the organism is no 



7S ‘ ' \ UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS . 

longer adapted to the environment, and sooner or latest (it may be 
immediately or in the first, second, or third generatioij) mu;5t perish. 

Whether or not the variations thus produced are dependent on 
such deeply^ ingrained internal conditions that they are inherited 
despite subsequent further changes in outward Environment is fot out 
present purpose of little cbncern. It is sufficient to have secured the 
admission that variations only occur when there- is a disturbance in 
the usual course of equilibrium between the growing organism arid 
the internal and external conditions to which it is exposed. The 
sum total of the internal and external conditions is the environment. 
Through such disturbances the different races of mankind have been 
evolved. By fresh appropriate disturbances they are being modified 
to-day, and will be modified in the future. When the conditions are 
too sudden, the race dies out. I have no intention here of discussing 
to what extent, if at all, the modifications in external conditions are 
immediately or ultimately inherited. This, it appears to me, does not 
affect the truth of my fourth proposition, that if only the environ- 
ment can be gradually changed, perhaps with sufficient slowness and 
certainly in the appropriate direction, both the mental and the 
physical characters of the lowest races may ultimately attain those 
of the highest, and vice versd. If we assume, as I think we must 
assume, that the white and negro races owe their respective characters 
ultimately to their environment, there is no d priori reason, it seems 
to me, for denying the possibility of a reversal of their differences, if 
the environment to which they are respectively exposed be gradually, 
in the course of many hundreds of thousands of years, reversed. 

Since writing this paper, I have read the very interesting and important 
work entitled Les fonciions meniales dans les socieUs tnfSrtcures, which has 
recently been wiitten by Professor Levy-Bruhi. In this book he takes np an 
attitude that differs in some respects diametrically from mine. He shows how 
often and widely anthropologists have erred by endeavouring to explain the 
mentality of primitive peoples in terms of our own advanced mentality. ^With 
this I am in complete agreement. Primitive man does not regard the world 
just as we, educated members of a highly complex civilisation, come to i’egard 
it. But when Professor Levy-Bruhl goes on to affirm that there are important 
differences between the least cultured members (the peasant class) of E^uropeari 
communities on the one hand, and primitive peoples on the other, there I part 
company with him. I am inclined to admit the mystic ” and pre-logical " 
tendencies which he ascribes to primitive mentality, although I think that he has 
grossly exaggerated their importance at the present day, and has not sufficiently 
distinguished the very different stages of mental development to which various 
primitive peoples have now attained. I recognise fully the force of what he 
calls collective representations ” — the outcome of social tradition and organi- 
sation. Indeed I am disposed to attribute rather to the force of social tradition 
than to a pre-logical condition of the primitive mind the illogical and mutually 
contradictory beliefs which are held by the savage at the present day. There isf 
not a savage who cannot talk logically about matters of everyday life. l¥e c<m 
reason as we do. He will not, where the force of social tradition is so strong, 



SECOND SESSION ^ 

. > ‘ • * 

the contradictory Reliefs which he holds are so unquestionable that they''^ 

can never be allowed to appear incompatible, I am willing to admit the 
possibility that primitive peoples may be found whose mental peculiarities are as 
extreme as those which he insists on. But such cases, if they occur, are excep- 
tional, and we have throughout to bear in mind the danger of deducing the 
mental attitude of a peoj^ f rum the customs, ceremonies, and general behaviour 
described to us by travellers and missionaries. Into what error would a peopile 
far more cultured than we are fall,' if they deduced our own mentality fronf the 
sbcial and* religious institutions which they observed among us, or from the 
statements made by one or two selected individuals m our midst ! 

' My remarks refer to the peasants of Europe taken as a whole, and to the 
inhabitants of primitive countries taken as ? whole, and contrary to Professor 
Levy-Bruhl I insist that there is no essential mental difference between them. 
We have in each the same native disinclination for logical thinking, especially 
where the forces of tradition — or, in the terminology of the Fiench Anthropo- 
logical School, collective representations — are antagonistic to it. In ^ach we 
see the same readiness to accept statements which are utterly contradictory, the 
same faint line oi demarcation between the natural and the supernatural, 
y Professor Levy-Biuhl alludes (p. 448) to the '^frightful rubbish” contained in 
the innumerable encyclopedias of the Chinese on astronomy, physics, chemistry, 
physiology, &c. How is it, he asks, that so many centuries of application and 
ingenuity have resulted in nothing ? He answers, chiefly because each of these 
so-called sciences was faced at its beginning with certain crystallised ideas 
which no one ever dreamed of putting sincerely to the test of experiment. 
Quite so, but precisely the same ‘'rubbish ” is to be found in European scientific 
works, on alchemy and natural history, for example, during the Middle Ages. 
Until comparatively recently, the same “vague lepiesentations,” the same 
“mystic pre-connexions,” as M Levy-Bruhl terms them, reigned even m the 
highest European culture as they still reign in the Chinese. 

Again, he says (p 426) that “ the mentality of primitive man does more than 
represent to itself its object . it possesses it or is possessed by it. It holds com- 
munion with it. . . . It lives it. The ceremonies and rites lead in a great 
number of cases to the realisation of a grand symbiosis, eg, between the 
totemic group and its totem.” In his view (p. 427) this form of mental activity 
IS, “radically different from what our own society affords us opportunity for 
studying.” Here, again, is surely a manliest error This symbiosis, the unity 
between man and God, this Communion — what is it but the highest develop- 
ment of the mystical element in the most advanced religions ? 

Thus I find nothing in this highly interesting, m many ways psychologically 
valuable, work to induce me to change the propositions which I maintain and 
have introduced for your consideration to-day. 

[Paper submitted in English ] 


THE INTELLECTUAL STANDING OF DIFFER- 
ENT RACES AND THEIR RESPECTIVE 
OPPORTUNITIES FOR CULTURE 

By John Gray, B.Sc., A.R.S.M., F.R.A.I., London. 

THE^im of this paper is to discuss the possibility of arriving at 
'' some numerical evaluation of the Intellectual Standing and Respec- 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 


0 

tive Opportunities for culture of a population, and to apply the 
method to the leading Races and great -Nations of mankind. 

Such evaluations, even though, at the first attempt, they may hot 
have a very high degree of precision, are much to be preferred to the 
general impressions with which the essayists ^ho have written oh 
this subject have hitherto been content. The widely differing con- 
clusions of the authors of books on such questions as the relations 
of the coloured and white races illustrate the danger of relying On 
^ general impressions. 

There are several methods by which we may arrive at an estimate 
of the average intellectual standing of a population. Without 
attempting an exact definition of intelligence, it may be assumed 
that this mental character is possessed in the highest degree by the 
leaders of the people. If we could obtain statistics of the number of 
men per unit of the population who, in each country, had risen above 
a fixed standard of eminence in literature, science, politics, war, 
engineering, &c., we could from these data obtain very good numeri- 
cal values of the intellectual standing of the different peoples. But 
such statistics could be obtained for only a very few of the most 
advanced and highly organised nations ^ 

1 have found it most convenient to make use of educationaL^ 

. . i ‘ 

statistics. 

Education, in the school and universities of a country, may be 
regarded as the means employed to develop to the highest practical 
limit the natural intellectual capacity of the people. 

The number of pupils and students per unit of the population 
may be regarded as an approximate measure of the Opportunities for 
Culture offered to the people. 

The number of university students per unit of the population is 
taken as a measure of the average Intellectual Standing of the people. 
The justification for this is that the majority of the leaders of a 
people come from its universities, and the average standard of irftelli- 
gence required of the university student is much the same in all 
countries where universities exist. The few exceptions v(ill be in- 
dicated in dealing with the values obtained. 

Having indicated methods of obtaining, from educational statistics, 
numerical values, of (i) the Intellectual Standing, and ( 2 ) the 
Opportunities for Culture, it now only remains to find a method of 
calculating the Natural Capacity, 

The Intellectual Standing of a people may be regarded as the 
product of two factors, namely, its opportunity for culture and its 
natural capacity to acquire culture. If there is no opportunity for 
culture there will be no culture, however high the natural cajj^icity 
may be. As we have taken intelligence to be represented by the 



SECOND SESSION 


d&^TCQ of culture acquired in the schools, it follows, and it is self-' 
evident, that there would be no intelligence (in this case) in a country 
if there were no schools. On the other hand, how ever many free ' 
schools there might be in a country, there would be no intelligence of 
the kind acquired in ^hoois if there were no natural ca*pacity in the 
people to acquire it. The usual conditiqn of things is that a certain 
percentage of the population has the capacity to acquire the highest 
intelligence the schools are capable of developing. We may assume 
therefore that the following formula is at least approximately true : — 
Intellectual Standing = Opportunity for Culture multiplied by 
Natural Capacity, and it follows from this, that — 

^ 1 ^ Intellectual Standing 

Natural Capacity = , 

Intellectual Standing and Opportunity for Culture can be calcu- 
lated, as has been shown above, from educational statistics. Natural 
Capacity is equal to or proportional to the former divided by the 
latter. 


This method of measuring natural capacity may be looked at 
from another point of view. 

A certain fraction of the crew of every battleship is trained to 
shoot. Let us suppose that in one ship lO per cent attain the 
highest standard of marksmanship, and in another 20 per cent. We 
may say that the natural capacity of marksmanship* of the second 
crew is double that of the first, because the opportunities of all to 
become first-class marksmen are equal. Natural Capacity may 
therefore also be measured by the percentage of all persons receiving 
equal training, who attain the highest standard. This second defini- 
tion will be found ti - be equivalent to that given al ove, t,e,, we may 
evaluate the Natural Capacity of a race for intellectual acquirement 
either by dividing the Intellectual Standing by the Opportunity for 
Culture, or by dividing the number of university students by the 
totaf number of pupils and students in all the schools of the 
country. 

It is necessary to add that the divisions of the scales of Intel- 
lectual Standing and Natural Capacity obtained in this way would 
probably not be equal. To reduce this scale to one of equal 
divisions we should have to assume some probable law of the distri- 
bution of the frequency of individual deviations from the average of 
each group. The most probable distribution is that known to statis- 
ticians as the normal curve. In the series which follow I have 
appended values corrected on this assumption. 

In the first series I have arranged the Nations and Races for 
whiejj I have been able to obtain adequate statistics in the order of 
their Intellectual Standing calculated in the manner stated above. 



' tji^IVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

Coluifnn L gives the number of university students per loo^ooo of 
the population ; column II. gives corrected values, in a scale of equal 
divisions, showing how far the average of the whole population Js 
below the university standard ; column III, gives the differehtes 
between each pair of adjacent values. 

*■ c ^ 

ORDER OF INTELLECTUAL STANDING. 



1. 

II. 

III. 


I. 

11. 

IIL 

I. United States ... 

279*9 

2*77 

*10 

13. Finland 

70*3 

3*19 

*00 

2. Switzerland ... 

200*8 

2*87 

•04 

14. Sweden 

70*0 

3*19 

"OI 

3. Scotland 

1787 

2*91 

*16 

15. Italy 

68*7 

3*20 

•02 

4. France 

io 6*7 

307 

*02 

16. Belgium 

64*8 

3*22 

•or, 

5. Wales 

100*2 

3-09 


17. Holland 

62*7 

3*23 




*04 




•00 

6. Bnbsh Isles 

86*2 

3*13 

*01 

18. Japan 

62*3 

3*23 

*05 

7. Spain 

85’9 

3*14 

*01 

19. Hungary 

50‘3 

3*28 

•04 

8. Austria 

82 7 

3*15 

*02 

20. Negroes, U.S.A. 

45*5 

3*32 

•68 

9, Germany 

76*6 

3*17 

*00 

21. Mexico 

33*1 

3*40 

•IQ 

10. England 

73*5 

3*17 


22. Portugal 

23*3 

3*50 

i 




•01 




*01 

II. Ireland 

73*1 

3 *i 8 

•01 

23. Russia 

22*1 

3*51 

•20 

12. Norway 

70*7 

3 19 

‘OO 

24. India 

10*4 

3*71 



The total difference between the highest and the lowest in the 
above series is *94, the average difference between two adjacen^t 
nations being ’04. By comparing this with the actual differences in 
column III. it will be readily seen where steps in the serieS are 
higher or lower than the average. 

It must not be forgotten that low intellectual standing may be 
due to the lack of opportunity, and if this opportunity is very bad it 
may even be associated with high Natural Capacity. 

It may be noted that the widest gaps in this series are between 
the United States and Switzerland, between Scotland and France, 
between Mexico and Portugal, and between Russia and India. 

At the same time it is interesting to note that nations that are 
closely associated physically, historically, and geographically come 
close together in the series. Thus we have Austria, Germany, 
England, Ireland, Norway, Finland, and Sweden immecyAtely 
following each other in the series ; also Belgium and Holland come 



SECOND SESSION ^ JSs 

toge^r, and Russia and India GeogfrapMfcal contiguity usually ^ 
implies a certain similarity in the opportunities for education and 
ofteti also implies that the peoples are of the same physical type. 

We shall next gi|^e the order of the nations when ahe effect of 
difference of opportuiiity has been eliminated, namely, the Order of 
Natural Capacity. 

In this series column I. gives the number of university students 
per JO, 000 of all pupils and students in the country, column II. gives 
the corrected values on a scale of equal divisions, and column III. 
gives the differences between each pair of adjacent corrected values. 


ORDER OF NATURAL CAPACITY. 



I. 

II. 

III. 


I 

ft. 

III. 

I, United States ... 

110*2 

2*29 

•03 

13. Sweden... 

47'3 

259 

•01 

2, Switzerland 

100*9 

2-32 

*03 

14 British Isles 

47-2 

2 *60 

•00 

3. Finland. 

937 

235 

‘06 

15. Austria 

467 

2 *60 

•00 

Scotland 

8o*i 

2*41 

•03 

16. India 

467 

2 60 

•00 

5. France 

72*6 

2*44 

•01 

17. Ireland 

46-5 

2 '60 

•03 

6 . Mexico 

72 0 

2*45 

•01 

18. England 

. 42 "2 

263 

*01 

7. Portugal 

69*9 

2*46 

*01 

19. Norway 

413 

2 64 

•03 

8. Spain 

67*6 

2*47 

•oi 

20. Wales 

38*2 

2*67 

•03 

9. Italy 

661 

2*48 

*06 

21. Holland 

346 

2 70 

•02 

xo. Russia 

55*3 

254 

02 

22. Hungary 

327 

2*72 

•03 

11. Japan 

52*8 

256 

1 

1 

'O3 

23. Belgium 

300 

275 

•06 

12. Germany 

47*5 

2*59 


24. Negroes, U.S.A. 

24*6 

281 



’OO 

The total difference between the highest and the lowest is *52 ; 
the average difference between two adjacent nations being ‘02 The 
greatest differences are between Finland and Scotland, and between 
Belgium and the coloured population of the U.S.A. 

The United States, as in the Intellectual Standing series, comes 
at the top of the list. This pre-eminent position must be somewhat 
reduced, if the average standing of the university student is lower in 
America than in European universities. There is some reason for 
supposing that this is the case. The same remark applies to Spain, 
in which the low average standard of university education is notorious. 
Switzerland probably occupies an unduly high position in the series 



84 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

r 

owing to th0 presence of a considerable percentage of foreign students 
at her universities. This applies also to* a certain extent "to Frtoce, 
Germany, and Scotland. Again, it will be observed that nations 
having similar racial elements, such as Spa^n and Italy (of the 
Mediterranean race), Germany, Sweden, British Isles (all having a 
Targe Teutonic element), arc close together. 

It is interesting to note that the difference between the average 
natural capacity of the negroes and that of the whites in the United 
States is twenty-three times as much as the average distance between 
two adjacent nations in series. The actual intellectual standing of the 
negro is, however, much higher, being twentieth in the first series as 
compared with twenty-fourth in the second series. This shows the 
benefit he has received from growing up in the educational environ- 
ment created by the white race among whom he lives. The fact that 
the intellectual standing of the negroes in America has benefited so 
much by the educational opportunities which have been created for 
them by the whites, and which, judging from what we know of them 
in their native Africa, they were incapable of creating for themselves, 
appears hardly to have been realised by M. Finot when he says of 
the negroes, “ that in fifty years they have realised the progress which 
has necessitated for many white races, five or six centuries.” * 


ORDER OF OPPORTUNITY. 



I. 

II. 


I. 

ii: 

I. Wales 

... 262 


13. Ireland ... 

- 157 

70*6 

2. United States 

... 254 

893 

14 Hungary ... 

... 154 

49 

3. Scotland 

... 223 


15. Sweden 

... 148 


4. Belgium 

... 216 

78 

16. France 

... 147 


5. Switzerland ... 

.. 199 


17. Spain 

... 127 

28-5 

6. Negroes, U S.A. 

... 185 

SS'S 

18 Japan 

...^ 118 

95 

7. British Isles ... 

... 182 


19. Italy 

... i6| 

5I’6 

8. Holland 

... 181 

98 

20. Finland 

- 75 


9. England 

... 178 

99 

21. Mexico 

... 47 ' 

! 

10. Austria 

... 177 

61 

22. Russia 

... 40 

22*1 

II. Norway 

... 171 


23. Portugal 

••• 33 

23*3 

12. Germany 

... 162 

99 

24. India 

22 

5'3 


Column I. gives the total number of pupils and students per 
1,000 of the population in all the schools and universities of the 
country. Column II. gives (where known) the Literacy — that is, the 
percentage — of the population (excluding those below school age) 
who can read and write. 

The series showing the order of Opportunity is interesting as 
showing the great variation of this among the various nations in our 
list In Wales, United States, and Scotland more than ten times the 
* Finot, Le Prejuge des Races," p. 498. v 



, SECOND SESSION ; 

number of children |>er i,ooo of the population are at school than in 
India. As India stands fafrly high in the list Ibr Natural Capacity 
no one can doubt that by neglecting the education of India our 
authorities are allowi|ig a vast amount of natural ability to run to 
waste which might be utilised to add to the wealth and strength of 
the empire. In Russia, owing partly to the* vast and still imperfectly 
absorbed ‘population of its Asiatic empire, the opportunity for educa- 
tion is excessively low. For Portugal, however, which is even lower 
than Russia, there is no corresponding excuse. 

A deficiency in Natural Capacity is often compensated by a 
/ highly efficient system of education, as may be readily seen by com- 
paring the three series given above. 

Many important Nations and Races have not been dealt with in 
this paper owing to the fact that no adequate statistics could be 
obtained. In the case of China, for example, education in the 
modern sense is only just being introduced. There are said to be 

20.000 Chinese at foreign schools and universities, and the distinc- 
tions obtained by these students would lead us to suspect that the 
Natural Capacity of the Chinese is very high and only requires an 
efficient educ-itional system to enable the Chinese to take a very 
high place in the scale of the Intellectual Standing of the Races of 
mankind. Turkey is another country where the oj)portunity for 
education is at a very low ebb. A university was nominally founded 
at Constantinople in 1900, but it has never got beyond the paper 
stage. 

The Negro in Africa has had little opportunity for education 
compared with those in America and in British possessions. For 
example, in the Gold Coast only 8 per 1,000 are at school ; in Lagos 
I per 1,000. In Sierra Leone things are apparently much better, as 
we find 103 per 1,000 at school. In Basutoland there are 38 per 

1.000 at school. The Negro in Africa does not appear to be able to 
rise beyond the standard of elementary education, several attempts 
to impart secondary education having failed. Great success has, 
however, been achieved with industrial education of the Negro both 
in Africa and in America. 

This essay being a first attempt to apply measurement to such 
important qualities of man and his environment as Intellectual 
Standing, Natural Capacity and Opportunity is necessarily somewhat 
crude, but I believe that it is only along these lines that social 
reformers are likely ever to arrive at any agreement as to the true 
relations subsisting between the various races of mankind, and till 
this is settled all attempts to place those relations on a satisfactory 
footing will be very much retarded. 

[Paper submitted tn English,'] 



96. UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

THE PRESENT POSITION Op WOMAN 

By Sister Nivedita (Miss MARGARET Noble), Calcutia^ 

^ Author of The Web of India^ Life'" 

General Considerations . — It would be useless to attempt any oom- 
parative study of human institutions, apart from the ideals of 
which they are the expression. In every social evolution, whether 
of the modern American, the Hottentot, the Semitic, or the 
Mongolian, the dynamic element lies in the ideal behind it For the 
student of sociology, the inability to discover this formative factor in 
any given result constitutes a supreme defect. To assume, as is so 
often done, that one people has moulded itself on a moral purpose, 
clearly perceived, while in the minds of others the place for such 
purpose is blank, and they are as they have happened to occur, is 
purely anarchic and pre-scientific. Yet some such conception is 
only too common amongst those writers to whom we are compelled 
to go for the data of racial sociology. This is an unfortunate 
consequence of the fact that, for the most part, we are only impelled 
to the international service of humanity by a strong accession of 
sectarian ardour 

Another error to be avoided in a comparative statement is that 
of endowing the more or less antithetic ideals and tendencies which 
we do disentangle with a false rigidity and distinctiveness. It is 
easy to argue backwards, from institutions to ideals, in such a way as 
to tabulate whole realms of poetry and aspiration inexorably closed 
to certain peoples. But ideals are the opportunity of all, the 
property of none ; and sanity of view seems to demand that we 
should never lose sight of the underlying unity and humanness of 
humanity. Thus nothing would appear at first sight more fixed, or 
more limiting, than the polyandry of Thibet. We might well assume, 
a priori^ that to look for certain standards and perceptions amongst a 
populace so characterised were vain. That such a view would b^ 
untrue, however, is shown at once by Sven Hedin in his recent 
work, Trans-Himalayay where he tells of a Thibetan gentleman 
Imploring him never to shoot the wild geese, for these birds are 
known to have human hearts. Like men, they mate but once; 
hence, in killing one, we may inflict on another a long life of 
perpetual sorrow. This one incident is sufficient to remind iis of 
the high potentialities of the human spirit everywhere, however 
unpromising may be the results of a superficial glance. Again, we 
all know something of the marvels of constructive and self-organising 
power shown by modern Europe. When we look behind^ the 
symptom for the cause, we may feel impelled to the opinion that the 



second session 





master-fact in thisfiregard is the influence of the genius of ancient 
Rome, acting ^rst iy the Empire, then in the Charclv and lastly seen 
iii the reaction of nationalities to-day. But of that fundamental 
Roman genius itsd|f it is increasingly difficult to make any 
stat;ement that does not almost immediately commen<! itself to us 
as equall}^ applicable to China as thei gteat leader of the Yellpw 
Races. The actual difference between Europe and Asia, in spite 
df the analogy between Rome and the people of Han, may perhaps 
be found explicable on the basis of the differing place and materials 
on which these two instincts had to work. Perhaps the very 
foundation-stone of sociological truth lies m that unity of humanity 
Which such considerations illustrate. 

And lastly, we have to remember the widely differing vaiues of 
different classes of evidence. It is important always, if possible, to 
make a people speak for themselves. Identical material may be 
oppositely handled, as all will admit, by different persons ; but we 
cannot go far wrong in demanding that in all cases original evidence 
shall have a wide preference over the report of his personal 
observations and opinions made by a foreigner. It would also be 
well to stipulate for the same rights of scrutiny, over even original 
evidence, as would be exercised by competent persons in weighing 
testimony with regard, say, to physical experiments^or a case in a 
court of law. Statements made, even by the natives of a given 
country, with the direct intention of witnessing or ministering to 
some partisan position will not, on the face of it, have the same 
value as if it can be shown that they were made with no idea of a 
particular question having arisen. For instance, we may refer to the 
matter of the position of the Chinese woman i.i marriage. We 
are assured by most modern writers of authority that this is most 
depressing. In theory, the wife is completely subordinated, while 
in fact the man always exploits to the full the opportunity thus 
given him. That marriage can be brutalised is doubtless as true in 
the case of China ab in that of England. All that we have a right 
to ask is, whether it has also the ooposite possibility, and in what 
degree and frequency. I assume that we are all familiar with the 
relation between the general development of a society and its 
impulse to recognise an individual poet and accord him fame. 
Bearing this relation in mind, we shall be able to measure the 
significance of a couple of little poems translated by Martin in his 
tiny posthumous work, La Femme en Chine, Of these, one may 
be given here. It is by the poet Lin-Tchi to his wife : 


Nous vivons sous le meme loit, chcre compagne de ma vie ; 

N^is serous ensevehs dans le meme tombeau, et nos cendres confondues 
Eterniseront notre union. 



88 univ^:rsal races congress. 

Tu as bien voulu partager mon indigence, et ra'aic^r par ton travail 

Que ne dois-je pas faire pour iHustrer nos» noms jAr mon sav^ii;, 

Et te rendre en gloire tes bons exemples et tes bienfaits ? < 

Mon respect, ma tendresse, te Tont dit tons les ^ours 

Is it not true that one genuine utterance from the heart of a 
people is testimony that* outweighs a whole volume of opinions, 
however honest, about them ? The historical process, as rhanifested 
in different countries, may have led to the selection of various ideals 
as motives of organisation, but an open examination of data will 
make us very doubtful of statements that would deny to any 
nationality a given height of spirituality or refinement. 

Classification, — The first point to be determined in dealing , 
with tile proper subject of this paper, the present position of the 
civilised woman, is the principle of classification to be followed. We 
might divide women into Asiatic and European ; but, if so, the 
American woman must be taken as European par excellence. And 
where must we place the woman of Japan ? The terms Eastern and 
Western are too vague, and modern and mediaeval too inexact Nor 
can we afford to discard half of each of these generalisations and 
classify woman as, on the one hand. Western — whether Norse, 
Teuton, Slav, or Latin — and on the other Mongolian, Hindu, ^or 
Mussulman, ^uch a system of reference would be too cumbersome^ 
Perhaps the only true classification is based on ideals, and if so, we 
might divide human society, in so far as woman is concerned, into 
communities dominated by the civic, and communities dominated by 
the family, ideal. 

The Civic Ideal. — Under the civic ideal — imperfectly as 
particular women may feel that this has yet been realised — both 
men and women tend to be recognised as individuals, holding definite 
relations to each other in the public economy, and by their own free 
will co-operating to build up the family. The civitas tends to igpore 
the family, save as a result, like any other form of productive 
co-operation, and in its fullest development may perhaps come to 
ignore sex. In America, for instance, both men and women are 
known as “ citizens'’ No one asks, “ Are you a native, or a subject^ 
of America ? ” but always “ Are you an American citizen ? The 
contemporary struggle of the Englishwoman for the rudiments of 
political equality with men is but a single step in the long process of 
woman’s civic evolution. It is significant of her conscious acceptance 
of the civic ideal as her goal. The arrival of this moment is 
undoubtedly hastened by the very marked tendency of modem 
nations towards the economic independence of woman ; and this 
process, again, though born of the industrial transformation ftom 

* Pans, Sandoz et Fnschbacher, 1876. 



SECOND SESSION : \S9 

manual to mech|^lil, or mediaeval to modem, is indirectly 
accelerated, amon^ imperial and colonising "peoples, by tiie gravi- 
tation of the men ®f the ruling classes towards the geographical 
confines of their raG|ai or political area. One factor, ^amongst the 
many thus brought into play, is the impracticability of the family as 
their main career for some of the most vigorous and intelligent of 
tyomcn, * These are thrown back upon the civitas for the theatre 
of their activities and the material of their mental and emotional 
development Such conditions are much in evidence in the England 
of to-day, and must have been hardly less so in Imperial Rome, 
Nero’s assassination of his mother might conceivably be treated as 
the Roman form of denial of the suffrage to women. 

Regarding the civic evolution of woman as a process, it is easy to 
see that it will always take place most rapidly in those cc>mmunities 
and at those epochs when political or industrial transformation, or 
both, are most energetic and individuating. The guiding and 
restraining influences which give final shape to the results achieved 
are always derived from the historical fund of ideals and institutions, 
social, aesthetic, and spiritual. It is here that \vc shall derive most 
advantage f om remembering the very relative and approximate 
character of the differentiation of ideals The more extended our 
sympathies, the more enlarged becomes the area of precedent. If the 
Anglo-Saxon woman, rebelling in England, or organising herself 
into great municipal leagues in America, appears at the moment 
to lead the world in the sUuggle for the concession of full civic 
responsibility, we must not forget the brilliance of the part played by 
women in the national history of France. Nor must wc forget the 
mediaeval Church, that extraordinary creation of the Latin peoples, 
which, as a sort of civitas of the soul, offered an organised super- 
domestic career to woman throughout the Middle Ages, and will 
proljably still continue, as a fund of inspiration and experience, to 
play an immense part even in her future. Nor must we forget that 
Finland has outstripped even the English-speaking nations. Nor 
can we, in this connection, pei mit ourselves to overlook the woman- 
hood of the East The importance of woman in the dynastic history 
of China, for example, during the last four thousand years, would of 
Itself remind us that, though the family may dominate the life of 
the Chinese woman, yet she is not absolutely excluded from the civic 
career. Again, the noble protest of his inferior wife, Tchong-tse, 
to the Emperor in 556 B.C., against the nomination of her own son 
as heir to the throne, shows that moral development has been known 
in that country to go hand in hand with opportunity. ‘‘Such a 
stepf she says, “ would indeed gratify my affection, but it would be 
contrary to the laws. Think and act as a prince, and not as a father.” ^ 



go,.. ’ . " UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

This IS an utterance which all will ag«5!^, for m civic virtue Und 
sound political sense, to have been worthy* of any/Vnatron of • Imperial 
Rome. V ^ ^ 

But it is not China alone, in the East, that cfn furnish evidence to 
the point In India, also, women have held power, from time to 
time, as rulers and administrators, often with memorable success. 
And it is difficult to believe that a similar statement might .not 
be made of Mohammedanism. There is at least one Indo-Mufesub 
man throne, that of Bhopal, which is generally held by a woman. 
Perhaps enough has been said to emphasise the point that while the 
evolution of her civic personality is at present the characteristic fact 
in the position of the Western woman, the East also has power, 
in virtue of her history and experience, to contribute to the working- 
out of this ideal. To deny this would be as ignorantly unjust as to 
pretend that Western women had never achieved greatness by their 
fidelity, tenderness, and other virtues of the family. The antithesis 
merely implies that in each case the mass of social institutions is 
more or less attuned to the dominant conception of the goal, while 
its fellow is present, but in a phase relatively subordinate, or perhaps 
even incipient. 

The civic life, then, is that which pertains to the community 
as a whole, that community — whether of nation, province, or township 
— whose unity transcends and ignores that of the family, reckoning 
its own active elements, men or women as the case may be, as 
individuals only. Of this type of social organisation public spirit is 
the distinctive virtue ; determined invasion of the freedom or welfare 
of the whole, in the interest of special classes or individuals, the 
distinctive sin. The civic spirit embodies the personal and cate- 
gorical form of such ideals as those of national unity or corporate 
independence. Its creative bond is that of place, the common home 
— as distinguished from blood, the common kin — that common Ijome 
whose children are knit together to make the avitas^ the civic family, 
rising in its largest complexity to be the national family. 

The characteristic test of moral dignity and maturity which our 
age offers to the individual is this of his or her participation in civic 
wisdom and responsibility. Our patriotism may vary from jingoism 
to the narrowest parochialism, but the demand for patriotism, in some 
form or other, we all acknowledge to be just. Different countries 
have their various difficulties in civic evolution, and these are. apt to 
bear harder on that of the woman than of the man. The study of 
woman in America, where society has been budded, so to speak, from 
older growths and started anew, with the modern phases in ^ virgin 
soil, is full of illustrations. It would be a mistake to attributes the 
regrettable tendency towards disintegration of the family,, which , we 



«3EC0ND SESSION . 

afc ‘undeniably wi^essing in that country to-day, to any ardour in 
the pursuit of ciw ideafs. High moral aittiB are almost always 
mutually coherent\Weakening of family ties will not go hand in 
hand, in a modern c|mmunity, with growth of civic integrity. Both 
the progressive idea of the civitas and the conservative idea of the 
family are apt to suffer at once from that assumption of the right^to 
enjoymeht which is so characteristic of the new land, with its vast 
natural resources still imperfectly exploited. Various American 
States exhibit a wide range of institutions, domestic and political. 
Some have long conceded the right of female suffrage, while in others 
^he dissolution of marriage is notoriously frivolous. But we may 
take it as an axiom that the ethics of civitas and of family, so far 
as woman is concerned, are never really defiant of each other ; that 
neither battens cui the decay of its fellow, but that both alike suffer 
from the invasions of selfishness, luxury, and extravagance ; while 
both are equally energised by all that tends to the growth of 
)vomanly honour and responsibility in either field Even that movei 
ment, of largely American and feminist origin, which we may well 
refer to as the New Monasticism— -the movement of social observa- 
tion and soc'al service, finding its blossom in university settlements 
and Hull Houses — is permeated through and through with the , 
modern, and above all with the American, unsiispiciousness of 
pleasure. It is essentially an Epicurean movement — always remem- 
bering, as did Epicurus, that the higher pleasures of humanity include 
pain — not only in the effort it makes to brighten and enliven poverty 
and toil, but also in the delicate and determined g'dicty of spirit 
pf those engaged in it, who have never been heard to admit that the 
hair-shirt of social service, with all its anxiety and labour, affords 
them anything but the keenest of delight to don. 

; The Family Ideal — The society of the East, and therefore neces- 
sarily its womanhood, has moulded itself from time immemorial 
on the central ideal of the family. In no Eastern country, it may be 
broadly said — the positive spirit of China and the inter-tribal unity 
of Islam to the contrary notwithstanding — has tne civic concept ever 
risen into that clearness and authority which it holds in the modern 
W est. As a slight illustration of this, we have the interesting question 
of the sources amongst different peoples of their titles of honour. In 
China, we are told, all terms of courtesy are derived from family rela- 
tionships. The same statement is true of India, but perhaps to a less 
extent ; for there a certain number of titles are taken from the life of 
courts, and also from ecclesiastical and monastic organisations. The 
greatest number and variety of titles of honour, however, is un- 
,doubtedly to be found amongst Mussulman nations, who have been 
familiar from the beginning with the idea of the alien but friendly^ 



'■'in aill countries, as well in Asia as inlmediaevd 
.individual women, owing to the accidents of ranjB or oharaoter, 
occasionally distinguished themselves in civil 
administration. If France has had her saintl 
Castile, China has had a sovereign of talents and piety no less 
touching and memorable in Tchang-sun-chi, who came to the throne 
in 626 A.D. as wife of Tai-tsoung ; and military greatness ancf heroism 
have more than once been seen in Indian women. In spite of these 
facts, the civitas^ as the main concern of women, forms an idea which 
cannot be said ever to have occurred to any Eastern people, in 
the sense in which it has certainly emerged during the last hundred 
years amongst those nations which inherit from Imperial Rome. 

In the West to-day there are large classes of unmarried women, 
both professional and leisured, amongst whom the interest of the 
civic life has definitely replaced that of the domestic life. The East, 
meanwhile, continues to regard the family as woman^s proper and 
characteristic sphere. The family as the social unit determines its 
conception of the whole of society. Community of blood and origin, 
knitting the kinship into one, becomes all-important to it as the bond 
of unity. The whole tends to be conceived of in Eastern countries 
as the social area within which marriages can take place. That com- 
bination of conceptions of race and class which thus comes into 
prominence constitutes caste^ rising in its multiplicity into the 
ecclesia or samaj. Throughout the art of Eastern peoples we can see 
how important and easily discriminated by them is the difference 
between mean and noble race. The same fact comes out even in 
their scientific interests, where questions of ethnology have always 
tended to supplant history proper. And in geography their attention 
naturally gravitates towards the human rather than the economic 
aspects of its problems. As a compensating factor to the notion 
of birth, the East has also the more truly civic idea of the vijlage 
community, a natural norm for the thought of nationality. But left 
to themselves, undisturbed by the political necessities engendered by 
foreign contacts, Oriental communities would probably have con- 
tinued in the future, as in the past, to develop the idea of a larger 
unity, along the lines of family, caste, samaj, and race, the culmination 
being the great nexus of classes, sects, and kinships bound together by 
associations of faith and custom for the maintenance of universal 
purity of pedigree. The West, on the other hand, though not in- 
capable of evolving the worship of blood and class, tends naturally 
to the exaltation of place and country as the motive of cohesion, and 
thus gives birth to the conception of nationality as opposed to that 
of race. ^ ' 

^ Racial unity tends to modification, in the special case of the 



SECOND .^SJESSION , ' 

Mussulman peoplA, by their dependence on a simple religious idea* 
actir g on an x)rigiml tribail nucleus, as their sole and sufficient bond 
of commonalty. encourages the intermarriage of all Mussul- 

'mans, whatever thei^racial origin. But it would be eas>j to show that 
this fact is not really the exception it might at first appear. The race 
has here, in an absolute sense, become l^he'church, and that churclf is 
apostolic and pro^lytising. Thus the unit is constantly growing by 
accretion. It remains fundamentally a racial unit, nevertheless, 
though nearer than others to the national type. In the case of 
Chinese civilisation, again, the race-idea would seem to be modifiable 
by Confucian ethics, with their marvellous common-sense and regard 
for the public good, creating as these do a natural tendency towards 
patriotism and national cohesion. Yet it is seen in the imporfance of 
ancestor-worship as the family bond The sacrament of marriage 
consists in the beautiful ceremony of bringing the bride to join her 
husband in the offering of divine honours to his forefathers. 

Amongst Hindus the same motive is evidenced in the notion that 
it is the duty of all to raise up at least one bon to offer ceremonies of 
commemoration to the ancestors. The forefathers of an extinct 
family go so rowful, and may be famine-stricken, in the other world. 
In my own opinion this is only an ancient way of impressing on the 
community the need for maintaining its numbers. This must have 
been an important consideration to thoughtful minds amongst early 
civilised peoples, faced as they were by the greater numbers of those 
whose customs were more prirrJtive. Only when a man’s place in his 
community was taken by a son could he be free to follow the whims 
of an individual career. 


The Family tn Islam . — The family is, in all countries and all ages, the natural 
sphere for the woiking-out of the ethical struggle, with its lesults in personal 
development. The happiness of families cvervv\here depends, not on the subor- 
dination of this member or that, but on the mutual self*adjustmeni of all. In the 
large households and undivided families of Eastern countries this necesj,ity is ^elf 
evident. The very possibility of such organisation depended in the fust place on 
the due legimentation of rank and duties Here we come upon that phenomenon 
of the subordination of woman whose expression is apt to cause so much irrita- 
tion to the ardent feminists of the present day. Yet tor a permanent union of 
two elements, like husband and wife, it is surely essential that one or other should 
be granted the lead. For many i easons this part falls to the man It is only 
when the civic organisation has emerged as the ideal of unity that husband and 
wife, without hurt to their own union, can resolve themselves into great equal 
and rival powers, holding a common relation to it as separate individuals. The 
premier consideration of family decorum involves the theoretical acceptance, by 
man or woman, of first and second places respectively. In the patriarchal family 
— and the matnarchate is now exceptional and belated — the second place is 
always taken by woman ; but the emphasis of this announcement is in proportion 
to tH^ resistance offered to its first promulgation. That is to say the law was 
formulated at the very birth of patriarchal institutions, when it sounded as if it 
f 



, •more irhan a paradox. It is this fact, and lot any dcisire tb 

‘ far women as such, that accounts for thfi strengm of l^asterix dot;ti|^a 

'as to the pre-eminence of man. Semitic institutions, am especially the chati^ic- 
' teristic polygamy of Mussulman peoples, are a testimofy to this enthusiasm lor 
fatherhood at thie moment of the nse of the patriarchate. * To a fully individualised 
and civicised womanhood, the position of wife in a polygamous family might 
wdll seem intolerable. Such an> anomaly is only really compatible with the 
passionate pursuit of renunciation as the rule of life, and with the thought of the 
son, rather than the husband, as the emotional refuge and support of woman. 
Polygamy, though held permissible in India and China for the maintenance of 
the family, docs not receive m either country that degree of sanction which 
appears to be accorded to it in Islam. It is at once the strength and the weakness 
of Islamic civilisation that it seems to realise itself almost entirely as a crystal- 
lisation of the patriarchal ideal, perhaps in contrast to the matriarchal races by 
whom early Semitic tribes were surrounded. In the spontaneous Islamic move- 
ment for progressive self-modification which our time is witnessing, under the 
name of Babtstn, or Bchauism, great stress is laid on the religious duty of educa- 
iiing and emancipating woman as an individual. 

The Family in China. — China, though seemingly less dependent on the super- 
natural for the sources of her idealism than either India or Arabia, appears to 
have an intellectual passion for the general good. She appreciates every form of 
self-sacrifice for the good of others, but is held back, apparently by her eminently 
* rational and positive turn of mind, from those excesses of the ideal which are to 
be met with m India. She judges of the most generous impulse m the light of 
its practical application. As an example, her clear conception of the importance 
of perfect union between a wedded couple never seems to have led her to the 
practice of child jpiamage. The age of twenty for women and thirty for men is ,* 
by her considered perfect for marrying.* Nor has any inherent obj’ection eve|^ 
been formulated m China to the education of woman. On the contrary, the 
National Canon of Biography, ever since the last century b.c., has always devoted 
a large section to eminent women, their education and their literary productions. 
Many famous plays and poems have been written by women. And as a special 
case in point, it is interesting to note that one of the dynastic histones, left 
unfinished on the death of its author, was brought to a worthy conclusion by his 
accomplished sister.® 

The fact that a woman shares the titles of her husband, and receives with him 
ancestral honours, points in the same direction of respect and courtesy to woman 
as an individual. We are accustomed to hear that filial piety is the central virtue 
of Chinese life ; but it is essential that we should realise that this piety is paid to 
father and mother, not to either alone — witness in itself to ‘the sweetness and 
solidarity of family life. I have heard a translation of a long Chinese poem on 
the discovery of the vtna, or Oriental violin, in which we see a maiden sigh over 
her weaving, and finally rise from the loom and don man's attire, in order to ride 
forth, in place of her aged father, to the wars in the far north. It is on her way ' 
to the seat of action that she comes across the instrument which is the soul of 
song, and sends it back to her father and mother, that its music may tell how her 
own heart sighs for them day and night ’ All writers seem to agree in admitting 
that the devotion of children to parents here extolled is fully equalled by the love 
of Chinese parents for their children. 

The essential part of the ceremonies of ancestral worship must be performed, 
in a Chinese family, by the sons. Woman may assist, it seems, but can never 
replace, man in this office In the year 1033 the Dowager-Empress, in the office 
. of Regent, as a protest against the exclusion of women, insisted on herseli^ per- 


* Martin. 


Professor Giles, Lecturer at Columbia University. 



sEcom ' mssto^ . . - ^ ^ ^ " ill 

. m ' ^ ^ !’ 

{@rnxiag t£e vi^ibip to the ancestors rendered necessary by the advent ol a ^ 
domet. 1?his bold inmvation proved, however, merely exceptional. Again; the 
rule that a* child’^l^aK^* born in its father^ s house is one of unbending ngour, in 
sjpite of the gr^at^'libecJlty with which women are often allowed, after marriage, 
to revisit the" paternal roof.* These facts mark the memory ^f an energetic 
transition from matriarchate to patriarchate, which has failed, nevertheless, to 
obliterate all traces of the earlier. Chinese^ society ascribes the end of the 
matriarchate, that is to. say, the institution of marriage, to the mythical emperor 
Fou-hi, some two and a half millenniums before the Christian era. In confirma* 
tion of the tradition, this emperor himself is said to have been of virgin birth, that 
is 1;o say, his mother was unwedded, a common charActeristic of the ancient 
Chinese saints and heroes.® A similar pei sistence of the memory of the matrix 
archate is seen in Southern China, in the prevalence of the worship of goddesses, 
and notably of K wan- Yin, Queen of Heaven. Ii should be said that throughout 
Asia the worship of goddesses is vastly older than that of gods, and may be held 
one of the best means of studying the matiiarchate. The Chinese ideograph for 
clan-name is a compound of woman and birth, a distinct relic of the period when 
descent was reckoned through the mothei. And finally, the persistence of 
matriarchal influence is seen, not only in the frequent political importance of the 
Dowager- Empress, or Queen-Mother, but also in humbler ranks of society, by the 
vigilance which seems to be exercised by the woman's familv, and even by her 
native or ancestral village, over the treatment accorded to her m marriage. 
According to Dr. Arthur Smith, it is this which is effective in staving off divorce 
as long as possible and in punishing cruelty or desertion. Thus the woman’s 
kindred enjoy < remarkable unwritten power, as a sort of opposite contracting 
party in the treaty of marriage, and exercise a responsibility and care unexampled 
in Europe. ^ 

Nor is pure idealism altogether unrepresented m the life of Chinese women. 
This IS seen in the tendency of girls to take the vow of virginity ; in the respect 
felt for women who marry only once ; and m the public honours accorded to 
^uch as, before sixty years of age, c omplete thiity years of faithful widowhood. 
^Both Buddhism and Tao-ism include orders of nuns, amongst whom the Tao-ist 
communities are said at present to enjoy the greater social prestige. A regrettable 
feature of these ideals— which may play a part, however, ir impelling Chinese 
society forward upon the exaltation of the civic life for women — is the fact 
that girls sometimes band themselves together under a secret vow of suicide in* 
common, if any of their number should be forced into marriage. Writers on the 
subject attribute this reverence for the idea of virginity to the percolation of 
Indian thought into China, and such may possibly be its origin. But it is easy to 
understand that it might have arisen spontaneously, fiom those high conceptions 
of womanly honour that are inseparable from the stability of patriarchal institu- 
tions, joined to that historic commemoration of the heroic women of the matn- 
ardhate which has already been mentioned. 

The Family in India . — In India, as in China, the perpetuation of the family is 
regarded as the paramount duty of the individual to the Commonwealth. There 
is a like desire for male posterity, made universal by a similar rule that only a 
son can offer the sacraments of the dead to the spirits of his forefathers. But 
th^ practice of adoption is very frequent, and the intervention of a priestly class, 
in the form of domestic chaplains, makes this element somewhat less central to 
tie Hindu system than to the Chinese, amongst whom the father is also the 
celebrant. 

As throughout Asia, the family is undivided, and in the vast households of 
this^,ype domestic matters are entirely m the governance of women. Servants 

* Dr. Arthur Smith, Village Life in China. » Giles. 



-UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

SiXt few in the inner or women s apartments, and evel women of rank and 
wealth give more time, and contribute more personal jnergy, to the tasks of 
cooking, nursing, and cleansing than we should thiyt appKdpriafe. Child- 
^ marriage, which, though decreasing, is still more oil less the representative 
custom, renders the initial relations of the young bnde»to her husband’s people 
somewhat like those of a Western girl to her first boarding-school. But it is not 
' to' be forgotten that the womfdn shares in the rank and titles of her husband^ 
hence the path of her promotion to positions of honour, and priority is clearly 
marked out from the beginning. The advent of motherhood gives her an access 
of power, and this recognition culminates in the fact that in the absence of sons 
she IS her husband’s heir, and always the guardian of her children during their 
minority. As a widow, she has also the very important light of adoption. The 
personal property of a mother goes to her daughters. 

Anything more beautiful than the life of the Indian home, as created and 
directed by Indian women, it would be difficult to conceive. But if there is one 
relation, or one position, on wffiich above all otheis the idealising energy of the 
people spends itself, it is that of the wife. Here, according to Hindu ideas, is^ 
the very pivot of society and poetiy. Marriage, m Hinduism, is a sacrament, 
and indissoluble. The notion of divorce is as impossible as the re-marnagc of 
the widow IS abhorrent. Kven in Orthodox Hinduism this last has been made 
legally possible, by the life and labours of the late Pundit Iswar Chunder Vid- 
yasagar, an old Brahminical scholar, who was one of the stoutest champions of 
individual freedom, as he conceived of it, that the world ever saw. But the 
common sentiment of the people remains as it was, unaffected by the changed 
legal status of the widow. The one point that does undoubtedly make foi a 
greater frequency of widow-remarriages is the growing desire of young men for 
wives whose age promises maturity and companionship. A very pathetic 
advertisement lately, in one of the Calcutta dailies, set forth such a need on the 
part of a man of birth and position, and added, “ Not one farthing of dower will 
be required ! " Probably this one social force alone will do more than any other 
to postpone the age of marriage and ensure the worthy education of woman. 
It IS part of the fact that Hinduism sees behind the individual the family, and 
behind the family society, that there is no excuse made for the sin of abandoning 
the husband and deserting the burdens and responsibilities of wifehood. If one. ' 
does this, the East never plays with the idea that she may have fled from the 
* tolerable, but gravely makes her responsible for all the ensuing social confusion* 
There was indeed a movement of religious revivalism in the fifteenth century — a 
sort of Hindu Methodism — which asserted the right of woman as equal to that 
of man to a life of religious celibacy. But ordinarily, any desertion of the^ 
family would be held to be unfaithfulness to it. And all the dreams of the 
Indian people centre in the thought of heroic purity and faith in wifehood, 

There is a half-magical element in this attitude of Hindus tov;ards women. 
As pel formers of ritual- worship they arc regarded as second only to the profes- 
sional Brahmin himself. I have even seen a temple served-by a woman, during 
the temporary illness of her son, who was the priest. Our prejudice in favour 
of the exclusive sacramental efficacy of man, instinctive as it may seem to us, is 
probably due to Semitic influences. Even Rome had the Vestal Virgins ! In the 
non-Brahminical community of Coorg the whole ceremony of marriage is per- 
formed by women, and even amongst Brahmins themselves, the country over, an 
important part of the wedding rites is in their hands. A woman’s blessing is . 
everywhere considered more efficacious than a man’s in preparing for a journey 
or beginning an undertaking. Women are constituted spiritual directors, and 
receive the revenues and perform the duties of a domestic chaplaincy <Jjjring 
the incumbent's minority without the matter even exciting comment A little 
t boy is taught that whatever he may do to his brothers, to strike his sister would 



SECOND SESSION 

be iSacrilege, A manjl expected to love his mother above any other created 
'being. And the happiness of women is supposed to bring fortune in its train. 
The woman-ruler* finds W sentiment of awe and admiration waiting for her, 
which gives her an im^^nse advantage over a man m the competition 
enduring fame. Thesf? facts are of course partly due to the intense piety and 
self-effacement of the lives led by women at large ; but still more to the dim 
memory of a time when they were the matriarchs •and protectors of the world- 
There is no.free mixing. of the sexes outside the family in any one of the three 
great Asiatic societies — Chinese, Indian, or Islamic. But the degree of woman's 
cloistered seclusion varies considerably in different parts, being least m those 
provinces of India where the communal institutions of primitive society have 
been least interfered with by contact with Mohammedanism, and at its strictest, 
probably, amongst the Mussulman peoples 

The Economic Standing of Women in the East , — Even a cursory study of the 
position of woman is compelled to include some mention of her economic 
striding. In societies where the family furnishes her mam career, she is 
generally of neccssi1> in a position of dependence, either on father or husband. 
Amongst Hindus, tnis is mitigated b)’ a dot, consisting of jewels, given at 
marriage and after. This property, once given, becomes the woman's own, 
not to be touched even by her husband, and in case of widowhood, if there 
is no othei fund, she is supposed to be able to sell it and live on the interest. 
Amongst Mohammedans a dower is named, and deeds of settlement executed 
by the husband at marriage It is said that every Mussulman cabman in 
Calcutta has undertaken to provide for his wife a dower of thousands of rupees. 
To pay this is c/jviously impossible, yet the institution is not meaningless. In 
case he wishes for divorce a man can be compelled to pay to the uttermost, 
and God Himself, it is said, will ask, on the Day of Judgment, where is the 
amount that he left in default. It is easy to see how this is calculated to protect 
the wife. The custom gives point also to the beautiful story of Fatima, 
daughter of Mohammed and wife of Ah, who was asked by her father what 
slower she would wish named, and tinswered, ^‘The salvation of every Mussul- 
man ! Leaving her own future thus unprotected in the risks of marriage, 
^ God Himself would not be able to refuse her dower on the Day of Judgment. 

I have not been ab’e to discover what prevision is made by the Chinese 
for a woman, in case of a long and lonely widowhood. Doubtless, in China as 
in India, the most substantial part of her provision lies in the solidarity of 
the family as a whole If her husband's relatives cannot support her, a woman 
falls back upon her own father or brothers. As long as either family exists, 
and is^able to support her, she has an acknowledged place. If she have sons, 
both she and they must remain with the husband's people. 

The whole East understands the need of a woman's having pin-money. In 
China, it is said, the proceeds of cotton-picking, and no aoubt also what comes 
of the care of silkworms ; in India, such matters as the sale of milk, cattle, 
and fruit ; and among Mohammedan-, eggs, chickens, and goat’s milk, are 
all the perciuisites of the mistress of the household. Like the French, the 
Eastern woman is often of an excessive thrift, and her power of saving, by the 
accumulation of small sums, is remarkable That the women require, in the 
interests of the home itself, to have a store of their own, probably every man 
would admit Of course, where the circumstances of the family are of a 
grinding poverty, this cannot be. 

It must be understood that the present age, in the East even more than 
amongst ourselves, is one of economic transition. Fifty years ago there, as a 
hund^d and fifty years ago amongst ourselves, the mam occupation of all 
women, and especially of those of gentle birth, was spinning, I have met many 
a man of high education whose childhood was passed in dependence on the 

A H 




$ecret earnings of, say, a grandmother. Such a possibility no longer eaists> 
and perhaps one of the saddest consequences,* East anp West, is :^e amount 
of unfruitful leisure that has taken its place. Instead ii the ‘61d spinning and 
its kindred arts, the Western woman, as we all kno^v — owing to the growth 
of luxury an^ loss of efficiency — has become still more dependent on her 
husband than she was. The main economic advance of woman among 0U]> 
selves lies in the stnking-out of new professions and careers by unmarried 
women. This is not yet a factor of great importance in the East., In India> 
we have a few women-doctors and writers ; and a growing perception of the 
need of modern education is raising up a class of teachers, who are training 
themselves to assist m the spread of instruction amongst women. Besides this^ 
in a lower social class, the old household industries are giving place to the 
factory organisation, and in many places woman is becoming a wage-earner. 
This change is of course accompanied by great economic instability, and by 
the pinch of poverty in all directions. It is one of the many phases of thsi 
substitution of civilisations which is now proceeding. This substitution is a 
terrible process to watch. It is full of suffering and penalties. Yet the East 
cannot be saved from it. All that service can attempt is to secure that insti* 
tutions shall not be transplanted without the ideals to which they stand related. 
Accepting these, it is possible that Eastern peoples may themselves be able 
to purify and redeem the new, transforming it to the long-known uses of their 
own evolution. 

Incipient Developments. — India, it should be understood, is tte 
headwater of Asiatic thought and idealism. In other countries we 
may meet with applications, there we find the idea itself. In Indist, 
the sanctity and sweetness of family life have been raised to the 
rank of a great culture. Wifehood is a religion, motherhood a dream 
of perfection ; and the pride and protectiveness of man are deve- 
loped to a very high degree. The Ramayana — epic of the Indian 
home — boldly lays down the doctrine that a man, like a woman, 
should marry but once. ‘‘ We are born once,'* said an Indian woman^ 
to me, with great haughtiness ; “ we die once. And likewise we are 
married once ! " Whatever new developments may now lie before , 
the womanhood of the East, it is ours to hope that they will con- 
stitute only a pouring of the molten metal of her old faithfulness 
and consecration into the new moulds of a wider knowledge and 
extended social formation. 

Turning to the West, it would appear that the modern age has 
not unsealed any new springs of moral force for woman in the 
direction of the family, though by initiating her, as woman, into 
the wider publicity and influence of the civic area it has enormously 
increased the social importance of her continuing to drink undis- 
turbed at the older sources of her character. The modern organisa- 
tion, on the other hand, by bringing home to her stored and 
garnered maternal instinct the spectacle of the wider sorrows and 
imperfections of the civic development, has undoubtedly openfid 
her a new world of responsibility and individuation. The woman 



^ SECOND SE^ION , 

of the East is already embarked^on a course of self-transformatioh 
which can only end^hy eridowing her with a full measure of civic 
and intellectual peti|l^nality. Is it too much to hope that, as she 
has been content to quaff from our wells in this mjttter of the 
extension of the personal scope, so we might be glad to refresh 
, ourselves at hers, and gain therefrom a •renewed sense of the sanc- 
tity of the family,* and particularly of the inviolability of marriage? 

[Paper submitted in English,^ 


INSTABILITY OF HUMAN TYPES 

By Dr, Franz Boas, 

Professor of Anthropology in Columbia University^ New York. 

When we try to judge the ability of races of man, we make the 
silent assumption that ability is something permanent and stationary, 
that it depends upon heredity, and that, as compared to it, environ- 
mental, modifying influences are, comparatively speaking, of slight 
importance. While in a comparative study of the physical character- 
istics of races that are as distinct as the white and the negro, or 
the negro and the Mongol, this assumption might be accepted as 
a basis for further studies, its validity is not so clear in a comparison 
of the mental characteristics of branches of the same race. When, 
for instance, it is claimed that certain types of Europe show better 
mental endowment than other types of Europe, the assumption is 
made that these types are stable, and cannot undergo far-reaching 
differences when plaw,ed in a new social or geographical environment. 

It would seem, therefore, that a study of the stability of race- 
types has not only a fundamental biological importance, but that 
it w^l also determine our views of the relative mental endowment 
of different types of man. 

A theoretical investigation of this problem will show that the 
assumption of an absolute stability of human types is not plausible. 
Observations on growth have shown that the amount of growth 
6f the whole body depends upon more or less favourable conditions 
which prevail during the period of development. Unfavourable 
conditions retard growth; exceptionally favourable conditions acceler- 
ate it. A more detailed study of the phenomena of growth has 
shown that the development of different parts of the body does 
not proceed by any means at the same rate at a given period. 
.Thus at the time of birth the bulk of the body and stature are 
verja^^small, and increase with great rapidity until about th^ four- 
teenth year in girls, and the sixteenth year in boys. On the 



.i4, ‘ UNIVERSAL RACES CONGR^S / 

other hand, the size of the head# increases rapidly only for one 
or jtwo years ; and from this time on the ihcremeht is, comparatively 
speaking, slight. Similar conditions prevail in jj^gard to the growth 
of the face, ^which grows rapidly for a few years only, and liter 
on increases, comparatively speaking, slowly. The amount of water ^ 
contained in the brain also changes with a fair amount of rapidity 
during the early years of life, and remains about the same later 
on. It follows from this observation that if an individual is 
retarded by unfavourable conditions after a certain organ has obtained 
nearly its full development, while other organs are still in the 
process of rapid evolution, the former cannot be much influenced, 
while the latter may bear evidence of the unfavourable conditions 
which were controlling during a certain period of life. This must 
necessarily have the result that the proportions of the body of 
the adult will depend upon the general conditions of life pre- 
vailing during youth, and the effects of these conditions will be 
most noticeable in those organs which have the longest period of 
development. 

It is a well-known fact that the central nervous system continues 
to develop in structure longer perhaps than any other part of the 
body, and it may therefore be inferred that it will be apt to show 
the most far-reaching influences of environment 

It follows from this consideration that social and geographical 
environment must have an influence upon the form of the body 
of the adult, and upon the development of his central nervous 
system. V* 

This theoretical consideration is borne out by observation. The , 
investigations of Bolk have shown clearly that an increase in stature 
has occurred in Europe during the last decades, due evidently to 
a change of environment ; and the numerous investigations which 
have been made on the proportions of the body of the well-to-do 
and of the poor, of able students and poor students — all s\iow 
characteristic differences, which may be explained in great part 
as effects of the retardation and acceleration to which we have 
referred. 

It would seem, however, that besides the influences of more 
or less favourable environment which affect the form of the body 
during the period of growth, a number of other causes may modify 
the form of the body. Professor Ridgeway goes so far as to think 
that the stability of human types in definite areas and fpr long 
periods is an expression, not of the influence of heredity, but of 
the influence of environment; and that, on the other hand, the 
modifications of the human form which are found in the Mediter- 
ranean area, in Central Europe, and in North-western Europe, are 



SECOND SESSION . 

due* to the differences of climate, soil, and natural products. It 
does nob seem to me that* adequate proof caa ,be ^iven for modifi- 
cations of the hui^l^an form as far-reaching as those claimed by 
Professor Eidgeway, although we must grant the jossibility of 
such influences. We have, however, good evidence which shows 
that the various European types umlefgo certain changes in a 
new environment. The observations on which this conclusion is 
based were made by me on emigrants from various European 
countries who live in the city of New York, and on theit 
descendants. 

The investigation of a large number of families has shown that 
every single measurement that has been studied has one value 
among individuals born in Europe, another one among individuals 
of the same families born in America. Thus, among the East 
European Jews the head of the European-born is shorter than 
the head of the American-born. It is wider among the European- 
born than it is among the America-born, At the same time the 
American-born is taller. As a result of the increase in the growth 
of head, and decrease of the width of head, the length-breadth 
index is considerably less than the corresponding index in the 
European-born. All these differences seem to increase with the 
time elapsed between the emigration of the parent® and the birth 
of the child, and are much more marked in the second generation 
of American-born individuals. 

Among the long-headed Sicilians similar observations have been 
made, but the changes are in a different direction. The stature 
does not change much ; if anything, it is shorter among the 
American-born than among the European-bo/n. The head is 
shorter among the American-born, and at the same time wider, 
than among the European-born. Thus a certain approach of the 
twci distinct types may be observed. 

It would of course be saying too much to claim that this 
approach expresses a tendency of diverse European types to assume 
the same form in America. Our studies prove only a modification 
of the type ; but we are not able to determine what the ultimate 
amount of these modifications will be, and whether there is any 
real tendency of modifying diverse types in such a way that one 
particular American type should develop, rather than a limited 
modification of each particular European type. 

The people of Bohemia and Hungary show also the effect of 
the changed environment. Among them both width of head and 
length of head decrease. The face becomes much narrower, the 
sfstture taller. 

It is most remarkable that the change in head-form of American^ 



J02 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGR^S 

born i^lviduals occurs almost immediately after the arrival oT thefr 
parents in America. A comparison of ihdividuals born in Europe 
with those born in America shows that the change of head-form is 
almost abrupt at the time of immigration. The child born abroad, 
even if it is less than one year old at the time of arrival, has the 
head-form of the European-born. The child born in America, even 
if born only a few months after the arrival of the parents, has the 
head-form of the American-born. The failure of American environ- 
ment to influence the foreign-born might be expected, because the 
total change of the head-index from early youth to adult life is 
very small. On the other hand, those measurements of the body 
which continue to change during the period of growth show a 
marked influence of American environment upon European-born 
individuals who arrive in America as young children. Thus the 
stature of European-born individuals increases the more the younger 
they were at the time of their arrival in America. The width of 
the faces decreases the more the younger the child that came 
to America. 

These observations are of importance, because it might be 
claimed that the changes in head-form develop because the 
mechanical treatment of children in America differs from their 
treatment in Europe. The European child is swaddled, while the 
American child is allowed to lie free in the cradle The change 
in the face diameters and in stature show, however, that such 
mechanical considerations alone cannot explain the changes that 
actually take place. 

The results obtained by a rough comparison of European-born 
and American-born have been corroborated by a direct comparison 
of European-bom parents and their own American-born children, 
and also by a comparison of the European immigrants who came 
to America in one particular year, and of their descendants jporn 
in America. In all these cases the same types of differences were 
found. 

These observations seem to indicate a decided plasticity of 
human types ; but I wish to repeat that the limits of this plasticity 
are not known to us. It follows, however, directly, that if the 
bodily form undergoes far-reaching changes under a new environ- 
ment, concomitant changes of the mind may be expected. The 
same reasons which led us to the conclusion that more or less 
favourable conditions during the period of growth will have the 
greater influence the longer the period of development of a particular 
part of the body, make it plausible that a change of environment 
will influence those parts of the body most thoroughly which Imve 
^the longest period of growth and development. I believe, therefore, 



SECOND SESSION- 103 

/ 

that* the American observations compel us to assume that the 
mental make:up of a certain type of mauMbiy be considerably 
influenced by his &>cial and geographical environment. It is, of 
course, exceedingly difficult to give^n actual proof of this conclusion 
hy observation, because we know that the mental nianifestations 
depend to a great extent upon the social group in which eafch 
individusfl grows ‘up; but it is evident that the burden of proof, is 
shifted upon those who claim absolute stability of mental character- 
istics of the same type under all possible conditions under which 
it may be found. , 

It may be pointed out here that the change of type which 
been observed in America is in a way analogous to the difference 
of type that has been observed in Europe in a comparison between 
the urban population and the rural population. In all those cases 
in which thorough investigations have been made in regard to 
this problem, a difference in type has been found. The interpre- 
tation given in this phenomenon is, however, entirely different 
from the one attempted here. One group of observers, particularly 
Ridolfo Livi, believe that the type found in urban communities 
is largely due to the greater mixture of local types found in cities 
when compared to the open country. Others, notably Otto Ammon 
and Rose, believe that we have here evidence of natural selection, 
and that the better type survives. It seems to my mind that 
the latter theory cannot be substantiated, but that both mixture 
and change of type are sufficient to explain what is taking place 
in the transition from rural life to urban life. 

It will naturally be asked, what produces changes in human 
types? Can these changes be so directed as to bring about an 
improvement of the race? I do not believe that these questions 
can be answered in the present state of our knowledge. The 
structural changes which must necessarily accompany the modifi- 
cations of gross form are entirely unknown, and the physiological 
functions which are affected by the new environment cannot even 
be surmised. It seems, therefore, a vain endeavour to give a 
satisfactory explanation of the phenomenon at the present time. 
The investigation should be extended over numerous types, and 
carried on in different climates and different social environments, 
before we can hope to understand the correlation between bodily 
form and function and outward influences. The old idea of 
absolute stability of human types must, however, evidently be 
given up, and with it the belief of the hereditary superiority of 
certain types over others. 

[Paper submitted in English,'] 






UNIVERSAL RACES CONGAS 


CLIMATIC CONTROL OF SK^N-COLOUR 

By Lionel W. Lyde, M.A., 

Professor of Economic Geography at University College, London. 

• 

There is no doubt that difference of skin-colour is oYie of the 
greatest “racial” barriers, and yet there can be little doubt that it 
is entirely a matter of climatic control. 

The accepted unity of primeval man has a double basis, and 
would not be disproved even by the most complete proof of the 
existence of different original stocks — “gorilla," “orang," “gibbon,'^ 
or any other. For the glaciation of the earth must have compressed 
all alike into low latitudes, where uniformity of climatic conditions 
and consequent human needs and food-supply must have produced 
uniformity of results. 

The accepted site of the ancestral home in “Javanese" latitudes, 
even if there can be no longitudinal delimitation, involves the 
assumptions (i) that early Pleistocene man was dark-skinned and 
(2) that his earliest natural movements would be longitudinal — east- 
ward or westward along the old Indo-African bridge, which may or 
may not have ^formed part of a larger “ Lemurian " continent 

Now, in such longitudinal movements this primeval man, whom — 
without necessarily accepting all or any of the suggestions about a 
possible “ Gondwanaland " — we may call a Gondwana, could meet 
with no marked change of temperature. And any Pleistocene relict ' 
of a possible Gondwanaland had this at least in common with the 
present distribution of land in the Southern Hemisphere, that their 
most southerly margin was in comparatively low latitudes. There 
was, therefore, no reasonable chance of the Gondwana being bleached 
by movement polewards, though he might be blackened by moving 
from forest to savana. 

The case was different when he began to move northward ; and 
any Pleistocene relics of a possible “Angaraland " had this at least 
in common with the present distribution of land in the Northern 
Hemisphere, that their most northerly margin was in very high 
latitudes. Consequently, even pre-glacial man, if he moved north- 
wards, must have been bleached. 

But when the negro of to-day is bleached — by disease or fright, old 
age or residence in dark forest, he turns yellowish, as the “ shaded " 
inner sides of his hands or feet are normally. And the same fate 
must have overtaken the primeval Gondwana when he began to be 
bleached by movement polewards. Thus we infer a semi-prinwival 
yellow man, whom we may call an Angara. 



SECOND SESSION • 46$, 

This Angara, again, even in the inter-gladal periods, must havef 
been largely ^confined to* longitudinal movetnent inside his own 
domain ; and such movement would bring him eventually to an 
eastern or a western ocean. In approaching this ocean he would be 
further bleached by the increased humidity, and would iJecome really 
white-skinned, as the Japanese and the.Tctvastian Finns actually Are 
tp-day. • 

The fundamental differences of skin-colour between the black 
tropical and the white temperate types of man are, therefore, of 
purely climatic origin, the climatic influence working both directly 
from without and indirectly through the different relative activities of 
lungs and intestines, the tropical climate throwing on the skin and 
the intestines work which the temperate climate throws on the lungs. 
The consequent increased activity of the lungs, in the presence of 
relatively little sun-light and sun-heat, favours the lighter colour of 
skin, while the increased activity of the liver and other intestines, in 
the presence of relatively great sun-light and sun-heat, favours the 
darker colour. 

Under these circumstances it seems obvious that, whatever the 
value or the worthlessness of skin-colour as a test of “race,” it is 
enormously the most important consideration in the climatic distri- 
bution of man. There is no question that ordinary ^sunburn in this 
country is a pathological phenomenon — />., an injury caused only 
and directly by the short, actinic rays — that it seldom occurs in 
dark-skinned persons, and that it can be prevented in the fair- 
skinned by a slight staining of the skin. And there is no question 
that natural skin pigment is evolved for a precisely similar purpose — 
ue.y to exclude the dangerous “ X ”-like rays. 

Not only, then, is man pigmented as a protection against too much 
.sun-light, but the amount of pigment aKo varies with the intensity 
of Jhe sun-light. It is actually evolved under exposure to the light. 
Consequently in each “ race ” there must have been originally suffi- 
cient to protect it from the particular intensity of the light in the 
particular race-home. Otherwise the “race” would have become 
extinct, just as any plant would have become extinct in which there 
was not sufficient chlorophyll to absorb the rays of the particular 
wave-length that will break up the carbonic oxide of the air. If 
pigment is developed according to need, and if black stops more rays 
than brown, we should expect to find the “ blackest ” skins amongst 
men, like the blackest stripes on the zebra, in the hottest parts of the 
world that are unforested ; and this is precisely what we do find — 
the real black man coming (except for a few small groups, e.g,^ on the 
^ «dge of the Australian desert) essentially from the African savana. 
The rich black of the Western Sudan, with its high percentage of 



\ '^ UNIVERSAL RACE? CONGl^SS 

brigflit stltishim to leeward of monsoon jungle, is not found insidfe the 
juT^le or on islands with typically marine climates.. For. instance, 
the negrilloes of the equatorial forest in Africa, like the Sakai in the 
Malay jungle, are yellowish ; the Samangs, like most of the AustM* 
lians, are daVk chocolate ; the Nilotic negroes are reddish ; the Iiido« 
nhsians are almost tawny* • 

The absence of the forest is important from* two points of view. 
It means, of course, the direct absence of tree-shade ; it implies also a 
relative deficiency of rain, which is normally associated with absence 
of cloud. And it is precisely this underlying question of humidity 
that decides the varying shades of skin in the “ black ” man outside 
the forest areas. Wherever there is humid air to blanket the 
dangerous rays, as in the latitudes of constant equatorial rainfall or 
at the bottom of an enclosed valley, there the new adult arrival is 
actually " bleached,’* and indigenous children, as amongst the Krus, 
never become very deeply pigmented. On the same principle, the 
race-home of the white peoples was bound to be confined to the only 
part of the world where moist winds blow regularly towards high 
latitudes against a relief which allows them easy access inland over a 
large area. 

Here, even apart from the humidity, neither heat nor light is 
intense ; so that black skin is not needed as a protection against 
excessive light, while white skin is needed to minimise radiation of 
the relatively deficient heat. But even here the precise shade is 
blonder where the winds are never traded ” in summer ; and, on the 
other hand, even white-haired animals have points that are not pro- 
tected by hair — e.g.y the nose, protected by pigment, and that from 
the lower end of the spectrum — eg., pink. 

Intermediate between the black man and the white man comes 
the yellow man, who is essentially the product of desiccating grass- 
lands in intemperate latitudes. Here the fundamental considerations 
are lack of humidity and seasonal extremes of temperature. Again 
the absence of cloud makes light the dangerous element, and the 
man must be pigmented ; but the question of temperature is also 
important. The natural colour is, therefore, one which conserves 
heat nearly as well as white, but which also protects from light ; and 
in these latitudes a colour from the low end of the spectrum gives 
ample protection, especially as the minimum cloudiness is associated 
with the winter season. That is to say, on the great steppes and 
prairies of the Northern Hemisphere, as upon the great plateaus and 
tundra, the normal colour should be some shade of yellow or red. 

The normal red or yellow of these intemperate grass-lands is 
certain to be modified by anything which changes the relalive 
humidity, and so the percentage of cloud — e.g, mountains or proxi- 



SECOND -SESSION 



riiity‘tb”the sea; and therefore '‘Aryan " mountaineers, like maritime 
Mongols, must be associatfed with white skin's, just as ,the typical 
blonds of Europe must be associated with fiord and forest. Indeed, 
we may fomiulate a definite scheme of colour zones by relating 
temperature, as conditioned by sunshine and relief, to rainfall, as 
implying humidity and cloudiness. , • 

iThe slin can certainly ‘"blacken” wherever he is overhead and 
even outside that limit of latitude if the humidity is very low ; and a 
comparison of the mean annual isotherm of 80° F. with the corre^ 
spending mean annual isohyet of lO inches suggests about 25° N. 
and S. as the natural limits of black skin. But, of course, inside 
these limits there are large areas where, as we have seen, other 
conditions may interfere with the effect of direct bright sun^^light 

Again, the sun can certainly “ brown ” up to the poleward limits 
of the Trade-winds, within which the cold, dry air is moving from 
colder to warmer latitudes, and can therefore at first hold much more 
moisture than it can normally get These poleward limits of the 
Trade-wind system thus include all sub-tropical “ Mediterranean ” 
areas with their dry, bright summers and low relative humidity ; and 
we may fix the natural limits of brown skin as within such parts of 
latitudes 25 ^ to 35° N. and S, as experience the full effect of the 
Trade-winds and have no local influence counteracting that effect 
We may add that there is a climatic propriety in the love of these 
brown-skinned peoples, alike in the summer drought of the Mediter- 
ranean area and in the winter drought of the Monsoon area, for 
clothing of colours from the low end of the spectrum — red or 
yellow. 

Once inside the normal lower latitudes of the Anti-Trades a 
tinge of bleaching yellow naturally invades the brown, and, as red is 
so near yellow in the spectrum, the particular tinge may tend towards 
yell^>w or red or olive in response to particular local conditions, the 
yellow being always associated with vast desiccating grass-lands. 

The northern limit of this yellow zone must have been naturally 
about the northern latitudes of China ; but, as Western Asia came 
more and more under the influence of drought, the limit in that 
direction would be extended polewards at least as far as the edge of 
the Siberian forest. Comparing these conditions with their nearest 
parallel in the grass-lands of North America, we may fix the natural 
frontiers of the yellow skin round such continental parts of 35° to 
450 N. as are unforested, and such areas farther north as come 
directly under the influence of winter winds from a Pole of cold. 

Outside the limits just referred to, within a southern frontier 
^^vlJch may roughly coincide with the southern frontier of Bear- 
worshippers, is the actual race-home of the white-skinned. Here 



■^;l'V’.^^,v,..,''tJNlV^RSAL RACES' CONG]|ESS ' 

“ . • ** i : j; 

the sun has only power to “tan,” and even that power Is hfeavily 
discounted by the constant presence of forests and in the normal 
, path of cyclonic systems. In view, then, of the great importance of 
the angle of ray-impact and the thickness of atmosphere passed 
through, we may fix the natural limits of the “tanned ” white within 
^ Such parts of latitudes ‘459 to 5S<> N. as are maritime or forested, 
whilst the “bleached” white must have come from north of 55® N., 
which is roughly the latitude of Copenhagen. 

[Paper submitted in English,'] 

THE EFFECTS OF RACIAL MISCEGENATION 

By Professor Earl Finch, Wilberforce Umversttj/, [/,S,A. 

It is well known that whenever two races occupy the same 
geographical area a mixed population arises ; in fact, such a large 
percentage of the world’s population has come into existence by race 
crossing that the character of the product is as important for social 
welfare as it is interesting for the anthropologist and sociologist 
The question gains added importance in the present era of colonial 
expansion from the increasing contact of the European with the dark- 
skinned populations of the tropics, with whom he has never hesitated 
to mingle his blood. The question, however, has been so generally 
approached from the side of philosophic doctrine, rather than from 
the side of objective study, that there is the greatest possible 
divergence between the conclusions of those who presume to speak 
with authority. The followers of Gobineau, in PVance, and Morton, 
in America, have maintained that racial inter-mixture has had and 
can have only disastrous consequences. At the other extreme a^re 
those who preached the gospel of amalgamation in the United 
States, during and after the Civil War, maintaining that intermixture 
between races so dissimilar as the whites and negroes would prove 
beneficial. It is the object of the writer to present some facts tend- 
ing to prove that race blending, especially in the rare instances when 
it occurs under favourable circumstances, produces a type superior 
in fertility, vitality, and cultural worth to one or both of the parent 
stocks. 

The superiority of the mixed people to the native stock in 
fertility and vitality is shown by their persistence, sometimes in the 
very locality in which the native race, in contact with foreigners, has 
declined or disappeared. When Tasmania was colonised the native 
population was roughly estimated at 7,000. The policy of extdfiBfff^ 
nation pursued by the colonists had reduced the aborigines to 120 in 



SECOND SESSION 



1832. ‘ These were removed to Flinder's Island ; but although the 
locality is healtljy they had •declined in 1847 ^4 22 women, 

and 10 children. These were removed in 1847 to Oyster Cove in 
the southern part of Tasmania, but they declined so rapidly that only 
three elderly women survived in 1869, the last of whom di6d in 1876.* 
The rapid decline of the Maoris and Australians is well known' 
The native* population of the Hawaiian Islands estimated at 300,000 
when Cook discovered the Islands in 1778 had declined to 29,787 in 


1900. 


It was apparent, however, even in the time of Darwin, that a 
cross between the native stock and a civilised race gives rise to a 
progeny capable of existing and multiplying in spite of changed con- 
ditions. Between 1866 and 1872 the native Hawaiians decreas<fd by 
8,081, while the half-breeds increased by 847.* Between 1890 and 
1900 the Hawaiians of full blood decreased from 34,436 to 29,787, 
while those of mixed blood increased from 6,186 to 7,848. 

Quatrefages wrote that “the Polynesian Islanders disappear with 
a terrible rapidity, whilst their mixed races, and even pure-blooded 
Europeans, show a redoubled fertility.’' 3 Although the American 
IVidian tends to decline in the presence of European civilisation, the 
products of the blending of Negroes, Spanish, and Portuguese with 
the Indian, form a large fraction of the population of the southern 
part of the Western hemisphere. The Griquas of South Africa, 
descendants of Dutch and Hottentots, have prospered and multiplied, 
while the pure Hottentots have rapidly decreased. Even after 
making due allowance in all these cases for the increase due to the 
birth of half-breeds of the first generation, the superior fertility and 
vitality of the mixed population are evident. 

Pitcairn Island was settled in 1790 by nine English mutineers, six 
Tahitian men, and fifteen Tahitian women. In 1808 only white men 
and ^ght or nine women and children were left. But the first half- 
breeds grew up, intermarried, and had numerous children. In 1855 
the population had increased to 200. After removing to Norfolk 
Island in 1856 they increased so rapidly that, although sixteen 
returned to Pitcairn in 1859, they numbered 300 in 1868 ;4 in 1905 
the population of Norfolk Island was 1,059, a majority of whom were 
descendants of the mutineers. The present population of Pitcairn 
Island is flourishing. Emily L. McCoy, a direct descendant of one 
pf the mutineers, writes : “ We have good constitutions, though so 
closely related, and we are as healthy and active from childhood to 


* J, Bonwick, The Lost Tasmanian Race. 

" Darwin, Descent of Man^ vol. 1., p. 253 - 
**»eaAjguatrefages, The Human Species^ p. 220. 

4 Darwin, Descent of Man^ vol. i., p. 253. Quatrefages, The Human Species^ p. 263* 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

1 

old ag^fe as a people can well be.” * The remarkable increase of the 
^jlialf-breeds of Pitcairn and Norfolk Islands, more rapid .than the 
increase of the population of England, is in striking contrast with tht 
rapid decline of the Tasmanians, Maoris, and Australians. 

Facts in Tavour of the view that mulattoes are not fertile are so 
' eagerly sought that the large body of evidence, tending to prove the 
exact opposite, is ignored. An eminent authority in the United 
States argues that the decrease of intercourse between whites and 
negroes in the Southern States is causing a decrease in the number 
of mulattoes and a perceptible return to the pure African type.* But 
the census shows that there has been a more rapid increase among 
mulattoes than among negroes of the purer type, during this very 
period of decreasing intercourse.3 

Percentage of mulattoes in total negro population ; — 




1890 

187a 

Continental United States ... 

... 

... 15*2 

... 12 

North Atlantic Division 

... 

... 23*2 

173 

South Atlantic Division 

... 

... 13-4 

... 10*4 

North Central Division 

, , 

... 31 

22-3 

South Central Division 

... 

... 14 

11*8 

Western Division 

... 

... 39'2 

35*6 


Although it is probable that the decrease of race crossing in the 
United States Vs often over-estimated, there are conditions unfavour- 
able to the perpetuation of the mulatto type. There is a tendency for 
the mixed population to disappear by marrying into the darker race, 
or by identifying themselves with the white. The strenuous attempt 
to bar negroes from participation in the privileges of democratic 
society leads many of the proscribed class, whose negro blood cannot 
be detected, to affiliate with the favoured race by settling in localities 
where they are unknown. The rapid increase of mulattoes under 
these conditions is strong evidence that they are not inferior in 
fertility or virility to either of the parent stocks. The coloured 
people in Jamaica persist as a fairly well-marked type, although their 
number is hardly one-fourth that of the blacks, while the white popu- 
lation is so small that no large number of mixed people can be added 
by race crossing. The mulatto class persists in Haiti, although they 
form only ten per cent, of the population, and the number of whites is 
negligible. The mixed population of Santo Domingo increases 
rapidly, although the number born from crossing with any pure stock 
is very small. 

It is extremely difficult for the mixed class to demonstrate their 
cultural worth because of the deplorable conditions under which the 

* The Independent^ September 29, 1904. 

“ Bruce, The Plantation Negro as Freeman, p. 53. 

8 Census Bulletin, p. 8 ; Negroes tn the United States, p. 16. 



3EC0ND SESSION til. 

• 

populations come into existence. Most race crossing has 
occurred on ^le outskirts offcivilisation, and the* half-breeds, despised,; 
by one race an^ despising the other, have been outcasts from society 
The victims of prejudice and social ostracism are certain to display 
i^Ome bad qualities ; yet, despite these untoward circumstances, there 
is a large body of evidence of the superior energy and^mental vigour 
produced Jby the race crossing. The greater number of negroes who 
have achieved distinction in the United States have been men of 
mixed blood. Many of the pujpr type have manifested remarkable 
intellectual power, yet it is probably more than a coincidence that 
Douglas, Washington, and DuBois, who have attained the height of 
group leadership, have been mulattoes ; superior, moreover, to both 
the white and blacks in their ancestry. The mulattoes of Hait-r form 
a large percentage of the aristocracy, and are very prominent in com- 
merce, in the professions, and in State affairs. The coloured people 
of Jamaica constitute a majority of those engaged in the trades and 
professions. Sir Sydney Olivier considers that this class of mixed 
race is indispensable to any West Indian community, because it saves 
the community from the cleavage between white and black, and helps 
to form an organic whole. Quatrefages believed that the half-breed 
of the negro and European, when placed under normal conditions, 
justifies the words of the old traveller, Thevenot : “ TJie mulatto can 
do all that the white man can do ; his intelligence is equal to ours.'* * 
If the mulatto is not superior in fertility, the rapidly declining birth-rate 
of the white nations may soon give him this significant advantage. 

It is not surprising that racial miscegenation often produces an 
inferior population. The withholding of social and legal sanction 
from inter-racial marriages tends to limit unions to the lower classes, 
the offspring of which are like the parents. But the results are likely 
to be advantageous if the crossing occurs under favourable conditions. 
“ The Ainos of Japan, who are vanishing by amalgamation, are a very 
different and more primitive type than the Japanese, and both appear 
to be benefited by the process of absorption. The Portuguese and 
the Dutch have been intermarrying for several centuries in farther 
India to the advantage of both races, as is true of the Russians with 
the older natives of Siberia. The mixture of Arabs with the North 
Africans has produced the Moors ; many crossings of the Turks, the 
mixture of the Spaniards and Indians in South America and Mexico, 
especially in Chile, which have resulted in Neo- Indian and Neo- Aryan 
types, show how favourably the crossing of races may act if differences 
are not great and if both sexes of both races marry with each other 
instead of only the men of one with the women of the other." » In 


* The Human SpcctcSy p. 283. 

® G. Stanley Hall, Adolescence, vol. ii., pp. 722-3. 



tJNtVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

the province of Saint Paul, Brazil, Portuguese and inhalwtants 
of the Azores have intermarried with the native Gayanazes and 
Carijos. From the first, unions were regularly contracted among 
them, and the offspring were accepted as the equals of the pu^e, 
"'Nwhites. FrOm these unions has sprung a race as noted for remarkable 
rnbral development as for intellectual power and for strength, beauty, 
and courage. 

Crossing was accomplished under normal conditions in Saint Paul 
because of favourable social sentiment ; approximately normal condi- 
tions prevailed at Pitcairn, because of geographical isolation. The 
Paulists appear to be equal, if not superior, to the most advanced 
of the parent stocks, while few will deny that the Pitcairn Islanders 
are superior to their Tahitian mothers and their English fathers. 

^ While race blending is not everywhere desirable, yet the crossing 
of distinct races, especially when it occurs with social sanction, often 
produces a superior type ; certainly such crossing as has occurred 
tends to prove absurd the conclusion that the dilution of the blood of 
the so-called higher races by that of the so-called lower races will 
either set the species on the highway to extinction, or cause a relapse 
into barbarism. 

[Paper submitted tn English ] 



THIRD SESSION 

conditions of progress {SPECIAL PROBLEMS) 

t 

TENDENCIES TOWARDS PARLIAMENTARY 

RULE 

By Dr. Chr. L. Lange, Brussels, 

General Secretary of the Interparliamentary Union, Norwegian 
Member of the Second Hague Conference, 

Definition of Terms. — In general the term parliamentary rule 
denotes that special form of national self-governnSent which was 
founded in Great Britain and Ireland some two hundred years ago, 
and of which the special characteristic is the subordination of the 
Executive to the Legislature The Government, or Cabinet, tends to 
become a sort of committee chosen from among the party which has 
a majority in the more important branch of the Parliament, or 
National Representative Assembly. 

In this Congress it will be chiefly interesting to examine one 
general aspect of the question It seems to me that here it is natural^ 
not'so much to study the specific tendency toward parliamentary rule^ 
which is limited to certain countries of highly developed European 
civilisation, as to follow the general trend of political evolution 
towards self-government, through elected representatives, in national 
affairs. 

I beg to lay stress on each of the words in this expression. 

The word national is used only in opposition to local or provincial 
It will be outside the scope of the present paper to discuss the rather 
dubious UbC of the words nation and national as almost synonymous 
with state and political. 

The essential point in the question before us is the representative 
character of the persons charged with a national mandate, and the 
^ correct title of the paper would therefore perhaps be* ‘'Tendencies 

113 I 


% 



RACES tOl^R^S 

MdsaLRfipiesenta^ve System of Government" In earlier 
this'representative character was very often granted by the Central 
Government ; the members of the House of Commons in England, 
for ihstance, were often nominated by them. 

'V In our tfme it is hardly possible to conceive representation 
^ vmhout an elective basis, and owing to the democratic development 
this basis tends to become more and more popular -in character. In 
some States this evolution has already reached its ultimate term, and 
the principle of manhood and womanhood suffrage has been estab- 
Ifehed. 

As a rule democratic development is accompanied by a strong 
leaning towards parliamentary ascendancy as against the monarch- 
ical or governmental element, though this is not always the case. It 
is of no great interest in this connection to distinguish between 
despotism and absolutism. In neither case is there an element of a 
representative character of any importance in the management of 
public affairs. But it is necessary to observe the distinction between 
what might be called constitutional government and parliamentary 
government proper. 

In constitutional government the Sovereign is bound by a Consti- 
tution, and some very important functions of the State — legislation 
or finance — can only be exercised by a co-operation of the Executive 
and the Legislature, the Government and Parliament. This is the 
system which prevails in the United States of America and in 
Germany. In parliamentary government, as is said above, the 
Government is dependent on Parliament to such an e^ctent that, 
practically speaking, the Cabinet is only a committee of the parlia- 
mentary majority. This is the case in Great Britain, in France, and 
in most of the other European countries. There are, of course, a 
good many intermediate forms, and it is generally an idle question 
to ask to what type of government one or the other State belongs ; 
certainly no great light is shed on the problem by such a distinction. 
It is cited here only to give completeness to our classification. 

" What we shall try to trace here, then, is the general tendency 
towards the adoption of a representative form of government in national 
affairs. 

Early Development. — Though it seems that the principle of repre- 
sentative government was known in antiquity (provincial assemblies), 
its application became of real importance only in the Middle Ages, 
Two conditions facilitated this : the States were of a feudal character, 
the component parts of each claiming a certain independence within 
the general body, and they were large. The first circumstance 
implied that the different parts should have a certain share in the 
management of common affairs ; the second circumstance madeTT 



THIRD SESSION 

necessary that only iome of the persons inhabiting each component 
part could meet in common! Thus the representative system origi- 
nated. There is no country in Europe that has passed through the 
feudal stage which has not, at some time or other, had a representative 
assembly organised in “ Orders.'* In most countries ablolutism put* 
ah end to the existence, even the formal e?xistence, of these institu- 
tions ; bul they survived in a few. In England, in Sweden, and in 
the Netherlands the Parliament, or the Orde s, or States-General, 
have had a continuous, though often very chequered, existence down 
to our own time, and as long as the Polish Empire existed the jDiet 
was the chief expression of Polish national life. 

It is from the first of these countries, England, that the repre- 
sentative form of government, as the logical and natural expression 
of popular liberties, spread throughout the nations of European 
civilisation, and in the last few decades also to other countries. 

Beginning of Modern Times . — Politically speaking, our age is the 
age of Democracy, and the great event opening this chapter in the 
world's history is the American Declaration of Independence on 
the 4th of July of the year 1776. In all the thirteen States founded 
by this great charter representative rule was firmly established, and 
when, in 1789, after thirteen years of experiment and hesitation, the 
Confederacy was at length established, the same • principle was 
applied to the treatment of federal affairs. 

The same year which saw the definite establishment of the great 
Democracy west of the Atlantic witnessed the opening of the great 
drama in European affairs whence the Europe of our own time has 
issued. 

The birth of Modern Europe was accompanied by violent throes ; 
life was sacrificed recklessly to bring forth new life. The great 
Revolution and the Napoleonic wars are events of importance in 
a larger history than that of France alone. No single European 
country had the same features in 1815 as it had had in 1789. Fron- 
tiers had changed ; the great principle of national self-government — 
one nation, one State — found a more adequate expression at least 
than before ; and in countries — such as Italy or Germany — where the 
principle was violated after having found some expression, however 
imperfect, the national ideals continued to live in the minds and 
hearts of the nation, and later proved a vigorous leaven in its life, 
pregnant of great changes. 

Not only had frontiers and external foims changed: the social 
and political conditions of most European nations were also pro- 
foundly modified. 

kf «»wpTo return to our special subject, however. Very few of the 
countries of Europe were found, in 1815, after the fall of Napoleon, 



^UfllVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 


to possess representative institutions. The few were: England— W 
rather Great Britain and Ireland — wherd no modification had taken 
place ; Sweden, where the Orders in 1809 had recovered the legisla- 
tive and controlling power of which absolutism had robbed them ; 
'^IJorway, whfere the dissolution of the secular Union with Denmark 
had given the^ nation an “opportunity of establishing a Constitution 
adapted to the democratic social conditions of’ the people; France 
and the Netherlands, where the restored dynasties found it prudent 
to secure their domination through the granting of Constitutions; and 
Switzerland, where, in some cantons at least, a representative system 
prevailed, while in others the direct popular rule, inherited from an 
earlier age, still existed. In Hungary, in Poland, and in Finland 
there 'were Constitutions ; but they existed, practically speaking, only 
on paper. The Kingdom of Poland, where the Diet had a semblance 
of life from 1815 to 1830, disappeared completely later on, even in 
name (1867). 

The other European States remained autocratic. Meanwhile the 
revolutionary movement in Europe had provoked a great upheaval 
in Latin America, where a series of revolutions created a great 
number of independent States out of the Spanish and Portuguese 
colonies. One of them, the Portuguese colony of Brazil, adopted 
a monarchical Constitution, to become a Republic only some decades 
later, in 1889. All the Spanish colonies became Republics. In the '^ 
chequered history of their careers, all these States have kept the 
semblance at least of a representative, and even an advanced demo- 
cratic, system of government, though in reality they have very often 
been under the despotic sway of a military dictator. 

Establishment of European Constitutions, 1815-80. — Autocratic 
Europe was not allowed a prolonged rest : succeeding revolutions, 
of which it is superfluous to give the details here, destroyed the 
fabric of despotism in reiterated shocks. Sometimes, even, ^con- 
stitutional life was established without any revolution at all, as in 
several of the States of South Germany in the years from 1816 
to 1819. Greece, in 1829, and Belgium, in 1830, won national 
independence and subsequently established a representative form 
of government. In Spain and in Portugal Constitutions were 
granted in the thirties, after military upheavals, while Switzerland, 
through a series of changes, arrived at its present democratic regime 
in federal as well as cantonal affairs. 

For the leading States of Central Europe, the great revplutions 
of 1848 were the beginning of profound reforms. When the strong 
tide of revolution had subsided in 1851, it seemed, indeed, as if 
next to nothing were changed. Germany was still divided ; AurffiE^*, 
had regained its commanding position ; and Italy still consisted 



THIRD SESSION 



I * J 

of a* motley collection of petty principalities, with Austria as the 
dominating power. Only 'in Denmark had# autocracy given way 
to a democratic Constitution. In two States, however, besides 
t)Onmark, political changes of profound significance had taken place. 
In Sardinia a Constitution had been granted, and in^ Prussia the 
King had been forced to make the same* concession^ These Con- 
stitutions became the starting-point of far-reaching developments. 
Sardinia took the lead in the struggle for Italian unity, extending 
the sway of its representative institutions to the other parts of the 
peninsula, as they were added to its own possessions, and at last 
became the Kingdom of Italy. Prussia, some years later, followed 
this example, and in its struggle with Austria made itself the 
champion of representative institutions. And when, in * l 366 , 
Prussia and Sardinia had combined for the final struggle against 
Austria, and Austria had been conquered, the first consequence was 
the establishment, in the dual Hapsburg monarchy, of a represen- 
tative system of government. 

The various Christian States which have successively issued 
from the Ottoman Empire have followed the same line of develop- 
ment : Rouinania, Servia, and Bulgaria. 

In 1880 there were in Europe only two important States with 
autocratic Constitutions — Russia and Turkey. In« America there 
was not a single State without representative institutions, and in 
Asia one State, Japan, had imitated the European States and 
established a Constitution in 1889. ^t should not be forgotten, too, 
that a whole series of self-governing British colonies had organised 
themselves on a representative basis. 

Recent Advances . — Broadly speaking, no profound change took 
place in this domain during the twenty-five years between 1880 
and 1905. It is true that during this period, as during the preceding 
ones, representative institutions assumed a more and more pro- 
nounced democratic character : the suffrage was extended to a 
greater number of citizens, and the power of popular and represen- 
tative institutions became greater as against that of the sovereign 
or the aristocracy. But during these twenty-five years no single 
state changed its autocratic for a representative regime. 

From 1905 begins a new era in this respect, an era which has 
its starting-point in the Russo-Japanese War. These developments 
are still present in our minds, and the fates of the several countries 
concerned will, moreover, form the subject of separate papers in 
this Congress. It will therefore be sulficient here to recall the main 
points in the evolution considered as a whole. 

The Russo-Japanese War influenced in two ways the evolution 
which we are endeavouring to trace. It gave a strong impetus to 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGR^S 

the movi^ment for reform in Russia itself, and ultimately it provoked 
the institution of a representative chamber in that country-— a Duma 
and a Council of Empire, forming together the Russian Parliament 

On the other hand, the victory of the Japanese over one of the 
great Powers of Europe evoked a movement of political reform in 
the Asiatic \lorld. In I9G6 a revolutionary upheaval forced the 
Persian Shah to grant a Constitution, and in 1908 a peaceful 
i5J»rolution, led by the party of Young Turks, under the inspiration 
of the Committee of Union and Progress, made an end of the 
despotic rule of the Sultan, and established a constitutional and 
parliamentary regime. The last few months have shown how 
serious are the forces at work in the Chinese Empire for the same 
end, ^nd both in India and Egypt native parties are working in 
various ways for the establishment of popular and representative 
institutions. In India a small beginning has been made, and the 
native population is being initiated to the use of representative 
institutions. 

There is little doubt that this movement, which has evidently 
a very pronounced character, and asserts itself with growing force 
in most of the ancient countries which are generally described nS 
Oriental, will go on until it reaches its logical conclusion, as itjbas “ 
done in European countries. It is a development of the profouridest 
interest to every student of political problems, and it Will perhaps 
be desirable to say a few words both of the dangers or risks, and 
of the promises, which it contains. 

Dangers and Promises. — I think I ought first of all to point out 
the seriousness of the special problem with which all these young 
movements in favour of representative institutions are confronted. 

It is this. They enter on the path of political evolution at a time 
when the more progressive nations have led a political life for 
generations, perhaps for centuries, and have therefore reachfxl a 
highly developed stage in the extension of both popular and par- 
liamentary liberties. It is quite natural that the younger nations, 
bent on imitating their models, should be disposed to pass at one 
single bound to the same advanced stage, neglecting the inter- 
mediate steps, and forgetting that political life presents special 
difficulties which are only overcome under certain conditions. It 
is true that the art of politics is only acquired in the process of 
governing, and it is far from the intention of the present writer to 
lay down any hard-and-fast rule according to which political 
institutions should be granted to a people. On the contrary, I 
should be disposed to say that it is precisely the demand for 
political liberty which gives the best proof of the need to establish^fei— - 

On the other hand, nobody will disagree with the statement 



THIRD SESSION 


Ifaat* a serious risk will always be involved when a nation passes 
from autocracy to a very advanced stage of* political liberty, either 
as to popular rights — suffrage, liberty of the Press, freedom of 
association, &c.— or as to the influence of the representative system 
on government and administration. ^ 

Especially in the latter respect, f>., the* influence cm the adminis- 
tration, the difficulties are very great. There is no doubt that 
autocracy, if it can be freed from its grave defects, its temptation 
to commit capricious and arbitrary acts, presents great advantages 
for an efficient and poweA*ul administration. A strong will and a 
strong hand are essential here. As a rule a long education will 
be necessary to attain the same degree of efficiency under poptife^ ^ 
government. 

There is >^et another great danger or risk which I think should 
be pointed out in this connection, a risk which it is natural to dwell 
on at such a Congress as this. I am thinking of the strengthening, 
the Intensification sometimes, of nationalist sentiments and prejudices 
which very often follow the creation of representative institutions 
within a State. 

This intensification manifests itself in two ways. Most of the 
Empires which have adopted representative institutions during the 
last few years are far from homogeneous in their ethnic composition. 
Russia or Turkey, not to speak of China, embraces several distinct 
nationalities. Very often in these countries autocracy alone was 
able, or thought itself able, to retain power, by an appeal to 
nationalist sentiment, making a pretext of the hatred of foreign 
peoples, within or without the frontiers of the Empire, to avert 
attention from what was not as it should be in internal affairs. 

It seems, unfortunately, that this method has not been abandoned 
with the abandonment of autocratic rule. Nay, nationalism even 
appears in the new conditions to have a more legitimate character, 
because it is backed up by a popular force and is more than the 
expression of a despot’s whims. Since nationalism is, by its very 
definition, a simple and unreflecting sentiment, it appeals to the 
least instructed, and it should not be a matter of surprise that it 
often arises in the first stages of a new democracy. 

It was said above that it manifests itself in two ways. It may 
appear as the determination of the ruling caste to subject and 
dominate foreign elements within the State, or as a hatred of the 
foreigner without. It should be expressly observed that in neither 
form is this feeling a new phenomenon, characteristic only of the 
empires with which we are now concerned. On the contrary, in this 
■I'espect it may be said that such societies are following the standards 
.of .European civilisation, though not its highest standards. I think 



m UNIVERSAL RACES CONGrIsS ' 

It, however, only fair to add that, if Euro^peans have suffered s6me- 
what from the general hatred of the foreigner that is found- in these 
Oriental countries, they are only reaping what has been freely sown, 
in action and in speech, by themselves or by their ancestors. 

But if tlie prevailing tendency towards popular representation, 
or parliamentary rule, is pregnant with grave problems, it is no less 
rich in great promise. 

There is, firstly, a general aspect of this advance on which I 
need only say a very few words. We have seen that the political 
progress of our time has chiefly manifeked itself among what are 
called the Oriental nations. Until recently these nations were re- 
garded as evidently inferior, because they were supposed to be 
incapable of self-government. The exception of Japan was there 
only to confirm the general rule. Otherwise “ Asiatic despotism " 
used to be words indissolubly linked together. The introduction 
of parliamentary institutions, not only in one but in several 
Oriental countries, removes this prejudice and bridges the gulf 
between East and West 

Next comes the beneficent influence of representative institu- 
tions in a nation's life. It may safely be said that parliamentary 
rule is of less importance, perhaps, in its direct bearing on the 
policy and government of the peoples concerned than in its wider 
moral aspect. Parliamentary rule is above all things a great 
educational force. Resting on and combined with local autonomy, 
or local self-government on a representative basis, it is the most 
powerful emancipating agency within our reach — greater than the 
school, greater even than the best means of communication. It 
is true that national and racial prejudices acquire a great force in 
the first stages of political development; but if the representative 
institutions of a country are not exclusively and deliberately based 
on the domination of a single nation or caste, if the ConStitukion 
allows also the lepresentatives of the minor nationalities within 
the empire to meet and to work in Parliament, there can be no 
doubt as to the final outcome. 

The first, the elementary, condition of a good understanding is 
knowledge. Through co-operation, even through the struggles 
within the different parliaments, the representatives of different 
nations or races will be led on step by step, though it be through 
fear or hate, to mutual respect Therefore I hold that, more 
especially from the point of view which distinguishes this Con- 
gress, the present decided tendency towards parliamentary rule is 
one of great promise. 

There will be a natural desire in this Congress, apart froflu**' 
political considerations, that all nationalities should have »the 



THIRD SESSION 


\zi> 

opportunity of meeting within the parliaments of the States to 
which they belong on a footing of perfect , equality , No colour- 
line, no language or nation-line, can be tolerated, if the object of 
this Congress is to be attained—/.^., a fuller understanding, the 
most friendly feeling, and a heartier co-operation. ^ 

I think this argument may perhaps. b5 carried aHittle farther* 
Parliamentary life seems to work in the long run against national 
prejudice, not only within the single State, but also in foreign 
affairs. The parliamentarians, as representatives of the people, will 
have a stronger sense of their responsibility in the decision and 
the control of peace and war ; they will be more anxious than the 
autocrat, or his minister, or the clique influencing either, to avoid, 
international complications. Kant long ago made it a conmtion 
for the establishment of universal peace that the different nations 
should have attained self-government The educative force of 
parliamentary institutions will also tend to strengthen the wish to 
learn from other nations, and to develop a free interchange of 
goods and intercourse with them. All this makes for inter- 
nationalisation. European life is already international to a large 
extent. WiJh the East coming into line with the West — as I have 
shown above — the condition^ have been created for a general human 
advance which could not have been thought possible before our 
time. Even the boldest designs of international organisation had 
to face the difficulty that there were certain barbarians, or a “yellow 
peril,” outside the pale of civilised and organised international 
society. It is not the progress of political institutions alone which 
now renders a world-wide organisation conceivable ; material pro- 
gress, mechanical inventions in industry and in the means of com- 
munication, are still more important. What makes this development 
so hopeful is that all these forces are working in the same direction. 

iTendencies towards Parliamentary Rule in Inicmational Affairs. 
— In this connection it will be natural to add a few words as to the 
tendency of the last twenty or thirty years to apply the representa- ' 
tive system even to a larger area than that of the national 
empires. Some of these are, indeed, already of a world-wide 
character, uniting within their bounds populations living under very , 
different conditions. The problem of conciliating autonomy with 
' unity has in these cases been solved through federation. The 
United States of America is the most interesting instance in point, 
for they have succeeded in assuring to each of the forty-five States 
of which the Union is composed full autonomy in their own affairs 
as well as an equal share in the representation in the Senate, 
;;»«5?';hile the differences between the States are controlled by the 
composition of the House of Representatives. 



? ; la mly ttatQial that the idea of organising a wider pt^Sticpfl 
1OT all the States of the world, should proceed ^ 

; Ifeese lines. As yet, however, nothing has been done officially, in 
%1fehis respect The two Peace Conferences, which met at the 
. Hague in i^g and 1907, were composed exclusively of Governt 
ment Deleg^es, the delegates of all countries possessing equal 
votes. Here, then, the principle of popular representation through 
election was not recognised at all. 

There exists, however, an international institution which contains 
. the germ of a rep»*esentative institution, though as yet it has no 
official standing. It is the Interparliamentary Union^ and some 
^^ords on the organisation and aims of this institution may be con- 
si dered appropriate in this connection. 

The Interparliamentary Union was founded at the World s Fair 
in Paris, in 1889, through the initiative of an Englishman, Sir 
William Randal Cremer (d. 1908) with the hearty co-operation of 
a Frenchman, M. Fred(^ric Passy, the well-known economist and 
philanthropist. The Union was founded with a rather limited 
scope, that of promoting the practice of arbitration in the settle- 
ment of international differences. It has held a series of Conferences 
in the different European capitals, the last, the sixteenth, being held 
at Brussels last*^ summer. The Conferences have gained an increas- 
ing number of adhesions, and have sometimes had the character 
of great demonstrations in favour of international peace and good- . 
will This was especially the case with the Conference in London, 
1906, and in Berlin, 1908. At each of these notable gatherings 
there met more than six hundred parliamentarians, representing 
upwards of twenty different nationalities. 

After some years of action, without any definite organisation, the 
Union in 1892 organised itself in national groups, with a common 
representation in the Interparliamentary Bureau, or Council, &s it 
was afterwards called The headquarters were first fixed at Berne, 
but in ipvjp they were transferred to Brussels. At that time, a 
great change took place in the position of the Union. Since 1 909 
it has received subsidies from various Governments, and thus has, 
so to speak, won an official position. It should be said, however, 
that the Conferences of the Union have no organised representa- 
tive character. In some countries the parliamentary groups, or 
even Parliament itself, appoints delegates to the sessions of the 
Union. This, however, is as yet an exception. Generally the 
members of each Conference meet only as private parliamen- 
tarians, and on their own account ; but, as they belong to different 
political parties, they may be said to represent fairly well 
assemblies of which they are members. 



. . . > ^ % . - 

^ Tlie chief aim of the Union is still to promote intemation^ 

' artaitration, besides discussing questions of public International 
Law (Statutes, art i). There can be no doubt as to the great 
influence of the Union in this province. It has contributed more 
than any other agency to the extensive use of aibitji^tion during 
recent years. The code of the Permanent Arbitration Court at 
the Hague rests on a plan outlined by one interparliamentary 
Conference, while the calling of the Second Peace Conference at 
the Hague is due to the initiative of another. 

No existing institution offers such excellent opportunities for 
promoting the great object of the present Races Congress. Here 
the responsible, elected representatives can meet and excha nge 
opinions, discuss the large problems which divide them, and try 
to arrive at conclusions which may give at least partial satis- 
faction. And this will be still more true when, as may be foreseen, 
the Union extends its aim and admits the discussion, not only of 
problems of a juridical character, but also of other international 
questions of general interest. The Conferences will then represent 
very nearly an International Parliament, and only its voluntary 
organisation will debar it from being really the Parliament of Man. 

I do not think that the International Parliament of the future, 

* which is no doubt coming, will lay down a common few for mankind, 
except^ certain restricted departments which are really common to all. 

This International Parliament will chiefly favour the parallel 
development of national legislation and will endeavour to bring 
about the unification of law in those respects in which it is feasible 
and desirable. I do not see any ideal in international uniformity. 
On the contrary, national and racial diversity io in my opinion 
a condition of progress and life. The very word international has 
the word national as one of its component parts, as an essential 
condition of its meaning. 

{Paper submitted tn English,'] 


CHINA 

By Wu Ting-Fang, LL.D., 

Late Chinese Minister to United States of America^ Mexico, Peru ^ and 
Cuba; ex- Vice-President of Foreign Office, &c,, in Peking; 
Member of the Hague Court. 

It is an undisputed fact that no existing country in the world has a 
more ancient history than China, and that her civilisation dates from 
earliest times. Like other nations, she has her legends, which 
purport tb have arisen half a million years ago, but from the lack of 



124 xMiversal races congress 

, ' f ' ' 

authentic records little credence can be attached to such claim. ’ The 
accession of the Emperor Fuk-Hi, 2953 is, however, -recorded 
in the Chinese annals, and with him begins the period known 
amongst the Chinese as “ High Antiquity.** From that epoch dates 
the successidQ of dynasties down to the present time ; and the names 
of the different rulers, their reigns and the principal events happening 
in each, are recorded in Chinese history. 

Her civilisation may justly be described as the most venerable in 
existence. It was founded in the remotest period of antiquity, and 
developed under her own peculiar system of ethics, her own social 
and moral code, without aid from extraneous sources. This is partly ' 

to her geographical position, but chiefly to the homogeneity of 
he^eople, all of whom, with a few unimportant exceptions, belong 
W the same race, use the same language, have a common religion 
^ 4 nd literature, and are governed by practically the same system of 
laws, morals, and customs. It is quite beyond the scope of this paper 
to discuss in detail the various stages of China’s civilisation, but a 
general view of it may; perhaps, be obtained from the following, four 
different points of view. 

1. Religious — From time immemorial the Chinese appear to have 
had definite religious beliefs. They had clear ideas of a Godhead, a 
supreme being ^ruling over the universe. He w^as designated the 
“ Heavenly King,” or “ Supreme God,” by whose decree the destiny 
of every creature or thing was supposed to be fixed. He was repre- 
sented as both merciful and just, and, while rewarding the good and 
punishing the wicked, he was not indisposed to temper justice with 
mercy. Consequently, he was feared, revered, and worshipped by 
all, from the Emperor down to the peasant. Other gods were 
admitted and worshipped ; but they were regarded as ministers, so 
to speak, of the Heavenly King, who appointed them to various 
offices, in much the same way as the Emperor appointed his officials 
to rule over his empire. This kind of religious belief persists to the 
present day, especially among the educated classes, and has exerted 
a strong and beneficial influence on the civilisation of China, in spite 
of the mystic, and frequently idolatrous, doctrines and creeds intro- 
duced by the so-called Taoists and Buddhists during the Middle 
Ages of Chinese history. 

2. Social and Moral . — The Chinese had their own social and 
moral code ages ago, and scores of centuries have passed away 
without any material change in it. There arc five degrees of relation- 
ship recognised by the code, and each degree has its prescribed 
duties, responsibilities, and rights. First comes the relationship 
between the sovereign and his subjects. The former is charged with* 
the loving and benevolent care of his people, while the latter are 



THIRD SESSION 125 

enjoined to obey and serve their king with loyalty and faithfulness. 
Parents and children come next. " Honouf: thy father and thy 
rhother” was, and is, as much a divine commanliment with the 
Chinese as with the Hebrews ; and under the heading of filial 
piety ” all the offspring of a family are bound by an in^xible law to 
yield obedience and love to their progenitors. Parents are not with- 
out obligations to* their children. They have to cherish, educate, and 
maintain them, and to provide for their future welfare. It may be 
said that in no other country is the family-tie held more sacred than 
in China. The next relationship is that of husbands and wives ; and, 
as some misapprehension exists concerning the status of women and 
the practice of polygamy in China, it may be well to dwell at greater 
length on this relationship. A husband is bound to treat his 
with great consideration and courtesy, and to cherish and provide f6't^ 
her, while the wife is required to love and obey her spouse. A man 
is permitted by law to have one wife only, and the wife one husbancf.* 
It is incorrect to say that the Chinese are polygamous, since the 
marriage of more than one wife is treated as an offence in Statute- 
law, and is punishable by heavy penalties, and the second marriage 
is declared null and void. As a concession to human weakness, 
however, and especially for the humane purpose of providing for the 
unfortunate issue of unmarried women and securing^the continuation 
of the family-line on the male side, the law, by a fiction, recognises 
the status of children born in concubinage, and admits them to 
become members of the families as if they were born in wedlock. 
This legal indulgence has, in course of time, led to much abuse, and 
has given the impression that a Chinese can have as many wives as 
he desires. As a matter of fact, the so-called secondary wife is not 
recognised by law, and has no legal status in a Chinese family. As 
to the present position of women there is also some misconception. 
To^ those who are well acquainted with the family life of the Chinese, 
the position of Chinese women does not seem much lower than that 
now attained by the majority of their sisters in the West. Within 
the Chinese home their reign is supreme. As Empresses, mothers, 
wives, and sisters they usually obtain their due share of honour, 
power, homage, affection, and respect. Their education, even in 
former times, was not entirely neglected, and, besides literature, they 
were early instructed in needlework and household management, in 
order to fit them to become effective helpmates of their future 
husbands. Since the beginning of the national reform movement 
within the last few years many public as well as private schools for 
girls have been established. The custom of the seclusion of women 
is being gradually abandoned, and they now enjoy as much liberty 
and freedom as their Western sisters. 



lie ‘ UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS' 

« 

ITfee relationship between the older and younger numbers the 
family forms the fourth degree, and rules have been framed for the 
regulation of their conduct toward each other. The Chinese exact 
from the younger members great respect and reverence for their 
elders, who, {xi turn, are enjoined to treat their juniors with kindness 
and courtesy.^ This rule ^is enforced, not only in families, but in ali 
the village-communities throughout the empire. Hence in every 
hamlet or country-place a council of elders is generally elected to 
deal with local affairs, and its decisions on matters referred to it have 
usually the force and authority of law. The officials interfere very 
little with their findings, and thus a vast amount of time is saved, and 
good order maintained, with little expense and trouble to the Govern^ 
Trndht. This method of local government by the gentry and elders has 
been, and is, of the greatest utility and benefit. It forms the nucleus 
of local self-government, and the foundation of parliamentary rule. 

The last and fifth degree of relationship is that between friends 
and others with whom one associates, and the requirements of the 
social code in this respect are cordiality, sincerity, and faithfulness. 
Honest dealing in all transactions is secured by this moral law ; very 
few Chinese, except those of the lowest order, dare transgress it. 
For this reason the commercial integrity of the Chinese is proverbial 
and is much apQreciated by foreigners and natives alike. 

3. Political . — The government of China from the beginning of its 
history until now has been patriarchal in character. The theory was 
that the Emperor was the sire, having received his appointment from 
Heaven, and his various ministers and officers were the responsible 
elders and stewards of the various departments, provinces, and 
districts. For many centuries the occupant of the Imperial throne 
held his high office for life, and at his demise or retirement some 
able and virtuous minister was chosen, either by the Emperor himself 
or by the people or their representatives, as his successor. As^the 
government was for the benefit of the people, the Emperor was in 
some instances compelled to resign, or was forcibly removed, if his 
reign turned to their detriment. The history of China contains 
several instances in which these drastic measures were taken to 
remove unjust rulers. In 1766 B.C., Ch’eng-t*ang, founder of the 
Shang dynasty, banished the wicked ruler Kieh, and in 1122 B.C. Wu 
Wang, of the Chow dynasty, deposed the cruel King Chou. The 
rare occurrence of such incidents was due to the comparative sound- 
ness of the government and wisdom of the rulers, and to the institu- 
tion of a peculiar system of strict surveillance and mutual responsi- 
bility among all classes of the people, which had the effect of 
deterring them from any interference in government affairs that ^ 
might involve them and their relations in trouble. Since the advent 



THIRD SESSION 


i2;r 

<4 foreigners Into China, the establishment of ftreign consulates in 
Sdifierent ports, and the acquaintince with foreign officials, merchants, 
and missionaries, the Chinese have gradually learned the more liberal 
systems of government prevalent in Europe and America. As a 
. consequence, within the last few years, the officials anithe people 
have shown an eager desire for reform in •various dirdctions. This 
has ltd the people to take a more active interest in municipal and 
imperial affairs, and in some instances they have not hesitated to 
send remonstrances against governmental measures or actions which 
they looked upon as unwise and injurious. A few years ago, in com- 
pliance with the express wishes of the people, imperial edicts were 
issued promising constitutional government and the formation of a 
national parliament in ten years. Preparations are being made for 
carrying out this promise. Local assemblies, composed of delegates 
from different districts, have been formed, and meetings are held 
periodically to discuss matters of local or provincial interest A 
senate, composed of nobles, officials, and men of distinction in 
science, literature, or commerce, has lately been established in Peking. 
The formation of a responsible cabinet has recently been urged by 
the public, and the period of ten years fixed before the inaugura- 
tion of a parliament has been considered too long. Yielding to 
public opinion and to the representations of a fl^ajority of the pro- 
vincial Viceroys and Governors, and of tihft ministers in Peking, 
the Government issued an Imperial Edict on November 4, 1910, 
changing the date for the establishment of the Parliament to the fifth 
year of HsuanPung, the year 1913, and decreeing that the official 
system be reorganised, a cabinet formed, a code of constitutional law 
framed, and the rules and regulations governing Pa liament and the 
election of members of the Upper and Lower Houses, and other 
necessary constitutional reforms, be prepared and put into force 
before the assembling of Parliament. Thus it is hoped that in two 
years* time a constitutional Government and a Parliament will be in 
existence in this ancient empire 

4. Educational , — The instruction of the young had in the earliest 
times engaged the attention of Chinese educators. Besides teaching 
their youths polite literature and other branches of learning, they 
gave them moral training of a high order. The curriculum embraces 
mathematics, mechanics, painting, and music, athletic exercises, such 
as fencing, horse-riding, driving, archery, &c. As a result the 
Chinese led the world in polite literature, in inventive and mechanical 
genius, and in fine arts. But in the course of time some of these 
useful subjects were neglected, or omitted from the curriculum, and, 
instead of improving, the educational system deteriorated consider- 
ably, Since the national reform movement, however, the education 



j 28 ' UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

of the young has Engrossed the serious attention of officials and 
people, and energetic steps have been taken to improve the educa- 
tional system and to train boys and girls in all useful' subjects along 
iliodern lines. 

Langua ^. — An international language is sadly needed in these 
days of free cbmmunication and commerce throughout the world. This 
want is much more felt by Orientals than Occidentals. A Briton Or 
an American, after learning one foreign language, such as French^ 
will be able to travel in Europe or elsewhere, and make himself 
understood without difficulty. With the Oriental the case is different* 
Besides his own, he has to study at least two languages before he 
can make his wishes known when he travels abroad. The task of an 
"Dfiental when learning a European language is also much harder 
than that of an Occidental. People of different nations frequently 
quarrel because they do not understand each other's feelings and 
motives ; if they could converse in one language, many disputes 
might be easily settled. This will be appreciated by any one who 
has had dealings with foreigners. I would, therefore, strongly urge 
the adoption of an international language, which would greatly help 
to promote a good understanding between all nations. 

In China and other Eastern countries English is more generally 
spoken than agy c^J^er foreign language. There is, however, much 
room for improvement la the English language. There are no fixed ' 
rules, or there are many exceptions to the rules, for its pronunciation, 
and the irregular and eccentric way of spelling and accentuation is 
an almost insuperable difficulty for a foreigner. In order to adapt 
it for more general use, the useless and mute letters in words should 
be eliminated and the rules of pronunciation and accentuation should 
be uniform. I commend this subject to the favourable consideration 
of the British and American educators, and others interested in 
education, who would confer a great boon if they would reform the 
English language The Spanish, being simpler in construction and 
pronunciation, is easier to study, and doubtless it would be welcomed 
by many if it were selected as a medium for international communi- 
cation To meet the international difficulty, I would propose that 
an international congress, composed of two or three delegates from , 
each nation in Europe, America, Asia, and Africa, be held, and that 
it be authorised to decide by a majority of votes upon one language, 
whether living or dead, for universal use. 

Inter- facial Marriage .— regard to the question of inter- 
racial marriage, in my opinion the principle is excellent, though I 
fear it is not easy to carry out. Broadly speaking, it is proper that 
Occidentals and Orientals should inter-marry, as this would be the 
best means of diffusing knowledge and creating ties of relationship 



i 


THIRD SESSION 129 , 

aud friendship. But some,iof our customs, habits, and modes of 
living, though 'excellent in themselves, are diflfercjiit from those of 
Western countries, and may not be agreeable to Occidental people. 
Within the last few years the people of China, especially those on 
the coast, have been adopting some of the Western habJ^s and ways 
of living. It is not 'impossible that the^^e ^persons will make good 
partners for life with Westerners ; in fact, there are cases of mixed 
marriages which have turned out to be happy. I am inclined to the 
opinion that when a nation has a large number of its people who 
marry with foreigners, it is a sign of progress. It has been proved 
that .children inherit the traits of their parents, and, as the Chinese 
are noted for their patience, perseverance, honesty, and industry, 
these characters will naturally be imparted to the eurasian children, 
who will have the good points from both sides. 

That fair play and mutual consideration should be the guiding 
principle of nations as well as individuals is not only recognised in 
Europe and America, but is admitted and practised in China also. 
Circumstances, it is true, are not the same there as in Europe and 
America ; but, making every allowance for the difference, the principle 
of justice should not be violated. China had isolated herself for 
many centuries, and had little, if any, intercmirse with foreign 
nations. Her attitude was that her count^^^vN^siarge, her people 
were industrious, and her soil so rich, that its productions were 
sufficient for the support of her people. Thus the Imperial 
Government did not encourage the people to go abroad, and the 
people, on their part, were content to remain at home. But 
China was not albwed to continue in her seduced position. As 
the population of Europe rapidly increased, the enterprising spirit 
of Europeans naturally led them to seek new fields, and they asked 
that the door of China should be opened for them for purposes of 
tradie. China at that time did not see the justice of their demand, 
as she at that time considered that she could do what she pleased 
with her own country. But her policy was disregarded. It was 
argued that no nation should be allowed to isolate herself. I need 
not detail the various collisions and disputes which happened ; it is 
sufficient to say that, as a result, force was used to compel China 
to admit foreign trade and commerce. China was substantially told 
that her national door must be opened to all foreigners to enter for 
purposes of trade, religion, and other legitimate business ; her people 
must be left free to trade with foreigners, and to embrace any 
religion they might choose without let or hindrance. She was also 
told that her people could freely trade, reside, and become citizens 
abroad. She was therefore compelled to make treaties with foreign 
nations, admitting their rcbpective subjects and citizens to come t<j 



RACES CONGRESS 

China to reside, trade, and preach the Christian religion aiKl* 
toJng ignorant of the tariff laws of foreign countries, she was 
to consent to the levying of a duty on the import and export, of 
goods to and from China on a uniform scale of s per cent ad valore^^ 
For mley years after the treaties had been concluded, the 
Chinese people did not take advantage of the privilege of going 
abroad, nor did the Imperial Government encourage them to do so, 
as it was considered dangerous to cross the ocean. The Chinese, 
however, were known to be honest, steady, patient, and hard-working 
people, and immigration officers and agents were sent to the southern 
part of China to obtain labourers for those countries which were in 
need of workmen. As a result a large number of labourers emigrated ’ 
under contract to those countries, and were employed in various 
kinds of work, such as cultivating plantations, &c. They were found 
to be extremely useful, and so great was the demand that immigra- 
tion agents in China were instructed to obtain as many as possible*^ 
High premiums were offered for procuring emigrants ; unfair and 
fraudulent means were used by unscrupulous sub-agents ; and many 
peasants and others were enticed and kidnapped. These were the 
first steps taken to induce Chinese laboufers to go to Western 
countries. If no such steps had been taken, I feel sure that no 
Chinese labourers would have gone so many thousands of miles 
in search of work. But the first Chinese workmen in foreign 
countries, discovering that there was a great field for their com- 
patriots, naturally persuaded their friends and relatives to join 
them. This accounts fo rithe number of Chinese labourers going 
abroad to seek their fortunes. It should, however, be remembered' 
that the first Chinese emigrants came from a few districts in the 
Canton province only, and that therefore all the Chinese labourers 
in Canada, the United States, Mexico, and South America are 
natives of the Canton province only. If Chinese labourers Were 
allowed to go, say, to America, without restriction, which is 
unlikely, it may be regarded as certain that no Chinese from other 
provinces than that of Canton would emigrate. At the present 
moment there is no restrictive law against Chinese labourers coming 
to any of the European countries, yet none are found competing 
with European workmen, nor is there any danger whatever of > 
Chinese labourers emigiating to that Continent. This should give 
food for sreflection to those statesmen and others who are interested 
in the question. If my advice were asked, I would suggest that a 
commission composed of delegates from the countries interested in 
the subject should meet. I feel confident thaUl^y impartial investi- 
gation and fair discussion, a satisfactory sol<||fen of the whole 
^question would be found. At present the argut!i®nt of the nations 



THIRD SESSION 

who have changed their policy is practically reduced to this : " It 
, is tjrue that when we found we needed the services of C^pnese 
labourers, we did invite them to come; but now, on of 

the opposition of the labour unions, whose votes we cajiiiot afford 
to lose, who are jealous of the patience, perseverancey and indus- 
trious and economical habits of the Chinese emigrants, and fear 
their competition, we have deemed it advisable to exclude them.** 
This sort of reasoning is certainly not logical. China, in her 
present peculiar position, is physically unable to resist ; but such 
a state of things is inconsistent witii the laudable object of the 
\ Congress — to encourage good understanding and friendly feelings 
between Occidental and Oriental peoples, and as long as it lasts 
that object will not be attained. 

The acquisition of unexplored territory for cultivation and 
development is a praiseworthy object ; but the newly acquired 
country should be opened to all. If it is exclusively reserved to 
the first settlers, it will not confer a benefit on mankind as a 
whole. For some centuries people who called themselves civilised 
acquired territory by driving away the natives of the soil and, in 
some instances, killing them. In cases where the natives were savages 
and cannibals, the use of force be deenrvgs}^ expedient ; but 

^ where the invaded peoples are described as>"^emi-civilised, or have 
a civilisation of a high order — although in the opinion of Occidentals 
it may not reach their own standard — the treatment should be 
different. To take undue advantage of their ignorance of Western 
methods and, under the pretext of some grievance, to annex their 
territory, is questionable procedure. It may be true that some wrong 
had been done ; but if a little forbearance had been shown and a 
proper explanation had been given instead of making dictatorial de- 
mands, in many cases the difficulty might have been amicably settled. 

In connection with this subject I would refer to the “ White 
Policy,'* which, I regret to find, is advocated in some influential 
quarters. It is said that some countries should be reserved 
exclusively for white people, and that no race of another colour 
should be permitted there. When such a doctrine is openly 
approved by statesmen in the West, the yellow or coloured race 
should in fairness be allowed to act upon it themselves. Patriotism 
is an excellent quality ; but to preach the dogma of colour, race, 
bV nationalism is a matter of grave international importance, and 
should not be handled without serious consideration. If such a 
doctrine should spread and be generally followed, men would become 
more narrow-minded than ever, and would not hesitate to take undue 
, advantage of peoples of other colour or race whenever an opportunity 
occurred. Altruism would certainly disappear. Instead of friendly « 



i|2 y UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

feelings and hearty co-operation existii^ between Occidental and 
Oriet)iJ^l peoples, there would be feelings of distrust, ill-will, and 
animosity, towards each other ; constant friction and disputes would 
take place, ^nd might ultimately lead to war. I have noticed that 
this cry of a “ White Policy ” has been raised, not by the aborigines, 
who might have some excuse, but by the descendants or settlers who 
had conquered and, in many cases, killed the aborigines of the 
country, which they now want to keep for themselves, and by 
politicians who recently migrated to that country. Is this fair or 
just? To those who advocate such a policy, and who no doubt 
call themselves highly civilised people, I would remark that I prefer 
Chinese civilisation. According to the Chinese civilisation, as inter- 
preted in the Confucian classics, we are taught that “ we should treat 
all who are within the four seas as our brothers and sisters ; and that 
what you do not want done to yourself you should not do to others.** 
Until racial and national feeling is eliminated from the minds of 
Occidental peoples, it is to be feared genuine friendship and co- 
operation between them and Oriental peoples cannot really exist. 

I am writing this paper in my unofficial capacity. I wish to state, 
however, that China and other Eastern nations do not ask for special 
favours at the han^^»yf Occidental p^ples , but they do expect, and have 
a right to expect, that Xujlr nations and their peoples should be equally 
and equitably treated, in the manner accorded to Occidental peoples. 

I have no doubt that those attending the Congress will discuss , 
the various subjects laid before them impartially and with an open 
mind. It is by such friendly discussions and personal contact tha,j;'nf^ 
people gain a knowledge of real facts and arrive at a rigljf 'con- ' 
elusion. That this Congress will be productive of good to the 
world, and that it will not be the last one but only the precursor 
of many others, is my earnest hope and prayer. 

[Paper submitted in English ] 


JAPAN 

By ToNGO Takebe, Bungaku Hakushi, 

Professor of Sociology in the Imperial University of Tokyo^ Associi 
of the Institut International de Sociologie ; 

and Teruaki Kobayashi, Bungaku Shi, 

Professor of Pedagogics in the Girls' Higher Normal School of Tokyo, 
Lecturer on Sociology in the Imperial University of Tokyo, 

I. Introduction, — The Japanese Empire, a small island country, 
«-long maintained a policy of national isolation, and offered no 



THIRD SESSION 


opportunity to other nations to make her aciquaintanc:^. However, ' 
when in .the year 1853 thh American warships suddenly appeared 
at Uraga, she decisively changed her three hundred years* policy, 
opened her doors to all the world, and began to aim at progress. 
She endeavoured to study and to introduce European a^d American 
civilisation, but at the same time to retaia her own cnaracteristics, 
and by this policy the small island country of the Far East has joined 
the company of the Great Powers. At the conclusion of the Chino- 
Japanese War, the world finally began to abandon its contemptupjife 
attitude towards our country. Later, at the time of the B^icer 
insurrection, the world saw that Japan was not inferior to European , 
countries ; and, in the late war with one of the strongest nations in 
Europe, the news of the successive victories of our army and navy 
surprised every one, and there was abundant praise of our valour 
and judgment. By degrees the nations of the West began to 
seek some cause of these successes, and thus all eyes turned to the 
characteristic civilisation of Japan and the nature of the Japanese 
people. Christ said, “ The tree is known by its fruit.** On that 
principle the world at large seeks to understand the secret of the 
development of the Japanese Empire of to-day. For the purpose 
of elucidating this, we hrxve published The Japanese Nation^ a 
work in which a scientific account is given of^u:f»hr development of 
Japanese society from the sociological point^tff view. In the present 
paper we shall deal with the same theme, though the limits of our 
space prevent us from discussing it as fully as in the former work. 

The reasons why our country — ruled by the descendants of a 
single line of monarchs and forming an island country in an 
advanced state ot development in the East — has never invaded 
other countries, and has never been invaded by them, but had an 
independent history for three thousand years, are manifold ; but 
we may reduce them to three : firstly, the natic»nal constitution at 
the establishment of the Empire ; secondly, the influence of geo- 
graphical and other natural features ; and thirdly, the character of 
the Japanese people. Let us deal with these divisions 

II. The National Constitution at the Establishment of the Empire. 
— It is a general rule that the first sovereign of a country has sacred 
power, and that this power is destroyed by war as time goes on. 
There are few Governments which have been built up without 
revolution. Japan, however, is an exception in this point. The 
hereditary line of the first sovereign has never lost power, so that 
our Emperor has no family name, like the rulers of other countries* 
This is really very distinctive of our Empire. When we seek the 
cause of this, we may admit that the remarkable bravery and 
nobility of character of the first sovereign had a considerable 



fin tMlVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

*' 1 .' " - * * < ' \ ' 

inflaence ; but the main cause is found in the ancestor wardship and 
the family system^ which have been developed in a high degree in 
the small world of Japan. Why they have been so developed will 
be explained in the following divisions dealing with the influence of 
geographical features, and the assimilation of the constituent races. 

Besides \hese outward characteristics, there is an unseen powei* 
which accentuated the difference. This is no other than the strong 
belief of the nation in its sovereign and in the future of the country. 

In the beginning, when our country was first established, Amaterasu- 
o-Mikami, giving the Three Sacred Treasures to her grandson, said 
to him : “ The glory of the sovereign power shall be as boundless 
as heaven and earth.” This is really a prediction of the three 
thousand years of our history, and not even a child ever doubts 
the truth of the prophecy. Every nation has its own prophecies. 
Even though the greatest of all, perhaps, are those of the Jews, 
these are unequal to our prophecy, which refers to all time. 

A prophetic utterance is an ideal, a hope ; it is, in reality, the 
expression of a firm faith. The ideal of the Japanese nation has 
been created by the great prophecy of the goddess, and it has ' 
become the belief of the nation, rooted deeply in the mind of the 
people. In other words, the ancestor worship of the Japanese 
nation was streqg^^Vned by this firm belief, and the belief in turn 
was greatly assisted b;j^ ancestor worship. It has found a moral;, 
embodiment in Shinto ” (God’s Way), in the national system, the 
family system, and the unity of the Church and State. Thus in^^ 
ancient Japan morality was religion, and religion was at the same j* 
time politics, so that Japanese society was perfectly harmonised, 
and the salutary unity in the minds of the people was emphasised 
and strengthened. One may almost regard the result as miraculous. 
Pascal, the great French thinker of the seventeenth century, said 
of human development : The formal succession of human beings 
throughout the course of the ages must be regarded as a single 
individual man, continually living and continually learning.” This 
has been realised in the Japanese Empire, for the Japanese people 
have worshipped their sovereign as a divine being, and regarded 
their country as the empire of a god. This faith has had the effect 
of deepening the loyal and patriotic feelings in the minds of the* 
people ; believing in the eternity of Empire and throne, Japanese^ 
society was solidly built up, with the Imperial family as its centre. , 

The ** Imperial Rescript on Education” and “The Imperial 
Edict of 1908,” which were issued by the present Emperor, most 
clearly expound the national constitution, and are the creed of the 
Japanese people. We have no reason to doubt that these edicts 
will, though the period is so short since they were issued, become 



' 'THIRD Session* 

i 

^uwasingly the basis of dte people’s faith, anti 'be accepted, as mi 
powerful .prophecy, just as* is that of Amatcrasti'O-Mikami. 

Ill, Geographical Conditions . — Our country is an island sorrounded 
by a vast ocean. Open a map and look at the position of our 
Country and you will find in its situation, which lies in tiie farthest 
' limit of the East, a likeness to that of Epgland, which lies in the 
extreme boundary of the West If our country had not been 
isolated as it is, the bravery and wisdom of the Emperor Jimmu, the 
Empress Jingo, Kublai Khan, Genghis Khan or Toyotomi Hideyoshi 
might have given an even more remarkable character to our history, 
and put Japan in closer relation with the continent There may 
be some disadvantage in this circumstance, yet this isolation is the 
evident reason why Japan is free from those struggles about 
boundaries and from the wars which harass an avaricious people. 

Intercourse with outsiders on the material side has thus been 
prevented, though intellectual intercourse has long been carried on 
* across the sea ; and the foreign ideas which came into the country 
have strengthened the foundation of our civilisation. This, indeed, 
may be said to constitute the greatness of the Japanese people, that 
they, absorbing the neighbouring civilisations of the East along with 
their own, have fused them together and created the civilisation of 
the East. Why is Japan, and not India or ^ma, the creator of 
^ this civilisation ? There is no other reason except the special 
I national conditions and the strong beliefs of the people. The 
blending of Eastern civilisation was the first step, and our country 
is beginning to take the second step, which is the blending of the 
civilisation of the East and the West. 

The area of our country is not large ; but the length of the 
coast-line in proportion to the area is unique. The mountains are 
all steep and lofty, and there is a great diversity from the foot to 
the summit, so that there are many different kinds of animals and 
plants. As there are many volcanoes, earthquakes are frequent ; 
yet not only do they do little damage, but, on the contrary, they 
' contribute to the beauty of the scenery ol the mountains and 
lakes, the best known of which are Mount Fuji and Lake Biwa. The 
' rivers, being swift, offer little advantage for traffic ; but the scenery 
about them is charming, aquatic products are abundant, the water- 
power greatly benefits industry, and the abundance of water offers 
facilities for irrigation. Moreover, the plains along the rivers are 
generally fertile, and the deltas at the river-mouths are densely 
populated. The surrounding seas seldom freeze ; they are rich in 
various kinds of marine products, and the currents make the 
climate mild. There is, in consequence, abundant rain in Japan, 
and this greatly promotes the growth of vegetation. It goes without 



RACES' CONGRESS'' 

saying that this vegetation counts for much in the social econoitzijf^ 
In short, these geographical circumstances have influenced th(5 
development of Japanese civilisation, and also made the people, 
active, and inspired them with a worship of nature. It may be 
specially noted that the diversity of the climate, the currents which 
cause great^ humidity, and the many volcanoes and swift rivers, 
have made Japanese scenery remarkable for its beauty and grace. 
The people of Japan could not help being influenced by such 
an environment. It was almost inevitable that they should love 
cleanliness, be quick in action, cultivate a peaceful optimism along 
with the spirit of expansion, and thus stimulate progress and 
courage, and become a practical people. 

IV. The Nation . — The question of the origin of the ancestors 
of the Yamato race has long been studied, and is not yet settled. 
As the difference of race is, however, not a radical difference, the 
question is not important. The only point to which special attention 
must be paid is the character of the races which actually make up 
the Japanese nation, since the chief influence in forming the nation 
must be ascribed to the peaceful history and the special geographical 
circumstances of our country. 

According to the inquiry made by the Japanese Government in 
the year 815 A.Uj^the Japanese people living in Kyoto in those 
days were divided intb three sections : i. Kobetsu (Royal family), 

2. Shinbetsu (prehistoric family), 3. Banbetsu (naturalised subjects). 
Kobetsu is the Royal line which descends from the Emperor Jimmu ; 
Shinbetsu is the line which descends from the gods before the 
Emperor Jimmu’s time ; and Banbetsu is the line of those who 
immigrated from other countries and were naturalised. This last 
class numbered one-third of the whole population of Kyoto. As 
this was more than a thousand years ago, Banbetsu must have pros- 
pered and increased in the meantime, and people of other nation- 
alities may have been naturalised, so that the Japanese people of the 
present day are greatly mixed in blood. The Japanese nation may 
be analysed briefly as follows : — 


/i. Yamato race 


Kobetsu 

Shinbetsu 


(Grandson of Ama-* 
r terasu- 5 -Mikam;i. 
/Gods of Heaven. 
^Gods of Earth. 


Japanese 
nation * 




2. People of the Stone' 

Age 

3. Kumaso Hayato 

4. Tsuchigumo \ 

5. Yezo (Ainu) / 

6. Naturalised people 

from Corea, China, 

. and other countries ^ 


Banbetsu. 



THikB' sfissfojr ‘ ^ - ' '■'■''fli, 

' The question may be raised, why so many.rSc^e^i^arf combined in 
the Japanese nation. A close scrutiny will discover that the cau^e 
lies in the firmness of the social structure, which did not permit 
immigration to cause any trouble to our early ancestors, and Jid not 
suffer immigrants to feel any inconvenience on the part of the Yamato 
race, but assimilated them all. One must* also recollect the advan- 
tages offered by the geographical and economic conditions of our 
country. Moreover, the beneficence and generosity of the successive 
Emperors facilitated the assimilation of these naturalised people and 
made them genuine subjects of Japan There is a ballad, sung* in 
the reign of Emperor Tenchi, which may be roughly translated, 
“ The fruit of the Tachibana orange grows on different branches, yet 
we can thread it on a single strand.*’ This was sung in praise of 
the peaceful reign in which the naturalised people from Corea, 
though they differed in origin, were treated by the common sovereign 
in the same way as the original Japanese people. In later years, the 
poet Rai Sanyo sang as follows * “ When one sees the charming 
spectacle of Miyoshino on a spring morning, where the dawning light 
falls on the cherry blossom, no matter whether he be a Chinese or 
of the Core^.n race, the Yamato spirit will be awakened in his heart.” 
This song clearly expresse** the spirit of the Japanese nation. The 
number of races in a country has much to doJJ^|i^Jl its unity. If a 
country has only one race in it, the unity of the State and society is 
complete, as the ideas and customs of the people are all alike. On 
the other hand, if there are sc veral races in a country, the foundation 
of the State cannot be solid, and the people will find it difficult to 
avoid struggles and confusion. In Japan, however, though there have 
been several races from the foundation of the country, the dignity and 
generosity of the Yamato race and the excellence of the natural 
conditions have led to a complete assimilation, and thus produced a 
perfect and genuine new race. Thus has arisen in the world a virile 
nation destined to play an important part in the history of the world. 

In addition to the accession of many immigrants, the population 
of Japan has itself greatly increased, and this has done much for the 
development of the country. There is an old saying to the effect 
that “ Heaven favours manljind.” This means that the reproductive 
power of the race is strong. Though the ancient statistics cannot be 
safely relied upon as a general rule, we may yet glance at a few 
figures from certain old books, apnd see the general trend of the 
increase of population in ancient, modern, and recent times. 

AD 

6io 4,988,842 

982 8,476,400 

1744 25,680,000 

1872 33,110,000 

1908 ‘ ... 51,736,304 



, UKlVERSAt RACES CONGRESS ; 

, (kiemn easily compare the rate of increase of the popfulation of 
Japan with that of other countries by looking into any .statistical 
year-book, and we shall not, therefore, go further into this subject 

V. Conclusion. — As we have stated, the national constitution, fbe 
geographical conditions, and the nature of the people — which are 
the chief pcJints of difference between Japan and other countries-— 
are the original causes of the peculiar development of Japan. The 
political, economic, and educational influences are no more than the 
external features of those essential agencies. And the only thing 
which explains all this is Japanese history, which is replete with 
loyalty and patriotism. The succeeding tides of civilisation came 
into our country from China and India, and had a great influence on 
the ideas of the Japanese, yet the original spirit of the people has 
never been changed, but has only been improved by them, and the 
three kinds of civilisation have made up the typical Eastern civili- 
sation. Recently, when the tide of European and American civili- 
sation poured in and mingled with the old ideal, Japan set herself 
the task of framing a new world-civilisation, and the old moral ideas 
and the new scientific ideas have already been blended and brought 
into harmony. This new civilisation is really the new Japanese 
civilisation. The so-called Yamato spirit, or the Bushid5, is only 
the outcome of tlj^ower which has long been growing in the mind 
of the people. In analysing the nature of the Japanese people 
which has been formed in this way, one may assign the following 
elements : — 

1. Nationalism. — This may also be called patriotism. Patriotism 
and loyalty are the two radiant points in the nature of the Japanese 
people, and have really the predominant influence in the country. 
In some countries, it would seem, the relation of the sovereign to the 
people is a relation of strength to weakness, not a union of affection. 
In Japan, on the contrary, the national constitution is no more than 
a great family system, so that the relation between the sovereign 
and the subjects is just the same as that between father and sons. 
What is called individualism has no place in Japan. 

2. Ancestor Worship. — Ancestor worship within the family tends 
to accentuate the love of the family nan^e, pride of lineage, and hero 
worship. This spirit is one of the most essential influences in the 
formation of the Empire. Though in other countries ancestor 
worship gradually decays as civilisation advances, in Japan we find 
just the reverse tendency. 

3. Love of Cleanliness. — The Japanese people love not only the 
purity of the body, but also that of the heart. This idea is /the 
pervading principle of Shint5. The love of beauty and glory is 
inspired also by this sentiment. It is widely known that the 



tHIRD SESSION ' : ^ 

J^pa^ese bathe more frequently than the people of other nations/ 
that » they ^are remarkalble for cleanliness in daily life. 

4* Secularism. — The Japanese belie\/e that social happiness and 
all good fortune come from the gods. It is therefore the chief 
concern of their lives to pray to the gods for their protection. 
The practice of ancestor worship comes from this idea, and it also 
leads to the worship of the benefactors of the race. 

5. Optimism. — While the Japanese adhere to secularism, they are 
at the same time optimistic. Their country is fertile, the climate 
mild, the scenery everywhere charming, so that there is nothing to 
engender the pessimistic feelings which one finds in some other 

/ countries. As a result, the Japanese have a strong sense of humour# 

6. Practicalness. — That the Japanese are practical, and dislike 
fruitless speculation, maybe gathered from the preceding paragraphs. 
In a country where there is much natural misfortune or oppression 
the people, in order to avoid bodily pain, seek comfort in the 
subjective life and indulge in dreamy thoughts. But in a country 
like Japan, where Nature is generous with her favours, time is not 
wasted in vain fancies ; the people think only of carrying out their 
duties of supporting themselves and maintaining order in the country. 

7. Love of Nature and Plants. — The love of nature has certainly 
been inspired by the beauty of the country. In Japan one sees 
many vegetable products used in the making of food, dress, and 
dwellings. Most of the designs that are used in dress and other articles 
are taken from plants or flowers. The Japanese also love travel. 

8. Love of Simpliaty. — As the climate of Japan is bright and clear, 
one of the characteristics of the Japanese is simolicity. They are 
. greatly lacking in subtleness and complexity. Their food, dress, and 
dwellings are all simple. Most of the people never eat meat, and are 
thus better able to cultivate simplicity. The interest of the Japanese 
4 n the tea-room is an excellent illustration of their love of simplicity. 

9. Love of Daintiness. — The fact that Japan is a small island may 
have something to do with the people s love of small things. In 
literature and the fine arts they are very delicate. Their tea-rooms, 
gardens, and carvings are all small in design. It is much the same 
in all handiwork that is especially suited to the Japanese people. 

10 . Love of Children. — The climate being gentle, living easy, and 
the natural products abundant, the Japanese have many children. 
This has been the case from ancient times. A child is said to be a 
“treasure” in Japan. And ail people, however poor they maybe, 
bring up their many children with tenderness. 

11. The Spirit of Chivalry. — The spirit of chivalry has exercised 
a very great influence on the mind of the Japanese ever since the 

' , foundation of the country. In feudal days this spirit was inculcated 



.140 : ^UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

• 

together with the spirit of loyalty. What is called Bushido is no 
other than this spirit of chivalry. * , . 

12. Love of Courage , — The Japanese are naturally courageous and 
active. This makes the Japanese face death fearlessly in war, and 
stand in its presence with calmness and composure. Dr. Baeltz 
has said that there is a feeling in every Japanese that makes little of 
life. This courage comes down from ancient days, and was fostered 
by Buddhism. 

13. Evolution , — The Japanese are enamoured of progress, though 

they do not entertain the idea of sudden change or revolutions. In 
former days, when our ancestors built up the country, they controlled 
its development with great prudence. ' 

14. Value of Etiquette , — The Japanese are very polite. There is 
a strict etiquette and special code of behaviour for masters and 
servants, parents and children, brothers and sisters, and husbands 
and wives. Again, in daily speech and in letters there are many 
different titles of honour used. The ceremony of taking tea, or 
arranging flowers and other little accomplishments all aim at the 
cultivation of politeness. 

15. Love of Peace . — The Japanese love gentleness and generosity. 
Bushid 5 strongly discountenances forwardness, and forbids one to 
show one’s couraget^unless there is some need for self-defence. They 
have a saying which means “The undrawn sword is a great 
honour.” In feudal days the knights wore swords, but they regarded 
as cowards those who drew their swords without some grave cause. 
The Japanese always loved animals, and in later years, when 
Buddhism was introduced, the killing of animals was forbidden. 
Deeds akin to those of the Red Cross Society may be found in our 
military history of hundreds of years ago. In the battlefield it was 
never the main object of the Japanese to kill their enemies. Japanese 
history is full of beautiful stories in this connection. The cry of a 
Yellow Peril is surely due to ignorance of the national characteristics 
of our country. 

The above is only a brief account. Western civilisation with all 
its dignity and brilliance has still much to do before it can realise 
the dream of a perfect humanity ; and we venture to say that what 
is lacking in it may to some extent be supplied by the brighter 
features of the civilisation which three thousand years of experience 
have created in the life of this island nation of the Far East. 

JAPANESE IMPERIAL RESCRIPT ON EDUCATION. 

Issued 1890. 

" Know ye, Our subjects : 

“ Our Imperial Ancestors have founded Our Empire on a basis broad and 
everlasting, and have deeply and firmly implanted virtue ; Our subjects ever united in 
loyalty and filial piety have from generation to generation illustrated the beauty there- 



THIRD SESSION 


i4t 


of. TWs is the glory of the fundanjental character of Our Empire, and herein also lies 
the source of Our education. Ye, Our subjects, be filial your parents, aiiectionate to 
your brothers and sisters ; as husbands and wives be harmonious ; as friends true ; 
bear yourselves in modesty and moderation ; extend youi benevcdence to all , pursue 
learning and cultivate arts, and thereby develop intellectual faculties and perfect moral 
powers ; furthermore, advance public good and promote common interests ; always 
respect the Constitution and observe the laws , should emergency arise, offer yourselves 
courageously to the State , and thus guard and maintain the prosperity of Our Imperial 
iThrone, coeval with heaven and earth. So shall ye not only be Our good and faithful 
subjects, but render ill jstrious the best traditions of your forefathers. 

“ The Way here set forth is indeed the teaching bequeathed by Our Imperial 
Ancestors, to be observed alike by Their Descendants and the subjects, infallible for 
all ages and true in all places It is Our wi*;h to lay it to heart in all reverence, in 
common with you, Oui subjects, that we may all thus attain to the same virtue.** 
[Paper submitted tn English.^ 


SHINTOISM 

By Dr. Genchi Kato, 

Lecturer on the Science of Religion in the Imperial University of 

Tokyo. 

As is well known, the Indo-European mode of thinking is pantheistic, 
both in religion and philosophy, and the idea of naturalistic pantheism 
culminates in ** Natura sive DeusP to put it in Spinoza’s words, and 
again, in the noted Buddhistic terminology, “ Herbs, trees, and even 
minerals, are all to be the very Buddha.” 

In ancient India, the pantheistic expression of thought was really, 
traceable in the Vedic hymns dedicated to the gods Puru’sa and 
Aditi, and, therefore, also the Mundaka Upanishad says : “ Fire is His 
head, His eyes sun and moon, His ears the regions of the sky, the 
revealed Veda is His voice, the \yind His breath, the Universe His 
heart, from His feet is the earth.” 

In Shintoism, the first germ of the pantheistic idea was already 
discernible even in its crude form of an animistic philosophy, when 
the Nihongi speaks of trees and herbs that have the faculty of speak- 
ing like men, and the Kojiki speaks of animals and ^'egetables all 
coming into being from the very body of the Goddess of Great Food ; 
for, from what is stated here we can easily get the following equation : 
The body of the Food-Goddess = natural beings. 

Let us illustrate this point by the following quotation from the 
text : ‘‘ The Princess-of-Great-Food took out all sorts of dainty things 
from her nose, her mouth, and her fundament, and made them up 
into all sorts of (dishes), which she offered to him. But His-Swift- 
Impetuous-Male-Augustness (Susa-no-o-no-mikoto) watched her pro- 
ceedings, considered that she was offering up to him filth, and at once 
killed the Deity Princess-of-Great-Food (0-getsu-hime-no-kami). So 



t4^ < UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

,, ^ . ■ ' 

the things that were born in the body of the Deity who ha^ b^n, 
killed were as follows : in her head were born silkwof-ms, in her two 
eyes was born millet, in her nose were born small beans, in her Ipwer 
parts was born barley, in her fundament were born large beans” 
(Chamberlain, Kojiki, p. 70). 

We also read from the Nihongi as follows : “ So he (Susa-no-o*no- 
mikoto) plucked out his beard and scattered it. Thereupon crypto- 
merias were produced. Moreover, he plucked out the hairs of his/ 
breast, which became Thuyas. The hairs of his buttocks became 
Podocarpi. The hairs of his eyebrows became camphor-trees ” t 
(Aston, Nihongi, vol. i. p. 58). 

In the cosmogonic myth of Japan, we find, strictly speaking, no 
creation, i.e, no creatio ex nihilo, but simply production or genera-^ 
tion, i.e,, procreation or begetting. In the idea of creation, like in the 
Genesis of the Old Testament, the creator-deity is more or less higher 
than its creatures, and stands aloof from man and the world, just as 
the position of the master is somehow or other loftier than that of the 
servant or slave. On the contrary, if everything is produced from the 
body of God, and the procreator and the procreated are not different 
in the last analysis ; in other words, they are not different in kind, but 
differ only in degree, to put this in the Spinozistic terminology, God 
as natura naturans, Kie world = natura naturata, and Giordano Bruno 
called them implicatio and explicatio respectively. From such a point 
of view the procreation or generation of the world and men from the 
body of God is nothing but emanation — true, a lower form of emana- 
tion in Japanese mythology though it is of a higher philosophical 
nature in the emanation-theory of the Neo-Platonic School. So, in 
like manner, in the story of Izanagi (male-god) and Izanami’s (female 
god) begetting of the land, ?>., the world, we can trace an early form 
of pantheism in Japanese mythology. The description of the Nihongi 
on this point is as follows : “ They (the above-mentioned male and 
female deities) next produced the sea, then the rivers, and then the 
mountains. They then produced kuku-no-chi, the ancestor of the 
trees, and kaya-no-hime. After this Izanagi-no-mikoto and Izanami- 
no-mikoto consulted together, saying : “ We have now produced the 
Great-eight-island country, with the mountains, rivers, herbs, and 
trees” {Nihongi, vol. i. p. 18). Here we can distinctly see that there 
lies no great difference between cosmogony and theogony in such a 
naturalism as is embodied in original Shintoism. Moreover, to the 
ancient Japanese, serpents, wolves, tigers, crocodiles, and birds, eg., 
the cormorant, the crow, &c., are all gods ; and men are also among 
the number. The Nihongi says : “ In that land there were numerous 
Deities which shone with a lustre like that of flies, and evil Deities 
which buzzed like flies. There were also trees and herbs, all of which 



THIRD SESSION ^ ' t4^ 

could speak ” (vol. i. p. 64). . Such an animistic view of Nature as that 
cultivated* among the ancient Japanese easily leads to a crude 
naturalistic pantheism ; hence we are little surprised to hear that the 
pantheistic Mahayana Buddhism easily conquered Shintoism, and 
both religions were at last completely amalgamated with each other 
in this land of the Rising Sun ; for, in so far*as both religions are of a 
pantheistic nature, original Shintoism may be considered as the 
aboriginal forerunner of Buddhism at its early stage of nature-religion 
in this country, and vice versa the pantheistic Mahayana Buddhism 
partly introduced into and partly developed here in Japan the natural 
consummation of Shintoism or the way of the Gods, when the general 
culture of the people reached the high stage of ethico-spiritualistic 
religion. And the completion of such a religious amalgamation is, 
in my opinion, due partly to the comprehensive nature of the 
Greater Vehicle of Buddhism and partly to the original tolerant 
spirit already existing in the naturalistic pantheism of original 
Shintoism. 

[Paper submitted tn English J] 


Dr. Biza Tevfik’s Paper on “Turkey'" will be found in the 

Appendix. 


PERSIA 

By Hadji Mirza Yahya, Teheran. 

The sons of Adam are members of one body ; 

For they are made of one and the same uiature ; 

When Fortune brings distress upon one member, 

The peace of all the others is destroyed. 

O thou, who art careless of thy fellow’s grief, 

It fits not thou should 'st bear the name of man. 

Sadi. 

The ancient nation which has played so glorious a part on the 
stage of the world’s history, which for centuries has charmed 
humanity by the penetration of its philosophic teaching and the 
delicacy of its poetic feeling, which has yielded up the buried records 
of its long past to give lustre to the greatest museums in the world 
— that nation, I say, now adding new aspirations to its old glories, 
comes to-day, strong in its honour and the indisputable right of 
antiquity, before a Congress which is one of the most honourable 
that the world has ever seen, 



144 ■ WiVERSAL RACfeS ’OSNGttESS 

' ** • . . 

The ga«e of the world's thinkers is* focused to-day upon 
radiating centre, where all the great nations will gacther Ibr mutual 
understanding. Never before has such a gathering been possible. 
Indeed, what greater success could be imagined than that of an 
interracial Congress destined to link all thinkers in the strong 
bonds of friendship, inviting each nation to transcend its limitations 
of national feeling and reach out towards an infinite space whose 
limits shall be only those of humanity itself ; so that under the . 
influence of this high teaching the spirit of man may no longer 
erect a barrier between Eastern and Western, Asiatic and European, 
the nations of the New World and the nations of Africa, but may 
realise that the child is equally unable to endure hunger whether 
he hail from East or West, that wounds are painful alike to 
European and African, that the Asiatic no less than the American 
mother is heart-broken by the death of a child. Thus as the 
clinging to old customs grows less obstinate and the nations are 
cleansed of that fanaticism which is so unnecessary to the human 
spirit and so prolific a source of discord, it will be possible to bring 
in the radiant era of a new morality which looks on all men as 
members of one common body, as an integral part of one single 
Whole, as different renderings of one and the same Original : from 
affinity of thought and solidarity of international relations a feeling 
of oneness will gradually dawn, till from the darkness of our blood- 
thirsty customs — so much nearer the brute than the human— the 
sun of universal peace shall appear on the horizon of the nations 
and the differences which will continue to arise in this world shall 
be easily settled before the tribunal of peace-loving consciences. 

It is, of course, true that just as the evolution of matter requires 
long ages to reach perfection, so the progress of moral principles 
will require endless time before the final goal of a universal morality 
can be attained. Still the day will certainly arrive when interna- 
tional friendship will pave the way for an association of mankind 
under simple conditions in which superfluities have no place. And 
once this is so, then human nature, beautiful in simplicity and 
endowed with a new power of magnetic attraction, will draw the 
scattered atoms of humanity together into one single body. And 
the final achievement of human thought will be the clear setting 
forth of that unity which is at the heart of the universe. How can 
this truth admit of doubt ? We know, on the one hand, that the 
Whole possesses in itself the properties of its parts ; we see, on the 
other, that little children, before they are taught to appreciate the 
usefulness of association, act in opposition to each other so that 
their intercourse does harm rather than good ; while, later on, under 
the beneficial influence of education, their activities furnish them 



‘ ' THIRD 'SlfeSION ■' ' 

' * ' ' 

with .opportunities of friendly competition. Why, then, should we 
not believe that similarly a day will dawn when humanity, governed 
by a higher morality than it has yet known, will turn towards this . 
ideal of a well-regulated and friendly life ? 

Why should we not believe that some day those discords, which 
are the result of an imperfect moral education, will die out, that 
the clouds of ignorance will roll away, and the union of mankind 
be consummated \n all its brightness and splendour^ 

And on that day the nations will be members of one and the 
same great family and the earth will be their one big home. 

Origin of the Persians . — It cannot be made matter of reproach 
to the Persian people that they have no exact knowledge of their 
national history, for a nation whose historical documents have been 
more than once committed to the flames could not know its past 
any better than they know theirs. Happily, however, though the 
history written on papyrus or parchment has been entirely destroyed, 
yet the history engraved upon stones (Takht6 Djemchide, Taghd 
Boustan, &c.) and the evidence obtained through excavations at 
Susa, Nineveh, and Babylon are still left to us The records pre- 
served in lae Memoirs of the Ancestors were collected in the 
eleventh century by Firdou^^i in his “ Book of Kings.” And apart 
from such references as are found in the Sacred Writings, there 
are famous Greek historians, such as Herodotus, Xenophon, and 
Ctesias who have left behind them all the valuable documentary 
evidence that they could find i elating to this epoch. 

Still, as historians hold very different opinions concerning the 
origin, the branches and the cradle of the Iranian race, we leave the 
study of these problems to the investigation of specialists. We can, 
however, affirm that it is a race which has played a very important 
part in the formation of other races, and if it cannot be regarded as 
the mother of them all, it can at least, and with a high degree of 
certainly, be looked upon as their sister. We can consider them as 
branches of one and the same stock. The Persians of to-day will 
therefore be very happy if, after long centuries of separation from 
their ancient kinsfolk, they can again cement the broken ties and 
strengthen them from day to day. 

Customs and Habits of the Persians . — History shows us that the 
natural customs of the Persian race were good. “ The Persians,” 
thus some famous Orientalists have remarked, imparted their good 
customs not only to nations with whom they were at peace, but even 
to those who effected the conquest of their country.” Still it must 
be allowed that various corrupting influences have been at work t 
the fusion with other races ; the formation of different kingdoms ; 
above all, the invasions to which this country has been subject, 



^ : UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS ; 

1-* ' *1 i 

, whether of foreign foes or of barbarous hordes who ravaged the land 
on their way to invade Europe ; and lastly, the semi-feudal’ system of 
government which has been in force for centuries — all these factors 
have acted disastrously on the customs of the Persians and prevented 
them from concerning themselves, as they might have done, with the 
development of their civic responsibilities. Bad government has also 
had a nefarious influence. Members of the Court, knowing that they ^ 
could only attain their personal ends by sowing discord among the , 
different sections of the nation, showed unwearying persistence in 
the pursuit of this policy, the result of which could not be other than 
intestine strife. 

And yet an attentive survey of Persian customs will soon show , 
that these evil influences have not really permeated all classes in the 
nation, but have acted solely upon those classes which have been 
more particularly exposed to them. If, then, during these last cen- 
turies in which the light of a new civilisation has been shed abroad 
upon the world, the Persians have failed to keep abreast with the 
progressive movement and turn it to real advantage, it is because 
they had had insufficient opportunities of intercourse with European 
nations, and were, consequently, not in a position to familiarise \ 
themselves with European customs This lack of intercourse was ^ 
due to the following causes : — 

1. The despotic Persian Government considered that international 
relationships and, consequently, the awakening of the nation to a, 
knowledge of its lawful rights were prejudicial to Government , 
interests. Now the Persian religion itself teaches that Government 
can only be lawful when it rests its claim on the justice of the ^ 
sovereign and the free consent of the nation. Since the despotic 
Government did not, as a rule, comply with these two conditions and 
was therefore fearful of popular risings and threatened by the opposi- 
tion of the true representatives of religion, it found itself in a 
somewhat precarious position. This is why it had fostered the 
growth of a clerical party with a view to weakening religion and 
preventing a general uprising. This party, acting in concert with the 
Government, kept the people in a slavish condition of perpetual 
degradation and profound ignorance. It further opposed the 
establishment of good relations with other nations and the study of 
their language and history on the false assumption that these things 
were contrary to the teaching of Islam. Islam, in reality, had never 
countenanced such views ; but the general public, misled by false 
interpretations, were ignorant of the real truths of religion. 

2. If the Europeans who visited Persia were official personages, 
they contented themselves with the accomplishment of their mission, ' 
and never became intimate with us in a manner calculated to enlist . ^ 



THIRD SeSSIOH 

, If ’ 

our sympathies. On the contrary, some of them were made so coh-‘, 
scious of their own power by the weakness of our Government that 
their behaviour was such as to excite a general, though smothered, 
indignation. If, on the other hand, they were tourists, the religious 
considerations referred to above prevented them from entering our 
\ homes and becoming acquainted with our real customs. Thus the 
descriptions they afterwards gave of their journey were sometimes 
•superficial and in many respects very far from true. For the most 
part their writings were an indictment brougnt against the Persian 
nation rather than the description cf its customs or the story of 
its national life ; and so far as any echo of them reached Persia, 
it could tend only to increase the barred already felt and incline 
the Persians to believe that ail Europeans alike judged them after 
the same manner. 

3 If the Shah or people of the upper classes travelled in Europe, 
they brought considerable pecuniary loss upon their nation, while yet 
contributing nothing to the principle of international friendship. 
Finally, if the Persians who travelled in , Europe belonged to the 
student class, then, through lack either of proper guidance or of a 
clear vision of their future, they were drawn into the giddy pursuit of 
pleasure instead of concentrating themselves on study, and when 
they returned to their own country they unhappily behaved in such a 
manner as to alienate the sympathy of their countrymen who credited 
them with possessing Western habits. There have been, however, a 
few ambassadors and important personages of some enlightenment, 
and likewise a few students, who have brought back from their 
European travels c ^ntributions worthy of appreciat’on : such persons 
have understood how to bring the laws of European nations into 
touch with the principles of Moslem civilisation, how to spread and 
foster among the Persians anything that had seemed to them praise- 
worthy in European customs, and finally how to awaken in them the 
sense of international relationship. 

4. The cause which more than any other has hindered us from 
seeking friendly relations with Western peoples is that, wedged in 
as we are between two powerful neighbours, our impressions of 
European civilisation have often been associated with unpleasant 
political experiences, a circumstance which has naturally given rise to 
mistrust. 

France, however, and the United States have helped, if only 
slightly, to diminish, this mistrust, the former by means of books and 
papers which have furthered the development of scientific ideas, the 
latter by charitable enterprises, such as the foundation of hospitals 
and schools and the distribution of help to the needy during times of 
famine. 



i4» . y UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

The Persians have no natural prejudice against the establishment 
of friendship and a good understanding with civilised nations. Nor 
is there anything in their customs and habits which would prevent 
their taking a part in international affairs ; for their religious prin* 
ciples, which have more influence than any other factor in determining 
the standpoint of the general public, are all in favour of democracy, 
and nullify the advantages of hereditary nobility. “ Great and small, 
noble and plebeian,’* said the Prophet, “shall be equals among you/* 
Religion, moreover, lays stress on the need for developing civic 
responsibility : “ Let each one of you share in the direction of public 
affairs,” said Mahomet, “ and every one who thus directs is responsible/* 
It lays down the principle that the Government should be assisted by 
a deliberative assembly : “ They consulted together regarding their 
social affairs ” (Koran, Surat 243, verse 36). 

The religion of the Persians makes monotheism essentially cos- 
mopolitan, and calls for universal peace among its disciples to whatever 
nationality they may belong : “ O followers of the Scriptures, come 
hearken to this one saying : that all may be equal between us and 
you, let us agree together to worship only the one God and put naught “ 
else on a level with Him ” (Koran, Surat 3, verse 57). 

It declares the equality of all men, calling to mind that they . 
are all children of the same father and the same mother and that only 
virtue can give to one man preference over his fellow : “ O men, we 
have created you of one man and one woman ; we have distributed 
you in tribes and families to the end that you may know one 
another. The worthiest before God is that man from among you who 
is most virtuous” (Koran, Surat , verse 13). 

And lastly, it stands for religious freedom : “ Let there be no 
constraint in religion” (Koran, Surat 2, verse 257). In such prin- 
ciples as these there is, then, nothing which could deter men from 
entering into international relationships. 

And here it may not be irrelevant to mention that the number 
of religious sects in Persia was often due to political causes. For 
natural conditions, combined with difficulty of communication, 
tended to isolate our great thinkers, making intercourse and inter- 
change of ideas impossible to them. Thus each propagated his own 
ideas separately, without knowing what other people were thinking, 
and clothed them moreover in a religious garb, because that is the 
form in which ideas' always make the widest and most influential 
appeal to the Persian people. 

Again, with regard to the position of women in Persia : the 
fact that they must go about veiled, is no obstacle in the path 
of progress. For in this matter one thing is certain : the rule 
about veiling applies to parts of the body other than the face and 



THIRD SESSION 



liands* Moreover, in the villages and among the* tribes, the women, 
far from » veiling themselves, go about with face uncovered, live a 
Simple, natural life, help to bear the burdens of the men, taking their 
part even in the hardest toil and engaging in industrial occupations 
which often yield very valuable wares, such as carpets, &c. In 
the towns, the women, though veiled, are by* no means unacquainted 
with household routine and the education of children. They also 
understand manual occupations which are productive of fine and 
costly merchandise. And, above ail, a new horizon has latterly been 
/opened to them through the establishment of private schools for girls 
and special educational classes for women. 

To turn to another point of view, the softness and subtlety of the 
Persian language may help to develop and strengthen still further 
our relations with Western nations. As a matter of fact, Europeans 
even have leal nt to appreciate Persian literature, alike the works of 
our most famous poets and the translations of certain among them, 
such as Firdousi, Molevi (Mollahi Roumi), Omar Kayyam, Sadi, 
Hafiz, and others, into Western languages. Moreover, as it is impos- 
sible to bring out in a translation the literary subtleties of the original, 
those Europeans who have had a special bent for Orientalism have 
felt the need of a thorough study of Persian literature, and they have 
been led to introduce the teaching of Persian into certain European 
schools — a fact which has tended to strengthen our relations with 
Europe. 

At this point I feel comp^dled to allude to the history of the Per- 
sian language and its transformation through the incorporation of 
Arabic. After the conquest of Persia by the Arabs, our language was 
for more than two centuries almost suppressed by the tongue of the 
conquerors, and when at last there was an attempt to free it from this 
domination, it was found to be already interspersed with Arabic 
words. The Persian scholars rather tended to encourage the ad- 
mixture ; for Arabic, as being the language of their religion, was 
held in honour and cultivated by them even in preference to their 
mother-tongue. This is why they chose the language of the Koran 
for many treatises on science and morals which to-day are regarded as 
Arabic works. To convince oneself of this, it is only necessary to 
read the works of the following authors : Sibeveyh, the author of 
Alketab, the best Arabic grammar ; the philosopher Pharabi ; the 
medico-philosopher Ibne Sina (Avicenna); the philosopher Abou Ali 
Maskoveyh ; the medical doctor Mohamed Zakarya; the mathema- 
tician who was also a' philosopher and jurist, Khadj^ Nassir-ed-Din ; 
Omar Kayyam ; and others. 

Here we may fitly quote some verses by the great poets which 
breathe humanitarian and inter-racial sentiments : — 





>’t?KlVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 


-I '4/ 

JPird&usL "Cause nol suffering to the ant as she drags the grain along ; for 
she lives and life is a thing both sweet and fair.” 

5 Sadi, " The sons of Adam are members of one body ; for they are made 
of one and the same nature ; when Fortune brings distress upon one member, 
the peace of all the others is destroyed. O thou, who art careless of thy 
fellow's grief, it fits not thou shouldst bear the name of man.” 

Mollaht Roumt, ‘‘Solomoij, king of the animals, use thy wisdom and thy 
divine patience to charm alike all birds, the weak no less than the strong.” 

Idem, “Thou art sent to preach union — and not to sow discord.” 

Sanat “ What matter whether the language be Arabic or Syriac, if so be 
it express the truth ? What matter whether the place be east or west, if only 
God be worshipped there ? ” * 

Hafiz. “ Thy beauty united with thy gentleness hath conquered the world. 
Of a truth, it is by union that the woild can be conquered.” 

Omar Kayyam. “ If there be no rosary, no praying- carpet, no Sheikh — 
yet the church-bell and the priest’s cross would suffice to guide thy con- 
science.” 


Orfi, " So behave towards thy fellow-men, O Orfi, that after thy death the 
Mussulman may bathe thee with the holy water of Kaaba and the Hindu 
burn thee in his sacred fire.” 

Achegh. “Thou has read the Koran, Achegh, and thou knowest the verse, 

' *Eynema tawallou.’* When then the gates of Kaaba are closed, go worship 
the Eternal in the Church.” 

Haief. “In the Church I said to the fair Christian: *Thou who delightest 
my heart, explain to me the meaning of the Trinity How can three pdr- 
sonahties (Father, Son, and Holy Ghost) be ascribed to the one Godi‘ She 
replied, with a sweet smile: ‘Not thus wouldst thou have spoken hadst thou 
understood the mystery of Unity. The Eternal has shown His face in three 
mirrors. He does not become three if thou callest Him by three names.' 
Meantime the bell chimed out It seemed to say . * He is unique , He is 
alone; there is one only God.'” 


Again, the attitude of mind observable among the Persians of 
to-<Jay would seem to augur well for the future. Conscious of 
their own weakness and backwardness as regards modern science 
and progress, they feel they must follow in the wake of other 
nations and make up, if possible, for time lost. This is undoubtedly 
the first step towards progress. With the help, then, of clever 
engineers and foreign capital, they will try to remove the natural 
obstacles which at present tend to split up their national life ; to 
lessen the great distances between their towns by means of rail- 
roads ; to utilise wasted sources of water supply (such as the waters 
of Avaz) , to fertilise rich tracts of soil at present uncultivated ; 
and to make hives of the villages by means of the nomad tribes 
who are a considerable force in the country. Further, they will 
develop their intellectual relations with the West by inviting pro- 
fessors from Europe and sending students thither, by encouraging 

* Here there is the expression “Djabolsa, Djabolga,” two famous mythological 
towns in the East. 

* “ The East and the West belong to God : whithersoever your glance be turned, 
yon will meet His face ' (Koran, Surat 2, verse 109). 



THIRD SESSION i|[i 

the translation of books, and by giving lectures on moral and 
scientific subjects. ' ’ ' 

We are in a position to state that of late years — notably since 
the change of regime — public education and journalism have made 
considerable strides. Let us add that to-day the people are insistently 
demanding the aid of advisers from neutral* European countries, for 
they understand that the realisation of their hopes is dependent, in 
large measure, on orderly administration. The careful organisation 
of the Customs during the last nine years has been a great help in 
developing international commerce. Statistics show that imports 
have increased by 50 per cent, and exports by 140 per cent 
Finally, let us say that, sensible of the advantages that will accrue 
to us, morally and materially, from commercial relations with Europe 
we are pursuing the policy of the “ open door,” though unhappily the 
Russian Government strongly opposes this policy by imposing heavy 
duties. There is, however, one little breach in this barrier : I refer to 
the system of parcel-post which has sensibly increased the traffic 
between Persia and Europe. And if this barrier could be altogether 
removed, or even if the duties on traffic could be made less heavy, a 
day of happi less would dawn for all Persia, for on the one hand she 
would be able to procure better and cheaper wares, and, on the other, 
develop her material and moral relations with European countries. 

The Change of Rdgime in Persia and its Causes . — For a long 
time all the enlightened members of the Persian nation and those 
who favoured reform blamed the bad Government of the country for 
its backward state and its powerlessness in the grip of political forces 
to the north and south. During this period all who were longing to 
see the resurrection of their country devoted themselves to impressing 
on the people a real knowledge of their sufferings and their sad 
condition, and laboured to secure a progressive evolution of the 
governmental system. But their efforts were not crowned with 
success, and this for two reasons ; in the first place, the despotic 
Government had found a powerful ally in the clerical party, who helped 
to stifle every attempt at liberal expansion by using religion as a pretext 
and treating with suspicion and denunciation all those who showed 
themselves accessible to ideas of reform. This policy was still 
further encouraged by what proved to be a disastrous event for the 
reformers, namely, the appearance of Babism whose adherents were 
considered to be worthy of death. For under the arbitrary regime y 
few people dared to criticise the proceedings of the Government, and 
those who made the venture were accused of Babism. Secondly, the 
people, though suffering from the abuses of the Court, had not yet 
become so exasperated as to encourage and support the movements 
of the reformers. Thus, the Government dragged on a miserable 



*5* - universal races CONGRESS 

'' ' rx ’ ^ 

existence under the shelter of its crooked policy : the people, grpwing 
accustomed to their scanty and ever-diminishing resources, continue^ 
in their age-long torpor, and slumbered without thought of the 
future. 

Such was the condition Qf affairs when the Imperial Bank (the concession 
for which had been granted on January 30, 1889), together with the newly founded 
foreign commercial houses, took the commercial and financial market right out 
of the hands of the native merchants and bankers, and monopolised it for their 
own advantage. The circulation of gold com diminished ; statistics showed a 
great disproportion between exports and imports. Foreign wares lowered the 
value of home products, and consequently a number of workmen were thrown 
out of employment. While resources were diminishing living became steadily 
dearer. Trade was languishing, and, as a crowning misfortune, the peasants 
grew poorer daily and the Treasury was empty. 

In spite of everything, Nassred-din Chah, who had had a long reign and 
enjoyed great personal prestige as well as a wide experience, succeeded in 
covering up the true state of affairs with an outer varnish of order and security. 
He even succeeded in deceiving his immediate following, pretending that he 
had set up a special treasury m his private palace and every now and then 
caused small quantities of gold to be added to it. He contrived to spread 
abroad the supposition that the State Funds had been removed to the palace. 
With the exception of a few favourites, no one knew the real condition of the 
private treasury 

Nasser-ed-Din maintained stability in home affairs by sowing discord and 
rivalry among the powerful men of the kingdom. He compensated himself for 
his lack of money by exacting large sums as presents from the governors and 
seizing a part of the property of rich men who died. He secured his position 
with regard to foreign powers by secretly fomenting rivalry between his 
northern and southern neighbours and using every po^slble means to win their 
good graces. In a word, the existence of Nasser-ed-Din presented a formidable 
obstacle to the realisation of the dearest hopes of the progressive party. Thus, 
after his assassination (May i, 1896) there was a general reawakening from 
lethargy and a manifestation of tendencies which had till then lam dormant, ♦ 

His successor, Mozaffcr-cd-Dm Chah, a man of good-natui ed disposition and 
uncertain health, neither would nor could follow the political example of his 
father. Other factors also contributed to bring about a change of policy ; the 
instinctive aversion of the new ruler to the encouragement of the so-called 
clergy, the pressing needs of the age, the awakening of the national spirit, and 
the temporary accession to power of certain progressive dignitaries. Thus, 
thanks to the energy of those who were working for reform, the people began to 
enjoy educational advantages of which they had been hitherto deprived, and 
there was a noteworthy advance in intellectual development. New ideas were 
encouraged ; freedom of the ]5ress and the right of free speech were m part 
secured. On the othei hand, as the financial crisis became more acute, two 
loans were negotiated m Russia (1900 and 1902) on onerous political conditions. 
But by reason of the bad system of government and the carelessness of those 
responsible, the money raised by these loans was squandered and spent without 
result. Moreover, the Russian Bank for Loans (the concession for which was 
granted on May 3, 1890) swallowed up the greater part of the goods of the 
population and the credit of the merchants. 

This being the state of affairs, the progressive party, convinced though they 
had been of the necessity for first training up enlightened men who should be 
capable of tackling the work of purifying and reforming the system of govern- 



THIRD SESSION 1^3 

ment, oow found themselves confronted with' exceptional circumstances which 
forced thei* hand and compelled them to act at oz>cei quite contrary to their 
original intentions. 

The approaching death of Mozaffer-ed-Dm Chah, and the prospect of his 
t>eing succeeded by Mohamed Ah Cliah, whose character and bad administration 
were of no good augury — the financial crisis and the general poverty, the depres- 
sion of trade, the anxiety of the people about the cojidition of the State Treasury, 
the tyranny of the Court — all these considerations, combined with regard for 
tranquillity at home and abroad, were the decisive factors which precipitated 
events and caused the new regime to be set up before the ground was ready to 
receive it. As the lower classes were not yet sufficiently enlightened to under* 
stand the remedy for their own ills, it was consequently the educated people of 
the upper class who put themselves at the head of the new movement and 
piloted the ship to harbour — the people to the realisation of their desires. 

Thus was the system of government changed and the new regime inaugurated 
(August 5, 1906), and shortly afterwards Mozaffer-ed-Din Chah died (January 8, 
1907). 

These events coincided with the reversal of foreign policy in Persia, and she 
found herself nd of the inconveniences of her neighbours' rivalry only to be 
more harassed by their concerted action. 

In a word, as a consequence of the defective equipment of the public authori- 
ties and the animosity and ill-will of Mohamed Ali Chah towards the young 
Parliament, there ensued a long and painful series of conflicts, culminating in 
the bombardment and destruction of this Assembly (June 23, 1908) Nevertheless, 
a group of courageous patriots, among whom Sattar Khan was the central heroic 
figure, helped by nationalists from every country, kept up a bold resistance to 
the despotism. Moreover, the true spiritual leaders of the people, who under 
these circumstances judged it necessary to interfere in the political arena, for- 
bade the payment of taxes to the Government of Mohamed Ah Chah. At the 
cost of great sacrifice, the nationalist forces reassembled, attacked and took 
Teheran. Mahomed Ah was dethroned on July 16, 1909, and Sultan Ahmed Chah 
succeeded him. Paihament reopened on November 15, 1909. 

At this point it becomes necessary for me to recapitulate briefly 
the statements I made at the outset, and to emphasise once again the 
main purport of this paper. I refer to the alleged xenophobia of 
which the Persians are accused in some quarters. The allegation 
may be at the same time confirmed and denied. It may be a 
confirmation when we observe that the influence and spread of 
European civilisation in our country have been tainted with political 
implications, and have thus given rise to public suspicion. On the 
other hand, a categorical denial may be offered in the sense that 
there is not, and never has been, among our people any natural 
hostility to Europeans, who are, after all, of one and the same race 
with ourselves. And since we are aware that we owe the advent of 
the new era to philosophic ideas and that, to possess reality and 
fruitfulness, it must have the practical advantages of European life, 
such as railways, factories, &c., we are therefore very anxious to avail 
ourselves of European help and skill by granting concessions that 
may be useful to those States and nations who have no political 
designs upon us, allowing them to profit by our resources and the 



'M, tfmSti^SAh IMAGES CONGRESS 

natural riches of our country. ' We desire to attract foreign capital SO 
fer as it does’ not imply political interference, to the end that we may , 
develop and strengthen our country and look forward with confidence 
to the future as we enter on that path of happiness and prosperity 
•which our sister-nations are enjoying. 

I may conclude with* the statement that the Persians are con- 
vinced that there is nothing more profitable for their future welfare 
than commerce and contact with other countries and the cementing 
of international relations — intellectual, commercial, and economic. 
They are, moreover, prepared, by every means in their power, to 
welcome the material and moral help of foreign countries, provided 
only that it be free from all political implications 

\_Papcr snbmiticd in Persian and in Ficnch ] 


THE BAHAI MOVEMENT 

£A Congress designed to bring about a fuller understanding between the 
peoples of East and West would be incomplete without an account of the 
Bahai Movement. In 1844 there appeared at Shiraz, in Persia, a youth, Sayyid 
Ah Muhammad by name, who proclaimed himself the herald of a great 
spiritual teacher to come Sayyid Ah Muhammad, known to his followers as the 
Bab (Gate), soon became renowned throughout Persia for his eloquence and 
zeal. In 1850 he was shot at Tabriz by order of the Government, who regarded 
him as a dangerous disturber of the peace. The movement for religious and 
social reform initiated by the Bab continued, however, to grow rapidly. 

In the early sixties a Persian nobleman, known hereafter as Baha’u'llah, 
proclaimed himself to some of his adherents as the Teacher whose appear- 
ance had been prophesied by the Bab. His personality attracted multitudes 
throughout Persia, including the majority of those who had followed his 
forerunner He wrote that God had made all men as the drops of one sea 
and the leaves of one tree, that all races of mankind w^eie puie, and should 
work in harmony together. He foresaw a time when unity would be estab- 
lished between all races and creeds. Have noble thoughts, healthy morals, 
and hygienic habits," he says “ Be examples to guide all mankind towards 
its regeneration, and toward the peace of the whole world ! . . . Let not a 
man glory so in this, that he loves his country. Let him rather glory in this, 
that he loves his kind ! These ruinous wars, these fruitless strifes must cease ; 
and the Most Great Peace shall come." 

The followers of this movement underwent a bloody persecution at the 
hands of the orthodox Moslems, the martyrs numbering above 20,000. 

In 1867 Baha'ullah sent a letter to the Pope, to Queen Victoria, and to 
other crowned heads of Europe, calling upon the nations to put down their 
armaments and to cause a conference of the Governments to be held. The 
letters are matters of history 

The Persian Government, fearing the effect of Baha’u’llah's growing 
influence, exiled him first to Adnanople, and finally, in 1868, by an arrangement 
with the Turkish authorities, incarcerated him in the fortress city of Acre on 
the Syrian coast. During his exile he wrote many books, and his influence as 
a spiritual teacher continued to grow. His principal works are Hidden Words 



'THIRD SI^Si^N'' __ , 

and th^ Kitah-t^Akdas, Baha*u’llah, before his death in 1892, instructed his" 
eldest son, Abbas Effendi, to continue his work and expound his writings. He 
is widely known by the name c 5 f Abdu’l Baha Abbas {Le., Abbas the Servant of 
©aha)** He remained in confinement at Acre until 1908, when he was rele^cd 
under the Young Tuikish Constitution. Since then ‘Abdu’l Baha has lived at 
Haifa, on Mount Carmel, 

This movement is not to be regarded as a nejw religion. Rather is it a 
world-wide recognition of the underlying unity of leligions and peoples, and of 
jthe ideals of international peace and good-will. It teaches the equality of the 
'Sexes, the duty of every one to serve the community, and the duty of the com- 
munity to give opportunity for such service — urging men of all religions to live 
out their faith in unity with their fellow-men and show that behind all ex- 
pressions of creed there is one religion and one God. 

Abdu’l Baha, now sixty-seven years of age, has written many letters and 
tablets explaining the teaching referred to above. The present writer recently ^ 
had the privilege of seeing him in Egypt, where he met at his table represen- 
tatives of the great world faiths — Christians, Jews, Moslems, Buddhists, 
Zoroastrians. 

It IS estimated that in Persia alone there are at least two million Bahais. 
The total number throughout the world must be very considerable (in the 
United States alone there are several thousand). 

Probably about two-thirds of the avowed Bahais are drawn from the 
Mahomedan world, the remaining third belonging to other great world faiths. 

Abdu’l Baha sends the following letter, conveying his greetings to the 
Congress. It will be noted that the unification of Races is not intended to 
mean the suppression of their different characteristics in order that they may 
be blended into one, but would imply that these very differences are necessary 
to constitute a harmonious whole, and that the duty of this Age is to recognise the 
possibilities of development within each race in order that, in a spirit of love, man- 
kind the world over may co-operate in working for Universal Peace. — W. T. P.] 

LETTER FROM ABDU’L BAHA TO THE FIRS^^ UNIVERSAL 

RACES CONGRESS 

When in travelling about the world we observe an air of 
prosperity in any country, we find it to be due to the existence 
of Jove and friendship among the people. If, on the contrary, all 
seems depressed and poverty-stricken, we may feel assured that 
this is the effect of animosity, and of the absence of union among 
the inhabitants. 

Notwithstanding that such a state of things is obvious to the 
passing traveller, how often the people themselves continue in the 
sleep of negligence, or occupy themselves in disputes and differences, 
and are even ready to slaughter their fellow-men ! 

Consider thoughtfully the continual integration and disintegration 
of the phenomenal universe. . . . Unification and constructive com- 
bination is the cause of Life. Disunion of particles brings about 
loss, weakness, dispersion, and decay. 

* Baha {Arabtc)^ “The Ineffable Splendour. 



IS*"' . ■ ' 

Consider the varieties of flowers in a garden. They seem hut to 
enhance the loveliness of each other. V^hen differences of colour, 
ideas, and character are found in the human Kingdom, and come 
under the control of the power of Unity, they too show their essential 
' beauty and perfection. 

Rivalry between the different races of mankind was first caused 
by the struggle for existence among the wild animals. This struggle 
is no longer necessary : nay, rather ! interdependence and co-oper- 
ation are seen to produce the highest welfare in nations. The 
struggle that now continues is caused by prejudice and bigotry. 

To-day nothing but the power of the Divine Word, which 
embraces the Reality of all things, can draw together the minds, 
hearts, and spirits of the world under the shadow of the heavenly 
Tree of Unity. 

The Light of the Word is now shining on all horizons. Races 
and nations, with their different creeds, are coming under the 
influence of the Word of Unity in love and in peace. 

The Blessed One, Baha*u’llah, likens the existing world to a 
tree, and the people to its fruits, blossoms, and leaves. All 
should be fresh and vigorous, the attainment of their beauty and 
proportion depending on the love and unity with which they sustain 
each other and seek the Life eternal. The friends of God should 
become the manifestors in this world of this mercy and love They 
should not dwell on the shortcomings of others. Ceaselessly should 
they be thinking how they may benefit others and show service and 
co-operation. Thus should they regard every stranger, putting aside 
such prejudices and superstitions as might prevent friendly 
relations. 

To-day the noblest person is he who bestows upon his enemy 
the pearl of generosity, and is a beacon-light to the misguided and 
the oppressed. This is the command of Baha’u’llah. 

O dear friends ! the world is in a warlike condition, and its races 
are hostile one to the other. The darkness of difference surrounds 
them, and the light of kindness grows dim. The foundations of 
society are destroyed and the banners of life and joy are overthrown. 
The leaders of the people seem to glory in the shedding of blood — 
Friendship, straightness, and truthfulness are despised. . . . 

The call to arbitration, to peace, to love, and to loyalty is the 
call of Baha’u'Ilah. His standard floats since fifty years, summoning 
all of whatever race and creed. 

O ye friends of God ! acknowledge this pure light ; direct the 
people who are in ignorance, chanting the melodies of the Kingdom 
of God, until the dead body of mankind quickens with a new 
life. 



.THIRD SESSION 

Guide the people of God. Inspire them to emulate the lives of 
the holy ‘ones who have gone before. Be yt Icihd iti reality, not 
in appearance only. Be ye fathers to the orphans, a remedy to 
the sick, a treasury of wealth to the poor, a protector of the^ 
unfortunate. 

Where love dwells, there is light ! Where animosity dwells, there 
is darkness ! 

O friends of God ! strive to dissipate the darkness and reveal the 
liidden meanings of things, until their Reality becomes clear and 
established in the sight of all. 

« « ♦ « 

This Congress Is one of the greatest of events. It will be for 
ever to the glory of England that it was established at her capital. 
It is easy to accept a truth ; but it is difficult to be steadfast in it ; 
for the tests are many and heavy. It is well seen that the British 
are firm, and are not lightly turned aside, being neither ready to 
begin a matter for a little while, nor prone to abandon it for a little 
reason. Verily, in every undertaking they show firmness. 

O ye people I cause this thing to be not a thing of words, but of 
deeds. Some Congresses are held only to increase differences. Let 
it not be so with you. Let your effort be to find harmony. Let 
Brotherhood be felt and seen among you ; and carry ye its quicken- 
ing power throughout the world. It is my prayer that the work of 
the Congress will bear great fruit 

Abdul Baha Abbas. 

[Paper submitted tn Persian and in English ] 


EAST AND WEST IN INDIA 

By the Hon. G. K. Gokhale, C.I.E., Poona^ India^ 

Representative of Non-official Members of Bombay Legislature on the 
Viceroy's Legislative Council^ late President of Indian Congress, 

The object of the Universal Races Congress has been described 
by the organisers to be “ to discuss, in the light of modern knowledge ^ 
and the modern conscience, the general relations subsisting between 
the peoples of the West and those of the East, between so-called 
white and so-called coloured peoples, with a view to encouraging 
between them a fuller understanding, the most friendly feelings and 
a heartier co-operation.” With the commencement of the twentieth 
century the relations between the East and the West may be 



RACES Co’^IGRESS 

regarded as having entered on a new phase, and it is, I think, fti 
apeord with the changed spirit of the times that the West showid 
think of summoning a Congress where the representatives of all races 
^ “ with developed types of civilisation ” “ might meet each other face 
to face and might, in friendly rivalry, further the cause of mutual 
trust and respect between Occident and Orient.” To the people of 
the East such a desire on the part of the people of the West is 
naturally a matter of profound interest and of far-reaching signifi- 
cance. The traditional view, so well expressed by the poet, of the*' 
changeless and unresisting East, beholding with awe the legions of 
the West as they thundered past her, bowing low before the storm 
while the storm lasted and plunging back again in thought when the 
storm was over, seemed for centuries to encourage — almost invite — 
unchecked aggression by Western nations in Eastern lands, in utter 
disregard of the rights or feelings of Eastern peoples. Such aggres- 
sion, however, could not go on for ever, and the protest of the 
Eastern world against it, as evidenced by the steady growth of a 
feeling of national self-respect in different Eastern lands, has now 
gathered sufficient strength and volume to render its continuance on 
old lines extremely improbable, if not altogether impossible. The 
victories of Japan over Russia, the entry of Turkey among constitu- 
tionally governed countries, the awakening of China, the spread of 
the national movement in India, Persia, and Egypt — all poih# to the 
necessity of the West revising her conception of the East, revising 
also the standards by which she has sought in the past to regulate 
her relations with the East. East and West may now meet on more 
equal terms than was hitherto possible, and as a first step towards 
such meeting the value of the Universal Races Congress cannot be 
over-estimated. 

The problem — how to ensure “a fuller understanding, the most 
friendly feelings and a heartier co-operation ” between the East and 
the West — so difficult everywhere, is nowhere else so difficult and so 
delicate as it is in India. In the case of other countries the contact 
of the West with the East is largely external only ; in India the 
West has, so to say, entered into the very bone and marrow of the. 
East For a hundred years now, more or less, India has been under 
the political sway of England, and the industrial domination of the 
country has been no less complete than the political. This peculiar 
relationship introduces into the problem factors of great complexity, 
and the conflict of interests which it involves has to be harmonised 
before attempts, made with the object which the Congr^sss has in 
view, can possess any enduring value or produce solid results. 

It is recognised on all sides that the relations between Europeans 
and Indians in India have grown greatly strained during the last 



tHlRD SESSION . 

quarter of a century. And yet Englishmen starred with uncommon 
advantages in -India. Owing to India’s peduliar <ie\^opment the 
. establishment of British rule, so far from being resented, was actually 
regarded with feelings of satisfaction, if not enthusiasm, by the 
jpeople over the greater part of the country. It is true that England 
never conquered India in the sense in which the word “conquer” is 
ordinarily used. She did not come to the country as an invader, nor 
did she fight her battles, when she had to fight them, with armies 
' composed of her own people. The establishment and consolidation 
of her rule, which undoubtedly is one of the most wonderful pheno- 
mena of modern times, was entirely the result of her superior powers 
of organisation, her superior patriotism, and her superior capacity for^^ 
government applied to the conditions that prevailed in India during 
the second half of the eighteenth and the first half of the nineteenth 
century. And, strange as it may seem to many, the new rule was 
accepted by the mass of the people as bringing them welcome relief 
from a, more or less, chronic state of disorder, and conferring on them 
advantages outweighing all considerations on the other side. This 
was due to the fact that with all her contribution to human progress 
in many fields — religion, philosophy, literature, science, art — a con- 
tribution which the world is coming to recognise more and more every 
day and of which Indians may well remain proud for all time — India 
did not develop the national idea or the idea of political freedom as 
developed in the West. Who exercised the sovereign authority was 
to her people a minor matter as long as it was well exercised and did| 
not seriously interfere with their religious, social, or communal life. 
And it cannot be denied that in many essential respects the standards 
of government of the new rulers compared favourably with those of 
the indigenous powers that were then struggling for supremacy in 
the land. The advantageous start thus secured was further improved 
by the declarations of wise and far-seeing statesmen, made from time 
to time in those early days, as regards the policy in accordance with 
which the affairs of this country were to be administered. India, 
they declared, was to them a trust, and was therefore to be governed 
in the spirit of a trust. Not England’s profit, but India’s moral and 
material well-being, was to be the object of the rule ; Englishmen 
were not to form a governing caste in the country ; the people of 
India were to be helped to advance steadily to a position of equality 
with them, so that they might in due course acquire the capacity to 
govern themselves in accordance with the higher standards of the 
West. To fit the youth of the country for their new responsibilities 
institutions were started for imparting to them Western education, 
and the class thus trained in the ideas of the West was expected to 
act as interpreter between the Government and the people, bringing 



'.'^,.<''-'''‘'pli'lVERSAL" RACES cbNGR^^^^ , 

'’(i ^ I > 

Its' active goodwill to the support of the former. The establishment 
of &e universities and Queen Victoria's noble Proclamation, addressed 
to the princes and people of India on the morrow of the Mutiny, set 
the final seal on this large-hearted policy. 

It is necessary to bear these facts in mind to understand clearly 
the estrangement that has taken place, as observed above, during the 
last quarter of a century between Englishmen and Indians, especially 
that class among the Indians which has come, directly or indirectly 
under the influence of the education of the West. Numerically this 
class still constitutes but a small proportion of the w^hole population, 
but it is undoubtedly the brain of the country, doing its thinking for 
it and determining its public opinion. For several years this class 
was keenly appreciative of England's work in India, and its attitude 
towards Englishmen on the whole was that of pupils to their teachers 
— an attitude of respect, confidence, even of affection. The first 
effect of Western teaching on those who received it was to incline 
them strongly in favour of the Western way of looking at things, 
and, under this influence, they bent their energies, in the first instance, 
to a re-examination of the whole of their ancient civilisation — their 
social usages and institutions, their religious beliefs, their literature, 
their science, their art ; in fact, their entire conception and realisa-.^ 
tion of life. This brought them into violent collision with their own 
society, but that very collision drove them closer to the Englishmen 
in the country, to whom they felt deeply grateful for introducing into 
India the liberal thought of the West, with its protest against caste 
or sex disabilities and its recognition of man's dignity as man — a 
teaching which they regarded as of the highest value in serving both 
as a corrective and a stimulant to their old civilisation. On one 
point they entertained no doubt whatever in their minds. They 
firmly believed that it was England's settled policy to raise steadily 
their political status till at last they fully participated in the posses- 
sion of those free institutions which it is the glory of the English 
race to have evolved. This belief, so strong at one time, began, 
however, gradually to weaken when it was seen that English adminis- 
trators were not in practice as ready to advance along lines of con- 
stitutional development as had been hoped, and that the bulk of 
Englishmen in the country were far from friendly, even to the most 
reasonable aspirations of Indians in political matters. With the rise 
of the new Imperialism in England during the last quarter of a 
century new and clearer signs became visible of a disinclination on 
the part of the ruling nation to carry into effect the policy to which 
it stood committed. Then, indeed, the faith of Indian reformers in 
the character and purpose of British rule, already tried by a feeling 
of suspicion, began definitely to give way. Suspicion was followed 



THIRD SESSION i6i 

. by surprise, by disappointment, by anger, and Jth^e. inevitably pro- 
duced a fapidly rising anti-English feeling, which specially affected 
the younger minds throughout the country. Things now came to be 
regarded in a new light. The old readiness to acknowledge freely 
and gratefully the benefits which India had derived from the British 
connection gave way to a tendency to indulge in bitter and fault- 
finding criticism, directed indiscriminately against everything done 
by Englishmen. ** Wrong in the one thing rare,” what mattered it 
to the Indians what Englishmen did, or how they conducted them- 
selves in other respects ? While this development was taking place 
within the borders of India the whole East was already being driven 
by those mysterious forces which shape great events to a new life, in 
which a longing to enjoy the solid advantages of a constitutional 
government and realise the dignity of nationhood was combined 
with a new pride in the special culture and civilisation of the East, a 
new impatience of Western aggression and Western domination, and 
'a new faith in the destiny of Eastern peoples. India could not but 
be affected by these thought-currents with the rest of Asia, and the 
influences at work naturally received a powerful stimulus when Japan 
astonished the world with her victories over Russia. The steady 
growth of the anti-English feeling in the country was recognised by 
all thoughtful persons to be fraught with a serious menace to the 
cause of peaceful progress, and the outlook was undoubtedly very 
dark, when English statesmanship came to the rescue and by grant- 
ing to the country a measure of constitutional reform sufficiently 
substantial to meet the more pressing requirements of the day helped 
largely to ease the tension and restore a more friendly feeling 
between the two sides. 

There is no doubt whatever that the reform measures of two 
years ago arrested the growing estrangement between Europeans 
and Indians in India, and since then the situation has undergone 
a steady and continuous change for the better. So marked is this 
change over the greater part of the country that there are men who 
hold that the desire to understand each other and respect each 
other*s feelings and susceptibilities was never so great as it is at the 
present moment. For how long these relations will thus continue 
to improve, and whether they will again tend to grow worse, and 
if so, when, are questions more difficult to answer. It is well to 
remember that certain causes are constantly at work to produce 
\ misunderstandings and make harmonious relations between the two 
sides a matter of considerable difficulty. Thus the differences in 
; temperament, the natural predisposition to look at questions from 
difierent standpoints, the tone habitually adopted by a section of 
the Press, both English and Indian — these make a demand on the 



; tf^lVEKSAL HACES ' CONGRESS “ 

' pQ^nee of either side which it is not always easy to meet Thw 
- there are those cases of personal ill-treatment — happily raren lipw 
than before — which from time to time attract public attention and 
^ cause infinite mischief, cases in which Indians are found to suffer 
insult and even violence at the hands of individual Englishmen for 
no other reason than that they are Indians. These are, so to say, 
among the standing factors of the situation, and they must, I fear, be 
accepted as inevitable — at any rate, in the present circumstances of 
the country. Were these the only elements tending to give rise 
to misunderstanding and friction the matter would be comparatively 
simple : for the interests which depend on the two communities 
working together with a sufficient degree of harmony are so vast, 
and of such paramount importance to both, that it would not be 
a very difficult task to keep within reasonable limits such misunder- 
standing and friction whenever it arose. But the real sources of 
trouble which invest the future with uncertainty lie much deeper, 
Is British rule to remain a rigidly foreign rule, as long as it lasts, or 
will it conform more and more to standards which alone may be 
accepted in these days as compatible with the self-respect of civilised 
people? What is to be the objective of England’s policy in India?/ 
How is the conflict of interests between the two communities to 
be reconciled, and what sacrifices may be reasonably expected from 
either side to render such reconciliation a living and potent reality? . 
These and other allied questions, which really go to the root of 
England’s connection with India, have to be answered before any 
prediction about the probable future of the relations between 
Englishmen and Indians in India can be hazarded. The opinion 
is often expressed that if only Indians and Europeans mix more 
largely socially, or Indians participate in the games and sports of 
Englishmen in greater numbers, a better understanding between the 
two sides will be established, resulting in better relations generally. 
There is, of course, a certain amount of truth in this, and it i? neces- 
sary to acknowledge that earnest efforts, very recently rxiade in 
several places by prominent members of the two communities to 
provide facilities for a better social intercourse, have contributed 
their share to the improvement in the situation that has taken place. 
But apart from the fact that such freer intercourse, unless it Is 
restricted to individuals on either side who are anxious to see each 
other’s good points and are tolerant to each other’s weaknesses, may 
produce difficulties of its own, I am firmly persuaded that as long 
as the consciousness of political inequality continues to be behind 
such intercourse, it cannot carry us far. I have no doubt that there 
are Englishmen in India who put away from them all thought of 
such inequality in their dealings with Indians, and there are alsQ 



THIRD SESSION ' 

' ' ' ' ' > 

litidtans who arc not inlSuenced by this consideration in their re!a^ 

lions with Englishmen. But when this admission is made the fact 
remains that as things are to-day the humblest Englishman in the 
country goes about with the prestige of the whole Empire behind 
Mm, whereas the protidest and most distinguished Indian cannot 
shake off from himself a certain sense that he belongs to a subject 
race. The soul of social friendship is mutual appreciation and 
respect, which ordinarily is not found to co-exist%ith a conscious- 
ness of inequality. This does not mean that where equality does 
not exist the relations are necessarily unfriendly. It is not an 
uncommon thing for a party which is in what may be called a state 
of subordinate dependence on another to be warmly attached to that 
other party. But such relations are possible only if the subordinate 
party — assuming, of course, that its sense of self-respect is properly 
developed — is enabled to feel that its dependent state is necessary 
in its own interest, and that the other party is taking no undue 
#advantage of it for other ends. And this, I think, is roughly the 
position, as between India and England. It must be admitted that 
the present inequality between Englishmen and Indians, as regards 
their political status, can only be reduced by degrees, and that a 
considerable period must elapse before it is removed altogether. 
Meanwhile Indians must be content to continue in a position of 
subordinate dependence, and the extent to which “a fuller under- 
standing, the most friendly feelings and a heartier co-operation ” can 
be promoted between them and Englishmen must depend upon how 
they are enabled to realise that British rule is necessary for their own 
progress, and that British policy in India has no other aim than their 
advancement. Any doubt on this point in the Indian mind will 
mean the weakening of the tie which binds the two countries, and 
will not fail, in the end, to nullify the results of the most beneficent 
administrative measures. Assured on this pointy on the other hand, 
Indians will not allow even serious administrative mistakes to 
alienate them in feeling or sympathy from the country under whose 
sway they find themselves placed, and with whose guidance they 
hope to advance to their appointed destiny. 

It may appear to some that too much stress is being laid in this 
paper on what may be termed the political development of the 
people of India, and that no attempt is being made to discuss how, 
leaving political considerations alone, Europeans and Indians may 
be helped to acquire a deeper and more sympathetic understanding 
of each other’s special culture and civilisation, and how a heartier 
co-operation may be established between them in the pursuit of 
knowledge or the service of humanity — “ for the greater glory of God 
and the relief of man’s estate.” So far as the understanding of 



;/)lJNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

. :Ettrope by India is concerned, the work is being carried on with 
great vigour under the auspices of the Indian Universities, which 
have now been in existence for more than fifty years. The very 
object of these universities is to promote Western learning in the 

' land, and successive generations of Indian students have been and 
are being introduced by them to a study of Western literature and 
history, Western philosophy, and Western sciences. And various 
missionary bodies have been presenting, for a century and more, the 
religion of the West to the people of India. Through these agencies 
a knowledge of Western society — of its traditions, its standards, its 
achievements, its ideals, its outlook on life and its problems, its 
methods of realising itself — has been rapidly spreading in the 
country, and the insight thus acquired is, on the whole, sympathetic 
and marked by deep and genuine appreciation. It is to be regretted 
that, on the English side, there is no corresponding attempt to study 
and understand India. It is true that individual Englishmen have 
done monumental work in interpreting India to the West, but 
neither in England nor among Englishmen in this country is there 
any systematic study of Indian culture and civilisation, with the 
result that very few Englishmen, in spite of a fairly prolonged stay ' 
in this land, acquire any real insight into them. It is a cyrious fact, 
and one of no small significance, that in this matter Germany is far 
ahead of England, and even America bids fair to go beyond her. 
It is obvious that there is great room for improvement here, and if, 
one result of the present Congress will be to stimulate among ’ 
Englishmen a study of Indian culture and civilisation in a sympa- 
thetic spirit, the Congress will have rendered a great service to 
India. But while it is undoubted that such study, especially if it 
leads to increased respect for India by Englishmen, will contribute 
materially to improve relations between the two sides, there is no 
getting away from the fact that, as the contact between England 
and India at present is predominantly political, it is on the attitude 
of Englishmen towards the political advancement of India that the 
future of these relations will mainly turn. The question, therefore, 
how to promote “ the most friendly feelings ” between the East and 
West in India resolves itself largely into how England may assist 
India's political advancement. 

The political evolution to which Indian reformers look forward 
is representative government on a democratic basis. The course 
of this evolution must necessarily be slow in India, though it need 
not be as slow as some people imagine. It is true, as Lord Morley 
pointed out three years ago, that a long time must elapse before 
India takes those countless, weary steps that are necessary to 
develop a strong political personality. But a beginning has been 



THIRD SESSION ^ 165 

made, and the mwement can only be forward and not backward. 
The difRculties* that tend to retard the movement are undoubtedly 
great, and at times they threaten to prove quite overwhelming. 
, But every day the forces that urge us on grow stronger, and in 
the end the difficulties will he overcome It is unnecessary to 
say that it is largely in England’s power *to hasten or delay this 
evolution. If England wants to play her part nobly in this 
mysterious and wonderful drama, her resolve to help forward this 
advance must be firm and irrevocable, and not dependent on the 
views, predilections, or sympathies of individual administrators, whom 
she may from time to time charge with the direction of Indian 
affairs. I think the time has come when a definite pronouncement 
on this subject should be made by the highest authority, entitled 
to speak in the name of England, and the British Government 
in India should keep such pronouncement constantly in view in 
all its actions. There is a class of thinkers and writers among 
Englishmen, with whom it is an axiom that Oriental people have 
no desire, at any rate, no capacity for representative institutions. 
This cool and convenient assumption is not standing the test 
of experience, and, in any case, no self-respecting Indian will 
accept it ; and it is astonishing that these men, who thus seek 
to shut the door in the face of Indian aspirations, do not realise 
how thereby they turn the Indian mind against those very interests, 
for whose support they probably evolve their theories. The first 
requisite, then, of improved relations on an enduring basis between 
Englishmen and Indians is an unequivocal declaration on England’s 
part of her resolve to help forward the growth if representative 
institutions in India and a determination to stand by this policy 
in spite of all temptations or difficulties. The second requisite 
is that Indians should be enabled to feel that the Government 
under which they live, whatever its personnel, is largely and in an 
ever-increasing measure, national in spirit and sentiment and in 
its devotion to the moral and material interests of the country. 
Thus, outside India, Indians should feel the protecting arm of the 
British Government behind them, ready to help them in resisting 
oppression and injustice. The monstrous indignities and ill-treat- 
ment to which the people of this country are being subjected in 
South Africa, have aroused the bitterest resentment throughout the 
land. On the other hand, the recent action of the Government 
of India in prohibiting the supply of indentured labour from this 
country to Natal, has evoked a feeling of deep and widespread 
satisfaction which cannot fail to have its effect on the general 
relations between Europeans and Indians in the country. Among 
matters bearing on the moral and material well-being of the people, 



; . UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

?tlie Qdvernment should Ibse no more time now in dealing with 
Elliication in all its branches in a national spirit-^specially with 
mass education and technical education. It is a humiliating reflec- 
tion that while in most other civilised countries universal elementary 
education has long been accepted as one of the first duties of 
the State, and while within the borders of India itself, the Feudatory 
State of Baroda has found it practicable to introduce a system 
of free and compulsory primary education for both boys and girls, 
in India seven children out of eight are still allowed to grow up 
in ignorance and darkness and four villages out of five are without 
a school I And as regards technical education, while our engineer- 
ing colleges, which were started as far back as fifty years ago, 
are still training only subordinates for the Public Works Department 
of the Government, Japan starting much later, has already provided 
herself with a complete system of technical education in all its 
grades. The third requisite on which it is necessary to insist, is 
that England should send out to India less and less of those who.^ 
are not of her best. From the best Englishmen, Indians have 
yet to learn a great deal, and their presence in the country wfll 
strengthen and not weaken India's appreciation of what she owes 
to England. But it should be realised that though the Indian 
average is still inferior to the English average and will continue 
to be so for some time, individual Indians are to be found in 
all parts of the country who, in character, capacity, and attainments, 
will be able to hold their own anywhere. And when Englishmen, 
inferior to such men, are introduced into the country and placed 
in higher positions, a sense of unfairness and injustice comes to 
pervade the whole Indian community, which is very prejudicial 
to the cultivation or maintenance of good feeling. Fewer and 
better men, sent out from England, better paid if necessary, will 
prevent England’s prestige from being lowered in India, and this, 
in present circumstances, is a consideration of great importance. 
The fourth and last requisite that I would like to mention is the 
extreme necessity of such Englishmen as come out to this country 
realising the profound wisdom of the advice, urged on them some 
time ago by Lord Morley, that while bad manners are a fault 
everywhere, they are in India a ‘‘crime.” I think Englishmen in 
India cannot be too careful in this respect. 

M The only safe thing that any one can say about the future 
of India is that it is still enveloped in obscurity. But I believe 
whole-heartedly in a great destiny for the people of this land. 
We still retain many of those characteristics which once placed us 
in the. van of the world’s civilisation — the depth of our spirituality, 
our serene outlook on life, our conceptions of domestic and social 



THIRD SESSION l^ST 

iduty: And other races that have from time to time come to 
^thdrhome here have brought their own trenimsf^& intothA commo^ 
istoclc. The India of the future will be coihpout®ded of all these 
elements, reinforcing one another ; but a long process of discipline 
and purification and readjustment is necessary, before she gathers 
again the strength required for her allotted task. In this work 
of preparation it has been given to a great Western nation to guide 
and help her. And if craven or selfish counsels are not allowed 
to prevail, England will have played the noblest international part 
that has yet fallen to the lot of humanity. When the men and 
women of India begin again to grow to the full height of their 
stature and proclaim to the world the mission that shall be theirs, 
a great stream of moral and spiritual energy, long lost to view, 
will have returned to its channel, and East and West — white and 
dark and yellow and brown — will all have cause alike to rejoice. 

[paper submitted in English ] v 


EGYPT 

3y MOH, SOUROUR Bey, Barrister, Cairo. 

I CANNOT sufficiently thank the promoters of this Congress for 
giving me the opportunity to address you on the subject of my 
country — Egypt. 

These four days — the 26th, 27th, 28th, and 29th of July — will 
never be forgotten by any of us. They will not only record in our 
memories this sympathetic manifestation of good understanding and 
of friendly feeling, but they will also remind us of .he serene dignity 
of the reception accorded by the noble representatives of the West to 
the representatives of the East They will inscribe names in our 
hearts that will henceforward be dear to us. There is another 
reason, too, why these four days deserve to be remembered. They 
will give expression to the intimate solidarity that binds us together, 
and the real character of our universal brotherhood. We belong to 
very different countries, and in a few days we shall be scattered 
over the world ; but this matters little if our thoughts are united in a 
common sentiment that knows no frontiers — the consciousness of 
the greatness of the aim of this Congress. Let us, from the depths 
■ ^pf our hearts, make some acknowledgment of our gratitude to the 
initiators of this noble cause of universal peace, and thank them 
for giving us this happy opportunity to draw closer, by our presence, 
the links that attach to each other the different members of all races, 

Part L The Sociological Situation. — A. Language, — Being a 
cosmopolitan centre, Egypt is a veritable focus of languages. 





jt ‘ 


universal races congress 


AU ' kinds of dialects meet in it The preponderant and maternal' 
tongue of the country is Arabic. It is the principal subject of 
Instruction in the public schools of the State and in the privfl^e 
national schools. In foreign scholastic institutions, which are not 
less numerous, the teaching of Arabic forms part of the pro- 
gramme arranged, but is an auxiliary and optional language. It 
has made an important advance among the foreign colonies, and 
we are pleased to be able to record the material progress made 
among the majority of them. The Egyptian State is careful to 
maintain the language and to see that it is constantly improving. 
It makes every effort to render it popular and useful. 

EI-Azhar at Cairo, an ancient foundation, is the chief university 
of the world in the teaching of Arabic literature. It attracts a vast 
number of students from all parts of the Eastern world. The in- 
struction that is given in it is rich, sound, learned, and profound. 
The graduates who issue from it are fully penetrated with the spirit 
and the subtlety of the language, and in their turn become intelligent 
and able teachers. 

The auxiliary languages that are chiefly used in Egypt are 
French, English, Italian, Greek, and Turkish. The English language 
owes its influence to its introduction into the State schools and its 
adoption as the official language of the administration. This indi- 
cates the limit of its influence French remains the more popular 
tongue, in spite of its exclusion from governmental institutions. 
It is the diplomatic, administrative, and commercial languag^— the 
language of business and all secular matters, 

B. Religion , — The religion of the Egyptian people is Islam ; but 
all other religions — such as Jacobite Christianity, which is peculiar 
to the native Christians, Latin Christianity, Greek Orthodoxy, and 
Judaism — are admitted and practised. 

According to the last census (1907) we find : — 


Copts 


Total Men Women. 


Mussulmans ... 

... 10,269,44s 

5.145 , ”4 

5,124.331 

Orthodox 

667,036 

336,630 

330,906 

Catholic 

14,576 

7,589 

6,987 

^Protestant 

24,710 

13.078 

1 1,632 

Protestants ... 

12,736 

8,706 

4,030 

Roman Catholic 

57.744 

28,235 

29,509 

Greek Orthodoxy 

76.953 

43*384 

33,569 

Orientals 

27.937 

14.520 

13,417 

Jews 

38,63s 

19.730 

18,905 

Other religions 

206 

154 

52 


Total 


11.287,359 


The Koran is the code of precepts and laws which our prophet 
Mohammed communicated to us. It is also a work of pure morality 



tHIHD SESSION ' r^. 

> 

and of positive and rational philosophy. In it we find, side by side 
'With the Wisest rules of conduct, remarkable sodbtegical and legislative 
; dispositions. One may even say that the latter comprise almost the 
whole work, and that the purely theological part is small. It was 
by means of his eloquent language and lofty intelligence that the 
Prophet made a strong and disciplined nation out of a savage people. 
A good Mussulman must have Faith and Islam — the one is internal 
belief, the other the external proof of this belief by religious acts. 
Unfortunately, the Egyptians are charged with fanaticism ; but the 
censure has little foundation, is hasty, and is not impartial. One 
must understand the situation. Every religion has a certain fanati- 
cism, because it is always essentially exclusive, and the very principle 
of the creed confers on the faithful the privilege of the one true way 
of salvation. The Egyptians are naturally liberal and tolerant ; but 
they allow none to trample on their dignity and to treat them as 
inferiors. Is there a single Mussulman who has ever broken off his 
.relations with a foreigner, or discharged a Christian servant, because 
he held a different religion ? There is not. 

The real feeling that one finds among all Mussulman peoples 
is one of affection and mutual sympathy. 

C. Present Position of Women , — The Egyptian woman is the 
most resigned of her sex in the whole world to-day. Though she 
is not usually well-educated, she nevertheless directs her household 
with good-will, and sacrifices herself with absolute self-denial to 
the welfare and happiness of the family. Her education still leaves 
much to be desired. To understand properly her social condition, 
one must distinguish between wealthy women, comfortably situated 
women, and the poor or fellahas. 

The wealthy woman is usually well educated and fairly cultured, 
has broad interests, and follows the intellectual movement. She is 
intelligent and charitable. She is modest, affectionate in speech, 
and absolutely devoted to her husband. She can read and write 
several languages : Arabic, Turkish, French, and English. Some 
have even taken degrees or medical diplomas. They like music 
and singing, and, like other women, they have a passion for jewels. 
They take their part in progress and civilisation, and take advantage 
of all scientific and literary functions. 

The middle-class have more modest attainments, but are occu- 
pied with cooking, sewing, and domestic duties. They do their 
own shopping, and are deeply interested in their homes. The chief 
reproach that is justly brought against them is their unpardonable 
neglect of the elementary training of their children. This negli- 
gence is innate, and has a bad effect on the character of the children. 
Badly cared for and watched over, these poor little creatures suffer 



170 


tTNIVERSAL 


RACES CONGRESS 


from an apathetic neglect which deprives them of the most necesslary 
hygienic services and of a good intellectual direction/ ‘ i . 

' The fellaha, or poor woman, is merely ignorant. She h^ps 
her husband in the fields. 

It is quite inaccurate to say generally that the Egyptian woman 
is confined to the house. All women go out, at any hour of the 
day or night, as men do. They walk alone or with friends, con- 
stantly pay or receive visits, go to the shops to make purchases, 
•wander about in the markets, frequent the chief walking-places, 
and sometimes travel alone. 

The woman of the East takes no part either in politics or 
society generally, and has no influence whatever abroad. Her 
domain is the house. In it she is absolute mistress. 

D. Marriage between Different Races . — Many Egyptians — though 
the number is not great — marry wives of foreign races, but unfor- 
tunately it must be said, in a general way, that the majority of 
these unions are not happy. The reason is simple : it is owing 
to the difference in ways, customs, characters, cast of mind, &a 
There are, nevertheless, some of these families who live in perfect 
harmony, thanks to the mutual concessions of the tolerant partnem. 
History records that men who became famous — such as Mr* 
Rikards (who became Abdalla Pacha Il-Inglisi), General Mehou, 
and Colonel le Seves (Soliman Pacha), converts to Islam — married 
Egyptian Mussulman women, and that, on the other hand, many 
Egyptians married wives of other races. The children born of 
these marriages have predominantly an Egyptian character. 

From the legal point of view the marriage of a Mussulman 
with a Christian or Jewish woman is permitted, which shows the 
great toleration of the Mussulman religion. The Mussulman 
woman marries only a Mussulman ; if she unites herself to a non- 
Mussulman, the marriage is declared radically null and void. The 
children of both sexes that are born of these marriages follow 
the religion of their father. Difference of religion takes away 
the right of succession, either of the husband to the wife or the 
wife to the husband. 

E. Differences of Habits and Ways , — In Egypt tradition has 
its followers, and even its devotees. The Egyptian people, strictly 
so called, have a strong attachment to the old ways, but are not 
refractory to such progress as evolution demands. This observation 
must be interpreted in the sense that will be explained later. The 
introduction of Europeans into Egypt goes back to the time ot 
Mohammed Aly. The most ancient colony is that of the Greeks, 
which to-day numbers about 62,974 members. They live in perfect 
harmony with the natives, and speak the indigenous tongue ; many 



THIRD SESSION 


of them have m course of time become subjects of the country. 
The othet foreign colonies number — Italians, 34,926 ; 20,653 ; 

French, 14,891 ; Austrians, 7,705 ; Germans, 1,847; Russians, 2410; 
Swiss, 636; Belgians, 340 ; Dutch, 185 ; Spanish, 797; other European 
nationalities, 157 ; Persians, 1,385 ; other Asiatic nations, 191 ; other 
African nationalities, 1,425 ; Americans, 521*; other nationalities, 671. 
The outcome of their contact with the natives is not altogether 
good, as it is not the cream of European society that is willing 
to expatriate itself and settle in a foreign land. 

The relations of these foreigners to each other, as regards 
personal affairs, are not subject to the local authorities, but, in virtue 
of the capitulations, to the consular jurisdictions. Litigation between 
foreigners of different nationalities, or between natives and foreigners, 
belongs to mixed tribunals set up by the reform of 1875, and 
depending on the Mixed Court of Appeal at Alexandria, 

Egyptian society differs materially from that of Europe. 
All relations or contact between the masculine and the feminine 
elements are forbidden. The Egyptian, properly so-called, dreads 
Western familiarity, which gives rise to temptation and may wreck 
the most harmonious home. For him marriage is generally a be- 
ginning, whereas for the European it is almost always the end. 
In regard to moral ideas he holds somewhat different opinions from 
others, and he regards life under another aspect. He never places 
his happiness in this life. Whoever he may be, he always has some 
chimera of which he constantly dreams, which he caresses and 
prefers to the most seductive reality. Asa rule, he is indifferent to 
all that tempts and captivates the European. He is distinguished 
by a quality of the heart, which is in his very blood — devotion. His 
love of his neighbours is a thing to admire. Equally with the 
genuine Arab, he has a high regard for honesty and generosity. 
The exquisite kindliness which people show to each other in Egypt 
must be seen to be appreciated. A man is linked to another, not 
because of some possible utility, but from pure affection and reci- 
procal friendship. Pride has no place amongst us. Those who are 
highest in the social scale would not shrink from receiving in their 
homes the poorest of workers. Each man is understood to be the 
child of his works, the artisan of his own fortune. The man who 
starts in the humblest position may reach the highest, without any 
formal etiquette creating a barrier between the two phases of his 
life. 

Sincerity and impartiality compel us to admit that the Egyptian 
has his defects, as well as his fine and rare qualities. Though honest 
by I temperament, he is inexact in fulfilling his engagements. He 
keeps his promise, but he is slow in doing so. It is due rather to 



.0!liyERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

carelessness than to ill-will. May we put it that he wishes to * 
disclaim any pretence that he is perfect? 

F. Intellectual Standing- and Progress. — The science which 
flourished in the early days of Islam, at Bagdad, Corfu, Kairwan, 
Basra, and Cufa, during their brilliant prosperity, are now cultivated 
only in the city of Cairo. Egypt is unquestionably the part of the 
world in which Mussulman university centres are most numerous 
and richest in students. It is the scientific and intellectual centre 
of the East. Round each of the pillars of El-Azhar, and under the 
roof of most of the mosques in the various quarters of Cairo, of^ 
which it is the centre, you will find students from Morocco, Tunis, 
Tripoli, the Sudan, Syria, Turkey, Arabia, Afghanistan, India, and 
Java, from early dawn until late at night, receiving the instruction 
that is given them by several hundred professors of the various 
sciences. 

In December, 1908, the nation, conscious of the future of its 
children and anxious to raise the intellectual level, founded the 
Egyptian University. Its establishment is due to private initiative, 
to the generosity of large-hearted men, and the sympathy of those 
who love progress and science. At once the Council of the 
University, encouraged by the spontaneous liberality it experienced 
on every side, set to work to realise the most pressing part of the 
programme, and sent to all the different intellectual centres of 
Europe a number of young students for the pursuit of science. 

While applauding this resurrection of science, we earnestly 
desire that the intellectuals who will control the destiny of our 
studious young generation will spare no effort to form their char- 
acters, inflame them with a zeal for scientific discovery, and train 
them in the struggle of intellectual life. 

Let us not forget that it is more important to train character 
than to train intelligence, and that a really great university should 
devote itself more ardently to the development of qualities of 
character than to the training of the mind. 

We have at the present time more than six hundred students in 
Europe and America, and the number is increasing. More than 
three hundred of them are in France. 

Part II. The Politico-Economic Situation. — Egypt owes its 
economic importance to two circumstances, which have had influence 
in the past, as they have to-day. The first is the situation of Egypt : 
it is at the crossing of the great commercial routes between Southern 
Europe, North Africa, the Sudan, Arabia, and the East in general. 
The second is the fertility of the soil, which is due no less to its 
excellent character, to the stability of its sub-tropical climate, and to 
the regular and abundant supply of water. 



THIRD SESSION 


m 

It is an essentially agricultural country, and its richness has 
always been proverbial, but, on the other hand* tljicre arc hardly any 
industries, apart from those that have been introduced, and are now 
prosperous — the sugar and rice industries. The manufacture of 
sugar employs a number of factories in Upper Egypt ; the decortica- 
tion of rice is chiefly confined to the neighbourhood of Damietta. 
The making of cigarettes with tobacco, which is imported and then 
exported, has grown to such an extent that for the year 1909 we have 
to record an importation of ;^839,i8s (English), and an exportation 
of £^365,801 (English). The real wealth of the country consists in 
the cultivation of cotton. Numbers of factories for picking it are 
scattered over Upper as well as Lower Egypt The enormous growth 
of foreign commerce is due entirely to the increased cultivation of 
cotton and to the rise in price of that commodity, I need only say 
that during the last twenty-five years the receipts, in spite of constant 
strikes, have risen from about ;6^9,ooo,ooo (English) to more than 
5,402,872 (English) that the total of imports and exports, which 
in 1880 was ;^I9,500,000 (English) has increased to about ^^42, 000,000 
(English); that the cultivated area has increased by more than a 
million feddens ; and that the cotton crop, which in 1880 was about 
2,250,000 kantarSy now usually varies between 6,000,000 and 6,500,000 
kantars. There could, moreover, be no better proof of the develop- 
ment of our commercial activity than that afforded by the remarkable 
growth of credit-establishments. There are various kinds of joint- 
stock banks established , some are deposit and clearance banks, others 
lend money on mortgages and securities. Foreign capital flows in 
constantly with perfect confidence, and has had the happy effect 
of substituting, in a large measure, banks for the local usurers for pro- 
viding funds for the proprietary class and the fellahs. The above 
figures indicate a prosperity that is on the increase, and show that 
Egypt is much richer to-day than it was twenty-five years ago, and 
that its productive power has been developed. 

G. Political Conditions , — Egypt is a vassal country of Turkey, 
The form of government is theoretically absolute, but with certain 
modifications which will be explained later. It was recognised by 
the Convention signed at London on July 15, 1840, and agreed upon 
between the Courts of Austria, Great Britain, Prussia, and Russia on 
the one hand, and the Ottoman Sublime Porte on the other. The 
chief firman or hatti-Cherif oi ]\inQ i, 1841, appointed Mehemet Aly 
Pacha the Governor of Egypt, and awarded the hereditary govern- 
ment to his descendants. 

Ismail Pacha was the first to receive the title of Khedive, and in 
l866 succeeded in obtaining material concessions from the Sublime 

* SuppUment to the Official Joumaly No. 31, March 16, lyio. 



174 > ^ UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

Porte, especially the firman, which establishes : (i) the transmission 
of the Khedivate in order of primogeniture from one eldest son to 
another, and (2) that all revenue should be received in the name of the 
Sultan. 

After 1882, when the events connected with Arabi Pacha 
occurred — events that kre still painful in our memories — Great 
Britain intervened for the purpose of restoring order and establish- 
ing H.H. the Khedive on his throne ; it has remained since then 
in the country, taking part in all Egyptian affairs and occupying 
the country with military force. This occupation is not judicially 
recognised, except by the Convention of April 18, 1904, in regard 
to the finances of the country, in which Turkey (the Suzerain 
Power) took no part The actual Government has at its head 
H.H. the Khedive Abbas IL, who received his investiture by 
firman dated March 27, 1892.1 

He governs with the aid of a Ministry that is in some sense 
responsible to him. This Ministry is composed of seven Ministers 
and six Under^Secretaries of State. Besides this purely native 
Government there exists another power since the occupation, that 
of the Plenipotentiary Britannic Minister, in whose hands is the 
preponderant influence both in politics and administration. 

According to Lord Granville’s circular of 1883, and Lord 
Rosebery’s dispatch of 1892, the native authorities are obliged, in 
all matters of importance, to follow the advice given them by the 
Government of Great Britain, under penalty of losing their positions. 

The British Agent exercises his control by means of Advisers 
attached to each Ministry, except those of Foreign Affairs and 

* “The Khedive, to whom the civil, financial, and iiidicial administration is 
confided, will have the power to make all regulation*^ and internal laws necevssary 
to that end. The Khedive will be aulhorised to conclude and to renew, without 
prejudice to the political treaties of my Imperial Government or to its sovereign 
rights over the country, conventions with the agents of P'oreign Powers in regard 
to customs and commerce, and all transactions with foreigners concerning internal 
affairs The conventions will be communicated to my Sublime Porte before they are 
promulgated by the Khedive. The Khedive will have full and entire control of the 
financial affairs of the country, but he will not have the right to contract loans, 
except as concerns exclusively the regulation of the piesent hnapcial situation, and 
in complete accord with its present creditors or delegates officially charged with theii: 
interests. The Khedive cannot devolve upon others, in whole or in pait, the privileges 
accorded to Egypt, which are entrusted to him, and which form part of the rights 
inherent to a sovereign power, noi sacrifice anypait of the territory. . . . Regular 
payment of the annual tribute of 750,000 L,.T. The coinage will be minted 
in the name of the Sultan. The Egyptian Army is fixed at 18,000 men in tirpe 
of peace. Nevertheless, as the Egyptian land and sea forces are also intended for 
the service of the Sultan, in the event of the Sublime Porte finding itself at war^ 
the number may be increased in such proportion as is thought fit. The flags and 
the grade*marks of officers wull be the same as in the Ottoman Army. The Khedive 
will have the right to confer on officers of the land and sea forces up to the raiik 
of colonel exclusively, and on civil officers up to the rank of sanieh exclusively.” 



THIRD SESSION 


*75 

War, which he controls directly, and by means of inspectors in 
feach moudirieh -or province* The English Advisers are appointed 
by H,H. the Khedive, but proposed by the English Diplomatic 
Agent, to whom they are really responsible. 

The nation does not, in the parliamentary or representative sense, 
really take part in the making of laws, and does not see that they are 
executed. It is represented by : — 

(i) A Legislative Council, one half of whose members are appointed 
for life by the Government, and the other half elected on a system of 
two-graded suffrage — a very defective system, which does not meet 
the wish of the nation, and gives only a semblance of representation* 
This Council has only a consultative voice, and, when it rejects 
or modifies a law, the Government may disregard it, sending it a 
note explaining the reasons why its advice has not been followed, 
and the Council has no right to reply to, or even to discuss, this note* 
(2) A General Assembly, of which the members of the Legislative 
Council and the Ministers form part. This Assembly must be 
convoked at least once in two years. It also has only a consultative 
voice, except when there is a question of raising new taxes. In 
this case alone its voice is deliberative and decisive. 

The sittings of these two elected bodies were formerly private ; 
only last year did they become public. On the other hand, the 
Legislative Council is granted the right to put questions to the 
ministers according to certain rules, without being able to discuss 
their replies. This reform has not been introduced by decree; 
it was recognised in the Council by a letter from the President 
of the Council of Ministers. These few insignificant reforms have, 
nevertheless, added some strength and authority to the Councils, 
which were too much neglected, and consulted only as a matter 
of form. 

In the third place, and beside each moudit or prefect, there 
are provincial councils, the competency of which has been recently 
enlarged. They have now a deliberative voice in part of the local 
affairs, and much is hoped of their new organisation. They have 
devoted nearly the whole of their budget to public instruction, 
and make every effort to spread education m the country. Here 
also we must recognise the local commissions that exist in all 
the provinces, and the mixed municipalities at Alexandria, 
Mansourah, Port-Said, and Heluan. The establishment of these 
was excellent, as it indicates the first step toward self-government 

Egypt, like all civilised countries, demands reforms for the 
purpose of remedying its actual defects. This very legitimate 
claim justifies the French proverb that observes, with much subtlety : 
*‘To govern is to dissatisfy.*' It is in this spirit, and not in I 



RACES CONGRESS 

Critical mbod, that I venture to make myself the spokesman of 
my country in formulating the following claims: — 

Elections , — The system actually in use is wholly defective^ 
it in no wise expresses the will of the nation. It is also advisable 
to extend the powers of the Legislative Council and the General 
Assembly in order that -the natives may have a real share in the 
government. 

Justice . — The same observation may be made in regard to justice, 
either mixed or native. An early use should be made of some 
means to make it more expeditious and economical, as one of its 
great defects is the complicated character of the procedure, which 
causes long and useless delays, always injurious to the parties 
interested, and the enormous expense of having recourse to it. It 
is also to be hoped that certain necessary, if not important, amend- 
pients will be made in the law. 

Education , — The Government ought to apply itself seriously to 
enforcing obligatory instruction and return to the system in vogue 
before the English occupation — to make education gratuitous in all 
elementary schools. It is necessary to draw up new programmes for 
the training of our youth, and make it capable of furnishing a supply 
of skilful engineers, doctors, jurisconsults, &c, so that they may 
take their part in the progressive development of the country. 
Above all things, the authorities must take up the subject of moral 
instruction, which is so important an element among Europeans, 
making them good parents and good citizens. 

Agriculture , — More delicate, and more vital to the economic 
interest of the country, is the question of agriculture. It is necessary 
to face at once the eventuality of the results of the cotton-crop 
not coming up to expectation. In order to remedy this evil, and 
avoid an inevitable crisis and imminent misfortune, it is necessary to 
ensure and increase the productivity of the valley of the Nile by 
a more varied and intensive culture and by bringing out its latent 
resources ; for instance, to increase the cultivation of the sugar- 
cane and permit the cultivation of tobacco, and the results will 
be excellent both for the Government and the cultivators ; also 
to encourage the creation of model farms, the rearing of poultry, 
&c. These are so many material means of which the Egyptian 
producer is at present deprived. 

Another reform that is equally pressing is the improvement of 
the lot of the fellah by providing him with the means of enlarg- 
ing his activity and resources. At the present time the majority * 
of the fellahs hire a plot of land, which they work themselves, and 
with the produce they are barely able to pay the rent (often 
Exorbitant) and the taxes, and provide for themselves for a year 



: THIRD SESSION 1^7. 

out of the little that remains. On this account it is impossible ' 
Ibr them* to safve anything, still less to have the satisfaction of 
^ acquiring a kirat of land. The Government ought, like a benevo- 
lent parent, to offer them every facility. It could, for instance, 
with every regard for their age-old inexperience and improvidence, 
either let land to them on a long lease, with the prospect of some 
day becoming the owners of it (by paying with the rent an 
additional sum towards the price of the land), or grant them per- 
petual leases in consideration of the regular payment of the rent 

We must not forget, too, that the fellah still uses the ploughing 
instruments of ages ago, which entail a good deal of labour and time 
and do not yield a proportionate result. The Department of Agricul- 
ture will do a good and useful work if it suggests to the large land- 
owners to form unions to buy and hire out improved tools. It is 
wrong to suppose that the fellah is devoted to the ancient methods ; 
on the contrary, he will accept gladly and gratefully any improve- 
ment that means a practical saving to him. 

The action of the State would be still more fruitful if it 
encouraged and increased the formation of agricultural unions, 
co-operative s(;cieties, provident and productive associations. 

Industry . — A word now on the working population. This poor 
class of society, which has not yet learned modern methods and 
industrial organisation, is at the mercy of its employers. The price 
of food has doubled in recent years, but wages have not increased in 
proportion, so that the labourer and the worker are relatively poorer 
than ever. Ought not the competent authority to encourage trade 
unions in order to remove their grievances ? The best way would be 
to endeavour to make agriculture so prosperous as to check the fatal 
tendency to rural emigration. 

Public Assistance, &c . — Turning to a different order of ideas, we 
may say that our country is also wanting in establishments of Public 
Assistance, instituted by the Municipalities and the Provincial 
Councils ; also in retreats for the aged and infirm, such as we see in 
Europe, especially in England. These establishments would be 
compelled (instead of doing it out of charity) to house and feed every 
' indigent and his family of any nationality or creed whatever. Such 
an organisation would do important humane and moral service, par- 
ticularly in protecting children, as child-mortality is increasing fright- 
fully. The statistics of 1909 show 417 deaths per thousand at Cairo, 
and 33*1 per thousand at Alexandria. If we compare this with 
European capitals, we find that London, with its 5,000,000 inhabi- 
tants, has only 14 deaths per thousand ; Berlin, with a population of 
2,106,513 has only 15*1 per thousand; Paris, with 2,760,033 inhabi- 
tants has 17*4 deaths per thousand. It is a sad disproportion, 



mmmmhh : 

> we re6ect that the climate of these cities 

T < unhealthy than ours. From all this we may conclude that 
, sauitaiy reform leaves a good deal to be desired. We must figihtt. 
this alarming loss of infant life in our large towns. 

Another pressing duty is to make the houses of the working 
classes healthier ; at present they are entirely wanting in the 
elementary principles of hygiene. 

To resume : Egypt claims certain reforms in order to maintain 
its prestige and its moral dignity. It may be objected that we lack 
the means to realise them. To that we may confidently reply that 
the progressive wealth of the country can sustain the burden of these 
expenses. Who, moreover, presses the Government to undertake 
them all at once? A beginning could be made with the urgent 
reforms, and the work might continue gradually until the expressed 
wishes of the nation have been satisfied. 

In conclusion, we may say that it would be wrong to regard the 
mental status of the Egyptian as permanent or not susceptible of 
modification under the pressure of influences in his environment. 
On the contrary, the present situation leads us to predict with 
confidence that changes in the system of education and in public 
ppinion, due in a great measure to constant and increasing contact 
with the West, will transform and improve this mental aptitude at no 
distant date. Egypt, the cradle of the most ancient civilisation in 
world, will, thanks to the generous support of our Beloved and 
August Sovereign, H.H. the Khedive Abbas II., continue to make 
giant strides toward the conquest of civilisation and progress. The 
future smiles on us, and I may conclude in the words of the sublime 
poet Milton ; — 

Methinks I see m my mind a noble and puissant nation rousing herself like 
a strong man after sleep, and shaking her invincible locks : Methinks I see her 
as an eagle mewing her mighty youth, and kindling her undazzled eyes at the 
full midday beam ; purging and unsealing her long>abused sight at the fountain 
itself of heavenly radiance." 

[Paper bubmttted in French ] 


SOME GENERAL CONSIDERATIONS ON THE 
PEOPLE AND THE GOVERNMENT OF HAITI 

By General LtcixiME, 

Former President of the Republic of Haiti. 

The Haitian nation diates back to yesterday, as it were, and its 
clumsy gropings towards the light should cause, therefore, no aston- 
ishment. From 1804, the year of its independence, to 1843, the year 






. trf' the devolution, Us pblitica! education and its social organi^tipii , 
^re bofind to* be very imperfect Yet many illusions have been‘ I 
dierished in regard to this people through mistaking surface appear- 
ances for the reality. The memory of its former colonial prosperity 
and the favourable position of the island led many to conceive the 
Republic of Haiti as a Garden of Eden. Is not the azure sea which 
lies around it the reservoir from which the Gulf Stream derives the 
tropical heat which is borne onward until its influence is felt even on 
the shores of England ? 

But, however stiinulating the climate of the Antilles may be, it ^ 
could not succeed alone, and with such rapidity, in forming a society. 

It needs the support of other agencies, and we are therefore com- 
pelled, in studying the progress of the people of Haiti, to examine 
the influence of the external forces which have co-operated, or acted 
infelicitously, in modifying the situation. 

In 1843 nearly twenty years had passed since the Black Republic ‘ 
had been convulsed by a revolution ; but the government of the 
Republic, which might be regarded as the most regular power that 
had held sway over it since its independence, rested, nevertheless, on 
an insecure foundation. At that time power was concentrated in the 
hands of the single personality at the head of the State. It was a 
government of the older European type. The ideal of the revolution 
was bound to be very different from this, a government divided 
into three great branches (legislature, executive, and judiciary), 
thoroughly civil and representative. It was an attractive ideal; but 
was such a government possible in the then condition of Haiti, which 
was feudal rather than mediaeval ? 

History has given a negative answer to the question. In 1843, 
however, the Haitians were no less eager for liberty than in 1804, 
and not in the least more opposed to progress. What above all 
things they desired and demanded, from a lively consciousness of 
their moral and material needs, was prosperity. They were confident 
that this was the best means for attaining complete emancipation and 
the highest possible degree of civilisation. As far as the people were 
concerned, President Boyer would not have fallen from power if 
agriculture, commerce, and industry had not been threatened under 
his administration. Prosperity in these three things was precisely 
what the deputies of the Commons had in view, and the lack of 
it formed the burden of their complaints in their representations to 
the President of the Republic. Ought they not to have adhered to 
that programme when they had organised a ministry, and incor- 
^ pdrated it as a part of the government of the country ? 

A political revolution is a blind force, and, unfortunately, one that 
cannot be controlled. If, like the English Revolution, it is conducted 



, Universal races congress 

only in relation to existing institutions and for the purpose of realis- . 
ing conservative ideas, it will never be able to do much good. The 
revolution of 1843, however, was useful in proving once more the 
danger of Caesarism or personal government. Caesarism, which 
anarchy always involves, cannot, any more than a dictatorship, be 
a permanent form of government In the life of a people there is 
always a moment when the sword must give place to the law. Not 
that the law is infallible! It often contains many evils in the folds 
of its long robe ; but, while the sword only represents force, the law 
stands for peace and justice. 

Born in troublous times, Haiti is essentially a military State, 
and, though he cannot entertain ideas of conquest, its head must, 
nevertheless, retain the character of a noble gendarme^ the guardian 
of its institutions. But this gendarme, who must be surrounded with 
the light of knowledge, must have a counterpoise, and that can be 
found only in communal institutions and in a Parliament. There 
are, however, many kinds of such institutions and Parliaments ; every- 
thing depends on the form they assume. 

By a commune we understand a city, civitas^ a civic community 
with its own organs and its characteristic life. By Parliament 
we understand the representation of the communes and of all the 
centres of social activity that are created in a country. Both institu- 
tions are of very ancient origin. They existed in Europe long before 
feudalism, and even before the Roman Empire. 

However much Parliaments have evolved in their form and their 
functions in the course of history, we seem to find them, in a rudi- 
mentary condition, in the palavers that are still held in great regard 
in many a tribe. The Parliament controls, discusses, and, in that 
way, relieves the responsibility of the Government. The idea of this 
institution is assuredly one of those that have not suffered in the 
disappointment of Haiti’s early illusions ; but, in order that it may 
be realised effectively, it needs to obtain a deeper consciousness, to 
sink deeper into and take root in the mind of the people. ' 

* * * * ♦ 

The Parliament of Haiti before 1843 more than once 

mutilated itself in deference to the wish of “ the august person 
of the first Magistrate of the Republic,” as in the case of the 
expulsion of the Senator Pierre-Andr^. Many times since then 
an effort has been made to infuse new blood into it ; but the 
antagonism of the various parties is so determined that, as public 
opinion vacillates, the scale sinks on either side alternately, some- 
times on the side of the Parliament, sometimes on that of the 
Government. 

When, then, may we hope to see established between the various 



THIRD SESSION iSi 

’V 

* W^ches of power in Haiti that harmony and stability which will 
inspire confidence, strengthen its institutions/ and permit a great 
current of sympathy to flow through its various social strata ? How- 
ever, far from normal as the political regime of Haiti still is, it has 
brought about certain improvements in the public service, and, at 
the same time, some useful work has been done on private initiative. 
We may enumerate them as follows : — 

Public Instruction , — The development of education was not effec- 
tively undertaken in Haiti until the time of the Geffrard Govern- 
ment (1859-67). Schools were multiplied, and instruction of all 
grades was given, except in the higher grade, in which educational 
work was restricted to a school of medicine and a school of law. 
Both before and after the time of Geffrard many young Haitians 
used to go to Europe to complete their studies, and a number of 
them were very successful. We may recall, for instance, that 
M. L^on Audain, formerly a physician in the hospitals of Paris, 
established a laboratory of bacteriology and parasitology at Port- 
au-Prince ; M. Doret, a civil engineer, and M. Eth^art founded the 
“Free School of Applied Science,” and, finally. Dr. Jeanty established 
a maternity hospital and an asylum for the insane. Before the Free 
School of Applied Science, which is engaged in the training of 
engineers, architects, and agriculturists, was opened, the Government 
had laid the foundation of two schools of arts and crafts. The first, 
which is known as the “Central House,” goes back to 1846, under 
the administration of Rich6. The young people who were detained 
in it to learn a trade were also taught to read and write, if their 
education had been neglected. The establishment owed its chief 
importance to the fact that the making of paper and soap was , 
included in the subjects that were taught. The soap works of the 
Central House received little encouragement ; but its paper works 
provided, until the end of 1858, all the material that the administra- 
tion needed for the supply of its offices. 

National Foundry^ &c . — The second school created by Geffrard 
was equally successful in metallurgy. It also included a number 
of schools for teaching wood-carving. We must also refer to the 
sectarian schools which, since i860, have assisted in spreading the 
light and in teaching girls the various occupations suitable for them. 

Religion , — The majority of the people are Catholics. On account 
of the War of Independence, however, the Catholic clergy was not 
officially organised until i860, when a Concordat was signed with 
the Holy See at Rome. Other religions are freely practised in the 
country. 

Communication , — Haiti entered the Postal Union in 1881, under 
the government of General Salomon, and communicates with foreign 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS ^ 

countries by telegraphic connection and shipping. The various 
towns of the country are connected by the post, by coasting vessels, 
and by the telephone and telegraph. There are four lines of railway 
in Haiti at the present time ; (i) The Cul-de-Sac line ; (2) the line 
from the Cap to Grande-Riviere ; (3) the line from Gonaives to 
Ennery ; (4) the line from Port-au-Prince to Ldog^ne. These lines 
are still in a poor state of development. 

Agriculture^ Commerce, and Industry , — From the time of Boyer to 
the present day production has increased five-fold, or even six-fold, 
in proportion to the growth of the population of Haiti. Yet the 
economic situation is still the great stumbling-block which brings to 
its fall the majority of Ministries. Agriculture, commerce, and 
industry, which focus the energy of a country and form its “vital 
tripod,” so to say, are exhausted and ruined in Haiti under the 
burden of taxes and paper-money to which the various Governments 
have usually had recourse to fill up the deficit of the year. 

* * # * * 

No other cause need be sought for the debility and the function* 
aryism of Haiti. It is not a racial question, but simply a problem of 
political economy. This is proved by the fact that wherever paper- 
money and excessive taxation drain the national reserves, no capital 
can be accumulated. Private initiative cannot take action, and 
national industry is paralysed. 

One must not, however, on this account despair of the future of 
the people of Haiti. Whatever may be said to the contrary, it seems 
to be an energetic and vigorous people. In order to understand its 
temperament and appreciate its worth, one must leave the towns, 
where society is in a state of disaggregation, and penetrate far into 
the country. There, in the midst of a luxuriant vegetation, will be 
found an almost primitive population, professing a jealous love of its 
soil. They work, but without method, without guidance, and without 
capital. They have no resources. In order to sell their produce and 
buy the smallest thing that they need, they have to walk long 
distances and cross the mountains to reach the markets in the urban 
centres. 

In an age when the produce of the soil has lost a good deal of its 
exchange-value, life in the country is full of hardship. What people 
would be able to prosper in such circumstances ? Our peasants feel 
the truth of this, and they endeavour to escape by emigrating in 
groups, during the last ten years, to Cuba, Panama, Colon, and other 
parts of Central America in search of work. 

In the case of the Haitian, who suffers from no lack of land, sun- 
shine and rain, this emigration would seem strange if we did not know 
its causes. It may be asked if the emigrants will not be found 



{ THIRD SESSION C 

. inferibr to their rivals, the other workers in the distant land. That 
is far from beihg the case. M. Magoon, at oHe time ^iaovcrnor of 
Cuba, highly praised them in a report which he made to his Govern- 
ment Others have since expressed themselves in the same sense. 
Knowing this, we may conclude that the people of Haiti are perse- 
vering, active, and very adaptable ; that, if they had been always 
encouraged and well directed, they would by this time have reached 
a high pitch of prosperity and civilisation. 

It may be objected, however, that the Haitians are fetichfetic, 
and the very general prejudice against the “ blacks disposes people 
to believe this. Now, it is true that we can discover in Haiti certain 
traces of African fanaticism; but this is only a lingering relic of 
ancestral traits which a people does not easily suppress : witness the 
Greeks, the Romans, the Gauls, the Germans, and the Scandinaviahi. 
M. Maxime du Camp says, in one of his works, that there are still 
people in France who believe in Lilith and Naema, as was the case 
in the time of the Albigenses.^ At the summer solstice certain 
individuals meet, before the rising of the sun, on one of the hills 
round Paris ; their foreheads are swathed in strips of cloth, like 
Egyptian sphinxes, and they invoke Apollo Epicurius, and chant the 
hymn of Orpheus.'' 

It is not surprising that something of the kind should be wit- 
nessed on the mountains of Haiti, in a region where the people 
have always been left to themselves. But the Africans were not all 
fetichists. Some of them were Mohammedans, and some even 
Christians ; but the latter are never taken into account. Moreau 
de St.-M^ry, in speaking of the African dances that were introduced 
into San Domingo, refers to the Vaudoux (Voud’houn) with which 
are connected, he says, certain institutions in which superstition and 
eccentric practices play a great part.^ The Vaudoux was at that 
time danced in public, like all the others ; but in order to carry out 
the rites connected with it, the members of the sect used to meet at 
night in an enclosed place, a forest, far from the eyes of the 
profane. 

In regard to these matters the authorities did not show any 
severity until the governments of Toussaint-Louverture and 
Dessalines, both of whom were blacks. The offenders were arrested 
and prosecuted, and their dance-meetings were regarded as centres 
of sedition .3 They were not spared under the succeeding govern- 

* Parts^ sa Vte, ^es Organcs, by Maxime du Camp. 

* Moreau de St.-Mery, vol. ii. p. 54. 

3 Jacques Nicolas Leger, “ Fully convinced that the leaders of these dances (Vaudoux) 
have no other atm than to disturb the public order . . . and impart to their hearers 
principles that are quite opposed to those that should be held by a man who loves his’ 
country and is jealous of the honour of his fellow-citizens , desiring to destroy the 



f«4 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

mehts. In 18485 President Richd, whenever he heard the suspicious 
beat of a drum during the night, used to go himself to tfack and 
surprise the dancers in their retreat. The unfortunate offenders lived 
in perpetual and salutary fear, and shuddered at the mere sight of a 
policeman’s uniform in the distance. 

In fine, what is this Vaudouism, as an excellent Protestant 
minister, Mr. Bird, called it? What is it in the life of a people 
whose last African ancestors were still living in 1870? Fanaticism 
is assuredly an evil ; but we must not exaggerate its importance. 

The prolonged weakness and evident incompetence of a State to 
govern itself may bring about the death of that State, as Bluntschli 
observed ; but a nation or a race is not doomed to destruction 
because superstition has not been entirely destroyed in its midst. 
There is every reason for hope. Vaudouism, with its drums, its 
bells, its howling dervishes, its sorcerers and wizards, will disappear 
from Haiti just as paganism and druidism disappeared from Europe. 

Nil desperandunt ! Haiti has immense natural wealth. If its 
Government makes a methodical effort to develop it, with an eye to 
the welfare and the independence of the nation and the union of 
families, it will advance as the Argentine Republic, Mexico and 
Chile have advanced, after a long succession of political revolutions. 
Let us hope that it will do so, for the honour of the black race, the 
progress of humanity, and, as Dessalines used to say, for the mani- 
festation of the glory and power of God, Surge^ et antbula. 

[Paper submitted tn hrenuh,'] 


HUNGARY 

THEORY OF THE HOLY CROWN, OR THE DEVELOP- 
MENT AND SIGNIFICANCE OF THE CONCEPTION 
OF PUBLIC RIGHTS OF THE HOLY CROWN IN 
THE CONSTITUTION I 

By Akos de Timon, 

Professor of Law in the University of Budapest 

The Hungarian people who, in the last decade of the ninth 
century, effected the conquest of the territory which, on the banks 


roots of the incalculable evils that the propagation of so noxious a doctrine would bring 
in its train, &c., 1 enact as follows : All nocturnal dances and meetings are prohibited,'* 
&C, — Decree of Toussaint-Louverlure, January 4, 1800. 

‘ Compare also in general with the author’s Ungartsche Verfassungs- und 
RechisgeschtchtCf translated by Felix Schiller. Second Edition. Berlin, 1909, 
Puttkammer & Muhlbrecht. 



THIRD SESSION ^ 185 ; 

.of th^Danube and the Tisza, is bounded by the Carpathians, are 
the descendants’of the Turanian and Uro-AltaiCf Vaces. They belong, 
however, neither to the North-Western group nor to the Finn-Ugric 
branch, nor yet to the South-Eastern group, the Turko- 
Tartars. Both by language and ethnology they belong to a third 
branch springing from between the two mentioned, the same to which 
the Huns, Avars, Volga-Bulgarians, Petchenegs, and Kumanians 
also belong. The strong public spirit of the Hungarian nation — 
which differentiates it in a marked degree from the German races, 
which display an individualistic tendency — is probably an inheritance 
from their Turanian ancestors. In the midst of the culture of 
Western Europe this public spirit of the Hungarian people mani- 
fested itself, as a reaction against the influence of West European 
ideas and tendencies of law and administration, in the magnificent 
system of government known to us as The Laws of the Holy Crowm 

The Hungarian nation regards the Ciown, which is the crown 
of St Stephen, as holy. In this respect she stands alone among 
the peoples who acknowledge a monarchical form of govern- 
ment 

The Hungarian Constitution is a historic fact, the result of 
more than a thousand years of gradual development For its roots 
and fundamental principles we must go back to the original home 
of the Magyars on the western slopes of the Ural mountains. 
No other Continental State can look back on such a long and 
uniform development of its constitution, which has permanently 
secured to the free members of the nation the right of participation 
in public affairs. 

National alliance formed the basis of the primitive Hungarian 
State, which was built up on the union of the tribes. A public 
and not a private alliance, it concerned itself not with individual 
will or with any private treaty, but existed as a necessity, by 
virtue of a higher maxim of law binding on the whole members 
of the nation. We must, therefore, in accordance with modern 
theories, pronounce the primitive Hungarian State to have been 
a legally constituted body. Otherwise we could only speak of it 
as a rabble drawn together for fighting purposes and held together 
by sentiments of fidelity and loyalty towards the chief. Thanks 
to the national alliance, the primitive Hungarian State possessed 
in a decidedly superior form a legal public character, unlike the 
feudal states of the Middle Ages, whose feudal basis bound the 
individual in a relationship, not to the whole community, but to 
a person more powerful than himself. 

According to the trustworthy reports of the Greek emperors 
(Emperor Leo the Wise’s Taktik^xid. Konstantinos Porphyrogennetos’s 



m . . UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

work De administrando imperio *), the primitive state enjoined two ^ 
public duties : common defence and obedience to the laws', binding 
on all recognised free members of the community. Every man 
belonging to the nation capable of bearing arms was obliged to 
appear at the National Assembly, which was at once a military 
and a judicial body. On the national alliance rested the national 
authority, or, as we should term it to-day, the highest executive 
power. It was represented by the people politically organised, 
i,e,y the nation. The sovereignty was therefore the sovereignty of 
the people, resembling in this respect the first beginnings of the 
German Constitution. 

The first political or national organisation of the Hungarians 
took place therefore in accordance with the forms of public law. 
The Hungarian army is a national army, not a private fighting 
force. Arpdd and his successors, in their ducal character, were 
not private war-lords, but public officials of the nation — elected 
generals who, by the authority invested in them, commanded and 
led the army. 

The primitive Hungarian State did not recognise the feudal 
institution known as “retainers,” upon which the maintenance of 
private troops was founded. This is the essential difference between 
the original Hungarian and German polity. 

The political life and political organisation of the Hungarian 
people did not, even in the later course of mediaeval development, 
lose their legal character, notwithstanding the influence 
political ideas and provisions. The kingdom did not content 
itself with feudal lordship, but developed more and more in the 
direction of constitutional power upon the basis of public law. The 
strong public spirit and collectivist ideas, brought by the Hungarian 
people from their original home, prevented the feudal system, based 
upon distinctly individualistic principles, from taking the place of the 
common union 

The King was kept in check in a very important way by material 
limitations of his power, in spite of the fact that for the first two 
centuries he had enjoyed absolute power, as the inheritor of the 
supreme rights formerly possessed by the National Assembly, which 
were from the beginning of a public character. 

The royal power could not pronounce an absolute decision on 
matters concerning the free members of the nation. The King had 
no absolute jurisdiction either over the army or the nobles, nor could 
he claim the property of the latter by way of taxation. At the very' 
time when the English wrested Magna Charta from their King the 
Hungarians received from King Andrew II., in the Golden Bull 
* See de Timon's Ungansche Ver/assungs* und Rechtsgeschichtc^ p. 22 ff. ' ; 



THIRD SESSION 187 

(waa^ the title-deeds of their rights. In the mind of the Hungarian, 
the Iove"*of freedom for the nation stands far sufJerior to the claims of 
individual freedom. 

As a consequence of the penetration of the feudal political ideas 
of the West in the course of the thirteenth century, beside the royal 
power arose other oligarchical powers which invariably claimed the 
greater share in the exercise of public rights. The administration of 
justice, as well as of military and financial affairs, ceased to be exclu- 
sively a royal prerogative. But as the danger became imminent that 
the public life of the Hungarian nation would fall under Western 
influences, and thus become established on the basis of private law — 
upon the principle of absolute monarchy, v/hich is the negation of the 
true state idea — the strong public spirit of the Hungarians developed 
the idea which had taken root in the nation, the idea, namely, of a 
common power belonging jointly to King and Nation. 

The idea of a common power, as opposed to the personal power 
of the King, assumes concrete form in the conception of the public 
rights of the Holy Crown, and produces as a logical sequence the 
theory of the Holy Crown, that is to say, the system of State law 
depending upon the personification of the Holy Crown. 

The conception of the State as a living organism, as a personality, 
is the fundamental principle of modern statecraft. The mediaeval 
conception overlooked this, and especially the idea of the State in 
the abstract. Even later, the nations of the Middle Ages, influenced 
by the principles of law that prevailed in ancient Rome, did not 
attain to a proper idea of State administration, and thereby to a 
correct notion of the transferred common power. On the other hand, 
through the personification of the Holy Crown, the Hungarian nation 
grasped these ideas before any of the nations of the West. 

The Hungarian nation saw the State embodied as an organic 
whole in the Holy Crown, in the interests of organised society. 
They regarded the Holy Crown as a mark and symbol of the 
sovereignty of Hungary, expressing the international independence 
of the Hungarian nation, even though to outside States it seemed in 
opposition to sovereignty. On the other hand, it personified it as the 
custodian of the common power, having its roots in the people, 
though in the political sense indebted to both. This is present as a 
mystery in the Holy Crown.* 

The acceptance of this interpretation of public law began to set 
in at the end of the twelfth century, advancing slowly and gradually, 
and can only be considered to have reached its final stage in the 
period of King Sigismund. The personality of the Holy Crown ere 

‘ I first met the word mystery m this sense in the Manifesto of the Hungarian Diet 
of 1440, Kovachich, Vestigia Comtttorumy p. 235 ff. 



i88 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

long forms the foundation of the Constitution. Every fact^oH:he 
State life comes directly into relationship therewith, and receives 
therefrom its function. The highest common power is not a power 
bound up with the personality of the ruler, but is the authority of the 
Holy Crown {iurisdictio Sacrce regni Coronce) ; the high rights of the 
State are no longer the rights of the royal majesty, but of the Holy 
Crown — rights due to the Holy Crown as an ideal personality, and 
passed on to the King through it. 

The dominion of the State is the territory of the Holy Crown, the 
royal revenues are the revenues of the Holy Crown {bona vel peculia 
SacrcB regni Coronce) ; and so long as the constitutional law of owner- 
ship, the so-called “ Avitizitat ” of King Louis the Great, existed, 
every right of free ownership was derived from the Holy Crown as its 
root {radix omnium possessionum), and reverted to the Holy Crown 
after the extinction of the lineal descendants. The Hungarian 
donational system was therefore based, contrary to Western feudal 
constitutional ownership, not upon private but upon public law. The 
donation was exclusively an act of public law enacted by the royal 
wearer of the Holy Crown. 

From the mystery of the Holy Crown proceeds the theory that 
in it the nation is one with the King. All who derive their inheri- 
tance from the Crown were once members of the Holy Crown 
{membra Sacrce regni Coronce), and as such participated in the exer- 
cise of the public powers belonging to it , but to-day, since the laws 
of 1848 have decreed the equality of the citizenship of the whole. 
Hungarian people, all who inhabit the territory of the Holy Crown . 
form, in union with the royal wearer thereof, that united whole in 
public law, that living organism called in mediaeval documents “ the 
whole body of the Holy Crown ” {totum corpus Sacrce regni CoroncB), 
but which to-day we call the State. 

This theory is by no means derived from clerical representations; 
it does not demonstrate the mediaeval Mystery of Christ, nor does it 
bear any genetic relation thereto. Here we have to do with a real 
construction of State law. It is the peculiar creation of the con- 
stitutional development of the Hungarian people, and even to-day 
forms the central point of Hungarian State law. 

The idea and the nature of the transferred common power have 
already been clearly and definitely formulated by Verboczy in his 
Tripartitum (tit. 3, § 6, p. i), accepted by the Diet in 1514, as it had 
never before that time been recognised in Western Europe, not even 
in England. The State Constitution founded on the theory of the 
Holy Crown stands, by virtue of its legal basis and forms, much 
nearer to the constitutions of modern States than to the feudal 
constitution of the Middle Ages proper, and to the absolute 



^ THIRD SESSION , 189. 

^tr imonial constitution of later periods, both of which are based oh 
the ruterand for-ms of private law. It could therefore withstand the' 
invasion of the newer ideas of State longer than the feudal and 
absolute constitutions of the West Even the transformation which 
the Constitution underwent in 1848, when the equality of all citizens 
before the law was recognised, was in reality but an extension of its 
fundamental principles. 

Every function of State authority obtains a legal character and 
constitutional form. Thus the legislative power appears beside it as 
a constitutional power shared alike by King and Nation. 

Already in the leign of King Sigismund the fundamental prin- 
ciple of law was laid down that a law, to be valid, could only be 
created by King and Parliament acting in concert. Only when the 
whole body of the Hungarian Crown {iotum corpus Sacrce regni 
Coronce), that is to say, the crowned King and the members of the 
Holy Crown were present in legislation, could laws be made. This 
important principle of State law is very precisely formulated by 
Verboczy in his Tripartitum. In this way the exact difference 
between law and ordinance was established. 

The individual will of the King cannot create a law. A law is 
the unanimously expressed will of King and Parliament, ix.^ the will 
of the Holy Crown, which can never be re-enacted by royal decree, 
neither can it be nullified Decisions issued without the consent of 
Parliament — for instance, the ordinances of the Great Council — are 
ordinances only, and not laws. Whence it follows that the royal 
ordinances may be revised or abolished at any time, in short, by the 
one party only ; while the laws can only be altered or abrogated by 
the mutual consent of King and Parliament, since the law (according 
to Verboczy) binds the King also. 

Under the rule of the Habsburgs the right of Parliament to 
share in the making of laws has never been questioned, notwith- 
standing the strenuous absolutist endeavours made from time to 
time. 

The best proof of this is furnished by the history of Act XXII. of 
1604, which was added arbitrarily by King Rudolph to the decrees 
of Parliament. After the successful insurrection of Stephen Bocskay, 
it was declared in Article I. of the Peace of Vienna that the Act 
referred to should be abolished, having been entered without the 
consent of the Diet. 

The competence of Parliament extends without restriction and 
exception to all affairs of State ; no kind of State affairs appertaining 
to Parliament can be withdrawn from its competence. There are no 
absolute prerogatives or reserved rights over which Parliament has 
not a restrictive influence. The constitutional character of the 



^ tJNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

transferred sovereign rights excludes entirely the idea of anvsjtj^l 
reserved rights. The royal prerogatives are constituted anrrtimited 
by the Legislature. This conception of State law is expressed in 
Act XI. of 1741 ; “ The Queen at Court will avail herself of the sup- 
port and advice of her faithful Hungarian subjects on all matters 
proceeding from the supreme power, in accordance with her discretion 
and royal position.** 

From the Golden Bull to the present time our laws consist of 
innumerable decisions in which the royal prerogatives are fixed and 
the exercise thereof limited. As with the legislative power, so also 
with the executive ; especially in matters pertaining to War, Finance, 
and Judicature, which are divided between the wearer of the Holy 
Crown and the members thereof. This division probably came about 
through feudal influences and provisions which outweighed the 
principles of individuality, and thus detracted from the principle 
of sovereignty, representing State interests. But it never went 
the length of annihilating the unity of the State embodied in the 
idea of the Holy Crown. That would be to put in its place the 
dualism of sovereign rights and legislative rights, after the example 
of the patrimonial monarchies of the West. 

The development of the State law theory of the Holy Crown 
brought about important changes, especially in so far as the exercise 
of financial power was concerned. The royal domains and revenues 
are now the property of the Holy Crown, of which the King can no 
longer dispose freely and absolutely. In this way the theory of 
inalienable Crown lands was developed. Further, without the consent 
of the Diet the King can only claim the ancient revenues of the 
Royal Treasury, to which from time immemorial belong the revenues 
from the mint and the technically designated “ Portal Duty ** {lucrum 
camercey In the event of an exceptional or war tax {contribution 
dica, or subsidium\ this rule of law has been held valid from the 
beginning — that the King can neither impose nor collect taxes 
without the consent of the Diet. King and Parliament together — ^ 
that is to say, the totum corpus Sacra regni Corona — must determine 
the object of the tax, the amount thereof and exemptions therefrom, 
and frequently the mode of levying the tax. Article I. of the Decree 
of 1504 surrounds with a special guarantee this highly important 
right of the Diet, which to-day is the foundation of the so-called 
Budget Law. Should a county consent to the King levying any 
taxes not sanctioned by the Diet, the nobles of that county would be 
excluded in perpetuity from the community of the nobles. The 
right of the Diet to vote taxes has since that time never been 
questioned. 

As regards the administration of justice and government, too, 



THIRD SESSION ■ ' ^ ^ 

' ' ' ■ / '' 

jy^gjonger they last the more thoroughly does the charskter of an 

exclusively royal administration vanish. The members the Holy 
Crown ^ participate therein in an ever-increasing‘ measure. The 
members of the Privy and restricted Royal Council and the Royal 
Courts of Justice owe their position, attained by degrees, not only 
to the King's confidence, but to their appointm^sOt by the Diet 
The first Government official, the Palatine, who receives his office 
from the united will of the King and the Diet, is especially the official 
of the Holy Crown, whence he derives his power and authority to 
defend equally the rights of the wearer and members of the Holy 
Crown, and — as opposed to the King — to represent the nation. The 
election of the Palatine is the natural consequence of the theory of 
the Holy Crown. The same observation applies equally to the 
Crown Guards, also officials of the Holy Crown, and who are also 
appointeef by the common will of King and Diet This peculiar 
institution has no counterpart in the States of the West. 

The history of the Hungarian Constitution in the Middle Ages 
tells us, further, of an evolution which was most appropriate, in that it 
afforded the most comprehensive influence over the Executive. Ac- 
cording to A’'ticle XXIII. of the Decree of 1298 (King Andrew III/s 
so-called Council Law), the King is obliged to maintain at court 
two bishops alternately for three months at a time, together with an 
equal number of nobles elected by the Diet to the Council. Should 
the King fail to comply with this provision, all he might decide upon 
in the absence of the aforesaid Council, with regard to large dona- 
tions or appointments to office, would be treated as non-obligatory. 

This Council Law of Andrew III. cannot in any sense be 
regarded as imitating the Council Laws of Wei^tern Europe. It 
approaches far more nearly to the idea of ministerial responsibility 
than it resembles the institutions of West European States for the 
introduction of elected Council Boards — such States, for example, as 
England, Aragon, and Castile. We do not find in any of them the 
principle laid down that the validity of the royal enactments 
depended upon the co-operation of the Council. 

The Hungarian nation was the first to discover a method of 
controlling the royal power, which method forms the basis of the 
representative ministerial government of later times. 

The other principle of this kind of government, viz., that the 
King's counsellors can be called to account, not only for remissness 
in the performance of their official duties — if in violation of the laWi 
but also politically, if the act be against the welfare of the country 
— finally and completely succeeded only after the lapse of two 
centuries, when it was enacted by the Council Law of King Wladis- 
laus II. (Decree of 1507). 



1^. s , ; L?‘'^!versal races congress 

In England the same evolution took place under more favo ug^hlg^ 
circumstances ; the Privy (or continual) Council being choSfen fSrom 
the responsible ministry, thereby forming the parliamentary system 
of government, which is based upon the principle of ministerial 
Responsibility. The evolution of the English Constitution is doubt- 
less the more complete, as before Edward III. the English kings 
opposed a constant and successful resistance to the demands for the 
election of the royal counsellors and public functionaries. In 
Hungary the greater acquisition of the Diet, the right of election 
(or at least co-election) of the royal counsellors, turned out to be 
mischievous, since it signified the weakening of the royal authority 
and subordinated the King to the supremacy of factions in the 
Diet. 

But after the disaster of Mohdcs the Royal Council ceased 
altogether to be the restricting factor in the King’s executive power. 
The more emphatically was expressed the requirement of the theory 
of the Holy Crown in the Palatinate — especially in the r61e of the 
Palatine as the necessary representative of the King during his 
absence abroad — that the nation, i.e , the entire members of the 
Holy Crown, should act as the executive power and thus prevent 
the arbitrary use of the Crown. 

The influence of this ancient Hungarian constitutional establish- 
ment was evidenced also in the setting up of a responsible ministry, 
as provided by Act III., 1848, § 2. In the absence of His 
Majesty from the country, the Palatine and Royal Lieutenant 
(Stattka/ter) exercises with plenary authority the executive power 
in Hungary and its provinces, by warrant of the unity of Crown 
and Realm.” 

In 1867 the appointment of the Palatine was suspended for an 
indefinite period. 

Another highly important provision of the Hungarian Con- 
stitution, intended to limit the executive power of the King, is the 
self-government and autonomy of the counties. The idea also of 
the County Commons (universitas nobilium') was developed on the 
basis of the authority of the Holy Crown. The County Commons, 
equal in rights to the English counties, on the one hand, perform 
their functions as Noble Commons, on the basis of the State’s 
transference of the executive power, within their own boundaries, 
independently, through their own members ; on the other hand, 
they conduct their own affairs, independently, within the limits of 
the law ; and this constitutes true autonomy. 

The self-government of the counties reached the climax of its 
constitutional importance when they deemed it their right and duty 
to control the central government in regard to the legal use of the 



THIRD SESSION 193 

X^caistitution, and to decline the executioh of unconstitutional State 
ordinances. The countie's claimed the ‘‘Right of Remonstrance" 
on the basis of Act XXX 1 11 . of 1545, found among other principles 
of State law, in opposition to the illegal royal ordinances. If this 
had failed of the desired result, they would then have taken refuge 
in another remedy — vis inerttce^ or passive resistance — thereby 
delaying the execution of the unsatisfactory ordinance. 

Every county, as a Noble Common, as a Common of the 
members of the Holy Crown, with the Lord-Lieutenant (the King's 
representative) at its head, represents the whole body of the Holy 
Crown — figuratively speaking, the State in miniature. It shares in 
the power, and as a complete organism, it shares also in an 
independent manner in the life of the Holy Crown. 

The fulfilment of the theory of the public rights of the Holy 
Crown, and the right of possession connected therewith, procured 
for the towns of Hungary an immense legal importance, in securing 
to them the rights and privileges of a state of the Realm. 

On the ground of their rights of free possession, the towns be- 
came noble personalities — members of the Holy Crown — and as 
such shared in the exercise of the public power pertaining to the 
Holy Crown. Since the reign of King Sigismund they have, in fact, 
been permanently represented in the Diet. They remain, indeed, 
more dependent upon the Holy Crown than the other nobles. This 
greater dependence has been especially expressed in the payment 
of certain property-taxes in favour of the royal power, which could 
not be levied on the other nobles The Royal Free Towns are the 
property of the Holy Crown : bona et peculia Sacrce regni Coronce, 

Upon membership of the Holy Crown — z.e , upen the collective 
nobility of the town — is also based the legal position as to citizen- 
ship in a town. The ordinary citizen is not an immediate member 
of the Holy Crown, nor a noble, nor does he pirticipate in the 
freedom of the nobility, except of a particular town or free citizen- 
ship. This development also has no analogy in the evolution of the 
constitutions of Western States 

Since the Hungarian nation regarded the Holy Crown as the 
symbol of the State, and saw personified in it the supreme power of 
the State, the legal axiom must have obtained that the coronation 
necessarily implied the constitutional ownership of the royal power. 

A law prescribing the coronation was quite unnecessary. Any 
such law was substituted in an efficient manner by the active national 
comprehension of law that considered the legality of the royal power 
to be dependent upon the coronation. By the Decree of 1687 and 
the Pragmatic Sanction of 1723, the Hungarian nation, indeed, 
waived its right to the election of the King in favour of the 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

primogenitive succession of the House of Habsburg. Nevertheless.^ 
the heir-apparent derives his power in law only through the Holy 
Crown* Act II. of 1687, as well as the Pragmatic Sanction, contain 
the clearly expressed provision that the King must be crowned before 
he can execute diplomas of guarantee or take the oath of fidelity to 
the Constitution. 

Without the coronation there is no legitimate Sovereign, no 
legal authority, for (according to Verboczy) there is no binding 
allegiance, as the perfectly free members of the Nation, the nobles, 
are only bound to the power of a legally crowned King (rex legitime 
coronatus\ 

This primitive political conception, which is also expressed 
in Act III. of 1790, declares that the coronation must take place, 
without opposition (inomisse\ within six months of the King's 
accession to the throne. 

During this interval the hereditary King (hcereditarius rex) is 
only permitted to exercise a circumscribed governing power. The 
conferring of privileges, under which — according to an ancient 
Hungarian law — is comprehended the sanctioning of laws, is the 
prerogative only of a legally crowned monarch. If the interval, 
as prescribed by law, for the coronation, be allowed to expire, the 
continuity of law is broken ; the deeds and ordinances of the 
hereditary King become null and void from the point of view of 
public law. He has therefore no authority to sanction laws, neither 
can he exercise the supreme power in any legal manner. 

With the institution of the coronation two important constitu- 
tional guarantees are closely connected : the Oath of Fidelity to 
the Constitution and the Diploma of Guarantee ; the one repre- 
senting the religious and the other the documentary guarantee of 
the constitutional jurisdiction of the Hungarian State 

The coronation must take place at the Diet convoked for that 
purpose. Moreover, a fundamental principle of Hungarian law 
enjoins that, at the coronation, the Holy Crown of St. Stephen 
must be used. According to the national consciousness the mystery^ 
i,e., the constitutional effect, of the coronation, is bound up with 
the Holy Crown. This is proved satisfactorily enough by the 
history of the coronation of Andrew III., Charles Robert, W lad is- 
laus I., and Matthias I. 

In the Holy Crown is embodied the political unity of the Realm 
of St Stephen, embracing also the adjacent lands, for those, too, 
are members of the Holy Crown. 

Just as there is only one crown, the .symbol of the supreme 
power and personifying its possessor, so there is but one uniform 
royal power. The coronation, the coronation oath, the diploma 



THIRD SESSION 195 

of guarantee, all are uniform for the whole Hungarian realm, just 
as the citizenship of the Hungarian State is also umform. 

The thousand years* existence of the Hungarian nation as an 
organised political state is bound up indissolubly with the Holy 
Crown ; and the constitutional and international independence of 
the Hungarian nation stands or falls with the Holy Crown. From 
the general public consciousness of this relationship may be ex- 
plained the strong monarchical sentiments of the Hungarian people, 
which is without doubt manifested so vividly in no other European 
nation. The Hungarian nation beholds in the Holy Crown her 
greatest guarantee — the palladium of her constitutional life and 
liberty. 

[^Papcr submitted in En^UshJ] 

THE r6lE of RUSSIA IN THE MUTUAL 
APPROACH OF THE WEST AND THE EAST 

By Dr. Alexander Yastchenko, 

Professor of Law at the University of Dorpaty Russia, 

1 . 

The long struggle of the Western and Eastern worlds, which we 
trace throughout history, is not a mere expression of animosity 
between two races ; it represents the collision of two different 
standards of life, two systems of thought. In spite of all that we 
do to bring together the East and the West, we see that they always 
contain something foreign to each other, something profoundly 
opposed and frequently hostile. 

This difference is due to the mental complexion of the races, 
the disposition of their minds. Nations orgarise their life and 
compose their social relations according to the way in which they 
grasp the meaning of their existence. No doubt, the general lines 
of human psychology are the same everywhere and common to all 
races ; our assurance of the ultimate pacification and unification of 
humanity is based precisely on that fact. All nations are sociable, 
and are in quest of happiness ; but they understand it in different 
ways. The contrast between the East and the West is seen best 
in the exalted province of their ideology, their latest effort to under- 
stand their life and the existence of the world. But when we pass 
the limits of this lofty spiritual life, the province of the most perfect 
expressions of the mind of the race, and descend to the lower sphere 
of the material life, we find a very slight difference between them, 
and this difference is often accidental, a difference of details, external, 



^196 . , UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

not internal and essential. We find in the East as well as in the 
West the mass of the people living the semi-conscious life of a sensual 
and* almost animal nature. We see that there is no essential differ* 
ence between the sceptical materialism of Europe and the positivism 
of China ; between the atheistic free-thought and irreligion that 
.exist in the West and the indifference of the Chinese masses to 
_ questions of faith, and their equal readiness to accept the most diverse 
religions. 

If, however, we turn to the province of the highest productions of 
the mind, we at once detect in the East the ancient tendency towards 
a negative universalism of the moral conscience. At the very dawn 
of the Eastern civilisation we meet two systems of pessimistic 
philosophy, the systems of Sakya-mouni and of Lao-tse. The ex- 
ternal world, the phenomena of nature, and the individual con- 
sciousness with its sorrows, its joys, and its hopes, are illusory and 
deceptive ; all divisions of men are imaginary ; nothing is real but 
the love, the sympathy, and the universal compassion, which inspires 
every living soul. The real visible world can no more be accepted 
than a mirage ; the very foundations of material life are rejected. 
From that principle we get asceticism and the preaching of 
universal charity. The philosophy of these two pessimists was 
embodied in the religious systems of Buddhism and Taoism. 

While the negative universalism of the Buddhist is peculiar to 
the East in the province of the purely religious consciousness, the 
idea of order, as the ideal of social arrangement, is familiar 
to it in the field of social convictions. Society is conceived, 
not as something fluid, changing, and evolving, but as an unchangeable 
equilibrium, as a certain order confined within eternal limits. This 
exaggeration of the idea of order, as if it were a foundation of 
society, is in China associated with an exclusive cult of the past. 
This cult of the past becomes in Confucianism the real cult of the 
gods. And when all the social relations are established once for 
all, and the dead ancestors dominate the actual life, the individual 
disappears in the species, and the social principle triumphs definitively 
over the individual principle. The too narrow adoration of the past 
leads to a contempt of the present and, necessarily, to the denial of 
the future. 

The fundamental and general character of the Oriental mind is 
seen in its detachment from life and in its leaning towards a purely 
mystical conception of the world. 

Differently from the East, the West, with its Aryan race, has 
leaned from immemorial time toward the pagan spirit, the cult of the 
living forces of external nature. To accept the world is just as 
characteristic of the West as to reject it is of the East. The Aryan 



THIRD SESSION 




m 


delights in the varying world of natural phenomena : he does not 
mortify, but loves and adorns, the flesh. He has a simple belief 
in the reality of this resplendent world, with its brilliant colours and 
its harmonious sounds. He lives in the present, and knows not the 
cult of the past. His eye is always toward the present Hence his 
victories over the forces of nature, the marvels of his technical 
skill, the so-called advantages of civilisation. 

Not only the present in the narrow sense of the word, but also 
that further expression of it the future, attracts the man of the West 
His mind is steeped with the idea of progress, development, evolution. 
Everything is open to improvement, and therefore capable of reform 
and destruction. This progress is brought about by the action of 
individual forces. The social order is not a rigid mechanism, but 
an organic body, in which there is a constant dynamic evolution. 
The collective principle does not destroy individuality; the per- 
sonality seeks always to affirm its power. 

The mind of Europe, and of the West generally, is characterised 
by its realism and its tendency to positivism. In its knowledge of 
the world it trusts especially to the senses and its reasoning faculty. 
It is therefore, in philosophy, inclined to rationalism and empiricism. 
Even in religion it leads toward a rationalistic explanation of the 
ineffable divine mysteries, and it even tries in Protestantism to obtain 
a rational understanding of mystical Christianity. 

The mystic life is not, however, wholly inaccessible to the Aryan 
world. It has more than once admitted the mystic creations of the 
East ; but, in harmony with its practical and vital character, it 
endeavours to introduce even into mysticism the utmost clearness of 
mind, precision, and arrangement Catholic Christianity is a similar 
Aryan elaboration of the religious mysticism of the East. 

Even to-day, in spite of the return to the old pagan spirit, we still 
find in Europe a vital struggle of mediccval Christianity against the 
pagan renascence. 

In the last century we can detect a movement in the direction of 
the Buddhist spirit of the East, not in the express shape of the 
Buddhist religion, which is itself far removed from the profoundly 
detached spirit of its founder, but in the shape of a spread of those 
pessimistic convictions which are responsible for the success of the 
philosophies of Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, and Guyau. In this new 
note w^ have a rejection of the old princely and overpowering 
joyfulness of the Aryan. 


II. 

The decree of fate has placed Russia at the junction of the East 
and the West In that circumstance we must seek the conditions of 



>trNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

its history* It is a situation that imposes on it grave duties and a 
great mission. All the sufferings, the miserable discords, the trouble, 
and the constant efforts which run through the whole life of the 
Russian people are, just as much as its achievements and its 
conquests, the outcome of its intermediate situation. In the great 
conflict between the genius of the East and that of the West, the 
part of reconciler naturally fell to Russia. This synthetic action of 
Russia is based on its twofold nature, its profound dualism. The 
two hostile elements — the Mongol element of the East and the Aryan 
element of the West — are blended in Russia. It is the real two-faced 
Janus, Europe and Asia conduct their age-long quarrel within its 
confines, and its Imperial emblem, the two-headed eagle, is a perfect 
symbol of this duplication of the political principle of Russia. And 
this very emblem bears, on the breast of the eagle, the symbol of the 
final triumph over this dualism : Saint George destroying the 
dragon (the ancient emblem of Muscovy). 

From the first the history of Russia is full of the struggle of the 
East and the West. The Russian tribes had continually to deal 
with the peoples of the East, the Huns and the Avars, even at a 
time when the Russian State was not yet constituted — from the 
fourth to the seventh century. Then came the Khosars and the 
Petchenegs. St. Vladimir, who introduced Christianity, built 
fortresses on the western frontier against the peoples of Asia 
After the time of Jaroslav the Wise, the Polvetz made tt^ir 
appearance, and assailed the Russian territory for two centuries. At 
length, in the middle of the thirteenth century, there is a furious 
encounter, and the domination of the Tartars is established for two 
centuries. From the time of the Muscovite Tsar Ivan III., we find a 
pronounced movement in the opposite direction, a movement of 
Russia toward the peoples of Asia. The steppe is unbounded ; its 
fringes are lost in the infinite horizon. The frontiers of Russia 
advance farther and farther until the moment when, at length, the 
Russian Cossacks make their appearance on the shores of the great 
ocean. In the eighteenth century the Crimea and New Russia are 
conquered. In the nineteenth, the Caucasus and Turkestan. The 
whole thousand years of Russian history have been spent in heavy 
and constant warfare against the nomadic peoples and the States of 
the East. This long intercourse on the field of battle involuntarily 
gives a certain Oriental impress to Russia ; a large number of 
Oriental peoples have become subject to it ; its political frontiers 
largely coincide with those of Turkey, Persia, and China. 

But at the same time the whole aspiration of Russia is toward 
Europe. It has adopted the Byzantine form of Christianity, and 
for a long time it maintained a commerce with the Hanseatic free 



THIRD SESSION 

townsL Since the reforms of Peter the Great it has resolutely 
undertaken its complete Europeanisation, Constitutional and 
administrative reforms are carried out in the spirit of Eur<^>pean 
politics, and great efiForts are made to assimilate the science of the 
West, Its art, flourishing luxuriantly in its popular inspiration, 
passes completely on to the lines of European aesthetics, and takes 
part in the general advance of the artistic history of the West. All 
the scientific, philosophical, political, and social movements of the 
West have a pronounced echo in Russia, and the story of its 
civilisation cannot be detached from that of Europe generally. 

These two antagonistic principles are the causes of the painful 
moral and political struggle which characterises the recent history of 
Russia. On the one hand is the really Asiatic principle of an 
unchangeable political order — order at any cost. That is the 
reactionary movement. Theorists set forth the pure Oriental ideal 
of an absolute State, in which the monarch is not merely the 
dispenser of power by divine right, but is himself a viceregent of 
God. The autocratic doctrine of these theorists entirely resembles 
the Chinese theory of an unchangeable celestial empire, in which 
the emperoi is regarded as the Son of Heaven. The state, the 
political organisation, has an ecclesiastical complexion ; it is, in other 
words, regarded as divine — which is blasphemous from the Christian 
point ol view. Society is, in conformity with Oriental ideas, 
conceived as a rigid and definitive equilibrium of certain given 
relations. Everything must be regulated, as in a hive of bees ; order 
must reign throughout ; the generations which succeed each other 
must be merely so many stereotyped proofs of those that preceded. 
The complete denial and dread of progress, and the unlimited political 
absolutism, are merely a striking expression of the Oriental element. 
Religion itself is, in this case, a blind, traditional religion, almost 
more polytheistic than Christian; because the saints, the icons, and 
the ceremonies lose their meaning as symbols and means, and 
become idols and ends. 

As a complementary colour to this divinisation of the actual we 
then find a radically opposed and irreconcilably hostile movement — 
though from the same source and, on the whole, of the same spirit — 
the Nihilist movement. The Nihilist movement keeps pace with 
absolutism like a shrill note of accompaniment. In its nature it is 
purely Eastern, and entirely alien to the Aryan spirit of the West 
This denial of all absolute values, this tendency to destroy everything 
and reject all authority, is really Buddhistic. Our imperfect world, 
with all its illusory conventions, and its complex social and psychic 
combinations, is reviled with a fervour that is Oriental, mystic, 
sombre, and obscure. This Buddhistic- Nihilist rejection of the 



^ .UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

world is imperfectly expressed in numbers of mystic popular sects. 
It made its appearance, without recognising its own true nature, In 
revolutionary Anarchism ; it even made an impression on such 
representatives of the intellectual world, if not of genius, as Leo 
Tolstoi. 

We have expounded the two most expressive theoretical 
indications of the Eastern element in the Russian nature which are 
completely alien to the Western world. But the Western element is 
also found in the Russian character. If the Mongolian absolutist 
tendency and the Buddhist tendency to Nihilism have found their 
place especially in the Government and in the people, the middle and 
so-called ** intellectual class ” betrays an exaggerated leaning to the 
most characteristic Western principles — the denial of religious faith 
and of mystic knowledge, the exclusive acceptance of science, belief 
in progress, positivism and rationalism, and the limitation of men’s 
aims to the realisation of the Kingdom of God on this earth only. 
This tendency may very well be described as the religion of 
humanity, the apotheosis of man. 

This Western tendency, excluding every divine principle from the 
life of man, seems to be profoundly atheistic. Religion is a prejudice 
in its view ; there is no mystic insight into the hidden things of the 
world ; power is a thing created by men themselves. From that we 
get the democratic principle of the sovereignty of the people and 
the ethic of utilitarianism, or the consecration of egoism. From that 
also we get the idea of class-war and of social egoism, the contempt 
of tradition, of every established habit of life, and, in fine, an exclusive 
tendency toward a purely intellectual education. 

The Western tendency, however, starting from the opposite 
direction to that of Orientalism — if we may give that name to 
Absolutism and Nihilism — and making the complete circuit of 
evolution, has reached the same result . the denial of the meaning of 
life. The existence of the world is, when we exclude a divine 
purpose, absurd. The existence of man, that fortuitous, temporal, 
and mortal phenomenon, is equally absurd, because it has no 
foundation. Society itself is absurd, because it is doomed to 
disappear like each individual thing, and, like everything in a world 
predestined to eternal destruction, and destitute of any divine 
inspiration, it has within it no eternal and intrinsic value. 

Thus the Western and Eastern tendencies meet in their final and 
extreme consequences ; but the result is purely negative. It leads to 
the destruction of the meaning of life, and we do not find in it the 
synthesis we seek. 

The synthesis is to be found, nevertheless. It has been made more 
than once, and we often find traces of it in the history of the Russian 



THIRD SESSION 2or’ 

\ 

Spirit The Slavophiles were inspired by it. As a rule, the Slavo- 
philes are opposed to the ‘‘ Occidentals ” (as the champions of Western 
civilisation are called in Russia), and quite wrongly, in my opinion. 
The real struggle is between the absolutists and the democrats, the 
reactionaries and the radical intellectual class. These two parties are 
in agreement in principle. The doctrine of the Slavophiles is engaged 
from the start in a double combat, against the relative falseness of 
these two tendencies It is profoundly dualistic, and at the same 
time synthetic in its fundamental principle. 

A certain exclusivism may, no doubt, be found in the Slavophiles. 
They had a good deal of natural pride. They had, perhaps, the 
correct point of view in regard to the great part to be played by Russia ; 
but they were not sufficiently conscious of the synthetic character of 
that part. 

The correct procedure is to oppose, not the West to Russia (as the 
Slavophiles did), but the West to the East ; to regard Russia as at the 
same time alien from and identical with the Eastern element and the 
Western element in their abstract principles. The mistake of the 
Slavophiles was to make an abyss where there was no such thing, and 
ought not to be. They were wrong in maintaining that the European 
spirit is exclusively characterised by a positivistic, materialistic, and 
destructive tendency. They understood the destiny of Russia to be 
the realisation of the Christian ideal , but they forgot that the great 
synthesis of Christianity was effected by Europe, and that, if the 
Europe of to-day begins to dissociate itself from it, in a narrow 
development of its older principles — the principles of the Renaissance, 
the Aryan, and the Pagan — it has not entirely forgotten it, and still 
bears within it the living God of Christianity. 

But the Slavophiles, especially their deepest representative, 
W. Solovicn, rightly understood that the great synthesis of universal 
realisations is to be found in a regenerated Christianity. We have in 
Christianity a universalism that is positive, not negative. Christianity, 
like Buddhism, recognises no absolute value except in eternal life, and 
places the moral ideal only in universal love , but, in harmony with 
the Aryan spirit, it denies neither the material and temporal world nor 
the labour of man. The Aryan idea of progress and of self-assertion 
is seen in the conception of the Kingdom of God (the domain of the 
real and eternal life), not as an established fact, but as the great goal 
of the collective work of humanity, of the action of the universal 
Church. The ideal of universal charity is also conceived as an ideal 
of active love, realised in the historical efforts of the whole of 
humanity in their successive social forms. Christianity teaches the 
means to attain the eternal goal in this temporal life. It is a belief, 
not only in the immortality of the soul, but also in the resurrection of 



202 ' UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

the flesh. Matter and mind are reconciled in its synthesis. The 
history of the human race and the Kingdom of God are hot two 
opposite things ; they are interdependent and closely united. History 
is an advance, from the Christian point of view. The Christian 
philosophy is evolutionary, but with this great difference from the 

evolutionary theory,” in the strict sense of the word, that it perceives 
the final goal of this evolution, and seeks to guide it. 

The genius of Russia, in its highest synthetic manifestations, has 
always reconciled the East and the West ; witness Peter the Great in 
politics, Puchkine in poetry, Solovien in philosophy, and Tolstoi in 
religion and morals! 

Leo Tolstoi, especially, was a very typical example of the dual 
character of the Russian soul, with its union of East and West. The 
doctrines of not resisting evil by force, universal charity, and the 
rejection of external goods, have an Oriental complexion ; while his 
Christianity, belief in immortality, and active efforts for the improve- 
ment of humanity, are Western in their nature. The spiritual world 
of Tolstoi, with its imperfect equilibrium, is generally characteristic 
of Russian life. 


III. 

If, however, the work of Russia in the mutual approach of East 
and West is carried on chiefly within its own confines by the difficult 
construction of the higher synthesis of life, it is not wholly confined to 
the internal life of Russia, but goes beyond its frontiers. And the first 
problem we have to face is to determine what attitude Russia ought 
to adopt in regard to the yellow races, Japan and, especially, China. 

Japan never was, either in its history or in its national character — 
an enterprising, progressive, chivalrous, and warlike character — a dis- 
tinctively Oriental country ; which shows that the spirit of the East 
does not depend so much on racial elements as on a whole series of 
historical conditions. Japan has, by its rapid Europeanisation, its 
grasp and penetration of the spirit of the West, proved that racial 
differences will not prevent the white and yellow peoples from drawing 
together, when we have discovered the common ground for their 
mutual approach. 

Now that Japan has resolutely gone over to the side of the West, 
the feeling of dread of the East, in which the Westerner, by some 
atavistic influence, sees something menacing and hostile, is concen- 
trated upon China. It is, assuredly, a world in itself ; some hundreds 
of millions of men of different origin, having in common a peculiar 
civilisation, a special tradition, and a different cast of mind. China is 
the centre of the great problem of “ Panmongolism,” and of the 
“Yellow Peril.” ,, 



THIRD SESSION 


303 

before we decide what ought to be the attitude of Rdssia in regard 
to this problem, we must first understand the real nature of the yellow 
peril. 

The yellow peril may, first of all, be conceived as a danger arising, 
not on the part of the yellow races, but on account of them. Even in 
the time of Marco Polo, China was famous for its fabulous wealth, 
and later exploration and study have not merely failed to destroy the 
ancient legends, but actually shown them to fall short of the truth. 
The extraordinary fertility of the soil and the abundance of flowing 
water yield the richest harvests of cotton, tea, rice, and silk ; the 
treasures buried in the bowels of the earth are still richer, as coal, 
copper, lead, and iron are found in immense quantities. At the same 
time the axis of the world, which was previously shifted from the 
Mediterranean to the Atlantic, is now gradually shifting to the 
Pacific. It is surrounded by populous nations, and a rich and new 
life is developing in its innumerable archipelagos. When the 
Panama Canal is completed, and the western shores of North 
and South America and the Polynesian Islands have a denser 
population, the centre of gravity of the globe will necessarily 
be shifted to the Pacific. It is natural that certain of the Western 
Powers should seek to take up preponderant positions in that region, 
and this gives rise to rivalry and hostility. The yellow peril and the 
question of the Far East may in the end become a real peril, a 
menace of struggles and wars between the Powers of the West for a 
predominant influence in the Far East. That would be a grave 
danger, seeing that a European war might, in the present circum- 
stances, lead to a great enfeebiement of the Aryan race and put it 
at the mercy of the united Mongols. In this regard the place of 
Russia is to prevent a European war with all its strength, by means 
of alliances and good understandings. Russia, as the nearest Power 
to the East, and therefore the most sensible of the importance and 
gravity of the problem, should seek first of all to establish an 
equilibrium of the white peoples, in order to prevent them from 
losing their strength in such a struggle, and so giving the necessary 
counterpoise to the peoples of the East It ought, in fine, to establish 
a world-wide equilibrium of the white and yellow peoples. 

But the yellow peril is usually understood to mean the danger of 
a direct attack of the yellow races upon the peoples of the West 
This is the peril with which our literature and press constantly deal, 
and on which our politicians reflect with a certain anxiety. It often 
rises as a threatening spectre on the far political horizon. This 
concern is not wholly without foundation. Who knows what changes 
may not take place in the relation of the various forces of the world 
when millions of new men enter the arena of its commerce ? What 



; UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

will, TOppen when these masses of people are armed m accordance 
with the latest demands of military technics? What will be the 
effect on general civilisation of this introduction of nations with ^ 
different civilisation and entirely different principles of life? 

On reflection, however, we must recognise that the dread of the 
yellow peril is greatly exaggerated and, if a wise policy be adopted,, 
misplaced. The military peril naturally seems to be very great. But 
we must not estimate the military strength of nations by their number 
only. Wars are not ballots, conducted on the principle of universal 
suffrage, and the victory is not always on the side of the majority. 
The chief importance in military struggles lies in the psychological 
forces and the way in which they are organised. 

From what we know of the psychological qualities of the Chinese 
population, as distinguished from the Japanese, the warlike spirit 
has no roots in them. The contrast to Japan is explained by the 
profound difference in the history of the two States. The psycho- 
logical character, and the warlike spirit in particular, take centuries to 
form, and it is difficult to imagine that the character of a people can 
easily change. The other military factor is a solid organisation of 
the available forces In this organisation the most important part is 
played by the general political cohesion, the financial and other 
material resources, the ardour for the war, the harmony of the action 
of the rulers, etc. Now, the State-organisation in Western civilisation 
is incomparably stronger than it is in the East, and in order to attain 
it China would have completely to transform and reform itself on the 
European model. But a reformed China will no longer be alien. It 
will approach the West, enter into international commerce, and be 
compelled to submit to the general laws of the equilibrium of the 
world. Humanity is always most closely drawn together by the 
bonds of solidarity. The great development in our own time of 
alliances and treaties between different States enables us to foresee, 
not as a dream, but as a reality, the international organisation of 
humanity in one political and federated body. China will be com- 
pelled to enter this union, or else it will have to deal with the rest of 
the human race ; and in that case it will face the unbroken ranks of 
the human army. 

The economic peril on the part of China is still less inevitable. 
People dread the immigration of Chinese workers, fear that wages 
will be lowered in the countries to which they migrate, and are con- 
cerned about the commercial and industrial competition they may 
experience from a reformed China. The United States, Australia, 
Canada, and other countries have already closed their doors against 
the Chinese worker. 

We will not enter here upon an examination of the economic laws 



THIRD SESSION 


205 

which, we think, show the fallacy of the econofftic peril of China, 
China has not so dense a population that its workers cannot, with 
the progress of its own industries, find a market for thetr labour in 
ttieir own country. The population of England is three times as 
dense as the population of China. If the industrialisation of China 
and the exploitation of its resources increase production, there will 
be a corresponding increase of consumption. If it sells more, the 
country will purchase more. Its budget will be larger With the 
results of the new economic form, China will experience new 
demands. 

There remains the moral “yellow peril.” We do not see any 
absolute error even in the idea of an immutable social order, the cult 
of ancestors, or the negative universalism of Buddhism, but merely 
sound elements f f a larger truth. These ideas indeed are an 
excellent antidote to the one-sidedness of European ways of think- 
ing There is a greater peril in the gross positivism and practical 
materialism of the great mass of the people of China, but that is a 
danger everywhere. The crude animal contentment of the average 
small mind in Europe is just as real a menace to the future of the 
West. There iS a real danger that the materialistic spirit of China 
may animate the world, when humanity is united, and the era of 
universal peace has been established. The ideals of religion and 
morality will then have to combat the meanness of the human 
mind. 


IV. 

If, however, the yellow peril is usually much exaggerated, we 
must beware of concluding that it does not exist, and that there is no 
question of the Far East to confront. In political questions, especially 
questions of international politics, it is ridiculous and dangerous to 
adopt a purely sentimental attitude and, with uaive kindliness, 
declare that the goal has already been reached. We must not hastily 
infer from the theoretical principle of the equality and fraternity of 
races that they are actually equal at the present time and entertain 
fraternal feelings in their relations with each other. To say that 
would be to run counter to the indisputable facts of the situation. It 
would be an unpardonable levity on the part of any sincere friend of 
humanity to fail to see the wide distance that there actually is 
between the yellow and the white races, and the possibility of 
struggles and hostility between them on that account. 

It seems to us that the admission of the radical pacifist principle 
of general disarmament does not solve the racial problem. 

Not that we agree with the opinions of those who believe in the 
absolute value of warfare, and find in it the mysterious and mystic 



306 / ■ UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

character which satisfies the desire of sacrifice and redemption that is 
so ‘deeply rooted in human nature ; but because we believe that, wheit 
there is question of safeguarding things of great value, war is neces- 
sary and divine, and to refuse to enter upon it in such cases would be 
a piece of unworthy pusillanimity and cowardice. 

But wars and the struggles of races are abnormal things and must 
be avoided. That may be done, not by radically abolishing them^ 
but by gradually making them useless. The relations of race to race 
must be regulated and organised, and the various races must enter as 
organic members into the life-unity of the whole of humanity. 
International commerce unites men and races more closely every 
year. The fusion of races is inevitable, whether we desire it or 
no ; yet we must do all in our power to realise it as quickly as 
possible. 

The East is characterised by the exaggerated cult of the past, the 
denial of the world, and the idea of Nirvana ; the West by a no less 
exaggerated cult of the future, and the acceptance of the world as it 
presents itself to us. The equilibrium is destroyed on both sides. 
The failure to recognise the rights of progress in the East leads 
to stagnation, decadence, decomposition, and, in the end, contempt 
for the past itself; because the past has to be reconstructed inces- 
santly by the living toil of new generations. The failure to recognise 
the rights of the past in the West leads to a situation in which life 
loses the cohesive quality of organic evolution and becomes a mirage 
of the onward flow of time, an aimless pilgrimage in the endless space 
of history. 

The part of Russia, as it is understood by the majority of 
thoughtful Russians, and as it is reflected in the political and philo- 
sophicabworks of Russian thinkers, is to maintain an equilibrium in 
this antagonistic process. Russia, strong in its Christian creed, is 
conscious that it possesses a lofty moral ideal. The Kingdom of 
God is to be attained, not on the earth, but by the work here below 
of collective humanity ; not as a humanity-God, but as God in 
humanity , not by the destructive action of scepticism, but by the 
scientific realisation of ideal aims. Normal society should be con- 
structed, not for the animal existence of small contented souls, but 
for divine ends ; because the normal life is a creative evolution of 
divine character. 

The policy of Russia is determined by its Oriental-Occidental 
situation. Its historical action is always to promote civilisation by 
the assimilation on the part of Asiatic races of European culture. 
Each of the great European races has a mission to spread settle- 
ments over the earth ; first, the Anglo-Saxons, then the Spaniards, 
and finally the Germans and the French. Russia fulfils its mission 



THIRD SESSION — 

within its own frontiers, transforming the Eastern and the Western 
elements in its territory. 

We shall not attempt to determine the particular details of a 
practical policy, which might assist Russia in playing its historical 
part in reconciling the East and the West, because that is the task of 
its natural self-realisation in its whole range. Only in pursuing that 
aim will it fulfil its general historic destiny. Russia will only succeed 
in showing the world how to reconcile the East and the West if it 
reveals the presence in it of a living God. In effecting the synthesis 
of religion and science, it will supply what is lacking both to the 
East and the West 

As regards its special relations with the East, the understandir 
of Russia and Japan is natural, and is not only in their own i n teres 
but also in the interest of the harmony of the world. The Russo-- 
Japanese war was an enormous blunder, though it may have been 
necessary from the historical point of view. Its good results are 
already apparent in the mutual understanding of the two countries, 
and the mutual approach of the Japanese and Russian people. Its 
evil effect was to close against Russia the outlet toward the warm sea 
of the Gulf of Pechili, that had menaced nobody, and had answered 
the vital interests of Russia, since it gave an outlet to the broad 
tracts of Siberia. 

The first task that Russia has to undertake in its Eastern policy 
is a close approach to China by means of the active colonisation of its 
Asiatic provinces and the construction in Siberia of routes into China. 
The Oriental civilisation has long been studied in Russia, and the 
study must be prosecuted with the greatest energy. It is necessary 
to examine and understand the soul of the East and its secret ideals. 
But, while conducting this study, Russia must spread its own 
doctrines. Every possible effort must be made to extend the 
scientific education of Europe among the Mongols. The preaching 
of Christianity, especially, must be pressed, not in the form of a 
commercial enterprise, but as an act of faith and enthusiasm. This 
propaganda would be more effective if the dream of many great 
thinkers — the union of the Christian Churches — could be realised. 

Many a painful experience still awaits humanity on the hard way 
to the City of God, to which we aspire. The sacred enthusiasm, 
which has more than once fired humanity to glorious deeds in the 
age-long struggle of the East and the West, should fill our hearts 
to-day ! 


[Paper submitted in French.'] 



FOURTH SESSION 

(FIRST PART) 

SPECIAL PROBLEMS IN INTER^RACIAL ECONOMICS 

INVESTMENTS AND LOANS 

By Dr. Akos VON Navratil, 

Professor of Political Economy in the University of Kolozsvdr^ 

Hungary, 

Of all the economic relations between different peoples and nations 
the possibility of transferring capital from one nation or people 
into the economic system of another is by far the most important 
and pregnant with results. Among the productive factors of 
economic life none is now so important as capital, the creative 
activity of which is characterised by the law of increasing produc- 
tivity. It is capital, moreover, that is found to be the most 
mobile of the productive factors in modern processes of exchange, 
and the most varied forms of its transference from one economic 
system to another. The soil is associated permanently with an 
economic system as its natural foundation. Labour is, as has long 
been recognised, a very difficult thing to transport. Capital, if it 
find no obstacle in its way, flows over the frontiers of countries, 
and even across the ocean, to wherever it will be most useful to 
the economic system and to its possessor, the capitalist. 

The aim of these few lines is to impress the great importance 
of this internationalism — in the highest sense of the word — of 
capital on the first Universal Races Congress, and briefly to point 
out its consequences. 

From our point of vlfew the transfer of capital is not regarded 
so much between the various national economic systems as between 
different races. 


208 



FOURTH SESSION ; 

Every transfer of capital is an enrichment of some economic 
system of a lower economic culture by onO that has risen to a 
higher stage of economic culture. In that sense the country that 
is poor in capital seeks the aid of one that is richer. The latter^ 
however, uses the opportunity to obtain a good interest on its 
idle capital. A race that is economically inferior to another, and 
the peoples of that race, seek the productive factors they lack 
— capital — from peoples that are richer in capital, and this means, 
practically, from economically higher races. The economically 
higher race willingly comes to their support with its capital, even 
across the seas, in order to obtain the utmost advantage from its 
superfluous productive factors. It is a very clear expression of 
the internationalism of the economic life on the largest scale. 

With the establishment of over-sea relations on the part of the 
chief countries of Europe — in other words, with the earliest efforts 
at colonisation — we have the first transfer of capital from one race 
to others. 

It would take us too far to enter fully into the question of 
colonisation in this brief survey, even from the single point of 
view of the tiansfer of capital involved in it. We shall be content 
to state, as an undeniable fact, that the economic relations that 
have been set up permanently between races that stand higher in 
regard to intensive economic culture and such as are at a lower 
stage — relations which we call colonisation, in the widest sense of 
the word — always imply a considerable transfer of the productive 
factors which are superfluous at home. Superior economic culture 
is precisely characterised by this wealth in accumulated productive 
factors. And among the productive factors which seem to accu- 
mulate in superabundance at home, and seek a better application 
abroad, the first place is taken by capital. Transfers of capital 
from one race to another, especially from a Western to an Eastern 
race, to the advantage of both, are, as history shows, only possible 
when their relations become the object of a certain regulation 
having the character of public law, and thus the stability of the 
economic relations is better assured. I will only refer to the well- 
known fact of the indebtedness of India to England, that is to 
say, to the transfers of capital, generally for late repayment, by 
England to its British-Indian interests, mainly for the construction 
of railways in former times, but now, since the opening up of the 
country by modern means of communication, for use in the trade, 
industry, and agriculture of India. (See Anton Arnold, Das 
Indische Geldwesen unter besonderer Berucksichtigung seiner 
R^ortnen seit 1893, Jena, 1906, especially pp. 77 and the 
following.) 



sao : UNiVEfRSA'L RACES CWGRESS 

j, ^ ^ 

^k^|ifeI^eed no further proof that the influx of capital from abroad 
ln%3tati economic system that is at a lower stage of economic culture; 
and IS therefore poorer in capitalistic productive factors, is of great 
importance. By this influx it acquires what it lacks at home, and 
-without which it finds it impossible to maintain its economic life 
and ascend to a higher stage of economic culture. Whether the 
influx of foreign capital takes place in the form of an international 
loan, in which the indebted State recognises its legal character, and 
^he international relations between the debtor State and that from 
whose economic system the transferred capital comes remain equal, 
or some alteration in the legal relations of the two States is implied 
in the transfer of capital, is simply a question of public law, and 
therefore of minor interest from our point of view. We need only 
point out very briefly that in transfers of capital from one race to 
another such modifications of the politico-legal relations will pro* 
bably occur ; that is to say, the closer connection of the economic 
interests of the two races in the shape of colonisation will involve 
the influx of capital from the economically more advanced race to 
the less advanced. But whether the transfer of capital is effected in 
one form or another, it remains an undeniable fact that it enriches 
and beneficially influences the economic system, which has now 
gained in productive factors. 

Even the warmest adherents of the theory of protective tariffs, 
who contend that home production is encouraged in all its branches 
by their economic policy, and who make it their final and highest 
aim to render their own economic system entirely independent of 
the foreigner, will freely admit that the economic isolation of their 
country should not be carried out to the exclusion of foreign capital 
On the contrary, the influx of foreign capital promotes home produc- 
tion in the most favourable and healthy way, by providing it with 
the most valuable productive factor, and therefore with the means of 
developing the national forces. 

What we have said in regard to different countries of higher and 
lower economic culture, applies in even greater measure where there 
is a racial difference of economic culture, since we may confidently 
assume an even greater lack of capital on the part of the economi- 
cally lower race than on the part of a people of less advanced 
economic development, but of the same race. 

According to the ideas of the old Liberal orthodox economic 
theory this concern is unfounded, and the question is, in any case, 
superfluous. The Liberal school is a faithful adherent of economic 
internationalism. It teaches that each national economy merely 
forms part of the international economic system of the world, and 
should not, therefore, cut itself off from other countries. It would 



fourth session 


211 


have the accumulated capital of the national wealth invested in tho^ 
branches of production in which the economic system in question 
is strongest, and can therefore do the most productive work. Pro- 
ducts belonging to other departments may be imported from abroad. 

Though this principle of the old economic Liberalism may be 
opposed by perfectly valid objections by the protective tariff system 
— or, as it would be better to call it, the system of the protection of 
home labour — I cannot doubt, nevertheless, that all of us will regard 
as sound the following principle, which is likewise due to economic 
Liberalism. The principle is : Capital only goes abroad in search of 
an opportunity to produce when it cannot find such opportunity at 
home. Capital always remains where it is of the greatest econopiic 
public use, and where, consequently, it will be of the greatest use to 
its owner, or of the greatest private use by bringing him the highest 
possible interest 

I must be content with a brief reference to this principle ; it 
seems to me superfluous to prove the correctness of it before the 
members of this Congress. I will merely add that they will find, in 
the October number of the Financial Review of Reviews for 1910, an 
excellent little article on the subject, with the title “Foreign Invest- 
ments and Home Employments,” from the pen of Mr. J. A. Hobson, 
which deals thoroughly and very strikingly, as far as British con- 
ditions are concerned, with the reasons that might be alleged against 
foreign investment. The arguments of the distinguished author may 
be commended to the opponents of foreign investments. 

I trust that the First International Races Congress will express 
the greatest sympathy in regard to foreign investn ents, for longer 
or shorter periods, recognising in them one of the most powerful 
means of peaceful economic co-operation between races of different 
economic level It is also trusted that the Congress would like to see 
States so regulate their economic situations, which are directly or indi- 
rectly connected with the international movement of capital, as to afford 
the greatest freedom for a sound international movement of capital. 

[Paper submitted tn German.] 


WAGES AND IMMIGRATION 

By Fred C. Croxton, Expert at the Bureau of Labour, Washing- 
ton, and Prof. W. jETT Lauck, Chief Examiner at the Tarif 
Board, Washington. 

Source and Industrial Character of Immigrants, — In order to note 
the effect of immigration on wages in the United States it will be 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

tvccessaty to take into consideration the country of origin of immi- 
.grants arriving in the United States, and particularly to refer to the 
striking change in the type of immigrants arriving. 

The countries of Southern and Eastern Europe furnish more than 
70 per cent, of the immigrants now coming to the United States, 
while two decades ago the same countries furnished less than 20 per 
cent. The countries of Northern and Western Europe at the present 
time furnish about 20 per cent, of the immigrants, and two decades 
ago they furnished more than 70 per cent These figures do not 
fully indicate the extent of the change, for the reason that the 
volume of immigration has increased remarkably, the average number 
of immigrants arriving per year having just about doubled during the 
two decades. 

The number of immigrants arriving during each decade since 
1 820, and the proportion from each specified locality, are shown in 
the following table : — 

Immigration to the United States by Decades, 1820 to 1910. 

{Compiled from the Reports of the Untied States Immigration Commission ) 


Year ending 

June 30th 

Total Number of ^ 
Immigrants 

1 Pfr Cknt from— 

Northern and 
Western Europe 

1 1 

Southern and 
Eastern Europe 

other Specified 
Countries 

1820-1830 

124,640 

86-5 

3*4 

10*1 

1831-1840 

528,721 

92*3 

1*2 

6-5 

1841-1850 

1,604,805 

959 

04 

37 

1851-1860 

2,648,912 

946 

09 

4‘4 

1861-1870 

2,369,878 

89 2 

1*6 

9‘2 

1871-1880 

2,812,191 

737 

7*1 

192 

1881-1890 

5,246,613 

72*0 


97 

1891-1900 

3,687,564 

44*8 

52-8 

2'5 

1901-I9IO 

8,795,366 

21 8 

719 

6*3 


A very large proportion of the immigrants coming to the United 
States prior to 1890 were either from the United Kingdom or from 
Germany. In the late seventies Norway and Sweden also began 
contributing considerable numbers. Practically all of the immigrants 
from Germany, Norway, Sweden, and the United Kingdom came 
with the intention of making the United States their permanent 
home, and, with the exception of the Irish, they were largely 
attracted by the agricultural possibilities. They engaged generally 
in cultivating the soil, and were an important factor in developing 
the agricultural wealth of the country. The sniall proportion entering 
industrial pursuits were trained and experienced in the particular 
line of factory work in which they engaged. 



FOURTH SESSION, ^ zi^ 

With the shifting of the source of immigration has come a 
marked change in the industrial character of the immigrants. Prior 
to 1890 the French Canadians were practically the only immigrants, 
aside from the Irish and a few trained workers of the nationalities 
above mentioned, who entered wage-earning occupations in any 
considerable numbers. The newer immigration — that from Southern 
and Eastern Europe — however, almost exclusively enters industrial 
occupations and competes, to a greater or less extent, with native- 
born workers and workers belonging to races o^ earlier immigration. 
They are also, with the exception of the Russian Hebrews, to a 
considerable degree transient residents. They are practically all 
untrained workers and possessed of but meagre financial means, 
and therefore are compelled to accept any wage offered and to work 
under such conditions as to hours, sanitation, and mechanical 
equipment as they may find. 

The increase in the proportion of immigrants coming from certain 
countries of Southern and Eastern Europe has been remarkable. In 
1907, the year of largest immigration, 883,126 persons, or almost 
70 per cent, of the 1,285,349 immigrants, were from the three 
countries, Austria-Hungary, Italy, and Russia. The number of 
immigrants from these three countries combined did not reach 
50,000 in any year until 1882, and did not reach 100,000 in any year 
until 1887. 

Extent of Employment of Immigrants , — The United States 
Immigration Commission in its studies of the immigration problem 
secured detailed information concerning 619,595 employees in the 
principal industries of the country east of the Rocky Mountains. 
Of that number of employees, 346,203, or 559 per cent., were 
foreign -born. 

Of the employees in twenty of the most important industries 
information concerning length of residence in the United States was 
secured for 290,923 foreign-born persons, and of that number 
116,466, or 40 per cent, had been in the United States less than 
five years. Of the total number belonging to races coming from 
Northern and Western Europe and Canada, only 17-4 per cent 
had been in the United States less than five years, while of the 
employees of other races — almost entirely from Southern and 
Eastern Europe — 51*1 per cent, had been in the United States less 
than five years. Slightly more than one-third of the total number 
of foreign-born employees were of races from Northern and 
Western Europe and Canada, while of the immigrant employees 
who had been in the United States less than five years, only 14*3 
per cent, were of races from Northern and Western Europe and 
Canada. The entrance into the factories and mines of the United 



214/ UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

States of such large numbers of immigrants, and especially pf 
immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe, is having a ma^k^ 
effect on wages and working conditions, and this fact wilL be 
set forth in the further discussion of this subject, 
y Reasons for EmploymenU — The reason for the employment of 
recent immigrant wage-earners in the United States was primarily 
due to the inability of the manufacturers and mine-operators to 
secure other labour in the face of the growing needs of the country. 
How far there was afterwards a reversal of cause and effect, and to 
what extent the expansion of the industry was stimulated by the 
availability of the recent immigrant labour supply, cannot be 
definitely ascertained. It is a matter of speculation and con- 
troversy without any data at present upon which to base an 
approximate determination. Whatever may have been the opinion 
of employers as to the desirability of this class of labour, they found 
it necessary either to employ immigrant labour or delay industrial 
advancement. They chose the former course, and the present 
industrial situation is the result. 

The absorption of such a large proportion of alien peoples into 
the mines and manufacturing establishments of the United States 
was obviously attended by very important results. These effects 
of the employment of Southern and Eastern Europeans may be 
briefly considered from (i) the standpoint of the general industrial 
effects, and (2) from the point of view of native Americans and 
older employees in the industry. Before entering into a discussion 
of these effects, however, it will be necessary, in order that the 
situation may be fully comprehended, to review briefly the personal 
and industrial qualities of the immigrants. These are briefly set 
forth below 

Salient Characteristics of the Recent Immigrant Labour Supply , — 

I. One of the facts of greatest import relative to the newer 
immigration has been that an exceedingly small proportion havQii^!^ 
had any training while abroad for the industrial occupations in 
which they have found employment in the United States, The bulk 
of recent immigrants has been drawn from the agricultural and 
unskilled labour classes of Southern and Eastern Europe. Most 
of them were farmers or farm labourers or unskilled labourers in 
their native lands. The only exception is shown by the Hebrews, 
three-fifths of whom were engaged in some form of manufacturing 
before coming to this country. 

2. The newer immigrant labour supply, owing to the fact that 
it is composed of non-English speaking races and is characterised by 
a high degree of illiteracy, has been found to possess but small 
resources upon which to develop industrial efficiency and advance- 



'V 


FOURTH SESSION 

mcnt. Owing to their segregation and isolation from the natiw 
American population in living and working conditions^ their progress 
in acquiring the use of the English language and in learning to read 
and write, has been very slow. 

3. A salient fact in connection with the newer immigrant-labour 
supply has been the necessitous condition of the newcomers upon 
their arrival in American industrial communities. Immigrants from 
the south and east of Europe have usually had but a few dollars in 
their possesion when their final destination in this country had been 
reached. During the past eight years the average per person among 
immigrants from Southern and Eastern Europe has been only about 
one-third as much as among immigrants from Northern and 
Western Europe, consequently they have found it absolutely im- 
perative to engage in work at once. They have not been in a 
position to take exception to wages or working conditions, but must 
obtain employment on the terms offered. 

4. The standards of H^g of the newer industrial workers from 
the south and east of Europe have also been very low. Moreover, 
the recent immigrants being usually single, or, if married, having 
left their wives abroad, have been able to adopt a group instead of 
a family living arrangement, and thereby to reduce their cost of 
living to a point far below that of the American or of the older 
immigrant in the same industry. The method of living often fol- 
lowed is that commonly known as the “ boarding-boss ** system. 
Under this arrangment a married immigrant or his wife, or a single 
man constitutes the head of the household, which, in addition to the 
family or the person constituting the head of the group, will usually 
be made up of two to sixteen boarders or lodgers. The head of the 
group is called a “ boarding boss.’’ Each lodger pays the “ boarding 
boss ” a fixed sum, ordinarily from $2 to $3 each month, for lodg- 
ing, cooking, and washing, the food being usually bought by the 
" boarding boss,” and its cost shared equally by each individual 
member of the group. Another common arrangement is for each 
member of the household to purchase his own food and have it 
cooked separately. Under these general methods of living, which 
are frequently found among the immigrant households, the entire 
outlay for necessary living expenses of each adult member ranges 
from $9 to $15 each month. The additional expenditures of the 
recent immigrant wage-earners are small. Every effort has been 
made to save as much as possible. The entire life interest and 
activity of the average wage-earner from Southern and Eastern 
Europe has seemed to revolve about three points: (i) To earn the 
largest possible amount under the existing conditions of work ; 
(2) to live upon the basis of minimum cheapness ; and (3) to save as 




l^CES CONGRESS 


, moch ai possible Domestic economy, as well as all living arrange-* 
uients, have been subordinated to the desire to reduce the cost of 


living to its lowest level. 

Living conditions, as represented by the comparative crowding 
i j^ithin the household, are shown for certain races in the statement 
which follows. The data were collected from more than seventeen 
thousand households in industrial localities, but this statement only 
includes certain foreign races which enter the industrial occupations 
in large numbers. 


Average Number ok Persons per Apartment, per Room, and per 
Sleeping Room, by Race of Head of Household. 

{Compiled from Reports of the United States Immigration Commission,) 




Average Number of Persons per— 




Apartment 

Room 

Sleeping Room 

Newer Immigration — 






Croatian 

... ... 

... 

7’6s 

1-88 

3-i8 

Italian, North 

... ... 


5*50 

1*42 

2*59 

Italian, South 



5-65 

1*47 

2*62 

Lithuanian ... 



S’89 

1*44 

2*45 

Magyar 



6-44 

172 

2*92 

Polish 



6-o6 

r 5 « 

277 

Portuguese ... 



6-68 

1-38 

2*39 

Slovak 



5*87 

1 62 

2*90 

Hebrew 



5*27 

1-36 

2*55 

Older Immigration — 



English 



4-52 

0*87 

i’89 

German 



5*19 

1 02 

2*15 

Irish 



5*45 

1*02 

1-98 

Swedish 



4*90 

0*92 

2*02 


5. Another salient quality of recent immigrants who have 
sought work in American industries has been that, as a whole, they 
have manifested but a small degree of permanent interest in their 
employment or in the industry. They have constituted a mobile, 
migratory, disturbing, wage-earning class, constrained mainly by 
their economic interest, and moving readily from place to place 
according to changes in working conditions or fluctuations in the 
demand for labour. This condition of affairs is made possible by 
the fact that so large a proportion of the recent immigrant employees 
are single men or married men whose wives are abroad and by the 
additional fact that the prevailing method of living among immigrant 
workmen is such as to enable them to detach themselves from an 
occupation or a locality whenever they may wish. Their accumula- 
tions also are in the form of cash or are quickly convertible into 
cash. In brief, the recent immigrant has no property or other ton- 



FOURTH SESSION tty 

straining interests which attach him to a community or to any 
particular occupation, and the larger proportion are free to follow 
the best industrial inducements rather than to seek to Improve 
working conditions in their employment. 

6. To the above-described characteristics of recent immigrant 
wage-earners should be added one other. The members of the 
larger number of races of recent entrance to the mines, mills, and 
factories have been tractable and easily managed. This quality 
seems to be a temperamental one acquired through past conditions 
of life in their native lands. In the normal life of the mines, mills, 
and factories the Southern and Eastern Europeans have exhibited a 
pronounced tendency towards being easily managed by employers 
and towards being imposed upon without protest, which has created 
the impression of subserviency. This characteristic, while strong, is 
confined, however, to the immigrant wage-earners of comparatively 
short residence in this country, and results from their lack of training 
or experience abroad and from the difference between their standards 
and aspirations and those of older immigrant employees and native 
American industrial workers. 

General Industrial Effects of Recent hnmigration — If the charac- 
teristics of the recent immigrant labour supply to the United States, 
as outlined above, be carefully borne in mind the industrial effects of 
their employment may be quickly realised. 

As regards the general industrial effects, in the first place it may 
be said that the lack of skill and industrial training of the recent 
immigrant to the United States has stimulated the invention of 
mechanical methods and processes which might be conducted by 
unskilled industrial workers as a substitute for the skilled operatives 
formerly required. This condition of affairs must have been true or 
the expansion of American industry within recent years would not 
have been possible A large number of illustrations of this tendency 
might be cited. Probably three of the best, however, are the auto- 
matic looms and ring spindles in the cotton goods manufacturing 
industry, the bottle-blowing and casting machines in bottle and 
other glass factories, and the machines for mining coal. Another, 
but more minor general industrial effect of the employment of the 
Southern and Eastern Europeans is observable in the increase in the 
number of subordinate foremen in a great many industries. This 
situation arises principally from the fact that the recent immigrants 
are usually of non-English-speaking races and require a larger 
amount of supervision than the native Americans and older immi- 
grants from Great Britain and Northern Europe. The function of 
the subordinate foremen is chiefly that of an interpreter. As regards 
othdl* changes in industrial organisation and methods, probably the 



ai8 : UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

most important effect observable is seen in the creation of a numb^ 
of special occupations, the incumbents of which perform tbe 
dangerous or responsible work as a whole which before the employ- 
ment of Southern and Eastern Europeans was distributed over the 
entire operating force. The best example of this tendency is to be 
found in the newly developed occupation of “shot-firer” in bitu- 
minous and anthracite coal-mines. The mine worker in this occupa- 
tion prepares and discharges the blasts or shots for bringing down 
the coal. Until within recent years each miner did his own blasting ; 
but with the employment of the untrained Southern and Eastern 
Europeans in the mines it was soon found that the safety of the 
operating forces and the maintenance of the quality of the output 
required that blasting should be largely done by experienced native 
American or older immigrant employees. The relation between 
industrial accidents and the employment of recent immigrants as 
well as the effect upon wages and conditions of employment arising 
from the entrance of a large body of Southern and Eastern Euro- 
peans into the American industrial system is set forth in detail at a 
later point. 

Effect of the Employment of Recent Immigrants upon Native 
American and Older Immigrant Employees, — Relative to the effect 
of recent immigration upon native American and older immigrant 
wage-earners in the United States, it may be stated, in the first 
place, that the lack of industrial training and experience of the 
recent immigrant before coming to the United States, together with 
his illiteracy and inability to speak English, has had the effect of 
exposing the original employees to unsafe and insanitary working 
conditions, or has led to the imposition of conditions of employment 
which the native American or older immigrant employees have 
considered unsatisfactory and in some cases unbearable. When the 
older employees have found dangerous and unhealthy conditions 
prevailing in the mines and manufacturing establishments and have 
protested, the recent immigrant employees, usually through igno- 
rance of mining or other working methods, have manifested a 
willingness to accept the alleged unsatisfactory conditions. In a 
large number of cases the lack of training and experience of the 
Southern and Eastern European affects only his own safety On 
the other hand, his acquiescence to dangerous and insanitary work- 
ing conditions may make the continuance of such conditions 
possible, and this may become a menace to a part or to the ivhole 
of an operating force of an industrial establishment. In the mining 
occupations the presence of an untrained employee may constitute 
an element of danger to the entire body of workmen. There seems 
to be a direct causal relation between the extensive employment of 



FOUI^LTH SESSION m 

recent immigrants in American mines and the extraordinary increase 
within recent years in the number of mining accidents. It is 
an undisputed fact that the greatest number of accidents in bitu- 
minous coal-mines arise from two causes: (i) the recklessness, and 
(2) the ignorance and inexperience of employees. When the lack 
of training of the recent immigrant while abroad is considered in 
connection with the fact that he becomes an employee in the mines 
immediately upon his arrival in this country, and when it is recalled 
that a large proportion of the new arrivals are not only illiterate 
and unable to read any precautionary notices posted in the mines, 
but also unable to speak English, and consequently without ability 
to comprehend instructions intelligently, the inference is plain that 
a direct causal relation exists between the employment of recent 
immigrants and the increase in the number of fatalities and 
accidents in the mines. No complete statistics have been compiled 
as to the connection between accidents and races employed, but the 
figures available clearly indicate the conclusion that there has been 
a direct relation between the employment of untrained foreigners 
and the prevalence of mining casualties. The mining inspectors of 
the several coal-producing States, the United States Geological 
Survey, and the older employees in the industry, bear testimony in 
this respect to the effect of the employment of the Southern and 
Eastern European. 

In the second place, the extensive employment of recent immi- 
grants has brought about living conditions and a standard of living 
with which the older employees have been unable, or have found it 
extremely difficult, to compete. This fact may be readily inferred 
from what has already been said relative to the methods of domestic 
economy of immigrant households and the cost of living of their 
members. 

In the third place, the entrance into the operating forces of the 
mines and manufacturing establishments in such large numbers of 
the races of recent immigration has also had the effect of weakening 
the labour organisations of the original employees, and in some 
industries has caused their entire demoralisation and disruption. 
This condition has been due to the character of the recent immi- 
grant labour supply and to the fact that such large numbers of 
recent immigrants have found employment in American industries 
within such a short period of time. The significant result of the 
whole situation has been that the influx of the Southern and 
Eastern Europeans has been too rapid to permit of their complete 
absorption by the labour organisations which were in existence 
before the arrival of the recent immigrant wage-earners. In some 
industries the influence and power of the labour unions are concerned 



220 UNIVERSAI. RACES CONGRESS 

only with those occupations in which the competition of the 
Southern and Eastern European has been only indirectly or 
remotely felt, and consequently the labour organisations have not 
been very seriously affected. In the occupations and industries in 
which the pressure of the competition of the recent immigrant has 
been directly felt, either because the nature of the work was such as 
to permit of the immediate employment of the immigrant or 
through the invention of improved machinery his employment was 
made possible in occupations which formerly required training and 
apprenticeship, the labour organisations have been completely over- 
whelmed and disrupted. In other industries and occupations in 
which the elements of skill, training, and experience were requisite, 
such as in certain divisions of the glass manufacturing industry, the 
effect of the employment of recent immigrants upon labour organi- 
sations has not been followed by such injurious results. 

In the fourth place, it may be stated that the competition of the 
Southern and Eastern European has led to a voluntary or involuntary 
displacement in certain occupations and industries, of the native 
American and of the older immigrant employees from Great Britain 
and Northern Europe. These racial displacements have manifested 
themselves in three ways. In the first place, a large proportion of 
native Americans and older immigrant employees from Great Britain 
and Northern Europe have left certain industries, such as bituminous 
and anthracite coal-mining and iron and steel manufacturing. In the 
second place, a part of the earlier employees who remained in the 
industries in which they were employed before the advent of the 
Southern and Eastern European, have been able, because of the 
demand growing out of the general industrial expansion, to rise to 
more skilled and responsible executive and technical positions which 
required employees of training and experience. In the larger number 
of cases, however, where the older employees remained in a certain 
industry after the pressure of the competition of the recent immigrant 
had begun to be felt, they relinquished their former positions and 
segregated themselves in certain occupations. This tendency is best 
illustrated by the distribution of employees according to race in bitu- 
minous coal-mines. In this industry all the so-called “company” 
occupations, which are paid on the basis of a daily, weekly, or monthly 
rate, are filled by native Americans or older immigrants and their 
children, while the Southern and Eastern Europeans are confined to 
pick-mining and the unskilled and common labour. The same 
situation exists in other branches of manufacturing enterprise. In 
most industries the native American and older immigrant workmen 
who have remained in the same occupations in which the recent 
immigrants are predominant are the thriftless, unprogressive elements 



FOURTH SESSION zzt 

of the original operating forces. The third striking feature resulting 
from the competition of Southern and Easterii Europeans is seen in 
the fact that in the case of most industries, such as iron and steel» 
textile and glass manufacturing, and the different forms of mining, 
the children of native Americans and of older immigrants from Great 
Britain and Northern Europe are not entering the industries in which 
their fathers have been employed. All classes of manufacturers claim 
that they are unable to secure a sufficient number of native-born 
employees to insure the development of th^* necessary number of 
workmen to fill the positions of skill and responsibility in their 
establishments. This condition of affairs is attributable to three 
factors : (i) General or technical education has enabled a consider- 
able number of the children of industrial workers to command busi- 
ness, professional, or technical occupations apparently more desirable 
than those of their fathers ; (2) the conditions of work which have 
resultedTrom the employment of recent immigrants have rendered 
certain industrial occupations unattractive to the wage-earner of 
native birth ; and (3) occupations other than those in which Southern 
and Eastern Europeans are engaged are sought for the reason that 
popular opinion attaches to them a more satisfactory social status and 
a higher degree of respectability. Whatever may be the cause of this 
aversion of older employees to working by the side of the new 
arrivals the existence of the feeling has been crystallised into one of 
the most potent causes of racial substitution in manufacturing and 
mining occupations. 

As regards the effects of the employment of recent immigrants 
upon wages and hours of work, there is no evidence to show that the 
employment of Southern and Eastern European wage-earners has 
caused a direct lowering of wages or an extension in the hours of 
work in mines and industrial establishments. It is undoubtedly true, 
however, that the availability of the large supply of recent immigrant 
labour prevented the increase in wages which otherwise would have 
resulted during recent years from the increased demand for labour. 
The low standards of the Southern and Eastern European, his ready 
acceptance of a low wage and existing working conditions, his lack of 
permanent interest in the occupation and community in which he is 
employed, his attitude toward labour organisations, his slow progress 
toward assimilation, and his willingness seemingly to accept indefi- 
nitely without protest certain wages and conditions of employment, 
have rendered it extremely difficult for the older classes of employees 
to secure improvements in conditions or advancement in wages since 
the arrival in considerable numbers of Southern and Eastern 
European wage-earners. As a general proposition, it may be said 
th^t all improvements in conditions and increases in rates of pay 



«2 . UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

have been secured in spite of the presence of the recent immigrantSa 
The recent immigrant, in other words, has not actively opposed the 
movements toward better conditions of employment and higher wages> 
but his availability and his general characteristics and attitude have 
Constituted a passive opposition which has been most effective. 

General Conclusions , — If the entire situation be reviewed and the 
effect of recent immigration be considered in all its industrial 
aspects, there are several significant conclusions which, although 
subject to some unimportant restrictions, may be set forth as indi- 
cating the general effects of the extensive employment in the mines 
and industrial establishments of the United States of Southern and 
Eastern European immigrants. These general conclusions may be 
briefly summarised as follows : — 

1. The extensive employment of Southern and Eastern Europeans has 
seriously affected the native American and older immigrant employees from 
Great Britain and Northern Europe by causing displacements and by retarding 
advancement in rates of pay and improvement in conditions of employment. 

2. Industrial efficiency among the recent immigiant wage-earners has 
been very slowly developed owing to their illiteracy and inability to speak 
English. 

3. For these same reasons the general progress toward assimilation and the 
attainment of Ainencan standards of work and living has also been very slow. 

4. The conclusion of greatest significance developed by the general indus- 
trial investigation of the United States Immigration Commission is that the 
point of complete saturation has already been reached in the employment of 
recent immigrants in mining and* manufacturing establishments. Owing to the 
rapid expansion m industry which has taken place during the past thirty years 
and the constantly increasing employment of Southern and Eastern Europeans, 
it has been impossible to assimilate the newcomers, politically or socially, or to 
educate them to American standards of compensation, efficiency, or conditions 
of employment. 

[Paper submitted in English ] 


OPENING OF MARKETS AND COUNTRIES 


By John Arthur Hobson, M.A., London, 


Trade is the most obvious basis for peaceable intercourse between 
the inhabitants of countries differing in climate, flora, and fauna, 
and grade or character of civilisation. For though each race will 
terid to be evolved with needs and tastes capable of satisfaction 
from the natural resources of its own country, and by means of the 
industrial arts there developed for that purpose, every advance in 
the arts of civilisation, every extension of knowledge regarding the 
produce and the arts of other countries, every growth of population 
beyond a certain limit, will impress a sense of the advantages of 
national — as distinguished from narrowly local — division of labemr, 



FOURTH SESSION 


MS 

anil of such regular commercial intercourse as may enable each of 
the Countries to participate in ^ the special advant^es possessed by 
the others. Mere diversity of economic products does not, of course, 
suffice to lay the foundations of commerce. A sufficient number 
of the inhabitants of the two countries must have evolved wants 
which they cannot satisfy from their home resources, or satisfy so 
Well or cheaply. When international trade has been fairly well 
developed it is not, of course, necessary that each of the two trading 
countries should deal directly with the other, balancing their 
national accounts by immediate shipment of goods or money. One 
nation may sell largely to another without taking any equivalent 
amount of goods in payment from the other, the payment coming 
in the shape of goods imported from some third nation, which has 
the sort of goods we want, and wants the exports of that other 
nation which we do not want. A further elaboration of this “ round- 
about ” trade enables every modern country to trade with every 
other, irrespective of whether the two sets of inhabitants are able 
both to sell to and to buy from one another. 

But in the beginnings of foreign trade it often seemed necessary 
to confine c jr trade to foreigners who would and could directly trade 
with us. Where the costs and risks of transport were so heavy 
as in the early caravan trade with the East, or in early over-seas 
traffic, it was almost essential that the return voyage should be 
utilised by bringing back from the country to which goods had been 
conveyed a direct immediate payment in other merchandise. Other- 
wise, not only is the return journey wasted, but the other people 
must make payment in gold or other treasure. Now, though the 
individual merchant of a foreign country might be willing and able 
to make such payment for the imported goods he wanted, the public 
policy of his State generally hindered him. The belief that a 
country which, in its dealings with another country, exported bullion 
or treasure was doing an injury to the national welfare, seriously 
interfered with commerce between European and Asiatic countries 
in the Middle Ages, and constantly incited an aggressive policy on 
the part of the former towards the latter. When the courts and 
aristocracies of Europe began more and more to desire enjoyment 
of the gold and jewellery, the silks, spices, and other luxuries of the 
East, they did not possess the wherewithal to buy them in equal 
commerce, and so were continually tempted to seek them by piracy, 
forced tribute, or other modes of pillage. As the accumula- 
tion of a State treasure came to play a greater part in the public 
economy of European monarchs, the establishment of profitable 
commerce upon equal and peaceful terms was very difficult In the 
early trade with Arabia, Persia, and India there was very little 



aa^' ©NlViRSAL RACES CONGRESS 

whidb any Western country could have sent to pay for the imported 
silks and spices, for these peoples had developed almost all the 
manufacturing arts beyond the European standards. When, later 
on, maritime enterprise opened up first to the Portuguese, Spanish, 
and Dutch, and later to the French and English, backward peoples 
living in tropical or semi-tropical parts of Africa and America, there 
were similar difficulties in establishing trade on a mutual basis, 
similar temptations to substitute plunder or tribute for equal com- 
merce. For the American Indians, the aborigines of the West 
Indian and Pacific Islands, the Negroes or Negroid peoples of 
Africa, had no important obvious felt wants which European pro- 
duce could satisfy, though Europe wanted the sugar, cofifee, rice, 
gold, ivory, and other goods they were capable of supplying. 

Such were the preliminary difficulties which impeded genuine 
trade relations between Europe and Asia, and between white and 
coloured peoples. The early policy of trading settlements and of 
merchant companies was greatly hampered by them. Though 
trade was conducted by privately owned capital for private profit, 
it never occurred to any Government to leave it to the entirely 
unrestricted play of the individual interests of those engaged in it. 
It was almost universally assumed that the State had certain rights 
and obligations of direction, protection, and control. If groups of 
individual traders were free to buy unlimited quantities of goods 
from foreigners, and to dispose of them in the home market, they 
might choose to pay for them in cash, a policy which might drain 
the country of its necessary fund of gold or other money. Again, 
by introducing foreign goods to undersell home industries, they 
might cause grave damage to staple trades and bring disorders on 
society. Or they might even take out of the country, for sale to 
foreigners, materials and capital needed for home industry, or 
finished articles the home prices of which would be injuriously 
raised by such unrestricted export. In these and other ways the. 
mediaeval and the modern State has generally felt that it had an 
obligation to regulate foreign trade in the interest of home industry. 
The present protective system still embodies most of these concep- 
tions of the functions of a State in relation to foreign trade. 
Though such regulations were by no means confined to the trade 
of European with Asiatic or with other coloured peoples, they proved 
very onerous in their restraint upon profitable liberty of trade with 
newly opened markets. When large profitable over-seas markets 
were first made accessible, the State in this country, in Holland and 
in Spain, generally insisted upon confining it to authorised persons 
or chartered companies, with numerous conditions and restrictions 
imposed for the protection of vested interests at home, or for oon- 



FOURTH SESSION 


225 

siderations of public revenue. These companies, by their own rules, 
and, where they could obtain it, the public law of their State, -yere 
' constantly engaged in curbing and crusning outside interlopers, who 
sought to cut into their monopoly, and though the members of these 
companies sometimes competed among themselves for the profits 
of tne trade, obvious conveniences led them to co-operate so as to 
share good opportunities and to maintain prices for the produce 
they brought back. 

Besides the policy of restraining pirates and interlopers, the 
trading companies had to maintain trading stations or factories, and 
to organise the trade in the foreign territory which they were 
licensed to exploit. These establishments, when set in distant and 
barbarous ” or unsettled lands, needed forcible protection, and 
though the forts and arms used for such purposes were the private 
property of the traders, their use evidently was a quasi-political 
operation which could not go far without bringing into the quarrel 
the Government of the country which had authorised the traders. 
The Hudson Bay Company and the East India Company were in 
their earlier days continually engaged in a fierce commercial com- 
petition witli French or Portuguese companies, that in time 
embroiled the Governments of the respective countries. Partly by 
compacts with foreign chiefs, partly by sheer self-assertion assisted 
by the charter of their home Government, these groups or companies 
of traders came to mix politics and even military exploits with the 
commercial operations which were their origin and their raison cTHre, 

Such trading posts in far distant countries where the tradeis 
and the natives had little understanding of or sympathy with one 
another, were liable to cause trouble. The trade nexus alone is 
hardly adequate to secure peace and mutual good-will in such a 
delicate situation. A few dishonest or brutal whites, perhaps not 
connected with the company, have exasperated the natives, unable 
to discriminate one white man from another. Or else, as still in 
Angora, traders have organised a cruel system of slavery or semi- 
slavery for the exploitation of the natural resources of the land. 
Where, as in large portions of Africa during the later sixteenth, the 
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the trade in human beings 
was the largest and most profitable trade, the commercial contact 
between whites and coloured people reached the lowest state of 
degradation. This trade, which during the century preceding 1786 
was held, on a low computation, to have furnished twenty thousand 
slaves per annum to the plantations of North America, Spanish 
South America, and the West Indies, laid a basis of hatred and 
suspicion along the coasts of West and East Africa which has done 
lasting injury to the legitimate trade of modern times. Regarded 

Q 



226 . UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

from the purely economic standpoint of the exploitation of the 
resources of the New World, the slave trade was certainly a monu-^ 
mental error. The more rapid development of supplies of sugar, 
rice, tobacco, and other crops thus secured, was purchased too 
dearly by the instability of political and industrial society which 
accompanied and followed slavery. White industry and the evo- 
lution of the manufacturing arts were long impeded in America by 
excessive dependence on the wealth of the plantations, and the 
Civil War, with its legacy of race hostility and social divisions, 
imposed and still imposes heavy economic penalties. Though the 
slave trade in its cruder forms has now almost disappeared from 
European possessions, there has grown up a great and ever-growing 
transport trade in human beings which, though highly beneficial 
in its higher grades, sinks in its lower to something not very far 
removed from the original type of the slave trade. Associations 
for procuring supplies of indentured labour for mines, roads or 
agricultural work, by bargaining with chiefs in tropical or sub- 
tropical Africa, are in fact procuring forced labour. The agents of 
transport companies, who will make their profits by encouraging 
immigration, are everywhere employing arts of misrepresentation 
and delusion which impose upon ignorant people in backward 
countries. Though the deluded will consents, this method is in 
substance little removed from the forcible kidnapping of earlier 
days. As information is more widely spread, these methods of 
force or fraud are displaced by genuinely voluntary migration, such 
as that which carries large numbers of Chinese, Japanese, Malays, 
and Hindus to seek a higher wage-level in such parts of the New 
World as will admit them. This voluntary migration, regarded 
from the economic standpoint, must be accounted beneficial. If 
members of crowded countries are free to transfer their labour- 
power to sparsely peopled countries, by gradual voluntary move- 
ment, two economic purposes are served. There is an increase in 
the wealth of the world from the drafting of labour from a less 
productive to a more productive area, and there is the avoidance of 
expensive and disastrous wars, necessitated hitherto by the need 
under which highly populated countries found themselves for 
securing outlets beyond their frontiers for their superfluous popu- 
lation. 

The growing tendency in recent times, however, sets against 
the large over-sea migration of Asiatic or African races into areas 
domiciled by white populations. A new idea of trade, attended by 
new hopes and fears, is gaining currency. Backward industrial 
populations, remaining in their own country, may be encouraged 
and assisted to a more intensive development of their n^ltural 



FOURTH SESSION . 227 

resources, and at the same time induced to, develop, tieW civilised ” 
wants which European nations can supply. 

The realisation of this idea has obvious advantages for modern 
commerce. For the character of the trade between advanced 
white and backward coloured peoples has changed, as a result of 
the industrial revolution. When the New World was first opened 
up, it was regarded primarily as a treasure house from which 
fortunate European peoples might suck, by tribute, pillage or 
unequal trade, quantities of precious metals, and highly valuable 
commodities for home trade and consumption. Though cargoes of 
cheap manufactures were sent out for barter, the whole stress of the 
trade lay in the return cargoes. There was no serious pretence of 
exchange on equal terms. The early barter with North American 
Indians, or with West African negroes, in which beads or bright 
cloths of the cheapest sort purchased valuable ivory or hides, was 
characteristic of this commerce. So long as European manufactures 
were still in the pre-machine stage, while the trade with coloured 
peoples was in the hands of a few companies, such export trade 
could not figure as a considerable source of national wealth. Every 
European nation in its early dealings with backward peoples frankly 
looked upon them, not as customers, but as possessors of possible 
treasures the worth of which they did not know, and which must 
be got, if possible by any peaceful means, but otherwise by force. 
The notion of educating in them tastes for European manufactures 
was hardly yet entertained. 

When, one after another, in the last century, the European nations 
entered into machine production the whole idea of foreign trade 
underwent a rapid transformation. Foreign trade became more and 
more essential as a means of disposing profitably of the enormous 
quantities of manufactured goods they found themselves able to put 
out. When towards the close of the century the chief white nations 
had placed themselves fairly on a level in the arts of manufacture 
foreign trade assumed definitely the shape of a struggle for markets. 
Since they were all capable of producing more staple manufactured 
goods than they could dispose of profitably in their own markets, 
they began to concentrate upon opening up new markets. This 
altered the attitude towards Asia and Africa Here were areas with 
huge populations capable of buying and consuming Lancashire and 
Birmingham wares if they could be induced to want them. More 
and more the trend, not only of our economical but of our political 
and our missionary policy, was directed towards this end of securing 
new valuable markets for surplus manufactured goods The stress 
of trade with backward peoples was shifted from the return freight 
to the outward freight. The coloured races in Asia and in Africa 



22® UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

were wanted now as customers, and the various white trading nations 
set themselves with alacrity to discover, stimulate, and supply their 
wants. In theory this enhancement of the desire to sell would seem 
favourable to improved relations between the European and the 
^coloured peoples, for the more equal mutuality of services should 
have a binding influence. Nor can it justly be denied that this 
consideration, when not contravened by others, has exercised a 
pacific and a civilising influence in backward countries. The steel 
rails, engines and other machinery, boots, agricultural implements, 
cutlery, and cloths, supplied by way of trade or of investment, must 
be accounted a genuine contribution to the pacific development and 
intercourse of the world where such trade relations are voluntary 
on both sides. Unfortunately, serious counteracting influences have 
arisen in the modern intercourse between advanced and backward 
peoples. The struggle for markets among Western nations has 
grown more acute with each improvement in the arts of manufacture 
and of transport. The maldistribution of income among the various 
classes of the European nations, by restricting the consumption of 
the masses of their workers, has made it appear inevitable that the 
course of machine production should outrun the consumption of the 
home markets. For the same reason the growth of new capital in 
the same nations appears to exceed the possible demands of home 
investments. So there is a growing double motive, driving our 
manufacturers to fight for increasing foreign markets in order to 
absorb their surplus goods and surplus capital As the civilised 
nations pass more and more into the condition of being able to 
provide themselves with manufactured goods for their own indtstries, 
and show a disposition to protect themselves by tariff against foreign 
competitors, the necessity of opening up new markets in backward 
countries seems more and more pressing A similar interpretation 
of the situation leads each nation to seek, if possible, to mark out 
some area of Asia or Africa for its own trade and to secure a mono- 
poly in that trade. Where ordinary trade is accompanied by invest- 
ments the white nation has a more important stake in the backward 
country. Although there is no inherent necessity for political inter- 
ference, it will easily be recognised that the business men of a civi- 
lised State who have established a valuable market in a backward 
country, and have also invested capital in developing its resources, 
will be exceedingly likely to invite their Government to help them 
to maintain their trade and to secure their property rights against 
the intrusion of foreign traders or investors, or against the risks and 
damages of internal disorders such as primitive countries, disturbed 
by foreign traders and explorers, are liable to suffer. The imperialism 
of Great Britain, Germany, France, America, and, to a less extent, of 



FOURTH SESSION 


229 

other individual States within the last generation^ is mainly to be 
attributed to this competition for markets for goods and investments, 
and to the belief that, such markets being limited in amount, it is the 
patriotic duty of each Government to secure for its own traders and 
investors as large and as good a share as possible. 

All sorts of other motives — political, religious, humanitarian — are 
used to cover up a policy of economic exploitation as foolish in con- 
ception as mischievous in consequences The white nations which, 
under this mixed play of motives, have gone about the world annex- 
ing large masses of Asia and Africa, apportioning out other sections 
as spheres of influence or protectorates, and in most instances secur- 
ing a monopoly for the traders of their particular country, by means 
of a prohibitive or protective tariff, are mistaken in their public policy. 
Particular manufacturing or trading interests in England, Germany, 
or America may stand to gain in a policy of aggressive annexation 
followed by protection, but the nation as a whole gains nothing by 
this interference with peaceful evolution and free exchange. Precisely 
because it is so desirable that peaceful and profitable trade relations 
should grow up between European nations and coloured or backward 
ones, this fierce conflict for markets and this pushful public policy are 
the more to be deplored They are based upon three false assump- 
tions. The first is that the home markets for manufactures cannot 
keep pace with the growing powers of machine production, and that 
therefore increasing foreign markets must continually be found. 
This is false, because in every white civilised country the great mass 
of the population is inadequately supplied with manufactured goods, 
and under a better distribution of incomes would develop new wants 
fast enough to meet any new powers of production. 

The second assumption is that, in order to have foreign markets, 
it is necessary or useful to own the countries. This fallacy is 
summarised in the phrase that “Trade follows the flag.” Even 
were the saying true, as it is where a protective tariff accompanies 
the flag, the net advantage of such a policy is extremely disputable. 
For, by shutting off the annexed country from the full access to 
the trade and capital of other industrial and investing nations, the 
development of its resources and the increase of its prosperity are 
so retarded that its general value as the market for the goods 
of the aggressive and protecting nation is diminished. Moreover, 
the true economic balance-sheet of a commerce thus obtained and 
held by force, would obtain upon the debit side a large expenditure 
for costs of conquest and of military occupation, while the ill-will 
and discontent of a conquered people furnish a poor security for 
sound commercial development. If the whole of the forcible 
acquisitions of the era of competitive imperialism, which dates 



230, UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

from the middle of the eighties, were subjected to a proper business 
scrutiny, which would take into due account the share of growing 
military and naval expenditure attributable to this policy, the 
whole of this chapter in modern European history would be 
inscribed as bad business, showing a huge net deficit in terms 
'of wealth. For the value of the markets thus obtained would not 
nearly cover the expenses of acquisition and of maintenance. 

Comparing the two modes of obtaining markets in backward 
countries, the mode of forcible aggression and the mode of peaceful 
penetration by appeal to the mutual interests which trade generates, 
no doubt can possibly be entertained as to the superiority of the 
latter, equally on economic and on moral grounds. I have treated 
the question of trade in quantitative terms. But a sound economic 
survey cannot ignore the character or quality of trade. An analysis 
of the export and the import trade done by such countries as 
Great Britain, Belgium, and Germany with recently acquired 
markets in the tropics shows commerce at its worst. The goods 
we sell to the natives of these countries are largely of the most 
detrimental kinds and of the most inferior quality. This has 
always been the case A Report to the English Council of Trade 
as early as 1698 upon the trade with Madagascar and the East 
Indies named “liquor, arms, and gunpowder'’ as the chief articles 
of trade. Recent reports of our trade with East and Central Africa 
indicate that a considerable proportion of the trade is of the same 
degrading character, supplemented by the cheapest and lowest grades 
of textile and metal wares. Such an import trade, largely appealing 
to the crudest wants of savage or semi-civilised natives, is fraught 
with manifest dangers, physical and moral. The liquor traffic, 
in particular, carried on by traders of several European nations 
in various parts of Africa, is a crime against civilisation, only 
second to the slave trade of earlier days. But equally pernicious 
in its effect upon the native peoples is a large portion of the export 
trade organised by white men in tropical countries of Africa and 
South America for the rapid and reckless exploitation of the 
natural resources of the land. The rubber trade in the Congo 
and in Brazil, and the cocoa trade in San Thome, are examples of 
the gravest of these abuses of commerce. Such a contact of whites 
with backward people shows Western civilisation at its worst, for the 
lowest representatives of that civilisation, animated by the least worthy 
motives, introduce among the natives the least desirable products and 
practices of that civilisation, while their attempt to organise industrially 
and commercially the tropical countries, being directed to secure the 
largest immediate gains without due consideration of the future, is 
often attended by the maximum of waste and inhumanity. * 



FOURTH SESSION 231 

The problem is of the gravest order. These tropical and sub- 
tropical countries contain rich natural resources which cannot and 
ought not to lie undeveloped. Though it is to the real interest 
of the inhabitants of these countries to develop their resources 
and place them at the disposal of the civilised nations which can 
use them, this development often requires the assistance of the 
white man's knowledge, organisation, and capital. 

, But to leave this work of development to unrestricted private 
enterprise leads to the grave abuses we have mentioned. When such 
countries are recognised as under the protectorate or sphere of influ- 
ence of a white civilised State, it is quite evidently the first duty of 
the representatives of this political control to protect the natives 
against these abuses, and to do what they can to prevent the land 
and the people from being subjected to wasteful exploitation. The 
appointment of officials who should justify the term protectorate, 
and whose main efforts should be directed to the slow and steady 
work of educating the people in the arts of industry and the growth 
of wholesome wants, is an indispensable condition of the solution of 
this sociological problem. For, setting aside all higher considerations, 
and confining our attention merely to the sound development of 
industry and commerce, experience shows that, for a State to spend 
public money in the acquisition and government of these subject 
countries, and then to hand their economic exploitation over to 
importers and exporters, who damage and degrade the natural 
resources and the labouring population by the nature of the trades 
and products they introduce, is the worst and most foolish form 
of policy conceivable. Where savage or semi-sa/age peoples are 
concerned, the task of building up sound industries and wholesome 
wants, the two foundations of industrial civilisation, will be slow and 
difficult, and may involve a long retention of political and economic 
authority before such a country can be left entirely to its own 
control, consistently with its own and the world's welfare. But in 
spite of the obvious perils which accompany such protection anci 
education, from the selfishness and greed not only of traders, but 
of Governments, no other solution is feasible. These peoples have 
no natural or inalienable right to withhold the natural resources 
of their country from the outside world, and they cannot develop 
them without the assistance of that outside world. There is, there- 
fore, no other solution than the education among civilised States of 
a higher sense of justice, humanity, and economic wisdom in the 
rendering of that assistance. This will involve the utmost care in 
the selection of honest, independent, and intelligent officials for the 
administration of such protected peoples, so that a public long-sighted 
policy may prevail over the private short-sighted policy of traders. 



..UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

The duties and expediencies of commercial contact with back- 
ward but civilised Asiatic countries are simpler and more obvious.' 
The!* best and most profitable development of trade for Europeans 
with the East has been with the countries where force has been 
least applied, and where European goods and arts have been per- 
*mitted to make their way by peaceful penetration and appeal. Japan 
is, of course, the most conspicuous example of the educative 
influence of Western industrialism upon an Eastern people. China, 
in spite of occasional intrusions of European force, will furnish a 
larger instance of the legitimate operation of commerce as a 
peaceful bond of union between East and West. The too visible 
and ubiquitous display of force in India has been attended by 
undoubted injury to the best commercial interests of East and 
West, alike in the degradation and decay of fine native arts and 
handicrafts, and in the economic and financial administration of the 
country with too much regard to the immediate interests of Great 
Britain. The economic interests of peaceful, profitable commerce for 
the world will be best served in proportion as the adoption of 
Western arts of industry in Asia is left to the free determination 
of the Asiatic peoples. For the knowledge^ training, and intelli- 
gence of these peoples is such as to enable them to dispense, after 
a brief period of initiation, with that continued tutelage and control 
of their industrial life which may be requisite for definitely lower 
races. Whatever be the outcome of the industrialisation of the Far 
East, whether it gravitates towards the formation of an isolated self- 
sufficing economic system, or cultivates strong permanent commercial 
intercourse with white nations, no sound economic or political pur- 
pose would be served by any endeavour of Europe or America to 
impose conditions on that development. Any attempts at forcible 
intervention for the protection of existing trading interests, or for 
the further enlargement of the white man's markets, are tolerably 
certain in the long run to be frustrated by the active or passive 
resistance of the Oriental peoples reverting to their ancient instinc- 
tive policy. Those who desire that these great Asiatic nations should 
take their place in the political and economic internationalism of the 
future, and also recognise how much both Europe and Asia have to 
give and to get from the solidarity of friendly intercourse, will be 
most urgent in their insistence that no military or diplomatic force of 
Western Powers shall be permitted to interfere with the peaceable 
development of commerce with Asiatic countries. 

[Paper submitted tn English. ^ 



FOURTH SESSION 

(SECOND PART) 

PEACEFUL CONTACT BETWEEN CIVILISATIONS 

SCIENCE AND ART, LITERATURE AND THE 

PRESS 

By Dr. FERDINAND Tonnies, 

Professor of Sociology tn the University of Kiel^ Germany, 

“ Are we not right in saying that any scientific question, whereso- 
ever it may be discussed, appeals to all cultivated nations? May 
not, indeed, the scientific woild be considered as one body?” It 
was Goethe who wrote these word‘d shortly before the end of his 
life, in considering the opinions of GeolTroy Samt-Hilaire, which 
are now so interesting as preludes to Darwinism. And in asking 
these questions, the great poet only expressed what was in the 
minds of all those cosmopolitan thinkers who flourished in the 
“ Age of Enlightenment,” or, as it is also denominated sometimes, 
the philosophic century. Practically, of course, it was European 
civilisation which they had in view, and it was the Caucasian or 
white race, at the most, which they considered when they spoke 
of the unity of mankind. Yet commerce and navigation had 
already reached more distant places, and, from the discovery of 
America down to that of Australasia, a number of adventurous 
and famous voyages had long engaged the strenuous attention of 
Europeans, and contributed to the widening of their mental 
horizon. 

This induced the more thoughtful to compare different manners 
and customs, superstitions and religions, and at the same time 
philosophers boldly undertook to formulate what they regarded as 
the^true system of law and the true principle of religion, under the 

233 



m . 4 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

name of Natural Law and Natural Religion* They exposed the 
many corrupting and sophisticating influences in modern civilisation, 
and pleaded for a return to the pure fountains of Nature. Simplicity 
appeared to be the test of genuineness, and what was simple and 
natural was thought to be entitled to become universal. This also 
led them to compare different grades and states of civilised life, 
especially the habits of rural life with those of great cities, and the 
ways of rude tribes with those of nations in which art and science, 
wealth and luxury prevailed. They discovered, not without some 
amazement, ancient civilisations that were very different from our 
own, and eagerly pointed out that they were in certain respects 
superior to ours. Religion itself ceased to be considered as an 
effective separating gulf, as if Christianity represented the summit of 
moral sublimity. What had long been despised or pitied as heathen 
Ignorance turned out to contain profound wisdom from which Chris- 
tians had to learn anew, as they had always learned from Greece and 
Rome. Thus the West turned its eyes back to the East, and China 
soon gave it an overwhelming impression of a long-settled and at the 
same time a highly refined and rational civilisation. Rationalism 
was the Spirit of the Age, and if philosophers recommended the 
Natural, it was merely because Reason seemed to them to have the 
mission of restoring early institutions (based upon natural liberty 
and equality), freeing them from prejudices and superstition, and 
directing them, by means of rulers imbued with just philosophical 
principles, toward the goal of universal peace and happiness, which 
was considered to be the true object of intellectual and moral 
progress. 

Voltaire and Christian Wolf both pointed to China in this spirit 
of admiration, while Montesquieu and others emphasised the high 
sociological and historical interest of the Celestial Empire. More 
recently, Comte and his followers took up the argument of rationalism, 
which made China appear to be a model of spiritual and moral 
government. In the meantime most of our reliable information con- 
cerning that marvellous civilisation came from a different quarter. The 
Roman Catholic Church vied with its bitterest foe, modern philosophy, 
in these cosmopolitan feelings and tendencies. The missionary 
interest became a powerful stimulus to the thoroughgoing investiga- 
tion of peoples who showed so little inclination to abandon their own 
faith and moral code in favour of those of Europe. However, it Js 
much to the credit of the Jesuit fathers, at first Portuguese and 
Italian, afterwards chiefly French, that they succeeded in adapting 
themselves to Chinese manners and customs, even to their religious 
ceremonial, and have thus been able to gain a deeper insight into 
the true foundations of such habits and customs, a knowledge wfiich 



FOURTH SESSION , 233, 

they eagerly communicated in a series of elaborate works, to the 
amazement of Europe. They became the teachers of Europe with 
respect to China, as^ in the character of apostles of science, accord- 
ing to M. Martin, they had obtained a footing in Peking. Protes- 
tant missionaries have followed them in their design of bringing the 
growing science of the Western world to bear on the mind of 
China. On the other hand, European knowledge of China has con- 
stantly increased. Since the great geographical, histjrical, chrono- 
logical, and political description of China and Chinese Tartary of 
Jean Baptiste du Halde appeared in 1733, preceded as it was by 
Magilhaens, le Comte, and Silhouette, and followed by the memoirs of 
the missionaries of Peking concerning the history, the sciences, the 
arts, the customs and usages of the Chinese, an enormous literature 
has grown up relating to these subjects, and PZuropeans are now able 
to pass a tolerably catholic judgment upon the character and achieve- 
ments of that immensely numerous and profoundly remarkable nation, 
the knowledge of which had, in the words of Sir Robert Douglas, 
been so long confined to misty legends and uncertain rumour. 

What has been said of China applies also to some extent to 
Japan However, the difference between the greater and the smaller 
empire is sufficiently known. The rise of Japan to the rank of a 
modern nation, its Europeanisation, has become famous as one of the 
most memorable events of the last century. The growth of learning, 
which had been considerable in the two previous centuries, preceded 
this marvellous development. Japan has adopted the science and the 
technical achievements of Europe with a striking rapidity and with an 
astounding success But we are now facing a fact which in its con- 
sequences will perhaps far surpass even the glorious ascent of Japan. 
The awakening of China now engages the attention of all careful 
observers of the East Some years ago, just before the outbreak 
ol the Boxer movement, Sir Alfred Lyall, in contradiction to 
other writers, hinted at the possibility that the Japanese war, which 
he recognised as a turning-point in Chinese history, might lead 
toward a revival instead of decadence or disintegration. A few years 
later, after the humiliation which China experienced from the 
European Powers, Sir Robert Hart, one of the few Europeans who 
know the Celestial Empire by their own long and careful observa- 
tion, effectively pointed to the “other school of thought.” It was, 
he said, in a very small minority, “ but it is growing, it accepts 
facts, recognises what makes for change, opens its eyes to the life 
of other lands, asks what can be introduced from abroad and grafted 
on Chinese trunks, and ceases to condemn novelties simply because 
they are new, or to eschew strange things merely because they are 
forefgn.” It was at that very moment that the Empress Dowager 



, T)NIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

, decided to press reform, and that the edict was sent out which said 
that what China is deficient in can be best supplied from what the 
West is rich in Tsu Hsi, it is true, has since disappeared together 
with the nominal Emperor, but the trend of the movement has not 
changed It has, on the contrary, much increased in strength, and it 

^ seems to be on the eve of victory. Its most conspicuous element, no 
doubt, is the demand for scientific improvement, which inspires 
young China with a sense of rivalling not only Japan, but proud 
Europe itself. Higher education is the watchword of the day in the 
Far East, as much as in the United Kingdom or the German Empire. 
Swarms of Chinese students go yearly to Japan, where European 
civilisation and learning are communicated to them , but smaller 
numbers also go to Europe, mostly for the sake of medical instruc- 
tion, which is more and more appreciated by Eastern people. Chinese 
students, we understand, may now be numbered by hundreds in 
Europe and America, and by thousands in Japan. However, the 
results of foreign education have not been altogether satisfactory 
hitherto to Chinese ambition. It seeks to establish Chinese seats of 
Western learning, but there are serious obstacles to be overcome 

A genuine Chinese degree, as was lately pointed out in the 
Conteinporary Reviezv^ does not seem likely to carry weight in 
European or American minds. It is doubted, with good reason, 
whether there can be for some time a sufficiently numerous body 
of educated Chinese to guide the destinies of such an institution 
as a Peking University of Western science would pretend to be. 
On the other hand, mandarin pride would justly scorn the idea 
of foreign control. It is on this account that lately the project 
of a Hong Kong University has been mooted, and a man of 
authoritative position in England has declared that this project 
promises an intellectual development for which there is no precedent. 
Already a vast sum has been raised for the carrying out of this 
project, and a very considerable amount of it is due to the Chinese 
themselves, who are said to have taken up the idea with enthusiasm. 
If it should prove successful, we may reasonably expect to see 
the sphere of material and moral influence of the British Empire 
Considerably enlarged ; for it would help to make English the 
language of diplomacy and general culture in the far East, as 
it is already that of commerce. No wonder, then, that the British 
Government, especially the Colonial Office, approves the scheme 
and is active in promoting it. The present Governor of Hong 
Kong is amongst its chief supporters. Hong Kong has the finest 
position in the world as a shipping port. The project may be 
said, then, to rest upon broad shoulders. “ Ex occidente luxP the 
learned Taw Sein Ko proclaimed some time ago, and it wa^’ the 



FOURTH SESSION 237' 

fact that schools and colleges were springing , up all over the 
Empire which gave him the hope that the rekl awakening of China 
had begun. More recently the High Commissioner, Tuan Fang, 
addressing the Mission Boards at New York, congratulated the 
American missionaries on having promoted the progress of the 
Chinese people They had borne, he said, the light of Western 
civilisation into every nook and corner of the Empire. The Chinese 
being a polite and ceremonious people, even one of the leaders 
of the progressive movement may have pronounced these words 
merely in a complimentary sense It is well known that they 
generally desire the dismissal of foreign missionaries ; but this 
certainly would not imply the dismissal of foreign learning. 
European science and technical efficiency will increase their sway 
in China as they have done in Japan. But how will they develop 
in these countries? Will they advance to higher summits? Will 
these Orientals with their undisturbed freshness of mind surpass 
us in the spread and application of science? Will they wind 
through all the mazes of a capitalistic evolution which involves 
such grave problems for us? Or will they be better able than 
we to rule the spirits which they have evoked? 

Not unlike China and Japan and the smaller nations dependent 
upon them, with respect to remoteness from European culture, 
India widely differs from them in several conspicuous traits. In 
the first place, it has never been entirely unknown to the Western 
world. All through the so-called Middle Ages the channels of trade 
went along wild deserts from India to the ports of the Levant, 
and thence to Venice and the rest of the Italian cities on the 
Mediterranean, which were the commercial intermediaries for the 
greater part of Europe. Of course, only the most precious com- 
modities were able to bear the cost of that long, slow, and dangerous 
journey. Indians legendary wealth gave the spices of a tropical 
climate and the products of a highly refined domestic art to Europe, 
from which, in its turn, it generally received silver as the instrument 
of trade. By the fall of Constantinople this channel was blocked, 
and as a result European commerce sought to discover the mari- 
time route to that fabulous country. The name of the West Indies 
still reminds us of some of the results of that struggle. Never- 
theless, in spite of these early commercial arrangements, India 
remained up to a recent period almost like China and Japan, 
hidden under a veil of mystery. It was the British administration 
only which presently endeavoured to lessen the general European 
ignorance of that great region which, no less than Europe itself, 
.includes a multitude of different countries. And, as was stated 
witfi respect to China, so in the case of India, it was admiration, 



238 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

based upon very imperfect knowledge, which took precedence of 
more thoroughgoing research and discriminating investigation. In 
this case, it was a special admiration, having a certain definite ten- 
dency which became almost traditional. The religions of India, and 
the philosophies so closely allied to them, were from the eighteenth 
century downwards increasingly made known to European students, 
and struck some of them with awe. But, in this case, it was not 
the rationalist tendency, pervading as it did the century of enlighten- 
ment, but the romantic reaction against the prevalence of stern and 
cold intellectualism, that was at the bottom of the singular interest, 
an interest which, more particularly from the dawn of the nineteenth 
century, made India so attractive to scholars, filling the hearts 
of poets, philosophers and historians with an enthusiasm that saw 
an almost supernatural wisdom in the early records of Sanscrit 
learning, and sometimes dreamed of the aboriginal model-people, 
compared with which all the later civilisations only represented 
deterioration and decay. The glorification of the dead past led 
to a predilection for those living at a distance, both tendencies 
being deeply rooted in human nature. If not the cradle of the 
human race, which still, even by the majority of the learned, wa^ 
located in the Holy Land, yet the original seats of the Aryans 
were supposed to be about the Himalaya Mountains. The com- . 
parative science of languages established the identity of Sanscrit 
roots with those of the Hellenic, the Roman, the Teutonic, Slav 
and Celtic tongues. Even in Max Muller’s time there was, as 
he justly maintained, a vague charm associated with the name 
of India, if not in the country of its rulers, at least in France, 
Germany, and Italy, and even in Denmark, Sweden, and Russia. 
The eminent Orientalist pointed to Ruckert’s “ Wisdom of the 
Brahmin ” as one of the most beautiful poems in the German 
language, and observed that a scholar who studies Sanscrit was 
supposed to be initiated into the deep and dark mysteries of 
ancient wisdom. A certain amount of this reverence still survives. 
In Germany, at least, the disciples of Schopenhauer, among whom 
the name of Professor Paul Deussen must be mentioned with 
respect, consider the Vedanta Philosophy and the Upanishads 
as the earliest sources of that eternal truth concerning the Essence 
and the Destiny of mankind which has, according to them, found 
its recent prophet in Kant, and is more fully revealed through 
Schopenhauer’s interpretation of the world. The Pantheistic trend 
of modern philosophy, in fact, recalls the Pantheism which pervades 
India. Somebody said about the middle of the last century that 
Pantheism is the secret religion of the educated German. It may 
be said to be the professed religion of the educated Hindu. And 



239 


FOURTH SESSION 

as Pantheistic thinkers always had a bent towards mysticism, and 
mystic thinkers frequently towards occultism, it is not surprising 
to observe that our spiritualists and so-called theosophists should 
turn their eyes again to the sacred East and to the valley of the 
^Ganges, regarding with awe a revelation of hidden mental treasures 
which they sometimes think they discover in what is called esoteric 
'Buddhism or the Light of Asia. Genuine Buddhism has also 
recently gained a growing number of adherents both in Europe 
and in America, and it also has had an intense revival in India 
itself, as witness the Maha-Bodhi Society of Calcutta. However, 
apart from these religious and metaphysical aspects, the prestige 
of early Indian culture has given way to cool and critical investiga- 
tion of the country and its inhabitants, of its past and present, 
including forecasts of its probable future, to a careful research of 
its manners and customs, of its law and administration, its religious 
and philosophical systems. It is thus that India has contributed 
largely to certain famous generalisations which have become per- 
manent elements in that characteristically modern (though ancient 
in its groundwork) science called Sociology. India,” said Sir 
Henry Maine, as early as 1875, ‘‘ has given to the world Comparative 
Philology and Comparative Mythology ” ; he was uncertain how 
to denominate another science, which owes so many valuable sug- 
gestions to himself, hesitating to call it Comparative Jurisprudence, 
because, if it ever exists, its area will be so much wider than the 
field of law.” 1 do not believe that there is good reason to object 
to the name of comparative sociology, though this would mean 
the investigation not merely of the early histo'-y, the evolution 
and present state of laws and of institutions, but of social life 
generally, including as it does the consequences of native propen- 
sities, of habits and customs, of original and acquired ideas and 
beliefs. Social life as a problem is the problem of the moral life, 
which, to a large extent, means the peaceful life of a people. It 
cannot be understood, except by those who possess a true insight 
into the mutual action and reaction of material conditions and 
spiritual conceptions, both of which concur in ruling the destinies 
of mankind. 

India also is said now to be awakening. We heard a great deal 
lately of Indian unrest. It is no part of my task to enter into 
the political side of this remarkable movement. Mentally and 
morally its significance seems to be expressed by the fact that 
the idea of progress has begun to shake the fundamental axioms 
which have hitherto been upheld steadfastly by nearly all the 
Orientals, embodying, as they do, the idea that the past, as such, is, 
venerable, that tradition must be followed, that men can never do 



240 ’ / . UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS - 

better than follow the morals set by their ancestors. Exponents 
of the principle of progress are generally apt to look disrespect-’ 
fully upon the past, and to forget the truth that survival is a 
test of strength and validity, that organic structures have generally 
grown fit by selection and by the struggle for existence, and that 
this holds, to a large extent, as well of social as of individual organic 
life. Yet life itself means change ; and a more radical change means 
a more vivid thrill of life, a fresh adaptation to novel circum- 
stances and conditions. It is that principle of progress, as Sir H, 
Maine pointed out, which Englishmen are communicating to India; 
they are passing on what they have received. “There is” — with 
these words he concluded his memorable Rede Lecture, delivered 
before the University of Cambridge — “no reason why, if it has time 
to work, the principle of progress should not develop in India effects 
as wonderful as in any other of the societies of mankind.” We 
have already begun to see some of these wonderful effects. India 
is fast Europeanising, formidable as are the obstacles put in the 
way by its ancient Brahminic culture. Already we find the question 
raised of the emancipation of caste (meaning the elevation of the 
low-caste people), of the emancipation of women, emancipation of 
social usage from custom and superstition. University teaching 
has the effect of a dissolvent agency. Whether, as a whole, it 
may be deemed good or evil, the movement will prove irrevocable 
and irresistible in the long run, no matter what strong reactions it 
may temporarily encounter. All good Europeans will assuredly 
always look with admiration upon India’s mental and moral 
treasures ; they will be prepared to adopt portions of them from 
the inhabitants of that admirable country, and they will be ready 
to welcome Hindu people whenever they may be anxious to 
participate in our own marvels of scientific and technical advance- 
ment. Of course, this maxim holds for all races of the human 
family. 

Hitherto we have only spoken of the remote East which has 
been the object, more or less, of recent discoveries and Occidental 
influences, but which is still imperfectly known even by our own 
most thoroughgoing scholars. Far different are the relations of 
Europe to the nearer parts of Asia and to the North of Africa, 
the historical character of which is decidedly Oriental. The roots 
of our own arts and sciences lie in these regions. For the most 
precious elements of European culture have developed in Greece, 
and Greece was the pupil of Egypt and of Asia, though its 
genius far outshone that of its teachers. To the Phoenicians the 
Western world owes the invention of letters, and Chaldaean appli- 
cation laid the early foundations of astronomy, Assyria geneially 



FOURTH SESSION ' 241 

fertilising all Semitic improvement. In the later period of the 
Roman Empire this all-absorbing State received a new religion, 
consisting of a mixture of Jewish theology and Greek philosophy 
or mysticism, the Cross overshadowing the Sun of the competing 
Mithra cult The synagogue indeed became the model of the 
Christian church. The Jews have from various sources conveyed 
a great amount of learning from the ancient world to the modern. 
They have, by their astounding power of adaptation to foreign 
customs, languages, and ways of thinking, always been the great 
cosmopolitan mediators. But in the Middle Ages the influence 
of the Arabs became stronger and more organised, and they 
developed the first comparatively bcientific civilisation after the fall 
of the Western Empire, on the Iberian Peninsula. They renewed 
and enlarged astronomical, geographical, and physiological obser- 
vation ; they promoted medical knowledge ; and it was through 
their translations that Aristotle became known to Christians. Their 
own metaphysical speculations, chiefly those of Avicenna and 
Averroes, acted as a powerful stimulant and ferment upon medieval 
scholasticism But in mathematical and inductive science also they 
made considerable progress , we still retain, in the names of algebra 
and chemistry (originally alchemy) the traces of our obligation to 
them. And were not the Arabs in perpetual contact with the 
Chinese? Did they not derive a good deal of their knowledge 
and of their institutions from the Persians > Were they not, with 
Byzantium, the co-heirs of the Roman-Hellenic civilisation, and was 
not Byzantium itself a foster-parent to them ? Do we not find here 
the original unity and mutual interdependence of Oriental and 
Western science and art? 

In the fine arts, no less than in science and commerce, a peaceful 
contact of races has always counteracted their hostilities and hatred, 
because men are prone to admire what is new to them, and to regard 
foreign achievements as superior to their own. Foreign artists and 
artisans have often been invited to build cathedrals and palaces, 
to erect statues and to paint portraits Great skill has always had 
migratory habits, and even masters have been ready to learn from 
masters. Commerce spread models and imported them from abroad, 
styles were modified by styles — for instance, the Romanic architecture 
by the Moorish. Soon after the first circumnavigations of the earth, 
we find traces of Chinese and Japanese style in French and Italian^ 
barock architecture, and early in the eighteenth century “ china ** 
came into fashion in the courts of Europe. More recently, artistic 
influences have increased enormously, modern Europe being wholly 
recegtive and fanciful in its predilections, everything Oriental 
appealing to the sense of grotesqueness and bizarrerie^ which some- 



24 ^. UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

times rises to a morbid height among people of fashion, probably 
no less in the East than in the West. 

Art, it is true, generally has a national, or at least a racial stamp ; 
but literature, owing to its intellectual and moral bearings, is more 
* essentially human in its character, in spite of differences of languages. 
It was Goethe who introduced the phrase “ world-literature ” into 
German. Following Herder, who collected the “Voices of Nations,” 
he confessed that his early fondness for folk-lore had not vanished 
in old age ; and in lyric and dramatic art he tried to draw from 
foreign sources the quintessence of everything beautiful. He 
invented the songs of Suleika, in imitation of Persian poetry, and 
of Sakontala he says that he steeped his mind for years in the 
admiration of it. He also mentions with high appreciation other 
Indian poems, and even the Chinese drama or song did not escape 
his attention. He declares with confidence that in this present 
“ most stirring ” epoch, when communication was so greatly facili- 
tated, a world-literature was soon to be expected. What would he 
say of our time, when even in his own day he mentions journals and 
newspapers as a means of communication by which a nation may 
learn not only what happens to other nations politically, but the 
characters of their moral and intellectual life ? And this enlarged 
knowledge, in Goethe’s opinion, would help to increase our esteem 
of foreigners, we being “ always apt to esteem a nation less than it 
deserves,” because we regard only external aspects which seem to 
us repulsive or at least ridiculous. 

These words are as true now as they were when they were 
written, about ninety years ago. Although intercommunication has 
vastly grown, and opportunities have increased, although the Press 
now goes from one end of the world to the other, we must confess 
that our knowledge of each other is scanty, that current views, even 
of statesmen and of others who decidedly belong to the cultivated 
classes, are often narrow, that a silly nationalist pride and exclusive- 
ness is often supported by absurd notions of foreign characters, by 
childish prejudices about habits and customs and ways of thinking 
differing from our own, by antiquated opinions never tested by 
experience, and, generally, by ignorance. What is to be done in 
order to make the peaceful contact between nations and races 
stronger and more effective in this respect? I venture to suggest 
and propose the following aids to this end : — 

I. A universal language ought to be created as the common 
language of the cultured all over the world I do not plead in favour 
of any innovation, being even somewhat afraid of a purely artificial 
language ; but I believe that Latin, the ancient lingua doctorum^ 
might be revived in a new form. ** 



FOURTH SESSION 


243 


2. We should do what we can in the way of discouraging and 
preventing the over-production of foolish fiction in our own language, 
and of promoting translations of the master-works of all the national 
literatures. 

3. Translation itself must become a fine art and be cultivated as 
such. Translations are frequently done m a clumsy and unskilful 
way, sometimes by people who possess but slight grammatical 
knowledge of the language from which they are translating. 

4. The study of foreign countries and nations ought to be 
encouraged by scholarships, travelling fees, and other means. An 
exchange of lecturing professors is worth little as compared with 
an exchange of students. In particular, Western students should be 
enabled to spend a year or two in the East, with a view of becoming 
thoroughly familiar with the languages and characters of Indians, 
Chinese, Japanese, Siamese, Persians, Abyssinians, or Egyptians. 
No other task should be set them but this very important one. 

5. An international academy of social and moral science must be 
founded, in order to concentrate all our studies and endeavours of 
this nature It would foster those feelings of human solidarity and 
brotherhood which have been taught by all the higher religions, as 
well as by the rationalistic and moral philosophies to which these 
religions owe their superiority. 

6. A re-organisation of the Press, with a view to its promoting 
kindlier feelings between nations and races through a more 
conscientious investigation of the true merits and peculiarities of 
each and a catholic appreciation of all noble endeavours towards 
the moral and intellectual improvement of mankind. 

[Paper submitted in Eu^lish.'] 


THE WORK DONE BY PRIVATE INITIATIVE 
IN THE ORGANISATION OF THE WORLD 

By M. H. La Fontaine, Brussels, 

Senator, President of the International Peace Bureau, General 
Secretary of the Institut 1 liter national de Bibliographie, Professor 
of International Law. 

At the present time, when so many are loud in praise of nationalist 
sentiments, and endeavour to keep the peoples of the world apart by 
artificial barriers, there is proceeding a great and majestic interpene- 
tration of races, interests, and ideas. The whole world is becoming 
one vast city. That is the real and consoling aspect of the present 
situation, in contrast with the superficial aspect of struggle, hatred, 



244 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

and defiance, which seems to many to be the proper way to regard 
the events of our time. 

In order to give a just idea of the movement which is impelling 
humanity toward a closer understanding and more peaceful accord, 
it would be necessary to consider both the work done by inter- 
governmental activity and that due to private enterprise. Although 
they are intimately connected, however, I have found it necessary to 
restrict this account to the field of free international institutions, a 
large and complex field, of which two figures will enable the reader 
to appreciate the extent. From 1843, when the first international 
congress was held on private initiative, until 1910 there were more 
than two thousand international meetings, of which eight hundred 
fall in the last decade. The total number of central offices of all 
kinds having for their object the study of questions of general human 
interest from a universal point of view already amounts to more than 
two hundred and fifty. ^ 

I cannot give here more than a brief sketch of the work done 
by these organisations and a very inadequate outline of the great 
work that remains to be done. In my opinion the account that 
I shall give will evince, on the one hand, the wide range of 
the movement of which I shall describe the various phases, and 
especially, on the other hand, the organic character that it has 
been possible to give it by the creation of a world-wide federative 
institution. 

The first and most important matter that we have to consider is, 
obviously, the economic situation, the circumstances of distribution 
and circulation. 

The establishment of a world-wide market is now an accomplished 
fact. The fluctuations of the prices of various kinds of products have 
no longer a local or national character ; they now have an immediate 
echo throughout the world. Trusts, pools, and syndicates have 
multiplied and enlarged. The international concentration of many 
industries is a notorious fact, in spite of the interested secrecy that 
envelops such combinations. 

In face of this concentration of trades and industries the workers 
have combined on their side, first in national and then in inter- 
national organisations. There are at the present time more than 
thirty international federations of trades, especially those of the 
miners, founders, paviors, dockers, printers, transport-workers, brewers, 
glass-workers, potters, metal-workers, diamond cutters, wood and 

‘ Sec the Ammanc dc la Vie hiteftmtioualc, published by the Central Office of 
International Institutions, Biussels [Editor — This volume may be warmly nj^^com- 
mended to all who take an interest in international oiganisation.] 



FOURTH SESSION 24S 

leather- workers, furriers, textile- workers, tobacco- workers, saddlers, 
shoemakers, glovemakers, bookbinders, tailors, hatters, hairdressers, 
masons, painters, musicians, commercial employees, post, telegraph 
and railway servants, and assistants in hotels and restaurants. All 
these federations are centralised in the International Secretariat of 
the National Associations of Trade Unions.^ 

The workers’ organisations aim chiefly at the improvement of 
the conditions of labour, and it soon became clear that this object 
involved international action. We may recall the interest that was 
aroused in 1890 the convoking, at the instance of the Emperor of 
Germany, of the first international conference for the regulation of 
labour. It came to no conclusion, but from 1897 onward international 
congresses have been held for the purpose of uniting all who were 
interested in these questions and founding an “ International Asso- 
ciation for the Legal Protection of Workers.” The carrying out 
of the decisions taken in the biennial meetings of this Association 
was entrusted to the International Office of Labour, which is installed 
at B^le. It is supported by national sections, whose contributions, 
together with governmental subsidies, enable it to do its work. In 
this way it has succeeded in obtaining from various States a pro- 
hibition of the use of white phosphorus in the manufacture of matches 
and the abolition of night-work for women. There are also inter- 
national organisations for the prevention of Sunday labour, the 
prevention of strikes, the study of questions relating to accidents 
during work and to insurance. 

The work done by Governments in organising the circulation of 
men and of commodities is well known. The Postal Union, the 
Telegraphic Union, the Radiotelegraphic Union, and the Union for 
the Transport of Merchandise, have made one single territory of the 
whole world. On the sea the adoption of regulations as to uniform 
routes and the application of a national code of signals have con- 
secrated the woi Id-old practice which has made the oceans the chief 
international routes In this department the various States have been 
guided and inspired by vast associations like the “ international 
Association of Railway Congresses,” which is composed of forty-seven 
public administrations and four hundred and eleven private enter- 
prises ; and the “ International Association of Navigation Congresses,” 
which consists of twenty -two governmental administrations, two 
hundred and sixty private administrations, and more than fifteen 
hundred individual members. Not less important, from the same 
point of view, is the “ International Union of Tramways and Rail- 

* According to statistics published by this secretarial office there are 9,096,000 work- 
merw members of trade unions in nineteen countries of Europe and America, and 
5,944,000 belong to organisations affiliated to the secretaryship 



tifi , . UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

ways of Local Interest,” which comprises five hundred and fifty 
tramway enterprises, services or companies. 

States have also devoted their attention to questions of hygiene 
and public health, but in this department there have long been 
powerful bodies concerned with propaganda and protection. The 
two most influential associations in this respect are the one which 
carries on the struggle against alcoholism, of which the first inter- 
national congress was held in 1878, and which has given birth in 
turn to two important bodies, the “ International Blue Cross Feder- 
ation*’ and the ‘‘Independent Order of Good Templars”; and the 
one which protects young girls from the dangers of large towns, 
which dates from 1888, and acts through the “ International Union of 
Friends of Young Women ” and the “ International Association for 
the Protection of Young Women.” 

The protection of children, the care of abandoned children and of 
liberated prisoners, and the provision for the insane, the deaf and 
dumb, and the blind, have also been discussed in international meet- 
ings. We may also mention the “ Universal Alliance of Young People’s 
Christian Associations,” which has more than 900,000 members.^ 

In connection with these grave problems relating to the moral 
and material welfare of humanity we must notice the work done in 
the field of insurance and mutual aid. Especially important are the 
congresses of accountants which have been held regularly every three 
years since 1895. The medical officers of the insurance companies 
have also had an international organisation since 1899. The mutual- 
aid movement, which has grown in a most remarkable manner, has 
succeeded in forming an “ International Federation of Mutual Aid ” 
and in creating a “ Permanent Bureau of Study and Statistics of 
Mutual Aid.” 

The no less important Co-operative Movement is allied to the 
mutual-aid movement. The need of an international organisation 
in this field was felt, and it was met in 1892 by the establishment 
of the “ International Co-operative Alliance.” There is also an 
“ International Confederation of Agricultural Co-operative Societies,’^ 
which comprises 28,000 societies.” 

To the instances we have given we may add the associations 
which seek to improve the condition of the disinherited class. For 
this purpose was created an “ International Institute for the Study of 
the Problem of the Middle Class.” A like aim is proposed by the 
“ Permanent International Committee of Cheap Housing.” 

From the point of view of the pure sciences international co- 
operation is an undeniable fact. There are no discoveries which are 
not due to the work of scholars belonging to the most diverse nation- 

r> 

* The total value of the property of the various associations is close upon ;£i 2 , 000, 000. 



FOURTH SESSION 247 

alities. This has naturally led scientific m?n to form international 
associations. 

The first place among the pure sciences is taken by mathematics, 
and the international meetings in connection with this science have 
been held every fourth year since 1897. They have created a numbet 
of international bodies : the “ International Commission for the 
Unification of Vectorial Notations,” the “ International Association for 
the Promotion of the Study of Quaternions,” and the International 
Commission of Mathematical Teaching.” 

Astronomers have held international congresses since the year 
1865. They have established a number of international bodies, the 
chief of which is the “ International Committee for the Construction 
of the Photographic Chart of the Heavens ” This enterprise, which is 
entrusted to nineteen observatories, will necessitate the taking of no 
less than 22,000 photographs There is also an “ International Union 
for Solar Research.” 

In connection with the measurement of time a “ Permanent 
International Commission of Chronometry” was instituted in 1900. 
An ‘‘ International Conference for the Choice of a First Meridian” in- 
troduced in 1884 the system of horary spindles which is now adopted 
nearly everywhere. Other bodies led to the creation of special com- 
missions, especially that of photometrical unity, and an international 
standard of candle-power, the units of electricity sanctioned by many 
national legislations, and the uniform standardising of thermometers. 

The terrestrial globe has also attracted the international attention 
of scholars from various points of view The geological study of it, 
in the first place, has occupied the debates of the International 
Geological Congresses, which meet every three years, since 1878. 
These Congresses have organised international commissions with the 
charge of unifying the figures and terms used in geology, as well 
as commissions of stratigraphy, petrography, palaeontology, and 
geothermics. There has also been established an “ International 
Glacial Association” and an “ International Volcanic Institute.” 

Hydrology, climatology, and meteorology are the subject of 
regular international congresses. An ‘‘ International Meteorological 
Committee” has been at work since 1873, has set up various 
special commissions within its department. An understanding has 
been arrived at for the purpose of securing uniformity in meteoro- 
logical observations at sea and in the polar regions. There is also 
an understanding in regard to the systematic exploration of the 
atmosphere by means of balloons. 

Passing from the earth to its inhabitants, we notice that for a long 
time back, since 1865, anthropological and prehistoric questions have 
giVen occasion for many important gatherings, among which those 



/, 'tfw RACES CONGRESS ; 

of the Orientalists and Americanists have attracted a good deal of 
Attention. 

In connection with the earth and its inhabitants, we may note the 
“ International Congresses of Geography/’ which have been held since 
1871. To their initiative is due the creation of a map of the earth 
on the scale i * 1,000,000. The “International Polar Commission” 
belongs to the same department 

What are commonly called the natural sciences have also inspired 
a number of international congresses. The Botanical Congresses, 
which began in 1861, gave birth to the “ International Commission of 
Botanical Nomenclature” and the “International Association of 
Botanists.” The Zoological Congresses began in 1889, led to the 
adoption of a uniform procedure in the naming of species and the 
representation of figures. There has also been established an “ Inter- 
national Ornithological Committee ” Physiologists have, besides 
their triennial congress, two international laboratories for research, 
the “ Institut Marey,” and the “ Monte Rosa Laboratory.” The 
anatomists have formed an international association, and have also 
established an “ International Committee for the Study of the Brain.” 

Chemists also have international meetings, both from the purely 
scientific point of view, and in connection with the various industrial 
applications of chemical science.^ On their initiative there have been 
formed international commissions for the unification of the methods 
of analysing food-stuffs and petroleum. 

Finally, the highest scientific authorities of the world have founded 
the “ International Association of Academies ” This Association 
chiefly lends its patronage or approval to autonomous institutions 
such as the Institut Marey and the International Polar Commission, 
or to enterprises of universal import such as the Catalogue of Scientific 
Publications, the reprinting of the works of Leibnitz, and the critical 
edition of the Mahabharata It has also interested itself in the 
international loan of manuscripts. 

If we now turn to the applied sciences, we find that the movement 
in the direction of an international understanding is, perhaps, keener 
in this department than in that of the pure sciences. 

Among the more important meetings of this kind we may quote 
the “ International Congresses of Medical Science,” which go back to 
1867, always have very crowded gatherings Besides these general 
congresses there is quite a number of congresses in special branches 
of medicine Thus the homeopathists meet regularly since 1876, the 
dermatologists since 1889, the neurologists since 1885, the alienists 
since 1889, and the surgeons, who have had meetings since 1888, 
formed in 1905 an “ International Society of Surgery.” The inter- 

* The Ust Congress held at London in 1909, was attended by 3,000 members. * 



, FOURTH SESSION , 24^ 

' , ' ' " 4 ■ ' ' 

national congresses of dentists, which are almost as important as those 

of the medical men, have been held regul^y sihce'^1889. The 
Ophthalmologists were among the first to hold international congresses. 
Their first meeting was in 1857. The otologists and laryngologists 
have assembled regularly since 1889, and the gynecologists since 
1892. Lastly, the veterinary surgeons, whose congresses also are of 
great importance, began to hold meetings in 1862 

With medical questions are closely connected those relating to 
therapeutics The pharmacists met for their first international con- 
gress at Brunswick in 1865, and their tenth congress was held at 
Brussels in 1910, Their discussions arc chiefly occupied with the 
unification of pharmacopaeias. 

Vaccination has led to stirring congresses of anti-vaccinators. 
Physicotherapeutics, the applications of which became more and more 
numerous in our time, has had congresses of recent years , the first 
was held at Liege in 1905, and the fourth will be held at Berlin in 
1912. Thalassotherapeutics, one of the most ancient forms of physico- 
therapeutics, has been discussed at numbers of international meetings, 
the first of which was held in 1894. Electrotherapeutics and radi- 
ology have been the subjects of several congresses, the first of which 
met at Como in 1899. Experimental hypnotism has been the subject 
of international congresses since 1889 

Finally, certain particular maladies — insomnia, capeer, leprosy, and 
especially tuberculosis — have attracted the attention of specialists of 
all countries, and led them to hold international meetings. 

There is also an “ International Association of the Medical 
Press,” and an “ International Committee of Medical Teaching” was 
established in 1910. 

In the department of technology the engineers and industrial 
workers have long felt the need of international meetings. As early 
as 1878 the civil engineers held their first international congress at 
Pans. The electricians in turn assembled in the same city in 1881, 
and in 1902 they established an “ International Union of Electrical 
Stations,” which has held annual meetings since that date. The 
international congresses of mines and metallurgy, which have been 
held regularly since 1889, are amongst the most important in technical 
matters. Technical workers have also held international meetings ‘in 
connection with the unification of the standards of assaying material, 
the mechanical and hygienic improvement of workshops, and the 
supervision and safety of steam-driven machinery. 

The technique of private industry has also been the occasion of 
international meetings. Brewers, distillers, bakers, confectioners, 
workers in petroleum, acetylene gas, cement, and paper, and cotton- 
spinnfirs, have regular international meetings. In connection with 



2S0.. UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

' , 'f - ' 

Spinning, we have also the question of international uniformity in the 
numbering of threads, which has been dealt with in international 
congresses. 

Agriculturists have had international meetings since 1848, and their 
Congresses have been held regularly since 1889, With these we may 
connect the special meetings devoted to agricultural associations, agri- 
cultural education, colonial agronomics, the unification of the methods 
of analysing manures and cattle-foods, and agricultural mechanics. 

The importance of the cultivation of certain products has led to! 
the holding of special congresses. We find congresses that have been! 
held to discuss the cultivation of rice, viticulture, sylviculture and/ 
horticulture. In the same group we may place all the meetings in 
relation to zootechnics, especially the international congresses for the 
rational feeding of cattle, and the congresses of aviculture, and apicul- 
ture. Dairymen have held bi-annual congresses since 1903. 

Lastly, questions of hunting and fishing have also engaged the 
attention of specialists of all countries, especially questions relating to 
sea fisheries. 

The juridical sciences have inspired very important international 
associations, which are of world-wide repute, and of quite preponderant 
authority. These are the “ Association for the Reform and Codifica- 
tion of the Law of Nations,” which is now known under the title of the 
“ International Law Association,” and the “ Institute of international 
Law and Comparative Legislation.” 

Questions of special law have, on the other hand, led to the 
establishment of important international bodies. One of the most 
important is the International Union of Penal Law,” which h is held 
regular meetings since 1889. The International Penitentiary Con- 
gresses are almost equally important. The first was held in 1846, 
and was one of the first international congresses to take place any- 
where With this twofold organisation of penal law we must connect 
the international congresses of criminal anthropology, which has been 
held since 1885 

Among questions of private law those in regard to industrial, 
literary, and artistic proprietorship have led to the formation of two 
vast associations, whose meetings have had a decisive influence on 
the intergovernmental conventions which control patent rights, trade- 
marks, and the rights of authors. There is also an International 
Maritime Commission,” the influence of which on international legis- 
lation concerning the boarding and salving of vessels has just led to 
the adoption of an intergovernmental convention of great importance. 
The unification of commercial law has also been the subject of many 
international congresses, which have especially discussed the simplifi- 
cation and unification of the rules relating to letters of exchangfe. 



FOURTH SESSION 251 

Finally, administrative law has recently given birth to a 
Permanent Commission of the International CongUsses of the 
Administrative Sciences.*' 

In the department of philosophy, religion, and morals, there have 
also been established certain important international bodies. In the 
first place we must quote the international congresses of philosophy 
and psychology ; then the “ International Union of Ethical Societies.” 
The Churches themselves constitute vast international associations, 
and their councils and conventions are real international meetings. 
The successful attempt at Chicago in 1893 hold a “World's 
Parliament of Religions ” will be remembered. Since that time 
there have been international meetings for discussing the history of 
religion every four years. 

Some of the religious bodies have organised international 
congresses, such as the Eucharistic Congresses, those of the Old 
Catholics, and those of Liberal Christianity, the Baptists, and the 
Universal Evangelical Alliance. We must mention, too, the “ Sal- 
vation Army,” which has more than 100,000 members scattered 
throughout the world, the “ International Federation of Free- 
thinkers,” ana “Universal Freemasonry.” 

The pacifist movement is bound up in some of its aspects with 
the political and juridical life of nations ; but it must also find a place 
here on account of its lofty moral purpose. The movement began 
in 1815. The annual congresses it has held since 1889 attract in- 
creasing attention, and have the support of innumerable societies in 
every country of the world, which are grouped round the “ Inter- 
national Permanent Peace Bureau ” at Berne. Some of these 
societies have themselves an international character, such as the 
“ International Peace Institute,” the “ International Conciliation,” 
the “ International League of Peace and Liberty,” and the “ Inter- 
national Museum of War and Peace.” 

Two of the most important international establishments, the Nobel 
Institute and the recent Carnegie Institution, are associated with this 
movement. It is, perhaps, interesting to note that the first pacifist 
congress, which met in London in 1843, was manifestation of 

the international spirit which is spreading so rapidly in our own time. 

Education, in every aspect and degree, has been the subject of 
numbers of international discussions. Besides the congresses which 
have discussed education in general, some have been devoted to 
primary, secondary, and higher education, popular education, family 
education, and moral education. International organisations have 
been formed, as we stated previously, for the promotion of mathe- 
matical and medical education. Others have been created to pro- 
mote commercial education and the teaching of living tongues. 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

The internationalisation of studies has led numbers of students to 
travel, and of late years we have witnessed an active exchange of pro* 
fessors between different countries. This has led in turn to the 
establishment in many universities of cosmopolitan clubs, which have 
been united in an international association since 1907* The students 
have further established the vast federation of the “ Corda Fratres/* 
and other more exclusive federations, such as those of the Christian 
students, the Catholic students, and the Socialist students. On the 
other hand, the professors of primary education have gathered round 
the “International Bureau of Federations of Teachers.*’ 

An effort is being made at the present time to attain an “equiva- 
lence of diplomas,”^ and to establish an “ International Pedagogical 
Centre.” There are also in many countries institutes of higher 
studies, which are the embryos of real international schools, and the 
idea has arisen of uniting them in a larger organisation, which would 
be the “International University,” or rather, the “ World-SchooL”^ 
We must also call attention to the project of establishing an 
“ International Bureau of Universities,” and to the growth in recent 
years of inter-scholastic correspondence. 

With the question of education we may connect the idea of 
choosing a universal language Annual congresses have, since 1906, 
brought together in large numbers the admirers of the Esperanto 
language. On the other hand, an “International Delegation for the 
adoption of a Universal Language” was established in 1901. In 
the department of languages we must also notice the existence of an 
“ International Phonetic Association,” an “ International Federation 
for the Extension and Cultivation of the hVench Language,” and the 
“ International Society of Romance Dialectology.” 

The long and somewhat fastidious enumeration which we have 
been compelled to make was necessary in order to give some 
approximate idea of the proportions of the spirit which is seeking 
to organise the world on international lines. Nevertheless, to com- 
plete the story, we ought further to have spoken of bodies of the 
greatest importance such as the “ International Union of Press 
Associations,” the “ International Institute of Sociology,” the 
“International Institute of Statistics,” the “International Colonial 
Institute,” the “ International Economic Union,” the “ Permanent 
Committee of Chambers of Commerce,” the “ International Council 
of Women,” and the “ International Association of Cold,” 

We ought also to trace the history of the Universal PZxhibitions, 
of which no one now questions the great influence on civilisation. As 

‘ This equivalence has been conventionally admitted by the American Conference 
of 1902. ^ 

* There has been some question of founding such a school in Belgium. 



FOURTH SESSION 


m 


i$ known, an “ International Federation of Pemjs^nent Exhibition 
Cbmmittees*’ forms a connecting link between Ifiem, an 3 ’^ endeavours 
to give them an increasingly synthetic organisation. There is also 
some attempt to follow up the exhibitions of things with exhibitions 
of ideas. Even in 1878, 1889, and 1900 the organisation of inter- 
national congresses was centralised at Paris ; but it was at Saint Louis 
in 1904 that the “ International Congress of Science and Art” realised 
most effectively a genuinely encyclopsedic and universal programme. 

We ought also to have spoken of the arts, which have inspired a 
number of gatherings : architecture, music, public art, and photo- 
graphy have been the subjects of many important congresses. Even 
sport, which plays a considerable part in the international relations of 
our time, would deserve our attention. The “ International Olympic 
Committee” and the “International League of Tourist Associations” 
are the most influential bodies in this field ; and to them we must add 
bodies which are occupied with particular sports, such as cycling, 
motoring, aeronautics, gymnastics, skating, or Alpine sports. 

We cannot, however, conclude our condensed account of the 
present state of international activity without devoting a few lines to 
the work done by those who are seeking to make an intellectual 
inventory of the world. Various Governments have already agreed 
to subsidise the “ International Catalogue of Scientific Literature,” 
which has been undertaken by the Royal Society of London with 
the assistance of regional centres. But the “ International Institute 
of Bibliography and Documentation” has confronted the problem in 
all its magnitude. The work that it has imposed on itself consisted 
at first in collecting and methodically classifying the titles of all the 
works that have ever been written and published, but it has had 
gradually to enlarge its scheme and endeavour to bring together 
the works and publications themselves, and make summaries of them, 
which constitute so many chapters and paragraphs in the “ Universal 
Book.” The ambition of the promoters of this work is to summarise 
this great book, and thus raise a monument to human thought which 
will constitute the “ Universal and Perpetual Encyclopaedia ” This 
encyclopaedia will have as its collaborators the thinkers of every age 
and country. It will represent the “ Sum Total ” of the intellectual 
achievements of the ages. 

Such, in broad outline, is the immense labour that is being 
accomplished by men of every nation and religion, every race and 
all shades of opinion. They recognise no frontiers : their country is 
a province of the world-wide empire of which they are fellow-citizens. 
Sometimes, indeed, they have no clear perception of the fact ; they 
are not conscious that they are working together for the realisation of 
international life. To enkindle this consciousness, to materialise in 



254 . UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

some measure the movement which is bearing humanity onward to a 
condition of harmony, a mutual understanding, and a closer co-* 
operation in every country, is the aim of the founders of the “ Central 
Office of International Institutions.” They believe that, besides the 
problems that are peculiar to each branch of human knowledge, there 
are interests of a universal order which it is important to examine 
and study in common, and that there are certain general services to 
be rendered and organised. On that account they invited all who 
are entrusted with the direction of international bodies to take part 
in the “ World- Congress of International Associations” At its first 
sittings ^ the Congress discussed the following questions • the inter- 
national juridical status of international associations, the establish- 
ment of international systems of unity in science and technics, the 
international organisation of documentation, scientific and technical 
language, and the organisation of co-operative action between inter- 
national institutions. The Central Office of International Institu- 
tions was 2 selected by the Congress as its permanent organ. 

There is now, therefore, a centre of attraction round which, 
following the hierarchy of the sciences, the various international 
bodies may be grouped, and discharge in harmony their share in the 
elaboration and diffusion of knowledge. A voluntary undertaking, 
dependent on free co-operation, it will be at once the most eloquent 
symbol and the most patent proof of the unity of races. 

[Paper submitted tn French,] 


THE INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTE OF 
AGRICULTURE AT ROME 

By David Lubin, 

United States Delegate to the International Institute of Agriculture, 

“ The wolt albo shall dwell with the lamb, and the leopard shall he down with 
the kid, and the calf and the young lion and the fatling together, and a little 
child shall lead them." 

And He shall judge among the nations, and shall rebuke many people ; and 
they shall beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into pruning- 
hooks; nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall they learn war 
any more." 

The International Institute of Agriculture may be deemed a step in 
evolutionary development, development in the field of economics. It 

* The Congress was held at Brussels from the 9th to the nth of May, 1910 ; one 
bundled and thirty-two international associations werd represented at it 

On this body see the pamphlet which deals specially with it, Office Centrql des 
Institutions international rue de la Regence, 3bis , 8°, 32 pp , i franc 



FOURTH SESSION 


is substantially a world co-operative institutions a world clearing; 
house of economic information. It is, in fact, the first permanent 
international parliament, a permanent parliament for economic 
betterment. 

The initiative toward founding this Institute was taken by His 
Majesty the King of Italy, who called a Conference of the Govern- 
ments for this purpose. This Conference met in Rome in May-June, 
1905, and formulated a Treaty for the establishment of the Institute. 
This Treaty was ratified by forty-seven Governments, and the 
adhering countries now embrace 98 per cent, of the population 
and 95 per cent, of all the land of the world. 

When the Treaty had been duly ratified by the adhering Govern- 
ments, a building was erected for the Institute in the grounds of the 
Villa Borghese, in Rome, at the expense of His Majesty the King of 
Italy, who, in addition to this, munificently endowed the Institute 
with an income of 60,000 dollars a year. 

Each of the nations adhering to the Institute is classed in one of 
five groups, which contribute to the support of the Institute in accord- 
ance with a ratio fixed for each group by the Treaty. 

The supreme direction and control of the Institute is in the hands 
of the General Assembly, consisting of delegates appointed by the 
adhering Governments. The General Assembly is empowered, 
under Article 5 of the Treaty, to submit for the approval of the 
adhering Governments proposals for an enlargement of the functions 
of the Institute. 

The administration of the Institute is entrusted to the Permanent 
Committee, composed of forty-seven delegates each representing one of 
the adhering countries. These delegates reside permanently in Rome. 
The executive officers are the President, Marquis Cappelli, delegate 
of Italy ; the Vice-President, Mr. Louis Dop, delegate of France ; 
and the Secretary-General, Professor P. Jannaccone. At present the 
staff consists of eighty-two employees of different nationalities 

The functions of the Institute are defined in Article 9 of the 
Treaty,^ and the work has been divided between four bureaus : 

* AkYicll 9 — The Institute, confining its operations within an international 
sphere, shall — 

(a) Collect, study, and publish as piomptly as possible statistical, technical, or 
economic information concerning farming, both vegetable and animal products, the 
commerce in agncultuial products, and the prices prevailing in the various markets; 

(b) Communicate to parties inteiested, also as promptly as possible, all theinfoima- 
tion just referred to , 

(c) Indicate the wages paid for farm work , 

{d) Make known the new diseases of vegetables which may appear m any 
part of the world, showing the teintones infected, the progress of the disease, and, 
if possible, the remedies which are effective m combating them. 

(fj) Study questions concerning agiicultural co-operation, insurance, and credit 
in all their aspects , collect and publish information which might be useful ifi the 



2S6 universal races congress , 

1. The administrative bureau ; 

2. The bureau of crop-reporting and agricultural statistics ; 

3. The bureau of agricultural intelligence and diseases of plants ; 

4. The bureau of economic and social institutions (agricultural 

co-operation, insurance, and credit). 

The main service of the Institute is crop-reporting, the importance 
of which will be made manifest by what follows. 

The world’s price of the staples of agriculture has a direct bearing 
on the home price, and the home price of the staples determines the 
status of the capital and labour of the farm, also the status of the 
capital and labour of the factory (for the staples of agriculture are 
the raw material of the manufacturer). Therefore, the price of the 
staples of agriculture influences the economic condition of all the 
people. 

Now, the knowledge of the world’s summary of the stocks on 
hand and the condition of the growing crops are the basis for the 
formation of the world's price, and, consequently, of the home price 
of the staples of agriculture. It is, therefore, of primary importance 
that such world summary be official and authoritative. 

But, previous to the establishment of the International Institute 
of Agriculture, the dissemination of this summary was done by 
private, and therefoie interested, concerns , it reached the public in 
the form of several and divergent statements, and was consequently 
the cause of unnecessary and oft-times violent fluctuations in the 
price of the staples, thereby unsettling the economic condition of all 
the people. 

The chief purpose of the International Institute of Agriculture is 
to remove the cause of these fluctuations, to remove the obstacles 
which impede the operation of the law of supply and demand in the 
formation of the prices of the staples of agriculture. And this the 
Institute does by supplying all concerned with an official and 
authoritative summary of the condition of the growing crops and 
the world’s supply. 

Accordingly, each of the adhering Governments supplies the 
Institute with its own crop-reporting data, relating (a) to the condi- 
tion of the growing crops, and (/^), to harvest yields in each country. 

various countiies in tiie organisation of works connected with agricultural co-operation, 
insurance, and cicdit, 

(/) Submit to the approval of the Governments, if there is occasion for it, measures 
for the protection of the common interests of farmers and for the improvement 
of their condition, aftci having utilised all the necessaiy souices of information, 
such as the wishes expressed by intei national 01 other agiicultural congresses or 
congresses of sciences applied to agriculture, agricultural societies, academies, learned 
bodies, &c. 

All questions concerning the economic inteiests, the legislation, and the adminis- 
tration of a particular nation shall be excluded from the consideration of the Institute. 



FOURTH SESSION 


257 

This is done on a uniform plan adopted by the General Assembly in 
1909. The Statistical Bureau of the Institute employs this data 
in its mathematical calculations, deducing, in the form of a “ Single 
Numerical Statement” the summary for the world, thus : lOO being 
taken as a normal, when the Institute reports lOl it indicates that 
the condition or yield of the world's crop is i per cent, above the 
normal ; when the Institute reports 99 it means that it is i per cent, 
below the normal, and so forth. This is the method employed by 
the American Department of Agriculture for reporting crop condi- 
tions and yields in the United States, and it has been adopted by 
the Institute for reporting crop conditions and yields for the world. 

The effect of the Institute's reports, expressed in the Single 
Numerical Statement for the world, disseminated each month tele- 
graphically and by printed bulletins, was apparent almost from the 
start. The volume of wheat production for 1910 was very unevenly 
distributed ; some countries having deficits and others large surpluses 
as compared to the production for the previous year. The imme- 
diate effect of a knowledge of local conditions in each of these 
countries was to unsettle prices, with a tendency to undue depression 
or inflation as the unusual surplus or deficit became known. But 
the Institute’s reports, giving simultaneously the figures for all the 
countries, and drawing therefrom the total for the world in the form 
of a Single Numerical Statement, showed that the deficits were 
amply balanced by the surpluses, and that the world, as a whole, had 
produced substantially the same amount as the previous year. The 
effect of this was to steady the market and maintain normal prices, 
preventing the bearing down of the price in countries where the 
product was unusually abundant, and unjustifiable advances in 
countries where there was a deficit in the crop. Thus the Institute 
acts as an instrument towards making equity in exchange. 

What has thus far been set forth is but a mere outline of some 
phases of the work done by the Institute. The limited space at my 
command does not permit further detail. This must be left for the 
discussion promised on the subjects to be brought up at this Congress. 

Substantially, then, the International Institute of Agriculture is 
to provide the world with a new measure ; a measure of the world's 
supply of the staples of agriculture ; a measure as important in 
economic well-being as is the “ dry measure,” the ‘‘ liquid measure,” 
or the “time measure.” And since the surest criterion between a 
lower and a higher civilisation is the comparative perfection of 
weights and measures, and their just application, it must follow that 
the Institute in this work is destined to serve as one of the rungs in 
the evolutionary ladder of civilisation 

Wt talk of the Flag, of Liberty, of Freedom, but in the 100 cents of 



-RACES -CONGEE!^;.' 

- V iv ■'!■■■ ■ ■ ■ 

is not each cent a measure of liberty, a measure i 
Hfis^ riot its owner the liberty to exchange each cent for a 
mjcaeure of goods or for a certain measure of leisure ? Hence it must 
follow that a cause which robs the cent of its purchasing power robs 
its owner of a like measure of liberty and freedom. 

It was to prevent this universal, this international, robbery that 
the nations ratified the treaty establishing this Institute. 

But a most important function of the Institute has yet to be 
stated : the International Institute of Agriculture is destined to 
become the world*s temple of peace. 

And on this head let me quote what Professor Carver of Harvard 
University says : — 


I am particularly interested in the possibilities of the Institute as a factor in 
international peace. If the leading nations can be brought together in any kind 
of co-operative work for the general good of the civilised world, such as your 
system of crop-reporting, the very fact of working together will tend to produce 
friendship, and to make war hereafter impossible. It is probable that inter- 
national unity will never come about by merely saying “ Go to now, let us be 
united," but it will come about by just this form of co-operative work for a 
useful purpose, without much immediate thought as to its future reactions in 
the field of international friendship. 


The sages and prophets of our day find their task easier than 
of yore, for the time has at last come when it is beginning to be 
understood that robbery, covetous greed, or disorder is not nearly 
as profitable as Equity, Service, and Order. It is now beginning 
to be understood that the economic gloom of one country casts 
its dark shadow of loss and suffering on all other countries, and 
that the sun of prosperity which shines in one country sheds its 
beneficent rays abroad, blessing all the other countries. 

And what mode is there for the surer and quicker realisation 
of International Equity, of International Service, and of International 
Order than through an International Parliament? 

But Parliaments, and above all International Parliaments, do 
not come, nor would they endure, without a struggle. And this 
applies particularly to this first international economic parliament, 
the International Institute of Agriculture. The forces which find 
it in their interest to disintegrate its structure are among the 
most crafty and powerful in the world, and they have a reach 
which goes direct to the heart of Governments. 

Those, therefore, who champion the cause of international amity, 
should be among the first to take up an unmistakable stand in 
relation to this beginning of international parliamentary life ; they 
may justify their activity in this field of service in behalf of peace 
by their support of the International Institute of Agriculture 
and there can be no place or occasion better suited towards this 
appeal than this first Universal Races Congress. 

IPaper submitted in English,'] 



BATAK INSTITUTE AT LEYDEN 

By Dr. A. W. Nieuwenhuis, 

Professor of Ethnography in the University of Leyden, 

The considerations that led to the establishment of the Batak 
Institute at Leyden (1908) are as follows. Colonial Powers know, 
as a rule, far too little of the peoples of different races under their 
sway to be able to maintain an intercourse with them that may be 
• called rational in all respects or to establish a rule in harmony with 
the opinions of the subject-race the popular institutions based 
on them. By th*^ word “rule” we must not chiefly understand 
administration a. id legislation, and certainly not these alone, but, 
first and foremost, the guidance of a people along paths that may 
lead to a healthy elevation of the standard of the whole of their 
social, economic, intellectual, and ethical life in harmony with their 
physical and psychical capabilities. 

In order to acquire the knowledge that is indispensable for the 
accomplishment of this purpose in colonies as extensive as the Dutch 
Indies, it seems necessary that the first steps should be taken by 
private initiative, which is freer in its movements than Government, 
and that these early attempts should be focussed on a carefully 
chosen and sharply defined sphere. In this manner, hints may be 
collected for the Government as to the general policy which it 
should pursue, and an example may be set of intercourse between a 
Western and an Eastern race that is equally beneficial to both parties. 

It was partly the influence of existing circumstances, partly 
personal reasons, that made the choice for a first attempt in this 
direction fall on the Batak, a tribe inhabiting the central mountain 
regions and plateaux of the northern part of Sumatra between the 
Menanghabau countries in the south and Acheh ( Acheen) in the north. 

After a careful preparation which began in 1905, after obtaining 
information from officials as well as from private persons, and after 
consultation with various Departments of State, scientific associations, 
and missionary societies, the following method of setting to work 
was decided upon : — 

(i) To bring together in a separate library as complete a collection as 
possible of the extant literature (including records, archives, and other reports), 
(2) To publish a survey (bibliography) of this collection. (3) To enter into 
personal relations with officials and private persons living in the country and to 
ensure their co-operation for the future, which is necessary for the acquisition 
and extension of our knowledge of local conditions, wants, and circumstances, 
(4) To compose a simple collective work, after the example of the Anglo-Indian 
District Gazetteers, which will give a summary account of what we know and 
what we do not know about the region under discussion. 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

“• This work has been carried out (from 1905 to 1911) by a per- 
manent official, under the superintendence and guidance of the 
“ directorium,” who, having spent several years in a special part of 
the country of the Batak, and from the nature of his profession had 
had an opportunity of obtaining considerable knowledge of both 
people and country. 

This work, however necessary as a preparation, is, if not wholly, 
at least chiefly, theoretical, and will have to be followed by practical 
measures, which will be much more expensive. The Institute has 
already made a beginning with this second task. Some time ago 
attention was directed to the exploitation (probably for the greater 
part through irrigation) of a fairly extensive plateau (the plateau of 
Sibolangit) situated in the higher parts of Deli and inhabited by 
Batak. Moreover, encouragement is given to the spreading of the 
Dutch language among the Batak who wish to learn it. Lastly, the 
Institute undertook to send out (February, 1911) an agriculturist 
with good practical and theoretical knowledge, who is at the same 
time no stranger in the department of commerce. His destination 
was the Karo plateau in the highlands, far inland, in the district of 
the east coast of Sumatra, which is rich in plantations. The purpose 
of this mission was to bring the natives, especially through practical 
demonstration, to a wiser conduct of their principal branch of cultiva- 
tion, VIZ., of rice, and to the growing of such produce as is likely to 
find a favourable market in the lowlands — in Deli first of all, perhaps 
afterwards also in the Straits Settlements. 

If this attempt proves successful it will, on the one hand, promote 
the economic progress of the natives and, on the other hand, attract 
the interest of the European colonists to the Batak and their country. 

Already a “ Batak Society ” has been established at Medan (1909), 
and it proposes to support the measures taken in the interests of the 
Batak and their country. 

[ra/>(r submitted in Enghsli,] 



FIFTH SESSION 


THE MODERN CONSCIENCE IN RELATION TO 
RACIAL QUESTIONS {GENERAL) 


THE FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLE OF INTER 
RACIAL ETHICS, AND SOME PRACTICAL 
APPLICATIONS OF IT 

By Dr. Felix Adler, 

Professor of Social Ethics in Columbia University^ New York. 

In so brief a paper on so large a subject, a bare indication of 
certain principal ideas must needs suffice. The first thought to 
be mentioned is the indispensableness of more explicit conceptions 
of the ideal to be realised in international relations This Congress 
is devoted to the promotion of right international relations. Right 
relations are essentially ideal relations. The unethical conditions 
now prevailing between the different national and racial groups are 
due, in no small degree, to false ideals. False ideals can only be 
met and overcome by true. But what are the true ideals ? Looking 
forward to the future of humanity, what sort of relations between 
its different components should we consider satisfactory? This 
question, surely, cannot be evaded. 

In regard to the goal ahead, two errors are often committed. 
The one is illustrated by the use made of the phrase, ^‘The 
parliament of man and the federation of the world.” A parliament, 
a political device or instrument intended, in a general way, to secure 
beneficent ends, and admittedly securing them most imperfectly, is 
presented to the imagination as the terminus ad quern of international 
progress; and this instead of a distinct statement of the ends them- 
selves towards which international progress is to be directed. It 
seems to be the opinion of those who take this poetic phrase more 

261 



UNIVERSAL RACES -CONGRESS 

i. 

or less literally that if only, in some capitol of the whole earth, 
a parliament could be got together representing all the different 
terrestrial interests, the welfare of mankind would be assured. j 

It is forgotten that no parliament ever yet existed which h^ 
learned to do justice even to the narrower set of interests confided 
to it ; that no parliament has as yet been free from the taint of class 
legislation and favouritism. And whether a parliament having for its 
constituency all the populations of the earth would be a manageable 
institution, and whether, if it could be set to work, it would operate 
more equably for the benefit of all than the present national 
parliaments, is, at least, an open question.* The second and more 
common" error is to dismiss as visionary all thought of the ultimate 
goal, and to concentrate effort on the next step to be taken (without 
regard to whither it may ultimately lead) : the next step being relief 
from the pressure of present evils. The international situation is 
full of menace and cause for the gravest anxiety. What are we 
coming to, with all these incessant warlike preparations, this strain 
upon the economic resources of the civilised nations, the new peril 
due to the closer approach — with all the possibilities of friction 
involved — of the Occidental and Oriental peoples? The human 
race has run into a kind of blind alley, from which, by merely going 
on as heretofore, there is no escape It must in some fashion 
retrace its steps and proceed in a new direction. We have plunged 
into a kind of morass. Should it not be our first and ex<;^lusive 
concern, it is said — offr next step — to try ,tp extricate 0|ji|iiplves 
from this marsh ; to put /erra firma under our feet ; in other^rds, 
by means of arbitration treaties, international courts, and the like, to 
secure peace ? 

But what is it that has brought us to such a pass? Is it not false 
ideals — false military ideals, false ideals of national prestige and of 
material aggrandisement? And by what psychological and moral 
enginery shall we be lifted out of the marsh, if not by that of better 
and sounder ideals? Peace itself is only a means, not an end. To 
what end, then, do we desire peace? This is the most pertinent 
question of all. Is it for the multiplication of the sources of material 
enjoyment? Is it for the development of culture? — and if so, is it 
for the development of a single type of civilisation — Western 
civilisation, for instance? And is this to be extended universally, 
suppressing every other type? Whatever the end, let it be defined ; 

* This is not intended to discredit the idea of such an Amphyctionic council, or of a 
veritable parliament of nations, but to draw attention to the fact that a parliament 
IS a means to an end , that the means cannot work successfully without a clear and 
just conception of the end to be promoted This, indeed, is lacking as yet within the 
field of national politics, and clarification as to the international ideals woul4 have 
a retro-active effect upon national ideals as well. 



FIFTH SESSION J63 

let it be put into the foreground ; let it be envisaged in distinct 
outline.* ‘ 

The appeal to sympathy alone will not suffice* We have in 
modern times, it is true, become moie sensitive to pain ; and the 
horrors of war, when depicted by graphic pens, evoke temporarily 
a profound revulsion. But sympathy is in its nature fluctuating, and 
in larger groups of men, as well as in individuals, it is apt to alternate 
with the hardest kind of selfishness. Nor will the waste of war and 
the impoverishment that follows in its train serve as a deterrent. In 
moments of passion, a kind of frenzy is apt to be generated ; all 
considerations of advantage are apt to be throwm to the winds ; and 
all the arguments that an enlightened selfishness can produce are 
addressed to deaf ears. Nor will the growth of democracy prove 
a sufficient safeguard against the plague of war. On the contrary, a 
novel peril appears in the contagious rapidity with which emotional 
excitement is propagated among crowds ; and democracies, as ex- 
perience has shown, are quite as ready to kindle at the thought of 
conquest and are quite as likely to become delirious at the bare 
suspicion of an affront to national honour as single rulers or aris- 
tocracies. A stronger motive is needed , one that will appeal, not so 
much to ephemeral feeling or to the baser selfish instincts as to the 
most permanent and the loftiest of human interests, if, in the 
long run, the objects which the peace movement has in view are 
to be achieved. Not peace itself, but the ends which peace is to 
subserve, should be held up to view. As l^naxagoras observed to 
Pericles, “ They who desire the lamp, will feed the oil ” : they who 
desire the lamp and light of ultimate right international relations, 
will be the most effective workers for the peace which is the stne qua 
non of such relations. 

The purpose of this paper is really fulfilled in what has already 
been said. What remains is a short statement, intended to serve, by 
way of illustration, of the ideal principle as apprehended by the 
writer. This principle is that of the organisation of humanity. It 
is sometimes hastily assumed that society is actually an organism.® 

' The above remarks are not intended to encourage the construction of Utopias, 
although even these have their value ; yet it is imposbible to look ahead far enough to 
elaborate m detail the picture of a desirable condition of human hie m the distant 
future This will depend on conditions and changes in condition which no one can 
now forecast. It is possible, however, to formulate a point of view, a principle, and 
a rule of conduct which shall determine the actions of men in the effort to secure the 
desirable future. Attempts at such formulations within the narrower political circum- 
scription of the State have not been wanting. It is the plea of this paper that they 
should be more bravely applied to the relations of State with State, and that the 
problems of international ethics, as distinct from international law, should be more 
vigorously attacked 

® The word “ organism” in the above is used for lack of a better. In reality, a new 
<^nage is needed, A term like “ met-orgamc,” formed on the analogy of met-empiric^l, 



264;: UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

This is far from being the case. But the goal to be kept in view, 
the directive principle, is that of the progressive organisation of the , 
relations between peoples and racial groups. 

And in the concept “ organisation ” are involved two postulates. 
One is the obligation to promote the utmost differentiation of the 
types of culture, the utmost variety and richness in the expression of 
the fundamental human faculties. The garden of humanity should 
present the spectacle of flowers infinitely varied in hue and fragrance. 
The human orchard should include trees bearing the most diverse 
fruit. It has often been said that greed and the lust of dominion are 
the principal causes of strife among nations. But it is certain that 
conceit in regard to one’s own type of culture is equally one of 
the great contributing causes of war. This sort of conceit was 
characteristic of the ancients — Greeks, Romans, Hebrews, &c. — but 
it is no less conspicuous at the present time, especially among those 
who prefix the syllable “ pan ” to their racial designations — the Pan- 
Slavists, the Pan-Teutons, and those who believe in extending the 
predominance of the Anglo-Saxon race over the whole globe, &c. 

Even some of the wisest of philosophers have fallen a prey to 
this delusion, this species of conceit. A man like Fichte, for 
instance, who is particularly esteemed on account of his ethical 
sensitiveness, represents his own people, the Germans, as the elect 
priesthood of culture, the torch-bearers from whom all others are 
to receive their light. It may be remarked by the way that this 
curious spiritual arrogance, this over-straining of claims, is probably 

might be more suitable. Such words as “organism ” and “organisation’' suggest the 
animal organism as a prototype to be copied , but wherever the notion of oiganism 
has been restiicted to this prototype the results have been ethically undesiiable. For, 
m the animal as in the plant, theie is ever some one pie-eminent organ or organs 
in which the significance of the whole is emphasised and to which the other 
organs and their functions are subordinated , hence, when biological analogies are 
pressed, when the animal oiganism is taken as the pattein on which the human world 
IS to be fashioned, the lesulting social systems are of an aiistocratic oi monarchical 
character — some one function, like the military or the priestly, being assigned the 
role of expressing the life and purpose of the society as a whole, and all other social 
functions and those who peiform them being ticated as subseivient. It is for this 
reason that the oiganic theory of the State has, in modern times, become suspect, as 
associated with reactionary tendencies. 

The met-oiganic idea, on the other hand, is spiritual, and not animal, in derivation. 
Its distinguishing feature is that it excludes the notion of menial functions and 
functionaries. The distinction between high and low is empirical and based on the 
consideration of value The spiritual view is based on the consideration of worth. 
And worth resides in eveiy member of the social body, no matter how humble the 
station he occupies, in so far, namely, as he dischaigcs his particular function with 
the whole in mind, that is to say, with a view of so fulfilling his function as to 
promote thereby the lecipiocally stimulative interplay of the whole system of 
functions. 

On this point a bare allusion must here suffice, to prevent confusion of the term 
used with the current biological conceptions. A (fuller statement will be attenipted ' 
elsewhere. 



FIFTH SESSION 


265 

due to the absence, as yet, of assured recognit/on f<;>r national claims, 
however just The bellum omnium contra omnes still looms up as a 
constantly menacing possibility in international affairs ; and hence 
any people with a literature of its own, an art of its own, legal 
and religious institutions that correspond to its Volksgeist — any 
people, in a word, that has created a specific culture-type, and 
rightly cherishes it, is still compelled to face the eventuality of 
hostile neighbours attacking and destroying the spiritual fruitage 
it has produced. But whatever the cause, it is certain that pride 
of culture — / e., of one’s own specific culture, as superior to every other 
— is one of the chief elements of danger in the international situation. 

The principle of organisation is designed to procure a modifi- 
cation, in this respect, of the opinion of the educated classes in all 
countries — for the educated classes are, after all, the leaders of the 
uneducated, and there is reason to hope that if a less provincial con- 
ception of culture shall have gained ground among the former, it will 
gradually be extended to the latter. At any rate, we must depend 
for the peace and progress of the world upon the formation of a 
horizontal upper layer of cultured persons among all the more 
civilised peoples — a cross-section, as it were, of the nations, whose 
convictions and sentiments shall supply the moral force on which 
international arbitration courts and similar agencies will have to 
depend. 

The one postulate, then, of the principle we are discussing is 
that variety of the types of civilisation among mankind — rather 
than the universal prevalence of a single type, the others being 
suppressed — is desirable, and not only desirable, but the ethical 
aim towards which the efforts of the genuine lovers of progress 
should be bent. It may seem strange that a proposition of this 
kind requires to be emphasised , and yet this is undoubtedly 
necessary in view of the tendencies now clearly prevailing in the 
opposite direction. Surely the interdependence of the different 
species of culture is a patent fact. Surely the reciprocal influence 
of French, Italian, English, German culture on each other is 
obvious to the most casual student of history. Surely the educated 
Englishman of to-day would have, as it were, a limb of his own 
intellectual life amputated, would be seriously impoverished in his 
own spiritual being, if Germany and German civilisation were to be 
obliterated, or their further growth violently checked, and conversely ; 
and so of all the rest. It is often said that the financial and economic 
interests of different nations are now so intimately bound up with one 
another that war is becoming foolish, because after a victorious war 
the conqueror would find himself worse off economically, on account 
of the destruction of capital which he has inflicted on the conquered. 



3i66. universal races CONGRESS 

But if this be true of material interests, how much more is it true of 
spiritual interests ! 

The second postulate involved in the principle of organisation 
is that any particular culture-type is not only stimulated and enriched 
.by the absorption of elements derived from elsewhere, but that the 
flaws, as well as the excellent features of any type of culture, may be 
best detected in the effect it produces on other types. Of us as 
individuals it may be said that we live in our radiations ; that the 
kind of influence we exert upon those with whom we come in con- 
tact is the truest measure of the degree of perfection or imperfection 
inherent in us. And the same is true of the larger collective groups 
of men. The qualities and defects of Occidental civilisation, for 
instance, nowhere appear so strikingly as in the effect we have pro- 
duced on Oriental peoples. In some respects this effect has been 
palpably beneficial. The mechanical inventions, the science, the 
educational methods of the West have been imported into the 
East, and in countries like Japan, and to some extent in China, 
are being rapidly assimilated. On the other hand, we have inflicted 
incalculable spiritual harm upon the nations of the East by under- 
mining the religious foundations upon which their civilisation has 
rested, and by failing to replace adequately the supports which we are 
breaking down. One of the profoundest problems of the world to-day 
is here apparent — the problem of what is ultimately to be the result 
of the intrusion of Western thought. Western science, Western forms of 
government, upon great populations whose Volksgeist rejects Western 
agnosticism, and who have shown but a limited degree of receptivity 
to Western forms of religion. And the ill effects which we have 
wrought, and which it is to be feared our influence may further oper- 
ate in the future — do they not reveal in glaring fashion the dis- 
harmonies that exist within our own Western civilisation, the broken 
unity of life from which we ourselves suffer, the onesidedness and 
unsatisfactoriness of the type of culture by which we attempt to live ? 

The thought I am aiming to express is that the give-and-take 
relation between the culture-types (and the more numerous and 
varied they are, the better) not only serves the purpose of enrich- 
ment, not only serves to prevent ossification and decay, but also 
serves to expose the weak points at which radical efforts at recupera- 
tion and improvement are requisite. If humanity is ever to become a 
corpus organtcum spintuale — and that is the aim — then a conception 
based on reciprocity of cultural influence, favourable to the greatest 
possible variety of types, and assuring to the different groups of man- 
kind their integrity as distinct members, in order that they may 
make manifest the distinctive gifts with which Nature has endowed 
them, seems unavoidable. 



FIFTH SESSION 


367 

It has been said of late that, however moral considerations may 
prevail between individuals, the rule upon which nations must act is 
the rule of selfishness. If we are ever to get beyond this barbarous 
view, it must be with the help of an ideal principle which shall teach 
the wiser national self-love as against this crude national selfishness, 
and which shall make it plain that the ends of the wiser self-love are 
only to be attained by fostering the seemingly alien ends of others. 

The space at my command does not permit more than this short 
sketch ; nor is it possible to do more than state two practical 
objects upon which, in obedience to the considerations here presented, 
our endeavours might be concentrated. The one relates to our 
dealings with the uncivilised races. To them should be applied 
what may be called the methods of race pedagogy.” Close atten- 
tion should be paid to any experiments that have up to now been 
conducted in the schooling of primitive communities ; the conditions 
of success, where a measure of success has been achieved, should be 
noted, and new experiments of this kind should be undertaken on a 
large scale. Systematic agricultural and industrial training seem, 
perhaps, to promise, in the case of the backward races, the best results. 
But no efforts of this kind can be considered exemplary which are not 
animated by a disinterested desire to benefit the people to be educated. 
With some fine exceptions, we have had, until now, chiefly exploita- 
tion of the backward races : on the one hand, inhumane exploitation 
for the sole benefit of the exploiters; and then, again, humane treat- 
ment of the backward races, but still for the benefit of the exploiters, 
on the assumption that kindness and patience in the long run pay 
best. What is now needed is humane treatment of the backward 
races for the benefit of those races themselves — that is, in the long 
run for the benefit of humanity in general. 

And the second practical object to which attention should be 
devoted relates to the intellectual and moral equipment of colonial 
administrators and members of the diplomatic service. If the ethical 
conception here presented be valid, the greatest stress should be 
laid, in the case of those who come into direct influential contact with 
foreign groups, on a detailed study by them of the people to whom 
they are sent — of their customs, manners, laws, literature, religion, and 
art. And it should be the aim of those who direct such studies to 
engender in the students a generous appreciation of all that is fine 
and worthy in the character and culture of the alien people. For 
only friendliness will secure a hearing, and only those who sincerely 
appreciate the excellent qualities of foreigners can help them over- 
come their deficiencies and lead them along the path of further 
progressive development. 

[Paper submitted %n English ] 



'268 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

THE JEWISH RACE 

By Israel Zangwill, London, 

To sum up in a few thousand words a race which has energised for 
^ four thousand years is a task which can only be executed, if at all, 
by confining oneself to elementals. And of these elementals the first 
and most important is the soul of the people. The soul of the Jewish 
race is best seen in the Bible, saturated from the first page of the Old 
Testament to the last page of the New with the aspiration for a 
righteous social order, and an ultimate unification of mankind of 
which, in all specifically Jewish literature, the Jewish race is to be 
the medium and missionary. Wild and rude as were the beginnings 
of this race, frequent as were its backslidings, and great as were — 
and are — its faults, this aspiration is continuous in its literature even 
up to the present day. There is every reason to believe that the 
historic texts of the Old Testament were redacted in the interests of 
this philosophy of history, but this pious falsification is very different 
from the self-glorification of all other epics Israel appears through- 
out not as a hero, but as a sinner who cannot rise to his r6le of 
redeemer, of “ servant of the Lord ” — that r61e of service, not 
dominance, for which his people was chosen.'' The Talmud, the 
innumerable volumes of saintly Hebrew thought, the Jewish liturgy, 
whether in its ancient or its mediaeval strata, the “ modernist ” plat- 
forms of reformed American synagogues, all echo and re-echo this 
conception of “ the Jewish mission." Among the masses it naturally 
transformed itself into nationalism, but even this narrower concept of 
the chosen people" found poetic expression as a tender intimacy 
between God and Israel. “ With everlasting love hast Thou loved 
the house of Israel, Thy people , a Law and commandments, statutes 
^nd judgments, hast Thou taught us . . . Blessed art Thou, O Lord, 
who lovest Thy people, Israel " Such is the evening benediction still 
uttered by millions of Hebrew lips. 

And the performance of this Law and these commandments, 
statutes, and judgments, covering as they did the whole of life, pro- 
duced — despite the tendency of all law to over-formality — a domestic 
ritual of singular beauty and poetry, a strenuous dietary and religious 
rigimCy and tender and self-controlling traits of character, which have 
combined to make the Jewish masses as far above their non- Jewish 
environment as the Jewish wealthier classes are below theirs. No, 
demos in the world is so saturated with idealism and domestic virtue, 
and when it is compared with the yet uncivilised and brutalised 
masses of Europe, when, for example, the lowness of its infantile 
mortality or the healthiness of its school children is contrasted^ with 



FIFTH SESSION 


269 

th^ appalling statistics of its neighbour^, there is sound scientific 
warrant for endorsing even in its narrowest ftirm its claim to be “ a 
xbosen people/' 

This extraordinary race arose as a pastoral clan in Mesopotamia, 
roved to Palestine, thence to Egypt, and after a period of slavery 
returned to Palestine as conquerors and agriculturists, there to 
practise the theocratic code imposed by Moses (perhaps the noblest 
figure in all history), and to evolve in the course of the ages a poetic 
and prophetic literature of unparalleled sublimity. That union of 
spirituality, intellectuality, and fighting-power in the breed, which 
raised it above all ancient races except the Greek, was paid for by an 
excessive individualism which distracted and divided the State. 
Jerusalem fell before the legions of Titus. But half a century before 
it fell it had produced Christianity, and thus entered on a new 
career of world-conquest. And five centuries after the destruction of 
Jerusalem, its wandering scions had impregnated Mohammed with 
the ideas of Islam. Half the world was thus won for Hebraism in 
some form or other and the notion of “the Jewish mission” trium- 
phantly vindicated. A nucleus of the race, however, still persisted, 
partly by nationalist instinct, partly by the faith that its doctrines 
had been adulterated by illegitimate elements and its mission was 
still unaccomplished ; and it is this persistence to-day of a Hebrew 
population of twelve millions — a Jewdom larger than any that its 
ancient conquerors had ever boasted of crushing — which constitutes 
the much-discussed Jewish problem. 

But there was a Jewish diaspora even before Jerusalem fell — 
settlements of Jews all round the Mediterranean, looking, however, 
to Jerusalem as a national and religious centre. The Book of Esther 
is historically dubious, but it contains one passage which is a summary 
of Jewish history : “ And Hainan said unto King Ahasuerus, There 
is a certain people scattered abroad and dispersed among the people 
in all the provinces of thy kingdom, and their laws are diverse from 
all people ; neither keep they the King’s laws : therefore it is not for 
the King’s profit to suffer them. If it please the King, let it be 
written that they may be destroyed.” The Jewish problem in fact, 
from the Gentile point of view, is entirely artificial. It springs 
exclusively from Christian or heathen injustice and intolerance, from 
the oppression of minorities, from the universal law of dislike for the 
unlike. In Russia, which harbours nearly half of his race, the Jew 
is confined to a Pale and forbidden the villages even of that Pale, he 
is cramped and crippled at every phase of his existence, he must 
fight for Russia but cannot advance in the Army or the Navy or the 
Government service, except at the price of baptism. Occasionally 
bancfe of Black Hundreds are loosed upon him in bloody pogroms^ 



ijo UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

hut his everyday existence has not even this tragic dignity. It ite 4 ^ 
sordid story of economic oppression designed to keep this mere 4 pef 
cent, of the population from dominating Holy Russia. Ten years 
ago Count Fahlen's Commission reported that “ 90 per cent, of the 
Jews in the Pale have no staple occupation/' and if the Government 
enforces the Sunday Law recently passed by the Duma, it means 
that they will in many cases be forced to choose between their own 
Sabbath and semi-starvation. Already the ancient hope and virtue 
of the most cheerful of races are slowly asphyxiating in the never- 
lifting fog of poverty and persecution. A similar situation in 
Roumania, if on a smaller scale as affecting only a quarter of a 
million of Jews, is accentuated in bitterness by Roumanians refusal to 
fulfil the obligation of equal treatment she undertook at the Berlin 
Congress, and the passivity of the Powers in presence of violated 
treaties adds to the Jewish tragedy the tragedy of a world grown 
callous of its own spiritual interests. The Jews, whose connection 
with Roumania is at least fifteen centuries old, are not even classed 
as citizens. They are ‘‘ vagabonds." In Morocco the situation of the 
Jews is one of unspeakable humiliation. They are confined to a 
Mellah, and, as the Moroccan proverb puts it, “ One may kill as 
many as seven Jews without being punished." The Jews have even 
to pickle the heads of decapitated rebels. Tested by the Judaeo- 
meter, Germany herself is still uncivilised, for if she has had no 
Dreyfus case, it is perhaps because no Jew is permitted military rank. 
Even in America, with its lip-formula of brotherhood, a gateless 
Ghetto has been created by the isolation of the Jews from the 
general social life. 

But if from the Gentile point of view the Jewish problem is an 
artificial creation, there is a very real Jewish problem from the Jewish 
point of view — a problem which grows in exact proportion to the 
diminution of the artificial problem. Orthodox Judaism in the 
diaspora cannot exist except in a Ghetto, whether imposed from 
without or evolved from within. Rigidly professing Jews cannot 
enter the general social life and the professions. Jews qua Jews 
were better off in the Dark Ages, living as chattels of the King 
under his personal protection and to his private profit, or in the ages 
when they were confined in Ghettos. Even in the Russian Pale a 
certain measure of autonomy still exists. It is emancipation that 
brings the Jewish ‘Jewish problem." It is precisely in Italy with its 
Jewish Prime Minister and its Jewish Syndic of Rome that this 
problem is most acute The Saturday Sabbath imposes economic 
limitations even when the State has abolished them. As Shylock 
pointed out, his race cannot eat or drink with the Geptile. Indeed, 
social intercourse would lead to intermarriage. Unless Judaisih is 



FIFTH SESSION / ’ 271 

' ' \ '' I 

tefottned it is, in the language of Heine, a misfortune, and if it is , 
reformed, it cannot logically confine its teachingslo^e Hebrew race,fl 
which, lacking the normal protection of a territory, must be swallowecf 
up by its proselytes. 

The comedy and tragedy of Jewish existence to-day derive 
primarily from this absence of a territory in which the race could 
live its own life. For the religion which has preserved it through the 
long dark centuries of dispersion has also preserved its territorial 
traditions in an almost indissoluble amalgam of religion and history, 
Palestine soil clings all about the roots of the religion, which has, 
however, only been transplanted at the cost of fossilisation. The old 
agricultural festivals are observed at seasons with which, in many 
lands of the exile, they have no natural connection. The last 
national victory celebrated— -that of Judas Maccabaeus — is two 
thousand years old ; the last popular fast dates from the first 
century of the Christian era. The Jew agonising in the Russian 
Pale rejoices automatically in his Passover of Freedom, in his 
exodus from Egypt. P>en while the tribal traits had still the 
potential fluidity of life, neither Greeks nor Romans could change 
this tenacious race. Its dispersion from Palestine merely indurated 
its traditions by freeing them from the possibility of common develop- 
ment. The religious customs defended by Josephus against Apion 
are still the rule of the majority. Even new traits superimposed by 
their history upon fractions of the race are conserved with equal 
tenacity. The Jews expelled from Spain in 1492 still retain a 
sub-loyalty to the King of Spain and speak a Spanish idiom, 
printed in Hebrew characters, which preserves in the Orient words 
vanished from the lips of actual Spaniards and to be found only 
in Cervantes. 

This impotency to create afresh — which is the negative aspect 
of conservatism — translated itself, after the final revolt of Bar Cochba 
against the Romans early in the second century, into a pious resig- 
nation The Jewish exile was declared to be the will of God, which 
it was even blasphemous to struggle against, and the Jews, in a 
strange and unique congruity with the teachings of the prophet they 
rejected, turned the other cheek to the smiter and left to Ciesar the 
things that were Caesar’s, concentrating themselves in every land 
of the exile upon industry, domesticity, and a transmuted religion, 
in which realities were desiccated into metaphors, and the Temple 
sacrifices sublimated into prayers. Rabbinic opportunism, while on 
the one hand keeping alive the hope that these realities, however 
gross, would come back in God’s good time, went so far in the other 
direction as to lay it down that the law of the land was the law 
of the Jews. Everything in short — in this transitional period between 



'IpB ' tmiVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

V, '' "'■S'' ' j 

the ancient glory and the Messianic era to come — was sacrificed 
to the ideal of mere survival. The mediaeval teacher Maimonides 
laid it down that to preserve life even Judaism might be abandoned 
in all but its holiest minimum. Thus — under the standing menace 
of massacre and spoliation — arose Crypto-Jews or Marranos, who, 
frequently at the risk of the stake or sword, carried on their Judaism 
in secret. Catholics in Spain and Portugal, Protestants in England, 
they were in Egypt or Turkey Mohammedans. Indeed, the Donmek 
still flourish in Salonika and provide the Young Turks with states- 
men , the Balearic Islands still shelter the Chiutas^ and only half 
a century ago persecution produced the Yedil-al-Islam in Central 
Asia. Russia must be full of Greek Christians w'ho have remained 
Jewish at heart. Last year a number of Russian Jews, shut out 
from a University career and seeking the lesser apostasy, became 
Mohammedans, only to find that for them the Trinity was the sole 
avenue to educational and social salvation. 

Where existence could be achieved legally, yet not without social 
inferiority, a minor form of Crypto- Judaism was begotten, which 
prevails to-day in most lands of Jewish emancipation, among its 
symptoms being change of names, accentuated local patriotism, 
accentuated abstention from Jewish affairs, and even anti-Semitism 
mimetically absorbed from the environment Indeed, Marranoism, 
both in its major and minor forms, may be regarded as an exemplifi- 
cation of the Darwinian theory of protective ^oiouring. This 
pervasive assimilating force acts even upon the most faithful, 
undermining more subtly than persecution the life-conceptions so 
tenaciously perpetuated. 

Nor is there anywhere in the Jewish world of to-day any centri- 
petal force to counteract these universal tendencies to dissipation. 
The religion is shattered into as many fragments as the race. After 
the fall of Jerusalem the Academy of Jabneh carried on the authori- 
tative tradition of the Sanhedrm In the Middle Ages there was the 
Asefah or Synod to unify Jews under Judaism. From the middle of 
the sixteenth to the middle of the eighteenth century the Waad 
or Council of Four Lands legislated almost autonomously ip, those 
central European regions where the mass of the Jews of the world 
was then congregated. To-day there is no centre of authority, 
whether religious or political. Reform itself is infinitely individual, 
and nothing remains outside a few centres of congestion but a chaiOiff' 
of dissolving views and dissolving communities, saved from utter 
disappearance by persecution and racial sympathy. The notion that 
Jewish interests are Jesuitically federated or that Jewish financiers 
use their power for Jewish ends is one of the most ironic of myths. 
No Jewish people or nation now exists, no Jews even as sectarians of 



FIFTH SESSION 


273 


a specific faith with a specific centre of authority such as Catholics 
or Wesleyans possess ; nothing but a multitude of individuals, a mob 
hopelessly amorphous, divided alike in religion and political destiny. 
There is no common platform from which the Jews can be addressed, 
no common council to which any appeal can be made. Their only 
unity is negative — that unity imposed by the hostile hereditary 
vision of the ubiquitous Haman. They live in what scientists call 
symbiosis with every other people, each group surrendered to its 
own local fortunes. This habit of dispersed ajid dependent existence 
has become second nature, and the Jews are the first to doubt 
whether they could now form a polity of their own. Like Aunt 
Judy in John Bull's Other Island^ who declined to breakfast out 
of doors because the open air was “ not natural,” the bulk of the 
Jews consider a Jewish State as a political perversion. There are no 
subjects more zealous for their adopted fatherlands ; indeed, they 
are only too patriotic. There are no Ottomans .so Young-Turkish 
as the Turkish Jews, no Americans so spread-eagle as the American 
Jews, no section of Britain so Jingo as Anglo-Jewry, which even 
converts the Chanukah Celebration of Maccabaean valour into a 
British military festival. Of the two British spies now confined 
in German fortresses one is a Jew. The French Jewry and the 
German reproduce in miniature the Franco-German rivalries, and 
the latter even apes the aggressive Welt-Politik, All this ultra- 
patriotism is probably due to Jews feeling consciously what the 
other citizens take subconsciously as a matter of course ; doubtless, 
too, a certain measure of Marranoism or protective mimicry enters 
into the ostentation. At any rate, each section of J^wry, wherever it 
is permitted entrance into the general life, invariably evolves a some- 
what overcoloured version of the life in which it finds itself embedded, 
and fortunate must be accounted the peoples which have at hand so 
gifted aiwJ serviceable a race, proud to wear their livery. 

What wonder that Jews are the chief ornaments of the stage, that 
this chameleon quality finds its profit in artistic mimicry as well as 
in biological. Rachel, the child of a foreign pedlar in a Paris slum, 
teaches purity of diction to the Faubourg St. Germain ; Sarah 
Bernhardt, the daughter of Dutch Jews, carries the triumph of 
Fr|tnch acting across the Atlantic. A Hungarian Jew, Ludwig 
Baxnay, played a leading r61e in the theatrical history of Germany, 
and another, von Sonnenthal, in that of Austria. For if, like all 
bther peoples, the Jews can only show a few individuals of creative 
genius — a Heine, a Spinoza, a Josef Israels, a Mendelssohn, &c. — 
they flourish in all the interpretative arts out of all proportion to 
their numbers. They flood the conccrt-platforms — whether as con- 
ductifrs, singers, or performers. As composers they are more 

T 



2|4 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

melodious than epoch-making. Till recently unpractised in paints 
ing and sculpture, they are now copiously represented in every 
gallery and movement, though only rarely as initiators. Indeed, 
the Jew is a born intermediary, and every form of artistic and 
commercial agency falls naturally into his hands. He is the con- 
noisseur par excellence y the universal art-dealer. His gift of tongues, 
his relationship with all the lands of the exile, mark him out for 
success in commerce and finance, in journalism and criticism, in 
scholarship and travel. It was by their linguistic talents that the 
adventurous journeys of Arminius Vimb^ry and Emin Pasha were 
made possible. If a Russian Jew, Berenson, is the chief authority on 
Italian art, and George Brandes, the Dane, is Europe’s greatest 
critic, if Reuter initiated telegraphic news and Blowitz was the prince 
of foreign correspondents, if the Jewish Bank of Amsterdam founded 
modern finance and Charles Frohman is the world’s greatest 
entrepreneur^ all these phenomena find their explanation in the 
cosmopolitanism of the wandering Jew. Lifted to the plane of 
idealism, this cosmopolitan habit of mind creates Socialism through 
Karl Marx and Lassalle, an international language through Dr. 
Zamenhof, the inventor of Esperanto, a prophecy of the end of war 
through Jean de Bloch, an International Institute of Agriculture 
through David Lubin, and a Race Congress through Dr. Felix Adler. 
For when the Jew grows out of his own Ghetto without narrowing 
into his neighbour’s, he must necessarily possess a superior sense 
of perspective. 

As a physician the Jew’s fame dates from the Middle Ages, 
when he was the bearer of Arabian science, and the tradition that 
Kings shall always have Jewish physicians is still unbroken. Dr. 
Ehrlich’s recent discovery of “606,” the cure for syphilis, and Dr. 
Haffkine’s inoculation against the plague in India, are but links in 
a long chain of Jewish contributions to medicine. Nor would it be 
possible to mention any other science, whether natural or philological, 
to which Jewish professors have not contributed revolutionising 
ideas. The names of Lombroso for criminology, Freud for psychology, 
Benfey for Sanscrit, Jules Oppert for Assyriology, Sylvester and 
Georg Cantor for Mathematics, and Mendeleieff for Chemistry (the 
“ Periodic Law ”) must suffice as examples. 

In law, mathematics, and philosophy the Jew is peculiarly at 
home, especially as an expounder. In chess he literally sweeps 
the board. There is never a contest for the championship of the 
world in which both rivals are not Jews. Even the first man to 
fly (and die) was the Jew, Lilienthal. 

But to gauge the contribution of the Jew to the world’s activity 
is impossible here. To mention only living Jews, one thirfks at 



FIFTH SESSION 


%n 

random of the Rothschilds with their u|iii|uit6usr financial and 
philanthropic activity, Sir Ernest Cassel financing the irrigation of 
Mr- Jacob Schiff financing the Japanese war against 
Russia and building up the Annerican Jewry, Herr Ballin creating 
the Hamburg American Line, Maximilian Harden’s bold political 
journalism, the Dutch jurist Asser at the Hague Conference, or 
the American statesman and peace-lover, Oscar Straus, the French 
plays of Bernstein or the German plays of Ludwig Fulda, or the 
Dutch plays of Heijermans or the Austrian plays of Schnitzler, 
the trenchant writings of Max Nordau, the paintings of Solomon 
and Rothenstein, of Jules Adler and Max Liebermann, the 
archaeological excavations of Waldstein, Hammerstein building the 
English Opera House, Imre KirAlfy organising our exhibitions^ 
Sidney Lee editing the Dictionary of National Biography, Sir Matthew 
Nathan managing the Post Office, Meldola investigating coal-tar 
dyes, the operas of Goldmark, the music-plays of Herr Oscar Straus 
and Humperdinck (P'rau Max Bernstein), the learned synopses of 
Salomon Reinach, the sculpture of Antokolsky, Mischa Elman and 
his violin. Sir Rufus Isaacs pleading on behalf of the Crown, Signor 
Nathan poleinising with the Pope, Dr. Frederick Cowen conducting 
one of his own symphonies, Michelson measuring the velocity of 
light, Lippmann developing colour-photography, Henri Bergson 
giving pause to Materialism with his new philosophy of Creative 
Evolution, Breal expounding the science of Semantics, or Hermann 
Cohen his neo-Kantism, and one wonders what the tale would be both 
for yesterday and to-day if every Jew wore a yellow badge and every 
Crypto-Jew came out into the open, and every half-Jew were as 
discoverable as Montaigne or the composer of “ The Mikado.” The 
Church could not even write its own history : that was left for the 
Jew, Neander. To the Gentile the true Jewish problem should rather 
be how to keep the Jew in his midst — this rare I per cent, of mankind. 
The elimination of all this genius and geniality would surely not 
enhance the gaiety of nations. Without Disraeli would not England 
lose her only Saint’s Day ? 

But the miracle remains that the Gentile world has never yet seen 
a Jew, for behind all these cosmopolitan types which obsess its vision 
stand inexhaustible reserves of Jewish Jews — and the Talmudic 
mystic, the Hebrew-speaking sage, remains as unknown to the 
Western world as though he were hidden in the fastnesses of Tibet 
A series of great scholars — Geiger, Zunz, Sleinschneider, Schechter — 
has studied the immense Hebrew literature produced from age to age 
in these obscure Jewries. But there is a modern Hebrew literature, 
too, a new galaxy of poets and novelists, philosophers and humanists, 
who Express in the ancient tongue the subtlest shades of the thought 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

of to-day. And there is a still more copious literature in Yiddishi no 
less rich in men of talent and even genius, whose names have ra/ely 
reached the outside world. 

And if the Jew, with that strange polarity which his historian 
Graetz remarked in him, displays simultaneously with the most tena- 
cious preservation of his past the swiftest surrender of it that the 
planet has ever witnessed, if we find him entering with such passion- 
ate patriotism into almost every life on earth but his own, may not 
even the Jewish patriot draw the compensating conclusion that the 
Jew therein demonstrates the comparative superficiality of all these 
human differences? Like the Coloners lady and Judy O’Grady, all 
these peoples are the same under their skins — as even Bismarck was 
once constrained to remark when he saw Prussians and Frenchmen 
lying side by side in the community of death. Could Jews so readily 
assimilate to all these types, were these types fundamentally 
different ? The primitive notion of the abysmal separateness of 
races can scarcely survive under Darwinism. Every race is really 
akin to every other. Imagine a Canine Congress debating if all 
those glaring differences of form, size, and colour could possibly 
consist with an underlying and essential dogginess. 

Not only is every race akin to every other, but every people is a 
hotch-potch of races. The Jews, though mainly a white people, are 
not even devoid of a coloured fringe, black, brown, or yellow. There 
are the Beni- Israel of India, the Falashas of Abyssinia, the dis- 
appearing Chinese colony of Kai-Fung-Foo, the Judeos of Loango, 
the black Jews of Cochin, the negro Jews of Fernando Po, Jamaica, 
Surinam, &c., the Daggatuns and other warlike nomads of the North 
African deserts, who remind us what the conquerors of the Philistines 
were like. If the Jews are in no metaphorical sense brothers of all 
these peoples, then all these peoples are brothers of one another. If 
the Jew has been able to enter into all incarnations of humanity and 
to be at home in every environment, it is because he is a common 
measure of humanity. He is the pioneer by which the true race 
theory has been experimentally demonstrated. Given a white child, 
it is the geographical and spiritual heritage— the national autocosm, 
as I have called it— into which the child is born that makes out 
of the common human element the specific Frenchman, American, 
or Dutchman. And even the colour is not an unbridgeable and 
elemental distinction. 

Nor is it only with living races that the Jew has manifested hh 
and their mutual affinity : he brings home to us his brotherhood and 
ours with the peoples that are dead, the Medes, the Babylonians, 
the Assyrians. If the Jew Paul proved that the Hebrew Word was 
universal, the Jews who rejected his teaching have proved the Jhiver* 



FIFTH SESSION 


277 

sality of the Hebrew race. One touch of Xewj^y , makes the whole 
world kin. ’ 

The labours of Hercules sink into child’s play beside the task the 
late Dr. Herzl set himself in offering to this flotsam and jetsam 
of history the project of political reorganisation on a single soil, 
even had this dauntless idealist secured co-operation instead of 
bitter hostility from the denaturalised leaders of all these Jewries, the 
attempt to acquire Palestine would have had the opposition of 
Turkey and of the 600,000 Arabs in possession. It is little wonder 
that since the great leader’s lamentable death Zionism — again with 
that idealisation of impotence — has sunk back into a cultural move- 
ment which, instead of ending the exile, is to unify it through the 
Hebrew tongue and nationalist sentiment. But for such unification a 
religious revival would have been infinitely more efficacious : race 
alone cannot survive the pressure of so many hostile milieux — or still 
more parlous, so many friendly. The Territorial movement, repre- 
senting the original nucleus of the Herzlian idea, is still searching for 
a real and not a pietaphorical soil, its latest negotiation being with the 
West Australian Government 

But if the prospect of a territorial solution of the Jewish question, 
whether in Palestine or in the New World, appeatl? /emote, it must 
be admitted that the Jewish race, in abandoning bdTote the legions of 
Rome the struggle for independent political existence in favour of 
spiritual isolation and economic symbiosis, discovered the secret of 
immortality, if also of perpetual motion. In the diaspora Anti- 
Semitism will always be the shadow of Semitism. The law of dislike 
for the unlike will always prevail. And whereas the unlike is nor- 
mally situated at a safe distance, the Jews bring the unlike into the 
heart of every ^nilieu, and must thus defend a frontier-line as large as 
theWorld. The fortunes of war vary in every country, but there is a 
perpfetqal tension and friction even at the most peaceful points, which 
tend to throw back the race on itself. The drastic method of love — 
the only human dissolvent — has never been tried upon the Jew as a 
whole, and Russia carefully conserves — even by a ring-fence — the 
breed she designs to destroy. But whether persecution extirpates or 
brotherhood melts, hate or love can never be simultaneous through- 
out the diaspora, and so there will probably always be a nucleus from 
which to re-stock this eternal type. But what a melancholy immor- 
tality ! “ To be and not to be ” — that is a question beside which 

Hamlet’s alternative is crude. 

It only remains to consider what part the world should be called 
upon to play in the solution of this tragic problem. To preserve the 
Jews, whether as a race or as a religious community, is no part of the 
wo^’s duty, nor would artificial preservation preserve anything of 



2;« UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

value. Theif salvation must come from themselves, though they may 
well expect at least such sympathy and help as Italy and Greece found 
in their struggles for regeneration. The world's duty is only to pre- 
serve the ethical ideals it has so slowly and laboriously evolved, 
largely under Jewish inspiration. Civilisation is not called upon to 
save the Jews, but it is called upon to save itself. And by its treat* 
ment of the Jews it is destroying itself. If there is no justice in 
Venice for Shylock, then alas for Venice ! 

If you deny me, fie upon your law ! 

There ib no force m the decrees of Venice.’' 

Even from the economic standpoint Russia, with her vast popula- 
tion of half-starved peasants, is wasting one of her most valuable 
assets by crippling Jewish activity, both industrially and geographi- 
cally. In insisting that Russia abolish the Jewish Pale I am pleading 
for the regeneration of Russia, not of the Russian Jew. A first-class 
ballet is not sufficient to constitute a first-class people. Very truly 
said Roditchev, one of the Cadet leaders, Russia cannot enter the 
Temple of Freedom as long as there exists a Pale of Settlement for the 
Jews.” But abolition of the Pale and the introduction of Jewish 
equality will be the deadliest blow ever aimed at Jewish nationality. 
Very soon a fervid Russian patriotism will reign in every Ghetto, and 
the melting-up of the race begin. But this absorption of the five or six 
million Jews into the other hundred and fifty millions of Russia con- 
stitutes the Jewish half of the problem It is the affair of the Jews. 

That the preservation of the Jewish race or religion is no concern of 
the world's is a conclusion which saves the honest Jew from the indignity 
of appealing to it. For with what face can the Jew appeal ad misert- 
cordiam before he has made the effort to solve his own problem ? 
There is no reason why a race any more than a man should be safe- 
guarded against its own unwisdom and its own flabbiness. No race 
can persist as an entity that is not ready to pay the price of persist- 
ence. Other peoples are led by their best and strongest. But the 
best and strongest in Israel are absorbed by the superior caAers and 
pleasures of the environment — even in Russia there is a career for the 
renegade, even in Roumania for the rich — and the few who remain 
to lead, lead for the most part to destroy. If, however, we are 
tempted to say, “ Then let this people agonise as it deserves,” we must 
remember that the first to suffer are not the powerful, but the poor. 
It is the masses who bear almost the entire brunt of Alien Bills and 
massacres and economic oppression. While to the philosopher the 
absorption of the Jews may be as desirable as their regeneration, in 
practice the solution by dissolution presses most heavily upon the 
weakest. The dissolution invariably begins from above, leaving the 
lower classes denuded of a people's natural defences, the uj^per 



FIFTH SESSION 


m 

classes. Moreover, while, as already pointed ^ out> thej Jewish upper 
classes are, if anything, inferior to the classes into Which they are 
absorbed, the marked superiority of the Jewish masses to their 
environment, especially in Russia, would render f/ieir absorption a 
tragic degeneration. 

But if dissolution would bring degeneracy and emancipation 
dissolution, the only issue from this dilemma is the creation of a 
Jewish State, or at least a Jewish land of refuge upon a basis of local 
autonomy, to which, in the course of the centuries, all that was truly 
Jewish would gravitate. And if the world has no ethical duty to take 
the lead in this creation, it may yet find its profit in getting rid of the 
Jewish problem. Many regions of the New World, whether in 
America or Australia, would moreover be enriched and consolidated 
by the accession of a great Jewish colony, while to the Old World its 
political blessing might be many-sided. A host of political rivalries, 
perilous to the world’s peace, centre round Palestine, while in the still 
more dangerous quarter of Mesopotamia, a co-operation of England 
and Germany in making a home under the Turkish flag for the Jew 
in his original birthplace would reduce Anglo-German friction, foster 
world-peace, and establish in the heart of the Old World a bridge of 
civilisation between the East and the West and a symbol of hope for 
the future of mankind. 

[Paper submitted in En^tsh ] 


THE MODERN CONSCIENCE IN RELATION 
TO THE TREATMENT OF DEPENDENT 
PEOPLES AND COMMUNITIES 

By Sir CHARLES Bruce, G.C.M.G., 

Late Governor of Mauritius, Author of The Broad Stone of Empire^' 

I. 

By conscience I mean an inherent mental faculty which enables a 
man to judge and to appreciate the judgment of others on the con- 
sequences of his actions. It is the function of this faculty to control 
his physical instincts, which have their roots deepest in human nature; 
the lust of the flesh, which secures the continuity of his family, and 
the pride of life, which prompts him to labour for the necessities, 
comfort, and luxury of his family and their multiplied descendants. 
Both of these instincts are subject to the law of human nature that a 
man will, if he can, take from others anything they have which be 
desires. On the other hand, conscience is itself controlled by two 



ONIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS ^ 

forces. Darwin says: “At a moment of action man will, ito 
doubt, be apt to follow the strongest impulse, and though this may 
occeisionally prompt him to the noblest deeds, it will more commonly 
lead him to gratify his own desires at the expense of other men. 
But after their gratification, when past and weaker impressions are 
judged by the ever-enduring social instinct and by his deep regard 
for the good opinion of his fellows, retribution will surely come. He 
will then feel remorse, repentance, regret, or shame ; this latter feeling, 
however, relates almost exclusively to the judgment of others. He 
will consequently resolve more or less firmly to act differently for the 
future, and this is conscience.” 

I define this rather as one of the forces that control conscience, 
and express it in the phrase, “ man’s conception of his duty to his 
neighbour.” The other force is the influence of man’s belief in 
supernatural agencies, expressed in the phrase, “ man’s conception of 
his duty to God.” 

Man’s conception of his duty to his neighbour has been modified 
by three relations of affinity — race, creed, and colour ; and each of 
these affinities has been the motive of conflict between the com- 
munities it has included and those it has excluded. 

The history of civilisation is the history of the evolution of con- 
science in controlling the policy of the included to the excluded 
communities in these conflicts. It presents an orderly process of 
development through three stages, each exhibiting a dominant policy 
— a policy of extermination, a policy of servitude, and a policy 
of amalgamation. By amalgamation I mean union in the same 
community as masters and servants, as fellow-labourers, as fellow- 
citizens, and, if possible, but not necessarily, as connected by 
intermarriage. 

For the purposes of this paper I accept the ethnologic distri- 
bution of mankind into three primary groups of races, Caucasian, 
Mongolian, and .^thiopic or Negro ; and, bearing in mind the broad 
issues which the Congress is invited to discuss, I use the phrase 
modern conscience in the sense of the conscience of the white races 
of the Caucasian group professing the creed of Christianity, in what- 
ever part of the world they may have established themselves on 
a common territory under a common government. 

Adopting the pragmatic method of interpreting a conception by 
illustrating its practical consequences, I propose, after briefly tracing 
the evolution of this conscience in the area of origin, to consider its 
influence, first, on the treatment of the Semitic and Indian races of 
the Caucasian group, and then on typical races of the Mongolian and 
Negro groups. I may add that, in considering the treatment of 
dependent peoples and communities, I embrace in the term servitude 



FIFTH SESSION 


2&1 

exclusion from civic rights ; in the term amalgattiation I include 
treatment as potential citizens with a view to amalgamation. 

11 . 

Western civilisation is the product of three civilisations, Grecian, 
Roman, and Teutonic, superimposed by racial forces, and welded 
into unity by Christianity. Each of the earlier civilisations estab- 
lished and maintained itself by the tyranny of a race claiming an 
inherent monopoly of a capacity of self-government, and asserting 
the corollary claim of a monopoly of capacity to govern others 
grouped under the designation of barbarians or inferior races. In 
turn each was displaced by the inferior races revolting against the 
methods by which the claim of superiority was enforced, and sub- 
stituting a new civilisation based on the same claim and enforced by 
the same methods But each of these civilisations, in superimposing 
itself, chose and assimilated what it considered best among the 
institutions of the earlier deposits. The fundamental principle of 
Grecian civilisation was the cult of purity of race as an instrument 
of physical and intellectual superiority ; to this the West owes all 
that it can claim of originality in philosophy, literature, and art. To 
Roman civilisation the West owes the spirit of legality and municipal 
association under a common code of laws supported by the discipline 
of a common military system. To Teutonic civilisation the West 
owes the spirit of liberty — the liberty that allows the individual to be 
master of himself, his actions, and his fate, so long as he does not 
interfere with the liberty of others. Each of the earlier civilisations 
had established and sought to maintain itself by concentration of 
power and the liberty to exercise it in the hands of a small privileged 
class. In each the policy of the included class offered to the 
excluded masses the alternative of extermination or servitude. 
The policy of Greece was expressed by their poet Euripides at 
a period of the short-lived empire of Athens, when the area of** 
recognised purity of descent and the privileges of citizenship were 
practically limited to a few thousand residents within a radius of 
a few miles from the Acropolis * — 

“ fiapfSapLjy lip^Eiv eiKo^y aXX* ov (^apfiapovg^ 

fjLrjrepy 'l^XXrjytJv ’ ro fiiy yap BovXor oi 

freely interpreted, “ It is fit that Greeks should govern the inferior 
races, but not that inferior races should govern Greeks — for they are 
slaves and we are free.” 

The alternative of extermination was exhibited when after the 
revolt of Lesbos, an ^Eolian colony, in spirit more Athenian than the 
Athenians, sentence of death was passed on the whole male popula- 
tion, though revised for reasons of expediency. 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

The policy of Rome was expressed by Virgil in the famous 
lines — 

"Tu regere impeno populos, Romanc, memento, 

Parcere subjectis ct debellare superbos/’ 

interpreted, in practice, ** Make slaves of all who submit, and exter- 
"minate all who resist.*’ In pursuance of this policy, while the fiction 
of citizenship was being constantly extended, the privileges of citizen- 
ship were being constantly restricted, until the destinies and fortunes 
of millions fell under the absolute command of a few thousands 
concentrated in the capital. Concentration so compact, power so 
colossal, monopoly so exclusive, luxury so frantic, the world had 
never seen. Meanwhile the provinces were ruined by a system of 
tribute expressly designed to cripple their resources and their power 
of resistance. What the tribute left became the easy plunder of 
corrupt governors, rapacious officials, commercial adventurers, and 
usurers associated in the disastrous system which entrusted adminis- 
tration and commercial exploitation to the same hands. The alter- 
native to submission was declared in the historic phrase attributed to 
a British chieftain : Udi solitudinem faciunt paceni appellant'' 

The revolt of the inferior races grouped as Northern barbarians, 
and the assertion by the Teutonic race of the principle of liberty — 
that government by an alien power is no government at all — was 
followed by the fall of the Roman Empire in the West and the 
disintegration of its constituent parts The period of chaos known 
as the Middle Ages witnessed a resettlement of Europe by a process 
of distribution into separate and independent principalities, united by 
geographical and political affinity and governed by leaders who 
owed their elevation to the elective principle of choice by their fellow- 
warriors. It was during this chaos, justly called the seed-time of the 
modern world, that Christianity and civilisation became interchange- 
able terms in Europe, and in the expansion of Europe which resulted 
from the discovery of America and the oversea route to Asia. The 
empires of Greece and Rome had been really agglomerations of tribes. 
Christianity created nations by making religion a vital part of 
politics and making a common creed a bond of union superior to the 
disintegrating forces of race. 

The era of Christian civilisation has been marked by two periods. 
In the first, the most persecuted of creeds sought to superimpose 
itself on the creed of its persecutors by the same methods by which 
races held to be most inferior had superimposed their civilisation on 
the civilisations they supplanted — methods in direct negation of its 
profession. In the second period, Christianity has accommodated 
its policy to its profession and reconstructed Western civilisation on 
the principle of amalgamation, interpreting freedom to mean liberty 



FIFTH SESSION 


of person and conscience with equality of opportunity for all under 
a settled government 

In respect of the ultimate issue of amalgamation by inter- 
marriage during this era, it is well to remember that, up to nearly 
the close of the eighteenth’ century, it remained a capital crime 
for a priest to celebrate marriage between a Roman Cathplic and 
a Protestant. 

This is how Guizot in an often-quoted passage has described the 
social, communal, national, and international relations of Western 
civilisation — 

‘^Toutes formes, tous les principes d'organisation sociale y co-existent, les 
pouvoirs spintuel et temporcl, les elements theocratique, monarchique, ansto- 
cratiqiie, democratique, toutes les classes, toutes les situations sociales se melent, 
se pressent, il y a des dcgres infmis dans la liberte, la nchesse, rmnuciice." 

The modern conscience demands the extension of the principles 
which have established this civilisation into its relations with the 
East. 

III. 

The fundamental principle of Judaism was a belief that the Jews 
were a chosen people appointed by God to be His instruments in 
working out His plan of creation, primarily within their own com- 
munity and subsequently in the relation of their community to the 
whole non-Jewish world. Under the influence of this conception 
practically every event that happened to the individual or to the 
community, every vicissitude of personal fortune, every variation of 
public prosperity or adversity, in health or disease, in abundant 
harvests or famines, was explained as a direct supei natural judgment 
and award, not as a consequence of natural laws. Consistent with 
this conviction was their conception of a future state It embraced 
no idea of the resurrection of the individual in a divided spiritual 
form in another world. It meant the continuation of the community 
in a constantly multiplied posterity which was in time to people the 
world and make it the area of a civilisation of which they should 
have the exclusive monopoly. The means by which this end was to 
be attained was a policy summarised in the command of the Lord of 
Hosts transmitted to Saul through the prophet Samuel: “ Now go 
and smite Amalek, and utterly destroy all that they have and spare 
them not ; but slay both men and women, infant and suckling, 
camel and ass.” It was, in short, a policy of extermination, but it 
was of the very essence of the policy that in proportion as it enlarged 
the area of its activity it demanded an augmentation of its agents. 
To meet this the natural increase of heredity multiplied by polygamy 
and concubinage had to be further fortified by the adoption of 
pris?)ners of war, male and female, into the community under 



584 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

conditions of servitude- Under the operation of the cosmic law 
of action and reaction the policy was adopted in retaliation by 
every community with which it came in conflict and menaced with 
destruction or servitude. To quote the words of an illustrious, 
member of their race — 

“ The* attempt to extirpate them has been made under the most favourable 
auspices and on the largest scale ; the most considerable means that man could 
command have been pertinaciously applied to this object for the longest period 
of recoided time. Egyptian Pharaohs, Assyrian Kings, Roman Emperors, 
Scandinavian Crusadeis, Gothic Princes and holy inquisitors have alike devoted 
their energies to the fulfilment of this common purpose. Expatriation, exile, 
captivity, confiscation, torture on the most ingenious and massacres on the most 
extensive scale, a curious system of degrading customs and debasing laws which 
would have broken the heart of any other people, have been tried in vain." 

The exigencies of space make it impossible to trace the process of 
the modern conscience in substituting for this policy of extermination, 
expulsion, and debasement a policy of amalgamation. Within the 
whole area of Western civilisation, except in Russia and Roumania, 
the Jews enjoy full civil and political rights, and there is no country 
in which they are not recognised among the foremost representatives 
of art, learning, and science In social life they enjoy the favour of 
Courts, and their alliance in marriage is sought by Christian families 
who within the last century would have considered such an alliance 
a social crime of capital magnitude. The most persecuted of races 
has now, through its dominant control over finance, acquired a 
practical ascendancy over the press of Europe, and, through these 
combined agencies, a large measure of control over the ultimate 
issue of peace or war. Most wonderful, perhaps, of all, m the 
issue of war a Jew has by common consent of the civilised world 
been chosen as President of the International Red Cross Society. 

IV. 

The elements of conflict in Western civilisation, and between 
Western civilisation and Judaism, have been race and creed. The 
conflict between Western civilisation and the ethnologic groups that 
have now to be considered is exasperated by an additional element, 
the conflict of colour. The question that concerns us is whether the 
modern conscience, which, in the relations between white races divided 
by differences of race and creed has substituted a constructive policy 
of amalgamation for a policy of extermination or servitude, is to 
prolong its activity into territories where social groups are divided by 
differences of race, creed, and colour, or whether in such territories 
the policy of an earlier conscience is to be revived. I deal first with 
the evolution of the modern conscience in relation to the coloured 
races of India. In prehistoric times, the autochthonous races of ftidia 



FIFTH SESSION 285 

were displaced by a Dravidian population, which, in turn, at a period 
nearly coincident with the earliest records " of history , was crowded 
out or subjugated and assimilated by an Aryan invasion of Hindus 
from Central Asia. Under the dominion of Hinduism there was 
established a political system of three estates, a sacerdotal caste of 
priests and lawgivers, a military caste, and a civil population engaged 
in industry and commerce. Its strength lay in the co-operation 
of the spiritual and intellectual forces of priests and lawgivers with 
the physical force of the military, its weakness in the revolt of the 
civil population against the tyranny thus generated. In time this 
revolt led to the establishment of Buddhism, a system standing in 
much the same relation to Hinduism as Protestantism to Roman 
Catholicism After a thousand years of domination Buddhism had 
to make way for a reformed system of Hinduism modified by the 
influences that had established Buddhism. The new system main- 
tained itself for about five hundred years — a period of extraordinary 
social splendour and distinction in the arts of civilisation, for it 
concentrated the results of a succession of civilisations superimposed 
by races who in religion and law, in language and literature, in art 
and science, were the originators of conceptions which have been 
transubstantiated into the life of Western civilisation. The period 
closed, in accordance with the universal law that has controlled the 
evolution of empires, when all the arts of civilisation were made con- 
tributory to the luxury and lust of a restricted governing class at the 
cost of the governed. In the general demoralisation that followed, 
Central Asia supplied the forces of a fresh invasion, and substituted 
for the Hindu system of a sacerdotal and military supremacy the 
Mohammedan system of despotic power exercised by a democracy 
under the influence of religious enthusiasm, swayed by self-appointed 
rulers who claimed civil and military obedience as the agents and 
oracles of God. In turn the Mohammedan dominion was terminated 
by the revolt of the Mahrattas, a political body organised, in 
adaptation of the Mohammedan system, by a coalition of the highest 
and the lowest Hindu castes. They failed to establish a settled 
government of adequate power to control the disintegrating forces 
latent in the surviving elements of a succession of conquered 
dynasties and peoples. The consequence was a chaos analogous to 
the segregation of State units in Europe following the fall of the 
Roman Empire. India became the loot of princes and powers, 
supported by Pindarries and other organised bandits always ready 
to play the part of the condottieri of mediaeval Europe. It was 
during this period of struggle for the fragments of the broken empire, 
when every province was disturbed by petty wars or groaning under 
the^oppression of chieftains pursuing their separate schemes of rapine, 



- 286 s ? tJNh/^RSAL RACES CONGRESS 

that Europe was brought into contact with India by the sea-route, 
and at once determined, by an aggressive policy of conquest 
and subjugation, to superimpose a new civilisation and appro- 
jM^iate the rich accumulations of the old. It does not lie within 
my purpose to trace the defeat of this enterprise by the East 
India Company, or to follow tne steps by which an association of 
private traders became involved in political complications, and 
eventually the dominant power in India. I am concerned only with 
the evolution of the modern conscience, which in the exercise of that 
power substituted for a policy of extermination or servitude a policy 
of amalgamation. 

Pitt’s Act of 1784 marked the first stage of the new system by 
a declaration that schemes of conquest were repugnant to the 
wish, the honour, and the policy of the British nation, and by 
provisions designed to save the interests of India from being 
made subservient to the interests of political parties in England, 
or to the private interests of the Company’s agents and servants. 
In 1813 a resolution that the first duty of Parliament in legislating 
for India was to promote its interests was proposed and lost. 
Nevertheless, the policy of the administration in India was rapidly 
brought to conform to the principles of this resolution. It was 
concentrated in the Government of India Act, 1833, and set 
out in an explanatory despatch of the Board of Directors, 
accompanying the Act. It consisted in respecting the beliefs 
of others without weakness, and defending them without brutality. 
It virtually established a protectorate, a relationship which was 
to develop into an internationally recognised system and to play 
an important part in the relations of Western civilisation to 
dependent peoples. It undertook the protection of the people 
against foreign aggression and in the conduct of foreign affairs, 
while within the limits of its jurisdiction it declared that the 
people should be protected in the enjoyment of their religion 
and personal law , that the fiscal policy should be controlled by 
the interests of India ; and that so far as consistent with its posi- 
tion as an umpire, whose duty it is to secure equal protection to 
many general interests, the Government should admit the native 
population to offices of trust and emolument Its avowed purpose 
was to educate the conflicting elements of the population by 
methods which it was believed would qualify them, though probably 
at a remote period, for a political union to be established on the 
basis of personal liberty and equality of opportunity, under a settled 
government of their own election and responsible to themselves. 

But the most resolute advocates of this policy were also the 
most resolute in declaring that premature efforts to accelerate 



FIFTH SESSION 


the end would not only insure the immediate downfall of British 
po^wer, but would replunge the people of India into a state of 
greater anarchy than that from which they had been relieved. 
The wisdom of this reservation was soon to be justified by the 
Mutiny of 1857, which for a moment, but only for a moment, 
arrested the activity of the modern conscience. Nothing in its 
history is more remarkable than the rapidity with which it 
asserted itself in the work of reconstruction that followed. 

Queen Victoria’s Proclamation to the Princes and Peoples of 
India in 1858 established the fundamental principle of the modern 
conscience in the declaration that “Her Majesty sought her 
strength in the prosperity of her people, her security in their 
contentment, and her reward in their gratitude’'; and the 
subsidiary policy in the declaration that “No native shall, by 
reason only of his religion, place of birth, descent, colour, or any 
of these things, be disabled from holding any place, office, or 
employment under the Government.” 

I need not dwell on the measures recently taken by the 
Government, in the direction of giving the natives of India a larger 
right of adndssion to high posts in the administration and in the 
councils of the Empire. But 1 may just refer to a subject which 
will be treated in a separate paper, the extra-territorial rights 
of natives of India migrating under indenture into British Colonies. 
Underlying a variety of systems there is established the fundamental 
condition that they must be admitted as potential citizens. 

A word remains to be said on amalgamation by intermarriage 
between Europeans and Indians. Such marriages are not generally 
favoured by either community, and at present the tendency is for 
each to prefer a social relation which has been justly compared to the 
relation of the fingers to each other and to the hand 

V. 

I pass from the coloured races of the Caucasian group, generally 
classed as brown, to the coloured races of the Mongolian group, 
generally classed as yellow. The modern conscience had hardly 
declared itself in the Proclamation of 1858 to the Princes and Peoples 
of India, when the old aggressive barbananism of Europe reasserted 
itself. Under the fiction of a beneficent partnership between 
commerce and religion for the civilisation of China, the Western 
Powers associated themselves in a policy of invasion, appropriation 
of territory, massacre, rape, plunder and sacrilege hardly paralleled 
in history. This formidable enterprise .served as a warning to a 
kindred race in the little empire of Japan. At the time so little 
was^the East known to the West that Professor Charles Pearson 



288 ^ UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

and other accepted authorities, engaged in forecasting the future 
of the coloured races in cosmopolitan civilisation, failed to take 
Japan into account In 1863 the British Minister, in a report on the 
condition of Japan, showed that under a system of self-government 
originated and administered by native enterprise, shut out from all 
intercourse with the rest of the world, the Japanese had secured 
peace, order, and the material prosperity of a population estimated at 
some thirty millions of souls. But the object-lesson exhibited in 
China warned them to anticipate the aggressive expansion of 
Western civilisation. They determined, therefore, to adapt their 
own ancient civilisation to modern circumstances. They recognised 
that the secret of Western expansion was to be sought neither in a 
monopoly of intellectual capacity inherent in a race, nor in a 
monopoly of moral capacity inherent in a creed. They found it in an 
acquired monopoly of capacity in the application of science to 
industrial uses, in the development of natural resources by scientific 
methods, in the appropriation of the profits of development to naval 
and military armaments for the defence of territory already acquired 
by conquest, the constant expansion of the area of acquisition, and a 
monopoly of all sea-borne commerce by sea supremacy. In 1868 
the imperial oath of accession was revised in the formula known as 
the Oath of the Five Articles After a vow to establish the 
principles of constitutional government, it gave a pledge that 
knowledge would be sought throughout the whole world so that the 
welfare of the empire might be established. 

Within forty years the issue of the war between Japan and 
Russia in 1904-5 had given proof of a complete mastery of 
Western methods in every area of activity, and gained Japan 
admittance to equality of rank with the greatest of the Great Powers 
of Western civilisation. Politically, the theory of a monopoly of 
capacity inherent in a trinity of race, creed, and colour peculiar to 
the West was destroyed. The moral confidence and self-respect 
which had stimulated aspirations for self-government in evdry 
community of the East within the sphere of Western government, 
protection, or influence were confirmed and quickened. The economic 
results were even more far-reaching. The capacity of the E^st to 
organise industry in the development of local resources, aind to 
retain for local uses the profits of production, manufactur<^, and 
distribution by land and sea, and thus to enter into comn^iercial 
competition with the West, was revealed. And no time ha's been 
lost in demonstrating the extent to which this competition is li^kely to 
contribute to the wealth and independence of the East at the .'cost of 
the West. 

A result of the war of 1904-5 is worthy of special mentiojn <rom 



FIFTH SESSION 


289 

the point of view of the process of the modern conscience in the 
East as well as in the West. An official rep5rt on the organisation 
and resources of the Red Cross Society of Japan has been published 
and circulated among the branches of the Society in Great Britain 
as a model scheme superior to any that has yet been organisj^ ih ' 
the West. ^ 

I will add only a word on the subject of amalgamation by 
intermarriage between Europeans and the races of the Mongolian 
group. In Asia such marriages are not more favoured than 
marriages between the European and Indian communities. In 
America it is different. The evolution of the modern conscience in 
the relations between Europeans and the American races of the 
Mongolian group of distinctive colour, generally designated as red, 
has been of particular interest. On no races have the policies of 
extinction and servitude been practised with more relentless severity. 
But while these policies have resulted in the practical extermination 
of the race in North America, as an efficient factor in civilisation, in 
all the more tropical parts of Latin America the autochthonus races 
representing the survival of the fittest are steadily assimilating the 
descendants of their conquerors and producing a new type — a type 
admirably endowed with the qualities which constitute a capacity 
for self-government in the conditions of its environment. 

VI. 

I pass to the function of the modern conscience in the treatment 
of the negro. The negro has been a slave in Africa and Asia from 
the earliest period of recorded time ; in Europe ?nd America from 
the close of the fifteenth century, when the discovery of a sea route to 
the East first brought Western civilisation into contact with him on 
the coasts of Africa and led to his compulsory migration to America. 
From the outset the methods of barbarism applied to the Jews were 
resorted to, not with a view to his extermination, but to ensure the 
perpetuity of his servitude. Conscience and instinct combined for 
the fulfilment of this common purpose. The ingenuity of physical 
torture which subjected the manhood and womanhood of his race to 
the passions of greed, cruelty, and lust was supplemented by moral 
torture of even superior ingenuity. For him religion was limited to 
the doctrine that he must rely on submission to a life of torment 
without hope on earth as the only hope of salvation from an eternity 
of torment in hell. 

When after three hundred years the modern conscience bethought 
itself to bring the negro within the area of activity of the ethical 
process of humanity that had reconstructed Western civilisation on a 
basS of liberty, two things were made clear — the strength of his 

u 



S 90 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS . ^ \ 

racial vitality and the arrest of his intellectual development by disuse. 
Through all the history of his race he had been excluded from every 
influence which in the course of thousands of years had contributed 
to give the faculty of conscience of the white man mastery over his 
instincts. Every manifestation of the existence of such a faculty in 
the negro had been repressed with merciless severity. And now the 
modern conscience is confronted with the declaration, on the part of 
those who resist it, that in the negro no such faculty exists, and that 
in its absence he is organically disqualified from admission to the 
rivalry of life in competition with races of the Caucasian type on a 
footing of equality of opportunity. 

The reply of the modern conscience is an appeal to the experience 
of the brief period that has elapsed since the negro has ceased to be a 
slave, in the sense of being a chattel by legislative enactment. It is 
admitted that, when the French Revolution restored the rights of 
humanity to the white man and to the negro, both adopted the 
same methods of revenge. But the faculty of conscience latent 
by disuse revealed itself when the Government of the United 
States declared his liberation, in a manner to which Western civilisa- 
tion can hardly supply a parallel. When the Southern planters were 
fighting for the enslavement of the negro race, they went off to the 
war entrusting their wives and children to the protection of their 
slaves. Not an outrage occurred, scarcely a case of theft or breach of 
trust. A thousand torches, it has been said, would have disbanded 
the Southern Army — there was not one Since the emancipation 
that followed the civil war the coloured population have devoted 
themselves to redeem the consequences of arrested development by 
methods expressed in the formula “ being worked means degradation, 
working means civilisation.’^ In the Tuskegee Industrial University 
they have established an institution which has sent out many 
thousands of graduates instructed in the application of scientific 
methods to every branch of human industry, while the authorities are 
able to declare that they cannot find a dozen not usefully employed, 
nor one ever convicted of crime. Animated by this spirit, in less than 
half a century the coloured population of some ten millions, starting 
from a depth of poverty and ignorance never perhaps reached in the 
history of any people, and encountering at every step the most 
formidable opposition that the forces of avarice, jealousy, hate, and fear 
have been able to command, have acquired ownership in land to the 
extent of some 30,000 square miles, more than the combined area of 
the States of Belgium and Holland, and moveable property estimated 
by hundreds of millions. At the same time they have achieved 
distinction not only in industry and commerce, but in the learned 
professions and in the free enterprises of art, literature, and journfflism. 



FIFTH SESSION 


291 

These results are a remarkable proof of capacity of assimilation to 
social environment, as well as of capacity of competition on a footing 
of equality of opportunity. 

The whole area of British tropical colonies into which a negre 
population has been introduced by compulsory migration in conditions 
of servitude exhibits the same results. And these colonies supply 
data for a much more reliable estimate of the future possibilities of 
amalgamation by intermarriage than any supplied by the United 
States of America. They show the steady development of a process 
which is reducing the populations of pure European and pure 
African descent, and substituting for them a new type, analogous 
to the type produced in the tropical parts of Latin America by 
assimilation of the white and so-called red autochthonous races, 
and like that type remarkably endowed with the qualities that 
constitute a capacity for self-government in the conditions of its 
environment. 

Turning, however, to the country of origin of the negro races 
in Africa, we find the modern conscience still engaged in a formid- 
able conflict with the ancient conscience and its policy. In 1842 the 
modern conscience declared itself in a Proclamation of Queen 
Victoria which gave a political constitution to Natal on the express 
condition that “ there shall not be in the eye of the law any distinc- 
tion of persons or disqualification of colour, origin, language, or 
creed ; but the protection of the law in letter and in substance shall 
be extended to all alike/' In 1858 the old conscience declared 
itself in the Grondwet (fundamental law) of the South African 
Republic, which asserted that “the people will si.ffer no equality of 
white and blacks either in State or in Church." In 1898 the British 
Empire went to war in defence of the modern conscience, and 
justified it at the cost of many lives and many millions of treasure. 
In 1908 the Imperial Parliament by the Union of South Africa Act 
abandoned it. 

This result has determined the condition of conflict between the 
ancient conscience and the modern in three areas of Africa. Within 
the Union of South Africa the methods of the old conscience are 
modified by the influence of the modern. This was made suffi- 
ciently clear in a statement by a leading representative of the 
Union. “The ideal of making South Africa a white man's country 
can only be accomplished by a general displacement of the natives 
through a large employment of whites. The whites must rule, but 
if the natives were educated and enfranchised, that would mean 
the replacement of the whites by natives." Outside of the Union, 
within the area of the Congo, the old conscience continued to 
assert its ascendancy by the old methods until it roused the modern 



292 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

conscience to revolt. The conflict is still being waged. Within 
the vast areas of equatorial Africa contained by the limits of the 
Crown Colonies, Dependencies and Protectorates, the modern con- 
science expressed in the terms of Queen Victoria’s Proclamation 
of 1842 absolutely controls the policy of government and ad- 
ministration. 

Attention is at present directed to a race of the Oceanic division 
of the .^thiopic group, of which little account has hitherto been 
taken. The Papuans have proved the strength of their racial 
vitality in surviving the methods of a policy which has nearly 
exterminated allied branches of their race in Australia With their 
racial vitality they have preserved the instincts of savagery in an un- 
written code, which does not recognise murder as a crime, but some- 
times as a duty, sometimes as a necessary part of social etiquette, 
occasionally as a manly form of relaxation and sport. The treatment 
of the Papuans under a judicial system administered in the spirit of 
the modern conscience is one of the most remarkable experiments of 
the century. 

VII. 

In conclusion it is submitted that in the treatment of dependent 
peoples and communities the modern conscience rejects as a fallacy 
the claim of Western civilisation to a monopoly of the capacity of 
self-government based on an indivisible interrelation between 
European descent, Christianity, and the so-called white colour. It 
recognises that while this interrelation has evolved a capacity for 
self-government in an appropriate environment, a similar capacity 
has been evolved by an interrelation of other races, creeds and 
colours appropriate to other environments. It maintains, therefore, 
that the conflict between West and East must be adjusted on the 
same principle that has adjusted the conflicts of race and creed in the 
West, the principle of freedom interpreted as liberty of person and 
conscience and equality of opportunity for all, without distinction of 
race, creed, or colour, under a settled government. 

History, reason, and recent experience in Japan warn us that the 
adjustment must be made not in the spirit of the popular refrain, 
East is East and West is West”, but in the spirit of a nobler poetic 
formula — 

*' God’s IS the Occident, 

God’s IS the Orient.” 

This is the spirit of the modern conscience in the treatment of 
dependent peoples and communities. 

[Paper submitted tn English ] 



FIFTH SESSION 


293 


THE GOVERNMENT OF COLONIES AND 
DEPENDENCIES 

By Sir Sydney Olivier, K.C.M.G,, 

Governor of Jamaica. 

Every nation having colonies or external dependencies acquires 
and holds them for the sake of benefits to its own citizens, whether 
as settlers, traders or investors of capital in those territories, and in 
so far as the sovereign nation orders the government of its colonies 
and dependencies, the dominant guiding factor in its policy will 
be the promotion of those ends. The policy of the Government 
in regard to native races is secondary and subsidiary. The ex- 
ceptions to this rule are extremely few and such as must be 
considered to have been in the nature of accidents in the history 
of colonisation. 

The methods of administration adopted vary, being prescribed 
by the special circumstances of the colony or dependency. Where 
this is practically a self-governing nation, as in the case of the 
greater colonies of the British Empire — Canada, the Australian 
Commonwealth, and the Union of Africa — the mother country 
scarcely exhibits any policy at all in regard to its government, 
beyond doing the best it Cnxi to prevent its own trade with and 
investments in that colony being placed at a disadvantage as com- 
pared with those of other nations. Where the colony or depen- 
dency is at the other end of the scale, and is the habitat of an 
uncivilised nation or aggregate of alien races, the government 
established and maintained by the sovereign nation is more posi- 
tive in its methods and more deliberately adjusted with regard to 
its effect on the lives and habits of the native people. 

In relation to such uncivilised colonies and dependencies, and in 
relation also to those civilised and self-governing colonies and 
dependencies in which there survives an uncivilised population of 
alien race, the methods of government are directed and influenced 
not merely by considerations of the commercial benefit of the 
colonists or citizens of the sovereign nation, but also by considerations 
of philanthropy and humanity, and to a certain extent by the 
influence of a missionary purpose aiming at imposing upon the 
uncivfiiled and alien native what is reputed within the sovereign 
nation to be a morality, a religion, and a social order superior to those 
which he has himself evolved. The desire to benefit and enlighten 
barl^rous peoples has not, indeed, served as a sufficient incentive for 
the establishment of sovereignty over colonies or dependencies. The 



294 : UNIVERSAE RACES CONGRESS 

efficient cause is always economic interest or Imperial pride ; but as 
soon as these have brought about annexation or settlement other 
motives and influences, expressing the uncommercial will of the 
colonising nation, elements of the craving for the gratification of the 
reforming impulse and the compunction of the humanitarian con- 
science, come also into play. The history of the British conquest and 
the theory of British rule in India may be studied for illustration. 

Owing to the fact that the colonies and dependencies of the 
colonising nations form a graduated series, ranging from the prac- 
tically independent democratic community of civilised people to the 
uncivilised tract inhabited by barbarous tribes whose country is 
opened up and held merely for mining or the protection of trade 
routes, and as a means for the investment of capital, it is impossible 
to offer any generalisation that shall apply equally and accurately to 
the government of all colonies and dependencies in regard to the 
treatment of native races in those possessions. 

Moreover, between the self-governing colony and the African 
territory or protectorate there intervenes the case of older colonies, 
such as (among the British Dominions) the West Indies, Mauritius, 
and others in which there is no aboriginal race conducting its own 
life and its own customs, but a large population of alien race, and 
sometimes of various alien races, African or Asiatic, who have come 
tibere as slaves or labourers for hire, and who form a transplanted 
proletariat moulded into the economic and social forms of European 
civilisation and vastly outnumbering the small organising class of 
colonists whose race, religion, and industrial will is identical with 
those of the European mother country. 

In the British Colonial Office List there are enumerated, out- ‘ 
side of the Australian Colonies and New Zealand (with whose 
native policy the mother country has long ceased to concern 
herself), some twenty colonies and dependencies peopled by native 
races not introduced as slaves or labourers, and maintaining in a 
greater or less degree the institutions of their own peculiar civilisa^ 
tions* The relation between the governing race and the governed in 
these communities exhibits a most intricate variety, differing accord- 
ing to the periods at which they were settled, and the particular 
purposes and methods for which they were settled ; namely, whether 
for colonisation by planting settlers from the mother country, or for 
mining enterprise, or for commerce only, or with the aim of exclud- 
ing rival nations from monopolising a possible future market, or 
in order to suppress the raids and disorders of the savage tribes 
which occupy them upon the more settled districts adjoining; or, 
as has occurred in a very few cases before the white man had^^, lost 
his glamour, by the voluntary invitation or acceptance of the 



FIFTH SESSION 


29$ 

sovereignty of the annexing nation by the native people‘s for their 
own protection and out of appreciation of its superior institution and 
civilisation. 

Turning to the older group of slave-settled colonies, we again find 
in the British Colonial Office List nearly as many of these, all of 
which, to those familiar with them, present appreciable differences in 
the adjustment of their government to the circumstances offered by 
the existence in them of a black and coloured proletariat under the 
control of White Power. 

The most difficult and controveisial questions in regard to the 
government of African or Asiatic races under European sovereignty 
may be said to have risen and to persist in the British Empire, 
notably in India and in the South African group of colonies. I 
cannot reasonably nor without immodesty attempt to deal with the 
case of India in this paper. It is probably in South Africa that there 
have been developed the greatest conflicts of opinion, as between the 
efficient class of colonists in those lands and the mother country in 
regard to the principle on which the native races should be dealt 
with. These controversies tend to be disposed of as the colonies 
increase in wealth, importance, and power by the elimination of the 
control, opinions, and influence of the mother country, so that in them 
the question of the government of native races tends to pass out of 
the sphere of the topic of this paper, which is that of the 
government of colonies and dependencies by a sovereign nation, 
and to become a domestic problem of government which might more 
accurately be styled the question of internal government in a com- 
munity of mixed races and semi-civilised nation.,. But in regard 
to the other large group of colonies, namely, the slave-settled colonies 
and the colonies which have not yet produced and established their 
own independent governments, some generalisation is possible as to 
the prevalent aims of the sovereign nation in government. It must 
suffice for me to attempt to review these principles as they appear in 
the government of British Colonies and Dependencies, with regard to 
which alone I can presume to speak with sufficient information. 

In the slave-settled colonies, that is to say, the West Indian 
colonies, Mauritius, and the Seychelles, there survives practically no 
vestige of the social and judicial institutions or of the religious organi- 
sation of the transplanted alien race. The Law, the Courts, and the 
Churches are European. There is no distinction of persons before 
the Civil Law. The transplanted proletariat, mostly of African race 
or African descent, is regarded as being in semi-tutelage and as not 
fully qualified for the exercise of responsible self-government in 
democratic institutions. The ultimate guarantee for order in these 
communities rests with the mother country, and, with hardly any 



296 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

exception, legislative authority remains as a last resort under the 
control of the representative of that Power in the Executive Govern- 
ment. There are one or two apparent exceptions to this generalisa- 
tion in some of the older colonies that preserve their original 
constitutions ; but the exception is hardly a real one, because the 
government and control of these communities, although ostensibly 
democratic, really remains in the hands of the white section of the 
community or of those who have imbued themselves with the 
civilisation and ideals of the sovereign nation. 

The principle on which the government in relation to the less 
advanced race is based, is to aim at an education and evolution in 
European civilisation and political methods This education is 
sought to be obtained by the maintenance of the common law of 
the mother country, guaranteed by a high standard of purity in 
the judicial administration, by the steady extension of provision for 
elementary and more advanced education, both literary and practical, 
and by the privilege and responsibility of the exercise of political 
franchise in the election of members of the legislative council and of 
municipal governing bodies. In the colonies controlled by the 
Government of the sovereign nation, as distinct from the self- 
governing colonies, no special civil disability is imposed in any respect 
upon the citizen of whatever race he may be , all subjects have the 
same privileges and are under the same limitations. The limitations 
are exclusively political, and arc based upon recognition and ex- 
perience of the imperfect political capacities of the transplanted race, 
retaining just such a measure of political power to the representative 
of the sovereign nation (as the embodiment of the spirit of the 
governing race) as is sufficient to maintain stability in the progres- 
sive social order ; and the explicit theory of all these communities is 
that such political limitations are provisional and are subject to 
relaxation in so far as the community progresses towards greater 
capacity for self-government. 

With regard to the other great division of colonies inhabited by 
native races, in reference to which it may be said that the mother 
country has a policy of governing such races, the aim of the modern 
method is markedly different 

Most of these dependencies have been acquired and their govern- 
ment organised for the purpose of trade, and not with a view to the 
European colonists themselves becoming workers or employers of 
labour in agriculture. Nor has the colonising country imported or 
created the population, as it has in the older colonies. The colonists 
come there to preserve their economic interests in such manner as 
may involve them in the least possible complications with the natives. 
Where they live, as in seacoast settlements and towns, in close con- 



FIFTH SESSION 297 

tact with the natives, they are bound for the,4>ake of their own con* 
venience and health to interfere to a certain extent with the native 
customs and manners of life, and, for example, to establish municipal 
governments for sanitary purposes with more or less administrative 
control vested in the hands of the governing power. But beyond this 
there is less and less disposition to interfere with the native life and 
activity, and more and more to confine the energy of government to 
the departments of military and police protection, to the improve- 
ment of roads and other means of communication, and to the 
education of technical capacity. There is less and less tendency 
to regard the colonising country as being under any religious obliga- 
tion to interfere with polygamy, or other such native customs 
repugnant to British standards of civilisation and morality, and there 
is more and more a tendency to maintain and reinforce the authority 
of the local institutions of Government and Justice. 

Instead of introducing and proclaiming British law as paramount 
in these territories and compelling all the inhabitants to conform to 
that law and to sue for redress in its courts, the principle now 
generally approved and pursued is that, whilst there shall be a 
supreme court of British Justice with branches available to all 
Europeans and to such natives who choose to appeal to it, the natives, 
in matters concerning themselves and their fellows generally, shall 
retain the right to be tried by their own native courts, the administra- 
tion of justice in these courts being regulated and purified by the 
countenance and authority of the Supreme Government. Much is left 
to the chiefs, but the chief is under the guidance and control of a 
magistrate or commissioner representing the Goveri ment, whose duty 
it is to take care that the chief does not exceed his authority or oppress 
his tribesmen by an abuse of the processes of native law. The 
enormous territoiies controlled by Great Britain ’n West, East, and 
Central Africa are all of them now being governed more or less 
in accordance with these principles. 

The most important matter in regard to which the British 
Government actively interferes with the native economy is in 
regard to the institution of slavery, which it does not recognise 
and which it insists upon abolishing. But apart from this, it may 
be said that the principal aim of British government in these 
territories is to strengthen and stimulate the characteristic native 
life of the people, whilst at the same time creating in them a desire 
for commodities which can be produced by the mother country, 
and improving their efficiency in the growth and preparation of 
those products, such as oils, grains, cotton, and other commodities, 
whigh the colonising country desires as raw materials for its 
factories. These territories, not being suited to Europeans for 



298 ' UNI\\eRSAL races CONGRESS 

personal settlement, will not, like some of the South Africaii 
colonies, become homes for a large white population engaged in 
agriculture. The demand for native labour for direct employment 
at wages by such a class of white settlers — the circumstance which 
has so profoundly affected the relations of the races in South 
Africa — is not likely to arise in any marked degree in these 
territories, although it may possibly do so in some of those districts 
in East-Central Africa which are found useful for European coloni- 
sation. It is when the difficulties of labour supply become pressing 
that questions of land settlement and native privileges tend also 
to become urgent When these difficulties arise, the more easy- 
going, non-interventionist policy which is convenient for the wide 
territories of the later annexations and protectorates tends to 
become obsolete, and a more frankly self-interested policy is 
acknowledged and put into execution. 

As I have indicated, the problem then tends to pass from 
being that of the government by a sovereign European nation of 
dependencies peopled by other races — in which phase the aim of 
government is simply, as a rule, to promote facilities of commerce 
which can best be effected by stimulating the vigour and self- 
conscious activity of the native community — to being the problem 
of the internal government of a state in which both European 
and other races are fellow-citizens , and when that phase is reached, 
the policy of government must necessarily become rather that of 
developing the existence of a state suitable for the social' life 
of a civilised European community. In such circumstances we 
almost invariably see the same principles of government tending 
to be introduced as are established in the older slave-settled colonies, 
namely, a supersession of native institutions and customs accom- 
panied by a practical denial of equal political capacity in the non- 
European race, and the adoption of a policy of tutelage and 
education in regard to it before admitting it to complete political 
franchise. These safeguards against political incapacity in an 
ostensibly democratic State are provided by a considerable variety 
of expedients. 

Further, in such a community it is hardly possible to avoid 
the evolution of an industrial policy tending to impose the European 
standard of industry and energy upon the non-white population, 
because, whereas the requirements of an aboriginal population can 
be met without a large production of surplus value in industry, 
the requirements of a civilised state cannot be so met. The follow- 
ing illustration may suffice to indicate what I mean. The un- 
civilised native community will produce sufficient food, clothing, 
and housing to meet the requirements of its own social systom, 



FIFTH SESSION 


299 

but when it is sought to provide it with ^clothes, boots, soap, 
churches, schools, police, law-courts, European medicine and 
surgery, and all those higher instruments of civilisation which 
require professional classes who must be highly paid in money 
and who do not form a native part of the general organisation 
' which is producing the requirements of the merely nutritive life, 
surplus value must be produced by the proletariat, both for their 
own direct payments for those services and for the payment of 
taxes to the government which supplies them through its institu- 
tions. This necessity is the more marked because, whereas in the 
old civilised nations the classes who supply these utilities have 
been gradually evolved during centuries of national life, and the 
root system of their economic support has grown with the rest 
of the social organism in the attempt to force an educational 
development of native races up to the European standard 
mixed colony, they generally have to be introduced by the goveiii^ 
ment, whether in response to the desires of the colonists themselves 
or to the demands of humanitarianism and philanthropic forces 
in the sovereign nation ; so that these communities are required 
to pass immediately from a system of no education to a system 
of state education, from a system of customary courts judged 
by the chiefs to a system of paid judges, lawyers, registrars, 
documents, processes, and stamps, from a system of witchcraft 
and simples in medicine to a government medical service with 
hospitals^ nurses, surgical instruments, and the British pharmacopoeia. 
It is the same with all the institutions of the State which the 
European himself requires and which, in a mixed community, he 
either deems desirable or is impelled by philanthropy or religion 
to provide for the less advanced race. This community has not 
evolved an organic economic support for them because as a whole 
it has not learned to demand them. The State, or Government, 
is therefore called upon to provide these out of taxation. The 
sovereign nation may subsidise the dependency for a time by 
grants from its exchequer, but it soon wearies of this philanthropic 
exercise. 

For all these services, then, the produce, of the country has 
to pay, and it cannot provide the means without either a greater 
intensification of individual labour, or the improvement of its pro-^ 
ductiveness by capitalist organisation, or the development of an 
export trade whereby to induce an influx of imports on which 
customs duties can be levied. So that it comes to pass that the 
more philanthropic and humanitarian is the spirit of the aims of 
theJEuropean in the government of these mixed communities, the 
more is it necessary in order to pursue those aims that an internal 



300 


UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 


policy should be adopted which will stimulate the industry and 
increase the exploitation and taxation of the native labourer. This 
circumstance, quite as much as any individual greed on the part 
of the employers of labour, lies at the root of the policy of self- 
governing colonies with mixed communities with regard to land 
and industry. If the native populations are to be civilised, they 
must produce enough to maintain the institutions of civilisation. 
It is a very difficult thing for the Government of any tropical 
colony to raise by internal tribute (direct taxation) enough means 
to provide for the maintenance of the institutions which its civilised 
aims demand ; hence the constant tendency to endeavour to 
stimulate trade so that its revenue may be raised indirectly by 
taxes on that trade, which taxes the native does not feel as 
onerous and can hardly attempt to evade. Direct taxation in any 
form he detests, and evades if possible by the most extravagant 
shifts. 

The difficulty is less strongly felt in those older slave-settled 
colonies to which I have referred than it is in the newer colonies 
of mixed races that are developing their own government ; because 
those older colonies were built up as trading colonics specially 
supplying tropical produce to the mother country, and their popu- 
lation was impoited to produce staples for export, so that in the 
time of their greater prosperity they were able out of the profits 
of that trade to establish to a considerable extent the institutions 
of civilised communities demanded by their European settlers, 
and, as a matter of fact, the employing class has retained under 
its control the greater part of the land from which internal revenue 
can be raised. In the invitation which was addressed to me to 
write this short paper, I was asked to offer suggestions of how 
dependencies of mixed races should be governed. I fear that the 
expression of any general opinion of this kind would, in view of the 
great diversity of the circumstances of these communities of which 
I have given some indication, be a very futile attempt And my 
postulate of what is desirable would doubtless appear individual 
and arbitrary. Every colony has its own opinion on such points, 
and its opinion may differ from that of the sovereign nation. 

Such dependencies can only be governed as Europeans would 
like to see them governed when the native races that inhabit them 
have become what Europeans would like to see them be and what 
they are not now. And that is the whole difficulty of the situation 
for those who are practically engaged in the problems of colonial 
government. 

I have personally a very strong opinion that whatever ffiay 
be the case with Asiatics, African peoples generally are not at 



FIFTH SESSION 


301 


all suited by tempprament or talent for that kind of industrial 
position as wage-workers under capital into which the proletariats 
of industrial European countries have come, nor does it appear 
to me at all desirable that they should, if they can avoid it, pass 
into that position or acquire in all respects the characteristics of 
the European wage-worker ; but under present circumstances it 
appears that their powers of production cannot be quickly increased 
except under organised education by employers of the advanced 
or industrial race. 

Outside of this, the only method for assisting them to maintain 
those services which they are being more and more taught to 
require, is a very considerable personal education in agricultural 
and technical skill. But this education can only be obtained by 
an industry and application upon their part which it is very difficult 
to induce them voluntarily to undertake. Under the European 
apprenticeship system, craftsmen learned their trades as youths 
under the very severe dominion of a skilled master who controlled 
and, if necessary, beat them I do not know of any means except 
compulsion of this sort or stress of want to induce the steady 
industry that is required for thoroughly learning a trade in com- 
petition with the great counter-attractions of indolence and sen- 
suality that are continually pressing upon the youth of all tropical 
populations. 

The European wage-worker is not so free as the tropical native ; 
but he is competent because he is trained and disciplined. Unless 
the natives of tropical countries will voluntarily undergo industrial 
training and discipline, the requirements of a civilised state cannot 
be maintained among them except by such pressure of industrial 
necessity as has been evolved in civilised European countries, or 
by forced labour imposed by the State. Wherever the native has 
unrestricted access to land, and is in other respects free from 
economic compulsion, all that a progressive government imposed 
from without can do is to offer him and coax him to take advantage 
of the opportunities of agricultural and technical education, and 
strive by every possible means to stimulate and train his intelligence 
to perceive their advantages 

This is, in fact, the principal aim of modern progressive states- 
manship in all colonies and dependencies inhabited by a mixture 
of races. Whether the social, industrial, and religious ideals of 
those nations that are pursuing this aim are really destined to 
prove suitable to the best development of the races to whose 
moulding they are being applied, the future alone can disclose. 

[Paper submitted tn English ] 



'aaS UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

THE INFLUENCE OF MISSIONS 

By Alfred Caldecott, D.D. {Cambridge)^ D.Litt. {London)^ 
Professor of Moral Philosophy, Kin^s College, University of London, 

In another paper Professor Rhys Davids is considering the influence 
of Religion generally as a consolidating and separating influence: 
my task is to call attention to some features of Religious Missionary 
enterprise in this respect. 

For a Religion to be propagandist the first condition is that it 
must believe in the fundamental unity of mankind. A Religion 
which admits raciality as an article of its creed confines itself within 
the limits of the specified race. In some Religions raciality is, even 
if not manifest on the surface, at least so strong an undercurrent 
that they have no propagandist force : of living Religions I take it 
that this is the case at present with Judaism, which maintains no 
propaganda but for any expansion trusts simply to diffusion by 
contact. Hinduism contains many forms so much localised as to 
be untransferable, and even the fundamental tenets of Brahmanism 
are so bound up with raciality that the diffusion which is actually 
in process does not look beyond the boundaries of the Indian 
peninsula. In China the triplex system established by the State is 
not conceived as transferable either as a whole or in its parts, and a 
parallel statement is true of Japan. Expansion movement in 
Religions has been for some time past, and is at the present 
moment, limited to Buddhism, Islam, and Christianity. 

Buddhism in its fundamentals is free from racial limitations, and 
its history has shown diffusion from race to race on a large scale. 
Islam though closely associated with its P'ounder and his race at 
once went forth with open invitation, and though never successful 
in Europe had great successes elsewhere, and in Africa it is expand- 
ing its range before our eyes. Christianity was in the first gene- 
ration seen to be universalistic, and though its dominance was 
transferred from Asia into Europe, and later on it had to retreat 
before Islam in West Asia and North Africa, it felt this as a 
reproach, and in the. Crusades made a protest, futile though it proved 
to be. At the reopening of Asia after 1492 and the discovery of 
the New World, Christianity resumed its world- wide prospect. 

I suggest, therefore, that at a gathering of the Races of the world 
we do well to note that the three propagandist Religions are now 
definitely and explicitly dissociated from race-privileges, and to 
proceed to hope that those religions which are still closely attached 
to race-limitations will, when brought into mutual conference, be 
affected by the sentiment of unity, and consider seriously for Srem- 



FIFTH SESSION 


303 

selves the possibility of a new valuation of ^ their separative 
features. ^ 

Of the multitudinous forms of religion among the races of lower 
culture the connection with raciality in Its minute subdivisions has 
been too close to permit of their dissociation, and the notion of 
propaganda does not come into sight 

A. (a) In studying Religious propaganda I can only select some 
principal features : I will take first, Tke Association with Political 
Dominion. A religion may be so deeply ingrained in a Political 
system that wherever that polity is extended that religion is 
carried with it without a moment of questioning on the part either 
of the Nation which is extending or of the people who are sub- 
jugated, whether these latter accept the religion of the conquerors 
or not. Spanish and Portuguese America entered at once formally 
into Christendom in the sixteenth century as clearly as North 
Africa passed within Islam under the Arabs and Moors in the 
seventh and eighth ; the French colonists carried their Church into 
Canada as the Moslem invaders carried theirs to Delhi. But in 
different situations very different degrees of success attended the 
endeavours to bring the Native populations effectively within the 
newly presented religions. The simple expectations of the first 
days of conquest soon faded before aboriginal inability or un- 
willingness to accept a change, and both in the New World and the 
Old very limited success and very nominal kinds of “ conversion ” 
were accepted as time went on. Within the empire of Britain the 
religious dissensions at home gave rise to a great variety of policy 
in the Colonies and Plantations. The New F igland colonies 
established their own forms of Protestant Christianity ; Virginia 
and the West Indian colonies established the Church of England as 
at home ; and some colonies were on a toleration basis, notably Penn- 
sylvania, founded by the Society of Friends. Official attention to the 
Red Indians soon ceased, and indeed was replaced over large areas 
by a long period of hostilities : but some voluntary missionary 
efforts were put forth, though not in any considerable volume. In 
the Southern States and in the West Indies the singular transplan- 
tation of large numbers of Negroes brought them within Christen- 
dom nominally only, as their civil status was so widely felt to be 
inconsistent with Christian rights that their admission was either 
Ignored or positively refused for many years, although in the end 
the result has been the enrolment of not less than ten millions of 
people of West African descent more or less completely within the 
Christian churches. In India the character of the entry of British 
dominion was affected by its being the affair of a commercial 
Company, and religious propaganda was wholly separated from it. 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 


304 . 

In Australia the peculiar circumstances of the early colonisation 
and the total inability to appreciate what strains of promise there 
might be in the unquestionably low-grade Aborigines, left these in 
worse than neglect for many years ; in New Zealand the more 
enlightened type of colonisation and the superior quality of the 
Maoris led to a close alliance of State action with Mission work, as 
illustrated by the memorable co-operation of Governor Grey and 
Bishop Selwyn The extension of the Greek Church has been for 
a long time limited to the expansion of Russian dominion, which it 
accompanies as a matter of course in name, though in Central 
Asia Islam has not been officially superseded. 

The extension of Islam has always included some conception of 
the extension of Dominion on the part of the successors of 
Mohammed in the Caliphate, but powerful sovereigns have arisen 
with not even nominal allegiance in a secular sense, near the centre, 
as Persia, and remote, as Morocco. But recent political changes 
have been so sweeping that it is estimated by good authority that 
of some 230 millions of Moslems 170 millions live under Christian 
rule or protection, and 30 millions under other non-Mohammedan 
rule, leaving only 30 millions under Moslem political jurisdiction. 

A. {i) The Complete Separation of Religious Propaganda from Ex- 
tension op Dominion, — This separation has always marked Buddhism. 
As it spread from India to Tibet, Siam, China, and Japan, it moved 
as a purely religious change effected by individual monks, teachers, 
and pilgrims ; and even in India its diffusion in the times of its 
success was not by political means. 

In Islam, as seen above, the political aspect has faded as expan- 
sion extended to remote regions • it has flowed onward as a religious 
system, and the deference paid to the Successor of Mohammed and 
the Sheik-ul-Islam now takes the form of a spiritual allegiance, 
though doubtless in many minds the old association lingers and 
might again assert itself At present the extension over Africa 
is by individual missionaries and traders, and carries with it no 
claim for political allegiance. 

For Christianity in the days of the close association of the 
Roman Catholic Church with the States a non-political character 
was recognised when Roman Catholic missions were sent to China 
and Japan with no thought of interference with the political status 
of those countries. In the Protestant churches there soon arose a 
desire to extend Christianity by private enterprise, and missionary 
societies of a purely voluntary kind were formed. Beginning at first 
with the Natives of Colonies and dependencies as principal concern 
{e.g,, the New England Company of Cromwell and the Gospel 
Propagation Society of Queen Anne) the close of the eighteenth 



FIFTH SESSION 305 

century saw the institution in Great Britain of several Societies 
which took the whole world into view. Slkiieties were 

formed in Germany, Switzerland, and the United States which 
were necessarily wholly devoic^ of political intention as they 
dealt entirely with the peoples or lands outside the domains of 
the people who supported them. 

Whilst some of the Mis3ionary Societies undertook the task 
of presenting Christianity to the civilised nations, India, China, 
Japan, with some endeavours in the lands under Islam also, it 
is not surprising that the greatest mass of effective work was 
found to be possible among the peoples of lower culture and 
of primitive forms of religion In South and West Africa, Mada- 
gascar, and the Pacific Islands the romance of Missions, both Protes- 
tant and Roman Catholic, presents a chapter of permanent interest 
in the religious history of mankind, remarkable alike in the heroism 
of the messengers and in the degree of acceptance of the message. 
In this non-political work the Greek Church has shared by means 
of the Russian missions to China and Japan. 

What I think this gathering of representatives of the different 
Races is concerned to note is that in the propaganda of religion 
every one now agrees that it must be by absolutely voluntary 
effort : that by Churches, Societies, or individuals, but not by 
Governments, religions may be proclaimed all over the world. 
Two principles may well be asked for: — 

That no Government shall disturb the political situation 
by including in its programme the propagation of its own 
religion, as distinguished from its maintenance ; 

That no Government shall refuse to its subjects freedom to 
hear religious messages, or prevent them from accepting them 
if they so desire. 

These principles express a right which may be generally ac- 
cepted as lying at the root of the unification of mankind. And 
we may find ourselves able to consider together what cases there 
may still be in which these principles are obstructed. I should be 
extremely sorry to introduce any cause of offence, and perhaps 
should not offer any particular cases : but orife may hope that in 
an atmosphere of mutual respect the representatives of these 
peoples may not be unwilling to state their views and to take counsel 
with the general assemblage. I would specify the following : the need 
for allowing freedom for religious missions in Spain and Russia within 
Christendom ; in Turkey and in Persia ; and in French Colonies 
Government neutrality as in the French Congo rather than 
the adverse attitude even to long-established missions which 


X 



io6 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

has marked a considerable period of the regime in Madagascar. 
In some countries it is the missionaries who need the protec- 
tion of the Government, in others it is the religious liberties 
of the people which are restricted, if not nominally, in fact 
Of course, the opposition of the people themselves must be allowed 
for, and judiciously treated, eg., in Turkey, Persia, Afghanistan, and 
Morocco, where resentment and alarm enter into the popular mind. 
But when the people are not unwilling, Governments may be asked 
not to interfere, and even where the people are alarmed. Governments 
may well seek to reassure them, and to lead them towards respect for 
religious freedom. On the other hand, the Missions must be guided 
by limitations in the protection they ask for. In this connection I 
would assure the representatives of peoples who hesitate to trust to a 
wide liberty that for Christian missions at least the future will be 
most carefully watched. This very subject engaged close attention at 
the “World’s Missionary Conference” at Edinburgh last year, which 
devoted a whole section of its proceedings to the relations of Missions 
to Governments : its decisions are marked by great considerateness, 
and Missionary policy is sure to be guided by them in the future 
so that respect for Government, loyalty, and patriotism will find every 
support from the missionaries of religion in whatever land they 
work. 

B. I will take as my second theme the extent to which religious 
propaganda includes moral and social factors. 

{d) First : Religion as including Cultus to a Far-reaching Extent : 
carrying with it science, literature, technical arts (especially medicine 
and engineering), methods of industry and trade, education, and even 
domestic life and social institutions generally. 

This is, of course, the earlier condition of religions. In Hiffduism, 
for example, it is almost impossible to distinguish between sacred and 
secular ; and Brahmanism carries a cultus with it, though the admis- 
sion of new castes usually involves the acceptance of some modifica- 
tions. In Christian missions of the modern era a difference was 
soon perceived between missions to peoples of high civilisation and to 
the peoples of lower culture. A transference of European cultus to 
India, China, or Japan was seen to be on a very different footing from 
the task involved in presenting/Christianity to primitive peoples. In 
India the mark made h/ the separation between religion and 
dominion already alluded 4o continued, and such reforms in moral 
and social institutions as were deemed indispensable were reduced 
within narrow limits, and even these were altogether dissociated from 
religious sanctions, though some of them were undoubtedly the off- 
spring of Christian ethics. In China and Japan a standing coolness 
between many of the European residents and the Christian mission- 



FIFTH SESSION 


307 


aries arose in consequence of attempts of the latter to include too 
much of social reconstruction in their programme. ^ 

But with the peoples of lower culture religious enterprise as a 
vehicle of social and ethical reforms has had a free course : it has, 
indeed, provided the motive power for lifting up these peoples 
towards civilisation. The analysis of the influence of the Christiari 
missionary settled with an African tribe or on a Pacific island is 
replete with interest Over and over again a single individual has 
meant “civilisation*' as well as the Gospel to a whole community. 
From him have flowed influences regenerating every part of their 
social life. From one man's heart and brain have issued not only 
the abolition of degrading and cruel customs, but the beginnings of 
new industrial organisation, glimpses of science and literature, new 
forms of social order. And when he has been accompanied by a 
household a new type of domestic life has been exhibited and the 
family set in a new light. It is difficult to conceive that the future 
history of the world can ever again show example after example of 
social elevation on so considerable a scale : important tribes in South 
Africa, in the Pacific, in Madagascar, and New Zealand, among the 
Red Indians of the North-West and the remote Esquimaux of 
Greenland and Labrador, have come to a new birth. So clear has 
been the elevation that for many of them it has meant the entry into 
the single world-circle now approaching completion, though for the 
present in the provisional and preparatory stage of being dependen- 
cies or protectorates of European empires. Time fails for particu- 
larising as to the effects of Missionary enterprise among these 
peoples. From a world point of view we see how ’t has preserved 
some which were in peril of perishing as the stronger races spread 
over the globe carrying influences which threatened to be fatal to the 
weaker. Saved by the infusion of the counter-influences of religion, 
these peoples are now raising their heads and beginning to multiply 
again in the vigour of a recovered life. Too late, indeed, for some 
of them, as the pathetic story of disappearing and vanished races 
shows. But on the whole we may claim that the indigenous inhabi- 
tants whom Europe found in tropical and subtropical lands have 
passed through the valley of bitterness and are now entered upon 
the open fields, and that the chief instrument bf their salvation in 
the hour of peril has been the sympathetic ardour of religion which 
moved messengers to devise and to initiate the ethical and social 
reformation which stands on record. 

For Islam also there is a long record of peoples brought within 
the range of world-civilisation in recent times, over a large part of 
Africa especially. Important moral and social reforms have been 
adopted by virile communities under powerful native rulers : some of 



308 , UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

them remain independent, others, as in the Soudan, Zanzibar, and in 
Malaysia, have passed under European protection while retaining 
their allegiance to the religion which first linked them with the world 
at large. 

(d) Religion as dissociated from Secular Culture. — Religion 
sometimes regards itself as other-worldly, as a concern of men in their 
individuality, as appertaining solely to the inner life, leaving external 
ranges of life as it finds them, to continue or to reshape themselves 
as they may. And, on the other hand, secular culture can also 
separate itself and extend on lines independent of religion. 

Buddhism essentially holds the secular life in so low esteem that 
it is capable of complete detachment and therefore of transfer from 
race to race without calling for any social changes. The Brahmanic 
philosophy is in like case The present activity of both of them falls 
within this category they contemplate an extension apart from 
criticism of social order or from aims at carrying over the world the 
particular culture of India or Japan. 

On the other hand, much of European civilisation is now extending 
in separation from Christianity. Even within European dominions 
this is the case. In India the British Government makes no appeal 
to Christian authority even in the Provinces entirely under its ad- 
ministration, while in the 688 Native States their established reli- 
gions continue unaffected The moral and social reforms which are 
fostered are regarded as secular, introduced and commended apart 
from the sanctions of religion. The recent separation of Church 
and State in France imposes a purely secular policy in her Colonies 
and protectorates ; and the absence of all official connection with 
religion in the United States Government places American policy in 
the same position 

Again, the outflow of European arts and sciences and commerce 
proceeds by a diffusion independent of religion. In some cases it is 
not only dissociated but is hostile, sending forth as counter-messages 
Materialism and various forms of purely Ethical and Secular culture. 

Religious propaganda therefore, to a considerable extent, has to 
reconsider itself, and to take account of a parallel extension of culture 
for which it need not take responsibility, and it is therefore impelled to 
bring into principal attention the inner and more purely spiritual 
elements of its message in its missionary work. 

In another way Christianity has been obliged to see in European 
extension not a component part of its activity but an antagonistic 
influence. The characters of many of the energetic individuals who 
for trade or for adventure first visited or settled in those distant 
lands were far from being Christian, to say the least : too frequently 
they diffused mischief and misery, and aroused hostility and terror 



FIFTH SESSION 


309 


wherever their sinister presence made itself felj^ <;h*'is||aTiity had to 
be separated from Europeanism in all sadness by Las Casas, and 
Xavier, and by many a missionary since their day. Even when there 
was no ruthless depravity there was a depressing influence requiring 
counteraction arising from the fact that so much of the early contact 
of Europeans with outside peoples was based simply and solely on 
profit from trade. In the ordinary way this was innocuous, often bene- 
ficial ; but love of gold is a bad master, and the supply of noxious 
and destructive instruments of indulgence was too often the most 
profitable line of trade ; while the need of labour was frequently 
difficult to satisfy without exploitation of the Native peoples, with 
fatal results. And when lands were wanted in which the Natives 
were de trop over large areas “extermination proved easier than 
civilisation,'' It has been no small part of the Christian propaganda 
to counteract these noxious influences in the past. And to-day the 
need for such counteraction has taken effect in the tendency of 
Christian agencies to disclaim responsibility for Europeanism, or at 
any rate to the forms of it to which circumstances seem to confine 
its transplantation to Asia and Africa. In short, the separation 
has to some extent to take the form of declining to associate the 
Christian name with any racial or national characters whatever, and 
to insist on confining it to its essential usage as a religious term. 
Islam has had to provide parallel counteraction ; it has been im- 
portant in quite similar ways as a protest against the appearance of 
higher civilisation in the dreaded forms of the slave-raider and the 
pirate, and obliged to present itself in detachment from the Arab 
name and race. 

{c) There remain the cases, between the above extremes, in which 
Religious Propaganda contains some Factors of an Ethical and Social 
Kind in its programme without embarking upon wholesale reforms. 
Which factors commend themselves as so universal in promise of 
beneficence that all Religions would do well to give them support ? 

We have seen that political Dominion must be excluded . that 
Religion should move onward as a force on the side of loyalty and 
civic duty within the Nations. In this Congress it is specially 
important to proceed to claim that it must pay a similar respect to 
Race. It must welcome the results of Anthropologists in ascertain- 
ing differential race-characters and race-capacities, and leave large 
freedom for the influence of these in the ethical and social systems 
for which Religion will contribute principles and provide sanctions. 
In short, the Vocation of Nations and of Races must be accepted. 
How widely this is coming into recognition was shown at the recent 
“Pan-Anglican Congress" in the Report on Missions, and at the 
“ World Missionary Conference ” in Edinburgh last year. The 





UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 


organisation of national forms of Christianity in Japan, China, Indian 
Africa, were acclaimed as the method of the future. “ Africans are 
an Eastern people,** said a Negro Bishop at the former Congress ; 
there must be Chinese Christians, claimed a scholarly convert from 
China ; and these sentiments were endorsed by the Congresses. Most 
careful attention was given to the discrimination of the moral and 
social institutions which Religion should include and those which it 
should leave the different nations and races to work out on their own 
lines. It will be an important function of this Congress to assist in 
the sifting of moral and social ideas with the view of assigning to them 
entrance into the sphere of universal commendation or remitting 
them to racial and local determination. I have my own opinion as 
to the trend which universal judgment is taking in a good many 
cases, but I ought not to set them down in a paper where there is no 
room to indicate the evidence upon which I proceed. 

But I hope we may take it that all the religions which include a 
desire to extend their influence will be glad both to contribute counsel 
and to receive it in the important task of selecting the universalia of 
humane ethical and social order. I can speak as a Christian believer, 
and I hope that the men of other religions will join in this endeavour. 
Religions would then be free to enter upon mutually deferential 
controversy in the region of the hopes and the sanctions which they 
severally offer for the contents of the Faith and the manner of the 
Worship which they value for themselves and would commend to 
mankind. That there are universalistic and idealistic elements even 
in some Religions which make no move outward at present 1 feel 
confident, and it may be that this Congress will include among its 
beneficial results the determination on the part of those who belong 
to them to bring to light these universalistic factors, so that we may 
all proceed together in a common task. 

In conclusion^ the continuance of religious propaganda invites the 
sympathy of a Races Congress for these two reasons, amongst 
others : — 

I. It is a standing witness for Altruism in a world which now, as 
aver, needs such witness. The dark shadow of political aggrandise- 
ment has indeed passed by, for the present at least ; we are hoping 
for the suppression of plunder and exploitation of every kind. But 
the universal spread of commerce and industrial arts rests only upon * 
the desires of men, as individuals or companies, for salaries and 
profits ; and even the beneficent arts and sciences are carried round 
the world by men who do not profess to be motived by anything 
higher than the aim to secure an honourable livelihood by their 
means. In religious missions alone have we purely altruistic 
agencies on a large scale. And especially noteworthy is thfs the 



FIFTH SESSION 


in the immeasurably important sphere VJ^onjanhood. Few 
women accompany the extenders of commerce or se%nce, by the 
circumstances of the case, and when they go to tropical and sub- 
tropical regions their capacity for looking beyond their immediate 
circle of duty is naturally reduced to a small compass. But religious 
Missions have sent out a constant succession of Women as wives and 
daughters of missionaries, or as members of sisterhoods, who bear 
altruistic witness from the women of one race to the women of 
another. * 

2. Missionary propaganda is a standing appeal to the Singleness 
of the Spiritual Kingdom. It witnesses for this whether taken as a 
purely spiritual message or as a support to such universalising of 
ethical and social principles as has been indicated above. Absence 
of such desire to expand is a sign of acquiescence in separateness, an 
acceptance of the divided state of mankind and unequal participation 
in highest values. The religious conviction of essential unity allies 
itself with the philosophical conception of rational personality and 
with the ethical conception of fraternity. Whether or not these can 
stand alone is one of the pressing problems of our time. How 
extensively personality has been denied to the peoples of the lower 
culture is as clearly signified by the designation of them as Nature- 
peoples^’ as it is by the depreciatory designations current among 
travellers and traders. How far fraternity can make itself good in 
the atmosphere of Naturalistic evolution is, at the least, dubious. 
Certainly the elevation of the peoples of lower culture which has 
so far taken place has been largely due to the unswerving reliance 
upon personality 'and fraternity inherent in the Historical Religions 
which have gone to work amongst them. What would take place if 
these Religions were to be withdrawn by ceasing from further propa- 
ganda may be differently estimated ; at any rate, it is clear that 
they have been supports of human brotherhood in the past, and are 
so to-day. The extension over the world of the physical sciences 
as a single complex unity is assured, and needs no support ; and 
Religions which are to extend must make their account with this. It 
is the same with the organisation of* human industry into a single 
system ; and this, too, is no way uncongenial to religion. 

The varieties of individual character and* manners, of racial 
idiosyncrasy, and of social and political order are brought into 
unity wherever religions deposit the conception of spiritual person- 
ality as a substratum underneath them : and the varieties themselves 
sure ^thereafter provided with place and opportunity in a developing 
world. For taking part in such an endeavour to unify humanity 
each Historical Religion must see to it that it has possession of 
cuitiSre-factors universalist in range and capable of development 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 


312 

in their application to the differences of race* and circumstance. And 
it must be able to show that its co-operation is needed by proving 
that it can impress the imagination and stimulate enthusiasm in 
the heart, generating and sustaining a degree of faith in the advance 
of men towards a unity of mankind such as cannot be attained 
without its aid. 

[^Papei submitted tn English ] 


INDENTURED AND FORCED LABOUR 

By (the late) the Right Hon Sir Charles W. Dilke, Bart., London. 

Honoured by an invitation to write on “ Slavery and Indentured 
Labour,** I troubled the committee with suggestions as to title — 
none of them satisfactory to myself. “ Forced Labour ** is generally 
confined to cases of direct compulsion. Indentured Labour** 
covers many systems, good and bad. No one phrase is in common 
use to designate the result, both of such plans and of land and 
taxation policy intended by way of indirect compulsion to work 
upon plantations managed by Europeans or in mines. The object 
of the essay is to describe the most modern forms of malpractices 
in respect of labour- recruiting which the old anti-slavery societies 
of Europe and America are now concerned to remedy. 

The writers of papers are directed to avoid bitterness towards 
Governments and nations, while reasoned blame ’* is to be directed 
to practical ends. An interpretation of the instructions will not be 
wrong that takes for guide the wish to prove honesty towards native 
labour the best policy — the only policy that can be permanent. 
The warning from the Congo State is familiar to us all. It may 
be useful to note the singular difference of result produced in various 
French colonies of tropical Africa by the rejection or the adoption 
of wrong methods — introduced to the French Congo from the 
neighbouring Belgian concessions. 

The economists have buried the old slavery, and convinced 
all that it tended either to become non-productive and benevolently 
old-fashioned, or elsd to promote intensive and exhaustive destruc- 
tion of the labour itself, and ultimately of the resources of the 
State. Native convict labour, peonage, and some forms of inden- 
tured labour here and there still reveal to the inquisitive the old 
horrors, now for the most part relegated to the backward tracts 
of countries little known Of the terrors which even an organised 
system of indentured labour agreed on between Governments may 
contain, the worst example in the time of living men was afforded 



FIFTH SESSION 


31s 


by the revelations^ of the Chinese Imperial Cj^mmission sent to 
Cuba to investigate the horrible outcome of an organised Chinese 
labour system founded after the emancipation of the black slaves 
of Spain. The proceedings were watched by Great Britain and 
recorded in conclusive documents. I refrain here from noting 
similar charges now under examination, inasmuch as the facts 
are not officially proved But it seems probable that Yucatan 
and some other districts of Mexico present a field for such research. 

More insidious and widespread modern forms of the evils to 
be considered are probably on the increase. It is, indeed, not 
easy to feel certain whether the anti-slavery cause has lost or 
gained ground in our time. There can unfortunately be no doubt 
that the principle of equal treatment of white and coloured people 
has failed to maintain its hold on the legislation of English-speaking 
States. No other example need be given than the inclusion of a 
“ colour-bar ” in our most recent Dominion Constitutions As 
regards practice, the Government of India, backed by the Imperial 
Government at home, has lately failed to obtain from some British 
States that treatment for emigrating Indian British subjects which 
we had once been able to ensure. The correspondence refusing 
Indian labour to Reunion forms the main historical document of 
a better past. Lord Sanderson’s inquiry, however, has reinforced 
Lord Salisbury’s position that it is “an indispensable condition . . . 
that native settlers who have completed the terms of service to 
which they agreed ” shall “ be in all respects free men, with privileges 
no whit inferior to those of any other class of H.M.’s subjects resident 
in the colonies.” 

Nevertheless, the moment is one at which there is a real risk 
of general recrudescence of slave conditions in disguise. The per- 
version of the system established by Europe for the Congo Valley, 
the quest for rubber, the development of the Amazon Valley in 
South America, the increase of capital rushing for profitable invest- 
ment to the tropics, have led the company promoter into every 
jungle in the world ; while the need for cotton and the demand 
for cocoa have quickened the race for concessions. 

As regards “ Forced Labour,” the corvee^ intended for roads 
and public works, is found in the legislatiofl of many countries, 
as in the customs of almost all the native States. The system, 
generally accepted in its simpler and less harmful forms, is obviously 
liable to abuse. A familiar case of extension of corvee into ’^rtual 
enslavement of the population was presented by Egypt under Ismail. 
It was the custom to call out without pay, or without sufficient 
wage, thousands of men and women, dragged to great distances 
froA their homes, often in chains, and urged on by the whip. 



314 .UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

Such practices are “put down,” and then, sometimes, after being 
tentatively revived, at first in far milder form, creep in once more. 
To repair the banks by which inundation is averted, or, in the 
proper place, encouraged, may be represented as work similar 
to the patching-up by unpaid village labour of a road in Switzer- 
land. But an Egyptian Minister may accumulate a fortune by the 
advantage over rival sugar-planters secured by the use of official 
temporary labour. Our latest Reports on Egypt have shown an 
enormous new call made on forced child labour fo- the destruction 
of a cotton worm. 

In this matter, we have much to learn from French African 
experience. The French have found that forced labour is still 
forced labour when it is paid. They have, more nearly than any 
j other nation, secured its abolition in their colonies. So, too, it will 
! be seen that they have renounced indentured labour on a large 
scale under official management, finding that it completely failed 
! in the nickel mines of New Caledonia when imported from Java 
and from Annam. Would that we were able to pronounce the 
( French record as free from stain in the matter of concessions as 
under these two first heads ! French kidnapping in the Southern 
Pacific is on a small scale, and, when discovered, is put down by 
the Republic, as “ blackbirding ” is put down by the Germans 
and ourselves. 

In many of our own possessions there have been, by the ad- 
mission of the Colonial Office, cases of corvde used for purposes 
which made it liable to abuse — forced labour, paid at rates lower; 
than those of the open market ; sometimes unpaid, and justified 
only by the plea of absolute necessity. Armies, even in Europe, 
obtain transport by force. In Africa, where chiefs exact labour 
for carrying baggage on the march, the distinction of reserving 
force for military operations has never been observed. Porterage 
is highly paid when good porterage is available, for no administrator 
or explorer is content with the service of the untrained native, so 
infinitely superior is the professional from the coast. But the 
right men cannot always be obtained. Railways, roads possible 
for the motor, and cycle paths have to be made, and abuse by 
extension of the cof^ie has not everywhere been mitigated. In 
the case of the Congo, the reply to M. Vandervelde’s attacks shows 
that even the improved Belgian government of the former State 
defends the use of forced labour, on a large scale, at a great distance 
from the people’s homes, for making railways. 

A return laid before Parliament, on “forced labour in British 
Colonies,” was on the surface fair enough. In self-governing Natal, 
though still existing, it was officially condemned, and elsewtterc 



FIFTH SESSION 315 

it was minimised.. But in our parliamentary,. jiebates of 1910 it 
was admitted that it had been again made use o? in several of 
our African Protectorates at the first starting of the experimental 
growth of cotton. Those who read the annual reports from each 
colony, as for example from the Kedah Government, or from 
Kclantan, and from our older possessions in the Malay Peninsula, 
are aware of the difficulties met with. Although the Pacific Phos- 
phate Company finds defenders of its proceedings in Ocean Island 
and in the Gilbert Islands, it seems to be admitted that our com- 
plaint against the Portuguese of mixing native convict labour, forced 
labour through chiefs, and indentured labour upon the same plan- 
tations applies to the practice of some islands connected by their 
labour history with our colony of Fiji. There is more dispute 
about the facts in East Africa and Uganda, but Bishop Tucker 
is a high and an impartial authority, and he, I believe, still con- 
demns the use made of forced labour in our East African posses- 
sions. Sometimes, where Governments are innocent, concessionary 
companies compromise them and destroy the future of their colonies 
by obtaining forced labour through chiefs. This has been a main 
cause of the revolt on the French Ivory Coast. 

So far as corvee may be retained, it is essential that we should 
avoid stretching the native usage by increase of the customary 
period of absence from home or the distance from home, thus 
impinging on the times for sowing and reaping each kind of 
village crop. 

The ordinary forced labour of the Congo State, now said to be 
ended in half its territory, was of a different kind, happily unusual 
except in some of the neighbouring French and Franco-German 
concessionary areas. In the Congo alone, the State was the direct 
recipient of forest produce collected by forced labour as taxation. 
The admitted result of such a system is inevitable destruction of 
the economic future of the country. Its horrible incidents rightly 
attracted the most attention. That these occurred in a vast territory 
solemnly set aside by Europe as a model State increased the direct 
responsibility — especially of Belgium, the United States (with the 
earliest Treaty)— and the United Kingdom, and justified or 
necessitated intervention. 

Though there are now more popular forms of forced labour to 
be considered, they often involve one main incident of the Congo 
system. By the destruction of native law and tribal custom, by 
fusing the noble with the slave population, and creating one uni- 
versal black proletariat, cheap though inefficient labour is provided 
for managers representing European capital. Not only do the 
administrators come and go, but the companies themselves are not 



3i6 universal RACES CONGRESS 

likely to possess the territorities for more than a few years, and have 
no interest in that permanent prosperity of the land which forms 
the chief interest of the Power under which they hold. 

There is a widespread attempt to produce plentiful cheap labour 
>y methods less destructive than those at which we have already 
glanced. The choice of the planters and mine managers appears to 
them to lie between indirect compulsion, through land laws and 
taxation, and the introduction of indentured labour from afar. The 
official tendency is against indentured labour, andr more generally 
favourable to various systems offering inducement to the local native 
to work for Europeans because his lands are becoming insufficient 
for his needs and his taxes cannot otherwise be paid. This tendency 
is increased in the British, German, French, and even Liberian parts 
of Africa by the costliness of European government. In the African 
territories of the three Great Powers the development of railways and 
of harbours, and the desire to escape from obligations incurred 
towards the mother country in return for large annual subsidies, 
cause constant pressure in the same direction 

There is an obvious danger of the diversion of labour from 
those forms of agriculture which are most popular with the people 
and economically preferable for the local State. High price of 
rubber and of cocoa, the desire to stand well with the Govern- 
ments of Germany or of Great Britain in the matter of cotton 
supply, rabid speculation in company shares, all increase a tendency 
regretted by our best administrators. The ownership, or even the 
temporary occupation, of increasing territories by absentee capitalists, 
in Europe, acquiring all the mineral resources and a large share of 
the agricultural or forest produce, and paying wage to landless blacks 
dependent upon them for existence, are new features in African 
economic life. The problems arc of European origin. The system 
is outside the experience and abhorrent to the customs of the popu- 
lation, whose theory is tribal ownership or dependence upon a trustee 
chief, and the dangers are increased by religious as well as by race 
hostility or prejudice. It is essential that ample land should be 
reserved for the use of the native agricultural population ; but, as 
Sir Charles Bruce has shown, there has been no uniform policy and 
little sign of willingness to face the question, “ How can a stable 
State be built on such a foundation ? ” 

The indentured labour remedy has been described in the evidence 
given before Lord Sanderson's Committee Such labour is brought 
from a distance to replace local labour, or else to keep down the 
wage bill by an active competition, or, again, to yield labour of a 
kind so dangerous, so hard, or locally so unusual as to be excep- 
tionally distasteful. Deep mining, with its high percentage ' of 



FIFTH SESSION 


317 


accident and death, is dreaded, at least wl^n novel^, whatever may ' 
be the salary attached to this form of toil. When mining has been 
for some time in operation it often, if well conducted, attracts a large 
supply of temporary labour, but rarely on a scale sufficient for a 
European manager’s ideas. 

The powerful Labour Administration of the Australian Com- 
monwealth, having to govern Papua, finds itself faced with a 
demand for indentured labour from a distance, although local 
labour is singiaiarly plentiful and good, considering the sudden 
spread of capitalist enterprise in New Guinea. Meetings have 
been held there by prospectors and planters to put pressure upon 
the Commonwealth, and investors asked to stay their hand, but 
assured that each prospectus issued in London is well within the 
mark — in all respects but one. The “ public ” assemble to show 
the Government of Australia that “the companies are in need of 
double as many indentured labourers as they can procure,” though 
the Minister of Labour states that 5,500 were in their service on 
June 30, 1910 “The methods of recruiting are inadequate,” “the 
duration of the indentures ” too short ; and the meetings call for 
“ compulsory labour ” at least of “ prisoners,” perhaps without too 
much investigation of how far the sentence of the wished-for convicts 
might be colourable One reverend gentleman, interviewed after the 
great meeting, frankly opened his store of “considerable knowledge” 
— “ I believe in compulsory labour in certain districts.” 

Lord Sanderson’s Committee, nominally reporting in favour of 
the continuance of existing indentured Indian emigration, laid stress 
upon conditions without which it “might easily become oppressive.” 
We are to insist on, but seem, in Trinidad at least, unable to obtain, 
a staff determined to take seriously the duty for which they are 
appointed as “ Protectors ” of immigrants. Lord Sanderson’s Com- 
mittee propose only to permit Indian indentured immigration to 
“ such colonies as have spare land ” in suitable situation. This, 
however, is exactly what many colonies do not possess, and for 
which there is no security in others. Zululand, for example, was 
handed over to Natal, of which it ?iow is held to be an ordinary 
part, on condition of the reservation to natives of lands now being 
granted to concessionary companies, and Natal has been till now 
still in receipt of indentured labour from India. Those lately con- 
cerned in the government of South Africa, who do not see eye 
to eye with many of us, hold the strongest opinion as to the unfair- 
ness of displacement of local native labour under the circumstances 
of the South African case. Yet Indian indentured labour is an 
example specially favourable to the indenture system, for India 
po^esses and has exercised in the past the right to suspend 



ai8 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

< emigpration to any country where proper measures are not taken 
for the protection of the labourers and for their return if they reject 
the favourable conditions stipulated for their permanent settlement 
in their new home. 

The Committee think that in some colonies the immigration is 
required because the indigenous population is diminishing. In Fiji 
the terrible decrease in the native population occurred under an 
experimental system for dealing with native labour by means as 
scientific and in result almost as cruel as the culture system of 
Java — like the Fiji system — now abolished. But the death-rate 
of Fiji for the substituted Indian labour is also high. In an official 
paper on the death-rate in Penang it is admitted that the conditions 
in many of the estates that take indentured labour are such that 
unindentured labourers refuse to take employment on them,” and 
^‘desertions are numerous.” It seems that India is unable always 
to enforce her just demands even in her own immediate neighbour- 
hood. As regards the West Indies, although the Committee were 
disposed to clear the officials from the heavy charges brought against 
them, such documents as those which explain why so large a propor- 
tion of labourers are sent to gaol, and how the exaction of the legal 
task causes the desertion noted, cannot but raise grave misgiving. 
“An enormous quantity of suffering” is admitted, and Mr. Norman 
Lamont’s evidence showed the opinion of an estate owner anxious to 
be fair as to how little chance the aggrieved labourer has of invoking, 
still less obtaining, the real defence of “ the Protector.” 

It is essential to be on guard against the common cry that 
the local native will not work. The case of at least three British 
colonies possessing negro labour is to be remembered. That of 
Jamaica may suffice. Indian indentured labour is thought necessary 
for the local plantations, and is largely paid for by the taxation 
of the Jamaican negro ; but the latter is in demand in Panama 
and even in Dutch Guiana, at high wage, so that it becomes 
evident that we are in face, not of unwillingness to work, but of 
inability of the planter to pay the wage which the labourer can 
earn in the open market. Lord Sanderson’s Committee, by weighing 
evidence collected from every responsible source, upset the demand 
for supplying indentured labour to colonies asking for its extension 
to new fields. We find but one exception, and as regards “ an 
experiment on a small scale,” in Uganda, where the decrease of the 
native population is “ alarming,” the Committee place on record 
their opinion that it is not likely to be a financial success. 

It is often the case that plenty of local labour can be obtained, 
but that the willing native wants to return home to superintend 
the sowing of his crops, or, as the employer puts it, “leave* just 



FIFTH SESSION 


3^9 

at the moment when he has become efficient.” Yes, but leave, and, 
all but invariably, return. Such labour makes for peace, and 
should be encouraged. The supply of labour from Basutoland 
and Bechuanaland to neighbouring colonies illustrates the best side 
of the voluntary labour just described ; while that from Portuguese 
East Africa to the Transvaal mines lies upon the borderland between 
voluntary supply and that obtained by abuse of the power of 
corrupted chiefs. No supervision will avoid the occasional satis- 
faction of privaUi^ grudges, or the payment of commissions, and 
no licensing of recruiters will invariably secure that these agents 
will keep faith. Yet, where the supply of labour is partly local 
and largely voluntary, a certain absence of the worst abuses is 
secured by the greater facility in retaining labour enjoyed by 
enterprises with the best reputation for good management. 

India, like China, exports labour, but in India we have followed 
a course wholly different from that adopted by other countries in 
their dominions or, recently, by ourselves in colonies. M. Joseph 
Chailley points out that “ a native policy is a new aspect of colonial 
policy,’’ which “ proposes itself a double end ; to bring the native 
population to furnish willingly abundant labour to European enter- 
prise, and to prepare the native population to resign itself to the 
domination of the stranger.” But, according to the French writer, 
we “in India have thought only of the second aspect of native 
policy. . . . India is not and never has been a colony. She has 
not . . . like the Dutch in Java and we F*rench in Further India 
and Madagascar, dreamt of bringing . . . colonists to be scattered 
through the country, and as capitalists, founding or directing enter- 
prises, needing the help of native labour.” After naming the tea- 
planters, M. Chailley goes on to write : “ There are not agricultural 
colonists in the plains, near the villages, disputing with these the 
land and calling for the labour.” 

As regards Africa, the Powers have both moral and conventional 
duties towards one another. Now, Africa is still by far the greatest 
field of our inquiry some hundred and twenty millions of negroes 
in Africa find their present and their fu’ture absolutely at the mercy of 
the policy of Governments in Europe. ^ 

It is difficult to present an accurate view of the obligations 
solemnly incurred by the Powers who took part in the Partition, 
after arranging with one another its conditions, unless we recall the 
sequence of events. 

The English are by no means the worst in recent tropical adminis- 
tration ; but we can never forget that we were, little more than a 
century ago, still the mainstay of the African slave trade, which for 
three* generations we have done much to put down. We have no 



320 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

uniform policy in affairs concerning native labour, but Herr Dern- 
burg, on behalf of the German Empire, paid us repeatedly the 
highest testimony ever given in such matters by one nation to 
another. French politicians reporting on the Colonial Budget have 
called on France to imitate our policy and practice in those cases 
where French colonies have been wrecked or endangered by corrupt 
concessions happily avoided in the greater part of the French 
dominions. The worst of French concessions were those granted 
in the neighbourhood of the Belgian Congo Franco-Belgian 
companies, and a destructive policy, complicated in the “con- 
ventional area'" by defiance of international engagements against 
monopoly, may be attributed to the Congo State under its late 
ruler. 

The “concessionary scandals” revealed in France in recent years 
have led to a revival of sound principle in Paris and to a struggle 
which is still raging. While paying insufficient regard to inter- 
national obligation, already violated with impunity by the Congo 
State, French statesmen reach our desired end by fresh consideration 
of what France owes to her Own reputation, and needs for her future 
strength. It is seen that to break up the native organisation of 
society in order to substitute ferocious individualism or a dead level 
of the lowest form of competitive labour for absentee capital despoti- 
cally represented by inferior agents on the spot is neither defensible 
nor, in the long run, compatible with colonial prosperity M. Mcssimy 
in his two reports to the Chamber on the Colonial Budget and in his 
book of 1910 has announced the devotion of his efforts to the 
creation in France of “ a colonial conscience.” The share of France 
in the African partition is geographically gigantic, and the enterprise 
of her officers has caused the acceptance of her rule over a vast field 
inhabited by races as diverse as those with which we have ourselves 
to deal in India. “ The task of France is the most difficult The 
peoples she has to rule are those in Africa who are nearest and 
furthest from her civilisation.” . . . “The prodigious effort 

required is the very cause of the enthusiasm with which many 
Frenchmen have thrown themselves into the colonial work.’^ 
Frenchmen who are at the opposite pole from M. Messimy, and 
profess exclusive regard to material interest, agree with him in 
holding that it is impossible to retain such gigantic territories if 
the institutions to which the natives cling are broken up and 
replaced by practices universally odious 

In the second half of 1910 the French Ministry of the Colonies 
published the new arrangement come to with those companies in the 
French Congo of which there had been the heaviest complaint 
Apart from the special trouble on the Ivory Coast the complaints 



FIFTH SESSION 


321 


have chiefly concerned the middle Congo §n<i |he J^aboon, where 
seven millions of black people, out of thirty millions in the French 
African colonies, are to be found in thickly populated areas. The 
companies were forced into an agreement to give up a large 
portion of territory improperly conceded in 1899 ; and this partly 
on the ground that there had been a breach of the General Act 
of Berlin. 

The Gold Coast presents an example of complete knowledge of 
the new facts as they affect a British colony. Behind the old settle- 
ments, such as Cape Coast Castle, come the newer territories like 
Ashanti, and then those “ Northern Territories'* which resemble the 
Hinterland Protectorates of Northern Nigeria and of neighbouring 
French and German possessions. There is a special law to protect the 
natives against reckless concessions ; but a circular from the Colonial 
Office, pointing out that grants of lands and other rights by chiefs 
are not valid unless ratified, showed a year ago that alarm was 
rightly felt at the rapid alienation to Europeans of tribal territory 
held in trusteeship for the people. The case of one concession in 
particular was brought before Parliament. It was forty miles long, 
granted for ninety-nine years, and vouched for in the advertisements 
as having received official guarantee. It appeared also to violate the 
conditions laid down as to adequacy of consideration. The agitation 
led to a despatch from the Secretary of State at the end of July, 
couched in terms according with the views put forward in this essay ; 
but at the end of December we do not yet know how far the stable 
gate has now been shut. By the loss of the ultimate resources of 
the colony local labour in the long run must become oppressed, even 
though there be temporarily high wage and prosperity. 

The practical lessons to be drawn from recent success and failure 
are best studied in that part of West Africa where France is sand- 
wiched between three British and two German coast tracts. The 
most interesting diversities are those presented by the French and 
British colonies in question, and many a moral might be drawn from 
consideration of the peculiarities of some six of the Governments 
concerned. Of the British colonies, tke Gold Coast may be taken as 
an example ; while the French range through the whole scale of 
possible variety, from Senegal to the Gaboon or’coast district of what 
used to be “ the French Congo.’* In Senegal the natives vote ; they 
^tigage almost exclusively in their favourite old forms of oil culture ; 
there are no concessions, and France reaps her profit in large trade. 
In the Hinterland, the Government is military, but in its way as 
good. In French Guinea, too much has been done through the 
agency of the chiefs, who grind their people. The Ivory Coast is a 
colotiy which once was as prosperous as the others, but has been 

V 



iia ^ liNIVETlSAL RACfeS CONGRESS 

tfan>Wn back by a hard administration, one incident of which was 
the forced planting by each village of certain new kinds of crop. In 
the long run the taxes went unpaid, and the people sold themselves 
to traders till all the labour was virtually forced labour, and insur- 
rection followed. In the middle Congo and the Gaboon there still 
reign the great companies above named, who rid themselves of the 
competition of our Liverpool merchants, but have now lost all real 
hold of the country. Trade with France from the French Congo 
has dwindled to a half of what it was a few years r go, and it is now 
universally admitted that the whole concessionnaire principle has been 
disastrous, as well as, to the natives, cruel. It is disagreeable to 
have to add that one of the companies brought out by a new con- 
cession is described as English. Another such is the Ivory Coast 
Corporation, formed to acquire more than a thousand square miles in 
absolute ownership. 

We ourselves have no more completely escaped the granting of 
concessions than have the Germans in the Cameroons. 

There is no difference of opinion among those in general 
sympathy with our views in Germany and France, as well as the 
United Kingdom, that concessions are best avoided, but, where 
granted, should be small in area, short in time, and subject to close 
scrutiny and continual publication of facts. The interchange of 
knowledge on the subject between the three great Governments 
principally concerned is already active and might well be formal. 

It may be right to add a warning against a rapid spread of 
Government plantations. In the case of the Congo State, the rubber 
plantations are large, and may carry with them a revival of com- 
pulsion applied to labour on a considerable scale. Late in October 
the introduction of a new form of virtual slavery in this shape was 
placed on record as discovered in and near “the A B.I.R.” Not only 
Congo reformers, but also Colonel Thys (“the Belgian Rhodes”) 
oppose State plantations. Although our own operations in the 
experimental growth of cotton are smaller and less dangerous, they 
must be subject to the consideration that the risk of fall of price may 
make it unreasonable to expect that the African native will plant 
cotton without subsidy, or virtual compulsion. We cannot forget the 
risk of creating an alarm among the industrious natives of our most 
populous African protectorates. On our West Coast available labour 
IS fully occupied in the most remunerative form of agriculture or of 
industry connected with it ; and the warning of the Ivory Coast is 
there to show the danger of interfering rapidly with the long-settled 
habits of a peaceful but vigorous population. 

[Paper i,ubmtticd tn English ] 



t 


FIFTH SESSION 


3*3 


SUPPLEMENT TO SIR CHARLES DILKE’S 

PAPER 

By Joseph Burtt, Matlock {England). 

The racial problem was never more prominent than now. So far from the day 
of the probation of the races being past, their struggle for supremacy has 
become a thrilling drama watched by anxious nations. After ages of isolation 
the yellow man has come forward and defeated a white nation ; and the negro, 
a centuiy ago eithel* a slave in a foreign land, or living unknown in a remote 
continent, is now free and demanding equality, or waking to progress in a land 
partitioned among the European Poweis. 

How the negroid races shall be treated is a problem of cosmic importance, 
demanding not only justice and wisdom, but an appreciation of ethnological 
facts. 

History with its surprises should teach us not to despise the so-called back- 
ward races. Capacity may he dormant for ages and yet awake under the 
influence of suitable stimuli, as m the case of the ancient Greeks. The Zulus, 
an eastern branch of the Bantu stock, and one of the highest types of the 
negntic races, have been compared with those blonde barbarians who two 
thousand years ago were despised by the Romans, but who to-day as Teutons 
are among the leaders of civilisation 

Unlike tht red man of America, or the Maori of New Zealand, the negro of 
Africa appears to be an enduring, world race. His physical vitality, ready 
emotionalism, and joy in life show a vital youth, as the hopelessness, lack of 
fecundity, and joyless pursuit of materialism point to the declining age of more 
advanced nations 

The black and white races cannot keep apart. 

Africa is to the modern man what the Americas were to the Elizabethan. 
Her wealth of gold, precious stones, ivory, rubber, oil, and cocoa is so great that 
no perils can keep him from her shores. Once there he finds himself in a land 
of mystery and death, where, surrounded by swarm.- of poisonous flies, 
Beelzebub iS over-lord The sun striker him by day and deadly diseases attack 
him by night, and he has no strength to gather the treasure he covets. In his 
need he turns for help to the enduimg muscle, the thick skull, and the germ- 
defying constitution of the negro. To-day, as blue-books testify, there rings 
through all Africa a cry for coloured laboui To this cry the black man lends a 
willing ear, for he, on his part, is fascinated by the cloth, beads, tools, and 
even the learning of the white man. 

It is here indentured labour becomes an important factor in the position. 

The 120 millions of negroes m Africa, now under the rule of European 
parliaments, are influenced by government* secular and religious education, and 
by the mere proximity of whites. But probably the chief factor is the 
relationship of employer and labourer t 

This relationship m the past was slavery, for which crime the white man has 
paid not only in self-degradation, but in the material outcome of wrong-doing, 
as in America, where the results of slavery hang like an incubus over the 
Southern States. 

That the indentured labour system, now widely employed, is an enormous 
advance on slavery no one can doubt who, like myself, has seen the happy 
natives returning from the Transvaal mines at the end of their contract. 

But, as in the case of Cuba, indentured labour may lead to grave abuses, and 
become slavery in all but name ; and this is the more to be dreaded that of late 



324 . UNWERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

years there has been a definite reaction from the strong anti-slavery feeling of a 
century ago. 

The methods of providing labour for the cultivation of cocoa in the islands 
of S. Thome and Principe during the last twenty years illustrate the abuse of the 
indentured system. During two years spent in Africa to investigate this case, I 
Visited the islands and travelled for months along the mam labour route from 
the intei lor. Lean and scarred natives, slaves in all but name, were to be seen 
tottering under heavy loads ; in places the road was strewn with shackles, and 
gruesome sights gave evidence of the cruelty connected with this so-called free 
system. Dread of the slaver hung over the people like a cloud ; and the 
pernicious traffic with its many ramifications struck at the i;pot of honest trade 
and progress. 

That this took place under the Portuguese flag is not pertinent to our inquiry. 
The Republican Government is doing its best to correct these abuses, and we 
must remember they are the result of lawlessness of the white and helplessness 
of the black— factors not confined to the colonies of any one nation. 

The fact that the labour was sent to another colony of the same nation, that 
the laws referring to it were just, and that the cultivation of cocoa is one of the 
healthiest forms of agriculture, show what evils may arise from the system, 
even when, as in this case, it has circumstances in its favour. 

Lei us clearly recognise that indentured labour has many inherent evils. It 
takes the native from his home, often separates him from his family for a long 
period, and tends to make him a landless unit, dependent on capital. It 
operates in remote regions between parties incredibly unequal— the happy-go* 
lucky black, and the determined white armed with the modern gun and 
supported by experience, capital, and the tradition of power. 

It IS obvious that such a system must be watched with the utmost vigilance. 
The recruiting must be absolutely free, the period of contract short, and the 
native should return periodically to his home and family 

But while making the best of indentured laboui, we should stretch forward 
to a system in which the native himself practises industries or cultivates his 
own land. 

The successful administration of Senegal has been cited Our own colony of 
the Gold Coast is a further example, and is one of the most hopeful develop- 
ments in Africa. There tribes who a few years ago were notorious for bloodshed 
are now devoting themselves to agriculture Such work is natuial to the native, 
is m accord with his best traditions, and is the most certain method of developing 
character and educating him in habits of industry. 

Added to this, such a system builds up a lasting and prosperous state, which 
IS at once easy to rule and profitable to the home government. 

[Paper submitted in English ] 


TRAFFIC IN INTOXICANTS AND OPIUM 

By Dr. J. H. Abendanon, I'ke Hague, 

Late Director of Public Instruction, &c., in the Netherlands East Indies, 

The Committee of the Races Congress has done me the honour 
of asking me for a paper concerning the traffic in intoxicants 
and opium as between different races. 

This paper, however, must be kept within certain narrow limits. 



FIFTH SESSION 


3^5 

I can, therefore, pass over the doleful records of l|ie past, when 
the attractive name of “Eau de Vie” was invented as a euphemism 
for intoxicating drinks, and as an apology for all the misery they 
brought with them. 

Nor is it necessary to speak of what happened in former times 
in the various colonies, and in other countries where the European 
races had some influence. The statement woi^ld have the appearance 
of a sombre indictment, and would form a long enumeration of 
lamentable facts \rhich cannot be altered now. 

Nor shall I dwell upon the different kinds of intoxicants and 
the danger, greater or less, which each of them represents. 

We can safely accept the point of view that all intoxicants are 
dangerous unless they are used for medical purposes under 
medical advice. 

What we have stated concerning intoxicants holds equally of 
opium. Not only is the use of this drug injurious in itself, but 
it is still more so because the need of taking more and more 
becomes imperious. The consumer of opium requires an ever- 
increasing quantity to give him satisfaction, and when he cannot 
afford to buy it, he will not shrink from using the basest means 
to procure what he longs for. Opium enslaves the consumer. 

We cannot, therefore, sufficiently insist on the necessity of 
avoiding the dangers involved in the use of either intoxicating 
liquors or opium. 

Even those who do not consider intoxicants and opium 
injurious, will have to confess that both are of no service to the 
human constitution except in cases of illness. We positively know 
that the Use and abuse of alcoholic liquors and opium are closely 
connected with, and, we may even say with confidence, are the 
cause of loss of energy ; and loss of energy is loss of power, which 
means ruin to individuals as well as to nations. 

This being the case, is it not our duty, a most sacred duty, to 
do all in our power to warn mankind of this fatal danger, and see 
that all necessary measures are taken to avert it? 

When we turn to the future, the^ question arises as to the task 
in this direction of the different Governments, and of those who 
think not only of their own profit, but also of the progress and 
welfare of the nations with whom they come in contact. We 
have also to consider the possibility of inducing exporters of 
these dangerous products to join their efforts to those of Govern- 
ments and reformers ; to change their trade if necessary for one 
that is more in accordance with the principles of humanity ; and 
especially to bear in mind, besides their own interest, the welfare 
of those nations who are not yet in the full light of civilisation. 



■ k 

^6 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

A most efficacious preventive measure is what is known as 
the which enables Governments to decide the' quantity 

and quality of the articles to be sold, and to prevent any forcing 
of the demand. The sale is too often forced when it is left to 
any one who cares to take it in hand, or who has acquired a right of 
monopoly from the Government 

Another means would be to impose heavy import duties ; but 
this alone would not suffice, for it would only increase prices and 
probably lead to adulteration. Still, this measur^ should certainly 
be taken. It might have the effect of stopping the importation 
altogether, not suddenly, but gradually, by diminishing the amount 
every year. 

Ano-ther way would be to prohibit the sale of these articles to 
natives, or at least to limit it as much as possible 

Here, however, we must agree that, in countries where up to 
the present day opium has been the only, or the most important, 
agricultural product, these measures should be framed with due 
care, so as to avoid economic disaster. Special care should be 
taken, moreover, to prevent the substitution for opium of intoxicants 
or other kinds of drugs, prepared from other plants or ingredients, 
and producing similar effects such as morphine, the so-called 
“anti-opium pills,” hashish, and similar concoctions. We would 
suggest also great care in regulating the use of palm-wine, which, 
owing to the facility with which it can be prepared, is a real * 
danger. 

However, it cannot be repeated too often and too emphatically : 
nothing must be done by force. No violence will prevent those who 
wish to drink from drinking, or those who wish to smoke from 
smoking. The sufferer must be peacefully educated to resist those 
stimulants because he knows that they are bad, and, in order not to 
desire them, he must fully understand their effect. The very best 
way of fighting the evil, therefore, is by a sound and widespread 
system of public instruction. And this instruction must be of such 
a character that the young may acquire an adequate knowledge of 
the devastating influences of both intoxicants and opium, for the 
mind as well for the body. When they have this knowledge, they 
cannot fail to see and feel that the abuse of these stimulants is not only 
injurious, but even wicked and immoral. 

In order to inspire the young with this strength of will and 
soundness of principle, it is absolutely necessary to choose their 
teachers among men of solid character and high principles, since 
their task is to educate as well as to instruct Nothing conduces so 
much to the material and intellectual progress of a nation as a jiost 
extensive public education both of mind and character. 



FIFTH SESSION 327 

If the mind is developed, and the eharact^jfjpj;^ we suggest* 
the conviction will be no doubt so firm that it wilf not easily be 
shaken. Examples should be given. Even what seems a little 
exaggerated would do no harm at the outset. 

The engravings sometimes seen in schools and at hygienic 
exhibitions, which give an idea of the ravages caused in the human 
frame by the abuse of spirits, such as enlargement of the stomach 
and the heart, atrophy of the liver, dulness of the brain, general 
enervation, wealo muscles, &c., are well fitted to influence primitive 
races, if at the same time they are made to appreciate the functions 
and the importance of the principal organs in the human body, 
especially of the brain. It should be well understood that the brain 
cannot act in the way it should, and is expected to do, unless the 
whole organism is normal and each part of the body functions 
properly. To the engravings just mentioned might be added 
photographs of confirmed opium-smokers looking like living 
skeletons. 

I should finally like to state, in regard to the preventive measures 
referred to above: (i) In Norway the sale of intoxicants in small 
quantities is forbidden, a measure which has helped to lessen the 
amount of drinking. (2) In the Netherlands the number of public- 
houses has been restricted, and the sale of spirits is only permitted 
under special authorisation. On the other hand, there exist several 
associations which encourage the cheap consumption of milk, coffee, 
cocoa, broth, lemonade, &c., by establishing small kiosks in all direc- 
tions, some even in solitary places in the suburbs of large towns. 
(3) In China the cultivation of the poppy {i>apaver) is being 
systematically restricted, with a view to prohibiting the production of 
opium. The measures taken in this matter by the Chinese Govern- 
ment are of great importance for the agricultural and economic 
welfare of China, and so are the steps that are being taken in this 
matter by other Governments, who are entering into a Conference 
at The Hague in July of this year for this very purpose. 

[Paper submitted in En^Ush,'] 



SIXTH SESSION 

THE MODERN CONSCIENCE IN RELATION TO 
RACIAL QUESTIONS (THE NEGRO AND THE 
AMERICAN INDIAN) 


THE WORLD-POSITION OF THE NEGRO AND 

NEGROID 

By Sir Harry H. Johnston, G.C.M.G., K.CB., DSc„ 

Formerly British Commissioner and Consul-General in Africa^ &c. 

By neg^ro must also be understood negroid, that is to say, any 
human race, nationality, or people sufficiently tinged with negro 
blood to display the negroid characteristics of a dark skin and a 
spirally coiled hair. No existing type of the human species is so 
markedly set off from the white or Caucasian division as the negro. 
Any type of Mongol or Amerindian can mingle with a white race, 
and a hybrid in the first generation will not be so alien or repellant 
to the pure white type that it may not quickly and easily fuse into 
the white community ; and, of course, the more the white inter- 
marries with the Tartar, the Chinese, the Japanese, the Eskimo, the 
Amerindian, or the Malay, the more those races are approximated 
to the Caucasian group. Indeed, some comparative anatomists like 
Professor W. H. L. Duckworth scarcely pretend to discriminate 
anatomically between* the white man, the Mongolian, or the Amer- 
indian : merely between the Caucasian type and the Eskimo, which 
last, though specialised in some directions, may be held to represent 
very nearly the primitive Mongolian offshoot from the basal stock of 
Homo sapiens. There is less racial bar between the Caucasian and 
the Mongol than there is between the Australoid and the Caucasian. 
Yet these two last named have freely intermingled, though, according 
to anatomists, the Australoid type represents more nearly than any 

328 



SIXTH SESSION 


339 


other living human, variety the Neanderthalo^jpl man of Palaeolithic 
Europe, and perhaps in a lesser degree the original basal form of 
Homo sapiens, from which all existing human races, varieties, or 
subspecies have been derived. 

Thus we see in the peoples of Polynesia and of India the results, 
ancient and modern, of a direct mingling between the Caucasian 
and the Australoid, and these results, where they are more or less 
free from any intermixture with the negro stock, constitute peoples 
that, when their asocial status has been raised, have fused without 
difficulty into the white world. For instance, a German planter 
in Samoa might have children by a native woman, a Frenchman 
likewise in Tahiti, or an Englishman by a New Zealand Maori, 
and their male offspring not find any sensible colour bar standing 
in the way of their marrying in turn white women of social status 
equivalent to their own. There is more difficulty in this respect in 
regard to India, simply because the whole Indian Peninsula (like 
some of the Malay Islands and New Guinea) is permeated with 
negro blood of the original Asiatic negro stock which we find 
subsisting in a more or less pure form in the Andaman Islands, in a 
few Nilgiri tribes of Southern India, in the Malay Peninsula and one 
or two Malay Islands, and, above all, in the great islands to the 
north-east of New Guinea and in New Guinea itself. The indigenes 
of Tasmania, before they were exterminated by the British settlers, 
probably exhibited the survival either of examples of the negro 
stock in a stage very near to that at which it first diverged from the 
Australoid form, or a more recent hybrid between the Oceanic 
negroid and the Australoid. The peoples of New Caledonia, of 
Fiji, the New Hebrides, many parts of New Guinea, the Philippine 
Islands, and even Annam and Burma, are more or less tinged with 
ancient negro intermixture, the degree ranging from an almost pure 
negro form to the very faintest indications of negro affinities. 
Consequently, it happens that many of the Eurasians derived from a 
cross between certain Indian, South Asiatic and Western Polynesian 
types are distinctly less pleasing to the racial prejudice of the pure 
white man than would be an Amerindian half-breed or a cross 
between a European and a Samoan or Maori, or between Japanese 
and Chinese on the one hand and Europeans on the other ; but 
simply for the reason that in the cross between the average Indian 
or Malaysian and the white people, there is betrayed some negroid 
characteristic which for deep-seated, unexplained reasons arouses an 
inherent dislike in the absolutely pure-blood white people of Central 
and Northern Europe, of North America, or of white Australia. 
Herein lies, indeed (I believe), the explanation of the nearly-extinct 
hatr& of the Jew, and of the results of Jewish intermarriage, or of 



330 UnWeRSAL races CoIgRESS , 

the similar desire to decry the appearance of the, offspring proceeding 
from the rare unions between Nordic white men and Egyptian or 
Moorish women : simply the fact that in the Jew, as in the Egyptian 
and the Moor, there is a varying but still discernible element of the 
negro, derived in the case of the Jew from the strong infusion of 
Elamite blood, and in the case of the Moor, from the obvious con- 
nection with negro Africa. The same remarks apply in certain 
cases to the peoples of Southern Persia or Eastern Arabia, the negro 
intermixture there being due not only to the Eiamite element of 
ancient times, but to the importation on a large scale of negro 
slaves during the whole Islamic period. 

Recent discoveries made in the vicinity of the principality of 
Monaco, and others in Italy and Western France — all of them 
analysed in the monograph on the skulls found in the grottoes of 
Grimaldi, edited by Dr. Verneaux, of Paris, and published in 1909 
by the Prince of Monaco — would seem to reveal, even if some of 
their deductions are discounted and a few statements regarded as 
erroneous, the actual fact that many thousand years ago a negroid 
race had penetrated through Italy into France, leaving traces at the 
present day in the physiognomy of the peoples of Southern Italy, 
Sicily, Sardinia, Southern and Western P>ance, and even in the 
western parts of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. 
There are even at the present day some examples of the Keltiberian 
peoples of Western Scotland, Southern and Western Wales, Southern 
and Western Ireland, of distinctly negroid aspect, and in whose 
ancestry there is no indication whatever of any connection with the 
West Indies or with modern Africa. Still more marked is this 
feature in the peoples of Southern and Western France and of the 
other parts of the Mediterranean already mentioned. There is a 
strong negroid element in the south of Spain and the south of 
Portugal, but we are not entitled in default of other evidence to 
assume that this is due to such an ancient negroid immigration as 
seems to be indicated in France and Italy. Because, in the first 
place, the repeated Moorish invasions of Spain obviously brought 
thither a very considerable infusion of negro blood from the Nigerian 
Sudan, while Portugal in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries 
deliberately imported negro slaves to do the agricultural work of 
her southern provinces. Hitherto — I speak under correction — there 
has been discovered no deeply-buried skull in Portugal or ‘Spain 
having the same obvious negroid characteristics as the skulls found 
in ancient burial-places in Italy or in France. 

Formerly, it was the fashion amongst anthropologists to attribute 
the black-avised peoples of Western or North-Western Europe-^ 
their dark hair, brown eyes, tendency to a swarthy skin, and 



SIXTH SESSION 


331 

comparative length or shortness of limb bones and other anatomical 
features~to the persistence in those regions of a strain of Neander- 
thaloid or Palaeolithic man. And it was assumed that because the 
modern black Australian is the nearest living representative of the 
Neanderthaloid type, and at the same time is more or less of a 
** black ” man, the man of Neanderthal, Spy, Heidelberg, Krapina, 
Galley Hill and the Corr^ze must have been similarly black-skinned 
or of a very dark brown skin colour, possessing likewise black hair 
and brown eyes. •It is permissible from the little we know to assume 
that Homo primigenius was black-haired and had a brown or hazel- 
coloured iris (blue-grey, no doubt, in newly-born children, as it 
is so often with infant negroes and Asiatics), and there may have 
been in this primitive type of man an occasional outbreak of 
erythrism, or individuals with red hair and a light yellow iris ; but I 
see no reason whatever to assume that the parent of the European 
white man — the heavy-browed, slightly Simian type, which we now 
know ranged over parts of North Africa, of Spain, and the greater 
part of Europe — had a black or a dark-brown skin or had hair which 
was flattened to an ellipse and inclined to be spirally twisted in 
its growth. On the contrary, Homo primigenius, or, at any rate, the 
Neanderthaloid type, may have had a skin like that of some chim- 
panzees or of the orang-utan, ranging in colour from a dirty-white 
to a yellowish-gray ; while the hair of his head and body, though 
normally black, may have had a considerable tendency towards 
brown. If this was the case, then it would seem as though the dark 
strain of pigmented skin and curly hair which permeates so much 
of Europe and Asia is due not to the retention of the Homo 
primigenius element, but to the invasion of those regions in ancient 
times by negro peoples emigrating from Southern Asia . the original 
development area, as far as we can guess, of the negro subspecies. 

Of course, in considering all points of view, we must bear in mind 
that a section of the negro race— the Bushman element in South 
Africa — is not black-skinned, but yellow, or yellow-brown ; while 
certain tribes of Congo pigmies are a clear reddish-yellow ; and that 
the majority of negro babies are boili with a yellowish skin, which 
only darkens into brown or black a few weeks after birth. These 
facts, however, may only tend to show that the basal stock of 
humanity was yellow-skinned, and that m the case of the negro 
arid \legroid the yellow, as soon as the specialisation of this type 
began, deepened rapidly into dark-brown or black. We know that 
certain races of Amerindians absolutely devoid of any recent inter- 
mixture with the negro, or of any other intermixture at any time, 
hav$ under conditions of local environment developed very dark- 
coloured skins. The Bushman may possibly have retained the 



^32 , UNIVERSAL RACES COI^GRESS 

original light-coloured skin of the negroid ancestor ; or, as in the 
case of those Congo pigmies dwelling in the densest forests, have 
under diverse conditions of environment eliminated much of the skin 
pigment and become in course of time yellow-skinned instead of 
dark brown. The tendency in the case of Congo pigmies is for 
their skin colour to darken in the next generation which is born 
under better conditions of life, and, above all, away from the deep 
shade of the Congo forests. But it is probable that the light-coloured 
skin of the Bushman is a very ancient feature. «^There are sparse 
indications here and there that the Bushman type once inhabited 
the valley of the Upper Niger and the adjacent plateaus, and also 
parts of North-East and East Africa; and native traditions regarding 
this vanished type assert that it was “ red-skinned,” that is to say, 
sufficiently light in colour to be a contrast to the black or dark- 
brown negroes who dispossessed it, yet at the same time sufficiently 
sombre in tone to be remarked as ** red-skinned” by the yellow-white 
Fulas. 

The nigrescence, therefore, of Europe, Asia, North Africa, and 
Oceania may be due to the negro, who in many other respects is the 
opposite pole to the white man. Gradually we seem to see approach- 
ing a period in the segregation of humanity when there may be two 
rival camps, black and white, though the black may have been 
toned down to a pale brown and the white toned up to a warm 
yellow. 

But such an eventuality, with 800,000,000 of Dravidian or Mongo- 
loid Asiatics and Amerindians to be absorbed into the white camp 
would occupy such a lengthy period that the results which might 
accrue from this division of the human species into two rival and 
diverging types need not occupy the attention of practical men and 
women at the present day. The point which this Congress may 
prefer to discuss is the degree to which the negro and negroid may 
make common cause with the white peoples, and the effect which 
might consequently be produced by any considerable extension of 
intermarriage. 

The matter of skin colour* facial outline, and of hair texture, is 
largely a question of aesthetics. If we could imagine some super- 
human agency looking down on this little planet with a knowledge 
and appreciation of things far superior to that possessed by the 
wisest human being, we might hold it conceivable t^Kat suih^'^^n 
intelligence would either see that there was not a pin to choose be-, 
tween being pink-skinned or brown-skinned, that curly hair was no 
uglier than straight hair, or a Wellington nose not more beautiful 
than one of low bridge with widespreading nostrils : in short, that a 
well-developed negro or negress was no uglier than a well-developed 



SIXTH SESSION 


333 


white man or whit^ woman, provided that b^th were good 

examples ’of physical and mental efficiency. Such a being might 
also happen to know that of which we are at present uncertain, 
namely, that the negro originally — say forty thousand to ten thousand 
years ago — had a greater innate feeling for art and music than his 
white or yellow relations, equally with himself mere hunters of wild 
beasts. There are sufficient indications not to prove, but certainly 
to make not ridiculous, a theory which might attribute to the ancient 
negroid permeation of Europe and Asia a love of music and a desire 
to reproduce in painting, engraving, oi sculpture the striking aspects 
of beasts and birds or of human life. 

It may be also that the negro has acquired in a severe struggle 
against the micro-organisms of the Tropics a power of resistance to 
certain diseases not as yet possessed by the white man or the yellow. 
He has certainly been endowed by nature with a degree of race- 
fertility probably surpassing that of the European, Asiatic, and 
Amerindian living under conditions similarly unfavourable to the 
struggle for existence. Those few scientific men in Britain, Germany, 
France, the United States, and Brazil who have striven to understand 
the anthropology of the negro, and to compare it with that of the 
white man, are rather inclined than otherwise to argue now that the 
negro and the negroid have contributed in the past, and still more may 
contribute in the future, a very important quota to the whole sum of 
humanity, an element of soundness and stability in physical develop- 
ment and certain mental qualities which the perfected man of, let us 
say, twenty-two or twenty-three centuries after Christ cannot afford 
to do without. Such advisers would attempt to hold us back from 
furious raging against racial intermixture, and above all, from any 
policy of oppression or extirpation to which from time to time the 
white man is prone when he thinks that the negro or negroid gets in 
his way. 

Some people claiming to be equally farsighted and superior to 
the temporary prejudices of the human mind hold the theory that 
the negro should never have been regarded as anything better than a 
slave to the white peoples and to the yellow ; and that the enemies 
of the perfect man of the future — those who would seek to delay the 
advance of human perfection — are the philanthropists who in the 
eighteenth and nineteenth centuries used their great influence to 
trade, to abolish slavery, and to erect the negro into 
tbe position of a citizen with no legal bar to his equality of standing 
with the white man. These open foes of the negro are spiritually 
the brothers of the persons who hold, or who have held in their past 
writings, that we committed a fatal mistake when we introduced 
European ideas of education into India. 



.334 UlflVERSAL RACES COlfcRESS 

These last are right, no doubt. When we co;nmenced a hundred 
years ago to spread education broadcast amongst our subject black 
and yellow peoples, we sowed the dragon’s teeth. We made it 
possible for generations to come into being who should see the 
world through our eyes, who should acquire our knowledge of good 
and evil — that knowledge we had so painfully gained by a hundred 
thousand years of martyrdom, of unremitting struggle with natural 
forces — and should seek to apply to their own social and racial 
troubles the solutions we had found so advantageous in our own case. 
But the fact is, if these persons are right, that the mischief began^ 
not with the introduction of modern education into India fifty year^ 
ago, or a hundred years ago, or, first, the setting free, and, secondly, 
the missionary education of the natives of Africa and the negroes of 
America, but with the mission and the teaching of Christ. 

Jesus Christ had a notable forerunner in the person of Sakya- 
Muni, the Buddha, whom some have supposed (like Christ Himself) 
to have been of what is called conventionally “ Aryan ” stock ; that is 
to say, descended more or less from that Nordic white race which has 
been the principal channel of human improvement, the main fount of 
world-moving ideas. Had Buddha’s teaching not been swamped in 
Mongolian petty-mind^dness and Dravidian dreams, it might have 
done the work of Christianity. Undoubtedly it was a revolt against 
the caste prejudice of the Aryan, and its fundamental teaching was 
the racial equality of all men But its ultimate effect on Asia has 
been of little purport. It has not prevented or even much mitigated 
the horrible wars, massacres, and ravages which made Southern Asia 
a perpetual battleground for the two thousand years preceding the ' 
middle of the nineteenth century. 

This long martyrdom of the brown and yellow peoples of Asia 
was due primarily to the attempts of the white man — in the form of 
Persian, Greek, Arab, Afghan, Portuguese, Frenchman, Dutchman, 
and Englishman — to push the stubborn Mongol before him, and to 
enslave more or less the weaker, more negroid, Dravidian populations ; 
a task in which the Buddhist Mongol, whenever he was permitted to 
take a hand, showed himself quite as ruthless as the Muhammadan 
or medijEval-Christian white man. But, strange to say, the teaching 
of Christ and His apostles — however much it might be overloaded 
with dogma as silly as those of Asia and Africa, and myths no more 
precious in our modern eyes than those of the^ raij{;e^,p^:4S5v:tive m 
religions — has possessed some unconquerable surviving influence, 
which began to make itself felt from the end of the fifteenth century 
in the humanitarian teachings of both Catholic and Protestant. 
These doctrines prevailed sufficiently on the public opinion of the 
white world not only to hold back the white man (when he hkld the 



jsiXTH SESSION ^35 

power) from extermjnatmg or dehumanising, tlip dar|C“$kftine races 
which had’ become subject to him ; but prevailed even to force him to 
extend the gospel of Christ to those peoples, to regard them theoreti- 
cally as equally men with his own race, and, above all, to give them the 
advantages of a European education. 

For aught I know, the teaching of Christ may have been the 
work of reactionary Nature : judging from the writings of not a few 
amongst my fellow-countrymen and others in the United States and 
in Germany, it must have been a wrong idea, since its practical 
application would inevitably tend to draw all branches of the human 
race together, with the ultimate result of racial fusion, of equal 
privileges for all human beings possessing the same degree of edu- 
cation, of moral and physical worth. 

On the other hand, the coming and the teaching of Christ may 
have been the most remarkable event in the history of the human 
species since man emerged definitely from apehood ; and the logical 
carrying out of Christian principles may lead not only to the gradual 
extinction of race-hatred, envy, and malice, but more quickly to the 
formation of the perfect man than might be brought about under 
other religious systems. 

According to the nearest estimate one can make, there are at 
present about 135,000,000 of negroes and negroids in the world, as 
contrasted with 575,000,000 of white or Caucasian people, about 
520,000,000 yellow or Mongolian, 300,000 Dravidians, &c. (dark- 
skinned, straight-haired, well-featured Asiatics, compounded mainly 
of Caucasian and Australoid elements), and 10,000,000 Amerindians 
(who are probably an ancient mingling between the Caucasian and 
the Mongol). 

Of these 135,000,000 negroes and negroids, some 109,000,000 live 
in Africa, 24,000,000 in the New World, and perhaps 2,000,000 in 
India, the Andaman Islands, Malay Peninsula, Philippines, New 
Guinea, the Bismarck Archipelago, Neu Pommem, and Oceania 
generally. It is noteworthy that with the doubtful exception of the 
Mongolian (as represented by the very mixed population of Japan, 
an Empire which contains much “white” blood of ancient stock over 
an Asiatic negroid strain), the negro is the only non-Caucasian race 
which has so far furnished rivals to the white man in .science, the 
arts, literature, and mathematics. So far — excepting a few Dravi- 
di8L*^c., . Apyepndians, andjapane.se, all of these half-brothers of the 
white man — ^the other peoples of Asia, Africa, Oceania, and abori- 
ginal America have kept themselves to themselves, and have never 
ventured to compete with the white man in his own sphere. But a 
negro has now been to the North Pole, and there are famous negro 
Or negroid painters, musicians, novelists, botanists, legists, philologists, 



^ 336 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS . 

philosophers, mathematicians, engineers, and general officers whose 
work is done in the white world and in emulation with the first 
talent of Europe and America. Here on the French Riviera, where 
this paper is being finished, negro chauffeurs are much en ividmce 
because of their skilful and careful driving. 

The negro will probably die out in Asia (though leaving in the 
new peoples of Polynesia and Malaysia and India an ineffaceable 
trace of his former presence in the land) ; but in Africa and in 
America he has a very important part to play,eand he may even 
permeate the life of Europe in the coming centuries. 

France has become an African Power of the first magnitude, with 
a negro army of forty thousand men. Britain and Germany look 
more and more to Africa for their commerce and the raw material of 
their industries. The ten million negroes and negroids in the United 
States occupy in that country a position of capital importance in 
industry and agriculture. 

[Pafer submitted in English ] 

NATIVE RACES OF SOUTH AFRICA 

By J. Ten GO Jaj^avu, KingwilUamstown^ South Africa, 

At the extreme south of Africa, co«extensive with and outside the 
Union, there exists a large population of aborigines, estimated, 
approximately, at six million. They have proudly arrogated to 
themselves the nd^m^ Bantu (people), in the same manner as the early 
Aryans assumed their name. Those who do not answer to this 
description are superciliously designated either by their colour or 
by some striking peculiarity in their physique Thus the now extinct 
Bushmen {Batwa) and decayed Hottentots, whom the Bantu met about 
three or four centuries back in their noiseless but certain migration 
from the north to the south, they contemptuously described as ama 
Lawu and Abatwa by reason of their diminutive stature, and the 
white man was called Umlungu after the colour of his skin. 

A bantu readily divide themselves into two great families — 
Abesutho and Abaritu — about equal in numbers, the abe and aba in 
both words being the plural nominative form, and the root word being 
tho and ntu. What divides them is their language, as 

different from the other as German is from Dutch. They would 
appear to have moved down along parallel lines, the Bantu hugging 
the east coast, while the Besutho kept to the central table-land, the 
language of the latter being greatly affected by the negro races they 
met or assimilated along their course. 



SIXTH SESSION 


S37 

They were a strong, healthy, virile peoj>}e, ^4wotfpd to the chase, 
and depending on their domesticated animals for their livelihood, 
They appear to have evolved political organisations and systems of 
law and jurisprudence that observers sometimes deem superior to 
those that European civilisations have developed, notwithstanding 
the Qld civilisations of the latter. The fact that their laws and legal 
practice have sustained them through the long dark night that has 
enveloped Africa, and that the dawn finds them healthy and strong, 
free from maligr^nt, infectious diseases of the blood, and other 
plagues so common to civilised communities, is added testimony to 
the effectiveness of their code of morals and mode of life. It is 
generally conceded that in their original state the standard of 
morality was very high — so high that crimes of personal violence 
between the sexes had become so rare that delinquencies were 
punishable by death. That they were thoroughly inured to law and 
order is evidenced by their famed docility and law-abiding character, 
while ready obedience to authority is to this very day rendered, 
at the instance of the chief or headman, without the need of any 
local police. 

As to strong drink, their habits were uniformly temperate. 
Although they had their native beer, of little alcoholic strength, 
it was partaken of only by the grown-up and middle-aged men. 
To young men and the womenfolk it was entirely prohibited. This 
fact may also serve to indicate the stage reached by their legislation 
in regard to a matter that is still exciting the curiosity and exercising 
the ingenuity of civilised legislatures throughout the world. 

In regard to religion they had a deep veneration for a Great 
Omnipresent, Omnipotent Unknown, and the spirits of their departed 
fathers were supposed to plead in their behalf concerning all the 
circumstances of their life. No temples were consequently reared.' 
They neither worshipped the spirits of their fathers, as is commonly 
supposed, nor was their faith pinned to creatures in the heaven 
above, or that are in the earth below, or that are in the water under 
the earth.” In their customs may be discerned much of what one 
reads in the Pentateuch. • 

Possibly owing to their pastoral pursuits they reared no sub- 
stantial cities ; nor did they acquire the art of writing. What 
cultivation of the soil there was, sufficed for their immediate 

Such was the condition of these people when the white man came 
into contact with them, with his paraphernalia of civilisation. The 
ruling powers among the Europeans did not then, as now, passion- 
ately give themselves over to improving the conditions of their 
new^wards. Content with getting from them what taxes they could 

z 



unIversal races C0I|GRESS 

exact, they were satisfied with a policy of laisser-faire. Colonists 
were on the whole not cruel to the natives, although so much-may havcj 
been made of occasional cases of inhumanity, as to eclipse much jof 
what was good. 

To this day, however, one is afraid the average South African 
European's concern for the native does not go beyond exploiting 
his labour for his own benefit and advantage. In other spheres 
he betrays a hardly justifiable dread of him as a possible competitor 
and superior. The tendency is thus to elbow the Jgantu out in what 
is believed to be self-defence, although to the cool and unprejudiced 
thinkers South Africa is large and quite capable of containing twice 
the population of Great Britain without harm to any particular 
race or individual. Indeed, it seems to be the paucity of the 
European population, with the inevitable short and circumscribed 
outlook, that is the bane of South Africa. Affairs have a tendency 
to be regarded from a personal point of view. The smaller the 
hamlet, village, or town, the more pronounced are the prejudices 
and antagonisms towards the aboriginal races , while the larger the 
cities the more liberal and tolerant the atmosphere towards these 
people. The net result of the policy of regarding, or treating, the 
aborigines as merely beasts of burden has been graphically 
described by Mr. Merriman, one of the most intellectual statesmen 
in the Union Parliament, who, from his seat in the House, recently 
observed : — 

The House little thought what was being done ; there were 
200,000 on the mines alone, most of them barbarians, from all . 
parts of South Africa gathered together, breaking down their 
tribal customs, being brought into contact with the most un- 
desirable sort of white men. They picked up the white man’s 
vices and took them back to their kraals, things never dreamed 
of before. The responsibility lay upon them as the superior race, 
and must give every Government the greatest concern, and give 
all members food for thought. They should remember that 
Johannesburg was a criminal university for these natives. Every- 
thing lay in the way these pfiople were treated.” 

It is, however, conceded that the Government is doing its best 
to cope with this ‘peculiar situation, but as yet no distinctly 
constructive policy for the amelioration of the condition of the 
natives on the mines has been subjected to the test of 
beyond the regulation for recruiting labour, has the administration 
attempted any measures for bettering the condition of the Bantu 
in the way of education, promoting their happiness and content- 
ment, and making it easy for them to do right and difficult to do 
wrong. ^ f 



SIXTH SESSION 


S39 

The Parliamentary franchise is conceded, to natives. in a limited 
fbrm only in the (jape Province, while the Bantu in three other 
Provinces of the Union are voteless. The consequence is that the 
members from the latter only regard themselves as mouthpieces 
of the whites and care not for the rights and interests of the blacks. 
I|t ic easy to see that the upshot of this in the long run will be the 
.oppression of the Bantu in those Provinces. 

Christian missionaries and missions have so far been the sole 
philanthropic agencies operating on the primitive conditions of Bantu 
life. They have been labouring among the people for little short of a 
century, but have scarcely touched the masses. Of the 6,ooo,000 
it would be safe to say that only half a million have been influenced 
by them. And it is only now being discovered by missionaries them- 
selves that in pushing on their propaganda they have not always been 
as wise as they were benevolent. Coming with preconceived notions 
that they were sent to a barbarous society, they began by denouncing 
and pulling down every organisation they found in order to rear 
Christianity on the ruins thereof. No time appears to have been 
devoted to studying and cataloguing what was good in the tribal laws 
and customs of the people, with a view to eliminating what was bad 
and retaining the good The saving principle in all teaching, of 
passing from the known to the unknown, was lightly flung to the 
four winds of heaven. The result has been more or less a breaking 
up of Bantu society, which now requires earnest and hearty workers 
to reconstruct it, even from the missionary point of view. Mean- 
time those still uninfluenced are shrinking from an agency that has 
wrought such evils, and progress is, as it were, blov.ked for the time 
being. Here is the conclusion of a missionary of some years’ standing 
on the results up to date. The Rev. W. Y. Stead, of St. Philip’s 
Mission, Grahamstown, says in a letter to a newspaper : — 

“ It is a great pity that the unhinderable advance of the native 
races, however slow, could not have been by the development of their 
own ethics, under the ancient organisation of the clan under the chief, 
and by helping them to assimilate, as they went forward, what suited 
their state, in acceptable selections out of the civilisation of Europe ; 
instead of being forced by the crushing power of our strange laws to 
enter into a condition of mere rapid imitation oPwhat we think is our 
best, and becomes in them their worst, raising antagonisms and 
hiitf^d^gj^inst the white race, or at least irritation instead of trust. 

** As I travelled down these many hundreds of miles from the 
border of Natal, the gradual increase of the influence of our white 
manners was very visible in many various ways, both among the men 
and women. The men are now more apt and shrewd, because more 
eduAted, with the enlarged intelligence that comes by contact with 





UNIVERSAL RACES COI^GRESS 


the long, widely experienced and scientific people who are now ruling 
as conquerors. There is no increasing degradation as a people ; there 
are some lost individuals indeed among them ; but as a people they' 
have not deteriorated ; there is no sign of degeneracy in them as 
a race physically. The Batwa are passed away. The Hottentot 
tribe, too, is passing away altogether, even in the double-blood fusion 
of the throng bearing among them many old and honoured names of 
Holland and France who followed Adam Kok. But the brown race^ 
the Aba Ntsundu^ have force of character and stamAna of breed ; they 
have not gone down in physique or lessened in numbers. The white 
man cannot take his arms of precision and blow them off the face of 
South Africa. Here they must remain. We shall have them always 
with us, or they will have us.** 

The question of what can be done to uplift the Bantu is of great 
importance in the interests of all in South Africa, as the influence 
of race acts and re-acts mutually. The hope seems to be in 
education. Education of a kind there is. It is occasionally advertised 
by imposing statistics, but it is feared much of it is of the character 
which gives painful demonstration of the dangers of a little education. 
Nor is the bulk of its recipients keen on acquiring and profiting 
by it. The solution of the problem seems to consist in instructing 
the masses in the vernacular, while concentrating on the few who 
are to be the leaders and uplifters of the rest. Dr. Stewart, of 
Lovedale fame, was wont to say “ Light came from above,’* meaning 
that the masses were to be enlightened and helped by certain 
educated luminaries of their race ; and the immediate task was to 
train and equip such well. The efficacy of this policy is demonstrated 
by a native, here and there, who has outstripped his fellows after 
breaking the chains of environment and drinking deep in education. 
Such have made a favourable impression not only on their fellows, 
but also on their European neighbours. They have, moreover, 
proved, beyond the shadow of a doubt, that if a Native College 
were, as is proposed, established to provide a hundred or two 
well-educated instructors of their people, what looked like an 
insoluble problem would disappear. On this head a coloured writer 
recently said : — 

“What we have ‘'to do is to act for ourselves. In proportion, 
as our facilities for education are diminished, our efforts on our own 
behalf must be increased. We must, individually 
do our utmost to see that our people receive the fullest opportunity 
possible for self-improvement. . . . What we want is a large body 
of highly trained educationalists of our own people, and these could 
be gradually secured if we had a fund for assisting deserving young 
men to obtain the necessary assistance at some qualified College.** 



SIXTH SESSION 


f 


w 


But the College Js the pressing need, anrf the Universal Races 
Congress ’has a capital opportunity to give needed help to their 
weaker brothers in South Africa by espousing and furthering the 
appeal of the South African Native Races for the raising of 
the remaining ;^io,ooo to train native talent for the great task 
of uplifting its people. The sum required for the establishment 
of the College, even on a moderate scale, is ;^50,000. Including 
the value of the site, the following amounts have been already 
received or promised : — 

From European sources ... £ 22,^00 

From Native sources i 7 » 75 o 

Total ... ;£40,250 

A further sum of ;^^io,ooo is thus required. 

There is now, as has been said, a pressing need of adequate 
provision for the training of native teachers for secondary and higher 
education for natives capable of taking advantage of it. Such 
teachers cannot secure the required training in South Africa, and 
have to look to England and America, a system which has been 
found disadvantageous. The old tribal system is breaking down. 
With it go the wholesome restraints of tribal law and custom 
and morality. The results have already been extremely disastrous. 
Many natives have been demoralised and ruined, and the effects 
on the white community have been scarcely less deplorable. At 
this stage the guidance which really educated natives would be able 
to give to their people might well be of great value. These natives 
might train their people to meet the new conditions of civilised life, 
teaching them also improved methods of agriculture and industry. 

If the first Races Congress succeeds in helping on the inaugura- 
tion of the first Native College in South Africa, it will impress 
itself indelibly on the future of the aboriginal races, as having 
thrown itself heartily into the laudable effort of ushering in the 
Dawn into what has long remained in truth the Dark Continent 
[Paper submitted in Eni^hsh ] 


THE WEST AFRICAN PROBLEM 

By Pastor MojOLA Agbebi, D.D., Lag'os, 

Director of the Niger Delta Mission, 

Gene^L — The appropriation of the tropical parts of Africa by 
the European nations has added one more to the race problems 
confronting Europe. From the African standpoint the African 
problem presents a twofold aspect — one relating to the question 



34* UNIVERSAL RACES COlfGRESS , 

involved as affecting the European ; another as aflfecting the African 
himself. The problem for the European obviously involves the 
objects he has in view in assuming the government of Tropical 
West Africa, and the means for attaining that object Such objects 
resolve themselves into ends political and economic, embodying 
political sway and a process of commercial or industrial development 
designed to benefit both the ruler and the ruled. On the African 
side the problem chiefly relates to the effect which the close contact 
and dominating influence of Europe will exert ‘Upon the African 
living under primitive conditions, whose mode of life is entirely dis- 
similar to that of the European, if not actually opposed to it. The 
resultant effect of bringing two dissimilar life-problems into contact 
and collision must necessarily be far-reaching, and disturb not 
a little the morals and the social arrangements of a people whose 
simple lives and indigenous characteristics render them liable to 
be easily affected. It is this effect upon his morals, his idea of 
society, and his view of an All-Father which vests the expropriation 
of Tropical Africa by the nations of Europe with a problem for the 
African, The problem is accentuated by the fact that it is the 
foundation and vital part of African life that is thus affected. 

The problem, however, with its many complexities and com- 
plications, offers an easy way of being solved successfully if only 
a measure of sincerity, earnestness, and particularly sympathy is 
brought to bear on the solution. The tractable character of the 
African, and his having lived under political systems different from 
the European organised systems of rule on a large scale, combing 
with a possible indifference here and there to formal governments, 
ought to make the political object of the European nations easy 
of attainment. The one essential feature in the premises would 
be to make the political yoke as light as possible, in order that 
it might not bear too heavily upon a people quite unaccustomed 
to it. The difference between the social laws and institutions of 
Africa as contrasted with those of Europe, and exemplified in 
the absence from the former of policemen and detectives, bolts 
and bars, ought to suggest the prudence of modifying social methods 
which carry such factors as accessories. The absence of any arrange- 
ment for enforcing compulsory restraint denotes emphatically order 
and right living on the part of the people sought to be governed. 
It would seem that the simplicity of the political part^|piil’J?fc!^^ 
for the European is really what has rendered it complex and 
bewildering for him. Accustomed to a rigime of government 
altogether different, which calls for the exercise of restraint 
as its chief controlling factor, the European finds it difficult to 
divest himself of prejudice to European ways in his dealing with 



SIXTH SESSION 


« ) 

the African. And this prejudice is sustained, as it were, by reason 
of the fact that European rule over the African is based upon 
the principle of might, from which the idea of force is inseparable. 
Circumstances alter cases, however, in every domain of human energy 
and activity, and if this idea were prominently kept in view the 
, solution of the political problem to which Europe is committed 
ih regard to Tropical Africa would be rendered much more easy. 
If Europe could realise that its political r6le in Tropical Africa 
entailed dealing ^with a new and altogether different set of circum- 
stances which chiefly called for the exercise of sympathy and patience 
to study and understand, and the readiness to deal with them upon 
the basis of the knowledge gained of them, there can be no doubt 
that the problem would be solved in both its political and economic 
aspects to the advantage of both European and African. 

The exercise of sympathy and patience would avail to bring the 
European and African closer together, thus promoting that unity and 
co-operation which are essential and indispensable, imparting con- 
solidation to European rule, and communicating stimulus and 
progress to economic development 

The cardinal essential in both cases is the cultivation of knowledge 
of the African , such knowledge as is calculated to engender respect 
and consideration for him and his institutions. Where such knowledge 
is acquired, it will reveal the effects which the complex and artificial 
systems of European life are calculated to produce upon the moral 
and other conditions of a people addicted to simple living. The lack 
of knowledge of the effects wrought, and the unremitting help lent 
them in consequence, have invested the African problem with 
grave consequences for the African. The introduction of the usages 
and institutions of European lift into the African social system has 
resulted in a disordering and a dislocation of the latter which 
threatens to overthrow the system altogether and produce a state 
of social anarchy. Dire evidence of the resultant social chaos is to 
be found in the total breakdown of parental control, and the advent 
of a life of wild licence mistakenly taken to mean the rightful 
exercise of the rights and prerogatives of individual liberty, as 
defined and permitted under the customs and usages of European 
life. This fatal mistake, with the fundamental fallacy it involves of 
abnegating African social laws on the part of Europeanised Africans, 
c^^pwi^g^out of the dislike and contempt for which unfamiliarity with 
African customs on the part of the European is largely responsible, 
comprises a phase of the African problem which calls urgently for 
attention and consideration. Social organisations are the outgrowth 
of a people's life, and, founded more or less upon innate racial charac- 
feristics, are incapable of being transferred from one people of a 



i44 bklJi^^ERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

certain type to another ,of a different type and condition. The 
phrase ** state of transition" usually applied to people who ‘are sup- 
posed to be affected by passing social conditions, but who really are 
in the unfortunate dilemma of having their social order of life dislo- 
cated by the introduction of a foreign order, really implies a state of 
transition from a regular order of life ingrained in a people and 
practised by them, to a social whirlpool of confusion and disorder,, 
where there is not sufficient material for, or the materials which 
exist do not contribute to, social reconstruction. Op the other hand, 
there is the powerful and irresistible current of man's wild will and 
passions arrayed against reconstruction and social regulation. It is 
conceivable what a state of social anarchy means in the sense of 
moral deterioration, with its concomitant of physical impairment 
By most positive and impressive evidences the African has come to 
feel that this is the heritage which the African problem entails for 
him, a heritage due to lack of knowledge of and contempt for his 
institutions and customs, and also for the life-problems founded upon 
these customs and institutions. 

Inter-racial Marriage . — No un-Europeanised native of Tropical 
Africa seeks intermarriage with white people. Commercial inter- 
* course and other unavoidable contact with white people may lead to 
a progeny of mixed blood, but no Tropical African pure and simple 
is inclined to marry a European or appreciates mixed marriages. 

Segregation — The fad of segregation in social gatherings and 
religious worship recently brought into prominence by the imprudent 
and impolitic among white people is not distasteful to the un- 
Europeanised African. The great Architect of the Universe has 
originally determined the bounds of the habitation ” of every race 
of man. The African has not overstepped those bounds to seek 
fellowship, social, religious, or otherwise, with white people. It is a 
matter of ridicule to the African therefore that white people should 
not only trespass into Africa, but come there to propound the 
doctrine of segregation which Nature has all along placed boundless 
seas and countless barriers to indicate. The unsophisticated African 
entertains aversion to white pecy^le, and when, on accidentally or 
unexpectedly meeting a white man he turns or takes to his heels, it 
is because he feels that .he has come upon some unusual or unearthly 
creature, some hobgoblin, ghost, or sprite ; and when he does not 
look straight in a white man's face, it is becau.se he 
evil eye," and that an aquiline nose, scant lips, and cat-like eyes 
afflict him. The Yoruba word for a European means a peeled 
man, and to many an African the white man exudes some rancid 
odour not agreeable to his olfactory nerves. 

Moreover, Europeans are regarded as plague carriers. THfe 



^SIXTH SESSION 345 

plagues hitherto hno,wn to the people of Tropical Africa arc very few, 
and are sCibject to already known treatments ; i)ut the advent of an 
influx of Europeans is regarded with evil foreboding by a great many, 
owing to the plagues and diseases that follow in their wake, and to 
which Africans are strangers. Witness bubonic plague, syphilis, 
cholera, and others. 

Secret Societies , — Secret societies are many in Africa, and are 
founded for many and various reasons. If carefully investigated, it 
will possibly be discovered that the secret societies of Europe and 
other Western peoples took their rise from Africa. 

The rites and ceremonies of some secret societies in Africa tally 
in a large measure with some of those in Europe, and while many 
secret societies in Europe can show no greater uses than occasional 
deeds of benevolence, post-mortem benefactions, encouraging temper- 
ance and thrift, some secret societies in Africa are cults for initiation 
into the mysteries of womanhood, for teaching the art of midwifery 
and motherhood, to inaugurate funeral obsequies, to inculcate the 
principle of immortality or life after death, some to fulfil the r6le of 
a national court of appeal, some to protect trade, others to preserve 
national pedigree or tribal dignity, some to assist men, others to 
assist women, and all for, as believed by the promoters, the general 
we^-beIng of society. Freemasonry in its most exalted degrees can 
show no better or more innocent rites than those of some of the 
secret societies of Africa. The principle is the same. Even when 
their deeds may not be branded as evil, “ men love darkness rather 
than light ” for secret society purposes. The more a man proceeds 
to the higher degrees in Freemasonry the more undignified, should I 
not say degraded, are the rites he has to perform, and Freemasonry is 
regarded as a European production and not African. Freemasonry 
as a secret society excludes women from its membership ; but in 
Africa there are not only secret societies formed of and by men, but 
there are also secret societies formed of and by women. Sometimes 
a place of importance in a man’s secret society is filled by a woman. 
In Freemasonry even men who are not members are not admitted 
into its lodges ; but in the Egungun •and the Oro, African secret 
societies in the Lagos district, men of whatever colour and clime can 
enter the grove and pass free and unmolested through a whole town 
which is “ under orders ” from one or other of these secret 

Human Sacrifice , — Human sacrifice in Africa is based on strictly 
religious principles. There is no wanton massacre of human lives or 
uncalled-for immolation of men. European intervention has put a 
stop to it in many parts. But it should be understood that it repre- 
sents fhe highest of human motives, though Self-sacrifice — the sacrifice 



;346 Uf^IVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

of one’s self — ^is superior to it. Self-sacrifice, however, is also human 
sacrifice. Christianity is based on human sacrifice, its Founder being 
“the Lamb slain from the foundations of the world.” 

Ancestral and Hero-worship . — Ancestral and hero-worship, styled 
“heathenism” or “fetishism,” abound in many parts of Nigeria* 
Respect for the aged and for all who are older than one’s self is a 
cardinal virtue in Tropical Africa. Shango, Oya, Shoponna of the 
Yorubas, Atakunmosa Obokun, lyarere, Oluwashe of the Ijeshus 
were national heroes, and on the Niger Delta every family has its 
ancestral fane. The worship of these may or may not be accom- 
panied with visible or material symbols, and Jesus Christ is the 
highest type of a hero. 

Witchcraft . — To the man of Tropical Africa European spiri- 
tualism is a form of witchcraft, and hypnotism, mesmerism, 
telepathy, mind or thought reading, mental attraction, clairvoyance 
or second sight, black arts, the evil eye, conjuration of Satan, 
low occultism, charms, spells, poisoning, &c., are all comprised 
under what the man of Africa calls “ witchcraft,” and, except 
for European intervention, are more or less visited with the 
death penalty whenever the exercise of them raises suspicion of 
criminality. 

Cannibalism , — Cannibalism is not general in Africa. What* led 
some communities to institute a sacrifice of human victims led other 
communities to go a step further and turn the sacrifice into what they 
consider profitable use by solemnly partaking of it as a sacrament. 

In some cases victims of human sacrifice consider it more honourable 
to be eaten by men to whom they are supposed to be imparting som ,^, 
virtue or for whom they are fulfilling some indispensable and impor^^ 
tant function, than to be devoured by senseless and ignominious . 
worms The eating of human or non-human flesh differs prjy in 
kind, and human flesh is said to be the most delicious of all 
viands ; superior in culinary taste to the flesh of either bird, beast, ‘ 
fish, or creeping things. Christianity itself is a superstructure of 
cannibalism. The Founder of the Faith is recorded to have said^;^„n 
“Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood, 
ye have no life in you.” In administering the Lord’s Supper to 
converts from cannibalism I have often felt some uneasiness m 
repeating the formula, “ Take, eat, this is my body,” and the other 

Marriage in Africa, — Plural marriage is the social law of 
Africa. It is the basis of political economy and human happiness 
in the country. Single marriage is sin in Africa, and plural marriage 
is righteousness. The woman inherits her husband’s property in 
Europe ; but in Africa woman is property, and is subject to in- 



I SIXTH SESSION ' 347 

teritance as dthet property. It is on r^ord in the Christian 
Scriptures that — 

There were with us seven brethren ; and the first, when he had married a 
wife deceased, and having no issue, left his wife unto his brother. Likewise the 
‘second also, and the third, unto the seventh. And last of all the woman died 
also. Therefore in the resurrection whose wife shall she be of the seven ^ for 
they all had her." 

She was their property. In the social and religious economy of 
Africa, therefore/ it would be wise to recognise the social laws of 
the country and 10 deal with plural marriage as the foundation 
of the home and, consequently, of abiding welfare in the country. 
In Tropical Africa no un-Europeanised woman desires to live alone 
in her husband’s house. She prefers to have company, and often 
plans and paves the way for such company. So-called “ holy matri- 
mony ” has placed human life m jeopardy in Africa. “ In the midst 
of life we are in death.” By single marriage many marriage beds 
have been defiled and holy matrimony ” rendered unholy by the 
unrestrained and criminal liberties taken by monogamic husbands 
under the ‘sanction of European law, while their children are in 
the womb and while they are at the breasts. Men are reduced 
below the level of the brutes that perish. 

The doctrine of plural marriage in Africa does not stand in 
the way of the progress of womanhood in any of the activities 
of human life. Careful and sympathetic inquiry will reveal the 
f^act that women have not only been rulers, leaders, ‘^mothers in 
Israel,” priestesses and heroines in Africa, but have also been 
deified after their death and worshipped by men and women alike. 
The homage paid to womanhood in Africa is the homage of worth, 
not of words, of love not of law. Unless perhaps as a religious 
leader, officer or functionary, or as a man of poor means, the African 
as a rule will publicly or privately always be a polygamist. 

Islam . — Islam has been up to the present not less than one 
thousand three hundred years in Africa. Christianity, the earliest 
European form of it, is not much above one hundred years old. 
Ought not Christianity to learn from Aer older and more experienced 
rival? May not a man learn even from ay enemy? Islam in 
Africa is a demonstrative and attractive faith. It is a religion, 
the only religion which, besides Christianity, boasts of a literature 
tuat” to Divine inspiration. Both the Christian and 

Moslem scriptures promise material joys to the faithful after death 
— “ golden streets,” “ pearly gates,” “ beauteous maidens.” Chris- 
tianity and Islam have many things in common, and many of our 
owr^ relatives and friends are followers of the prophet of Mecca, 
as some of us are followers of Jesus of Nazareth. Islam is a per- 



34® UNIVERSAL RACES COt^GRESS 

nianent faith in Africa. Its calls to prayer, its .manner of prayings 
its annual fasts, its annual feasts, which are all subject *to ocular 
demonstration, appeal to high and low alike from day to da^l 
Its adaptation to the social laws, domestic arrangements, religious 
aspiration, political ambition, intellectual aptitude, mental energy, 
and racial instincts of the people, is no longer a matter of dispute. 
The African is no big child, no child-race, according to the current 
expression of some Europeans; but a full-fledged man in the 
** eternal providence ” of the world. He may be a child in respect 
of European greed and aggrandisement, European subtlety and 
guile, European trespasses and sins ; but he is not a child to his 
creation or to the law of his being. 

Five times a day from turrets and minarets Islam^s call to 
prayer startles Africa, demanding attention from dawn to dark, 
and Christianity in its best form, whatever that may be, has not 
presented a formula more arousing than 
Rise, ye believers I 

Prayer is better than sleep, , 

Prayer is better than sleep. ^ 

The object of the Universal Races Congress is to cultivate mutual 
knowledge and respect between Occidental and Oriental peoples, 
including even the lowliest ones. The triumph of the principles 
for which the Congress stands will, 1 believe, go a long way towards 
the solution of the African problem. 

[Paper submiiicd in English ] 


THE NEGRO RACE IN THE UNITED 
STATES OF AMERICA* 

By Dr. W E. B. DuBoi.s, New York, 

Late Professor of History and Political Economy in Atlanta 
University, United States. 

There were m 1900 in the. United States and its dependencies 
8,840,789 persons of acknowledged Negro descent. To-day the 
number is probably ten millions. These persons are almost entirely 
descendants of the African slaves brought to America in the 
sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centujjga^,,^ , 

I. the Slave Trade— The African slave trade to America arose from the 
desire of the Spanish and other nations to exploit rapidly the resources of ttie 
New World. The attempt to use the native races for this purpose failed 
because of the weakness and comparative scarcity of the Indians. Conditions 

• Owing to It. special value, tins paper is published in full ; but owing to its greaWength 
and the limited space at our disposal, it appears in smaller type.— EDITOR. 



SIXTH SESSION 349 

in Africa, on the other hand, favoured the organisation^ A strong * 

Negro* Arabian civilisation in the Soudan had forced back the barbarians to the 
fever-cursed Centre and West, and there the stronger and fiercer Bantu and 
other nations dominated and enslaved the weaker tribes. The coming of the 
Portuguese in the middle of the fifteenth centurj^ wa^ the occasion of trans- 
porting some of these slaves to Portugal, and from this, in time, came the slave 
tra^e to the West Indies. 

The African slave trade soon became a profitable venture, for which the 
Portuguese, Dutch, and English competed. Finally, in 1714, the English secured 
a virtual monopoly, of the Noith American trade and poured large numbers of 
slaves into the The exact number of slaves imported is not known, 

Dunbar estimates that nearly 900,000 came to America in the sixteenth century, 
2,75o,opo m the seventeenth, 7,000,000 in the eighteenth, and over 4,000,000 in 
the nineteenth, perhaps 15,000,000 in all. It goch without saying that the 
cruelty incident in this forced migration of men was very great. For a long 
time tjie policy of the slave owners was to kill off the Negroes by over- work and 
buy^^^nfore. Family life was impossible, there being few women imported, and 
se3tual promiscuity and concubinage ensued. When finally, for physical 
and moral reasons, the supply of slaves began to fall off a new development 
began. 

II. Growth and Physique of the N egro- American Population . — The growth of 
the Negro population in the English colonies in America may be estimated as 
follows : — 


1710 


... 


... 

50,000 

1725 


... 


... 

75,000 

1750 - 

• 


... 



220.000 

260.000 



... 



310,000 

1770 





462,000 

1780 


... 



462,000 


The United States censuses give the following figures — 


Date, 

Total Negroes 

Per Cent of 
Increase 

Per Cent ot 
Increase 
of Whites 

Per Cent of 
Negroes in Total 
Population 

1790 

757,208 



3576 


1800 

1,002,037 

32-33 

18*88 

1810 

1,377,808 

37*50 

36*12 

1903 

1820 

1,771-656 

2859 

34*12 

18*39 

1830 

2,328,642 

31*44 

34*03 

18 10 

1840 

2,873,648 

3,638,808 

23-40 

34 72 

16*84 

1850 

26 63 

37 74 

15-69 

i860 j 

4,441,830 

2207 

3769 

14-13 

1870 

4,880,009 

986 

24 76 

12*66 

1880 

6.580,793 

34-85 


13*12 

1890 ! 

7,488,789 

13-79 

26^68 

11*93 

1900 i 

8,840,789 

i8-i 

21*4 

11*6 

1910 i 

10,000,000 

(estimated) 





The census of 1870 was defective, and probably that of 1890 also, which 
would explain the chief irregularities in the rate of increase of Negroes. The 
higher rate of increase of the whites is due mainly to the large immigration. 

The present so-called Negro" population of the United States is : — 

I. A mixture of the various African populations— Bantu, Soudanese, West 



35© UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

’Coast Negroes, some dwarfs, &c. There are traces of Arab and, Seoiitip 
blood. ^ * 

2. A mixture of these strains w'lth the blood of white Americans through 
a long system of concubinage of coloured women in slavery days together with 
some legal intermarriage. The official figures for mulattoes are as follows : — 

1850, mulattoes formed ii*2 per cent, of the total Negro population. 

i860, mulattoes formed 13*2 per cent of the total Negro population. 

1870, mulattoes formed 12 per cent, of the total Negro population. 

1890, mulattoes formed 15*2 percent, of the total Negro population. 

Or in actual numbers , — ^ 

1850, 405,751 mulattoes. 
i860, 588,352 mulattoes. 

1870, 585,601 mulattoes. 

1890, 1,132,060 mulattoes. 

These figures are of doubtful validity and officially acknowledged^'lo be 
misleading. From observation and local studies in all parts of the Uriited 
States I am inclined to believe that at least one-third of the Negroes of the 
United States have distinct traces of white blood, and there is also a large 
amount of Negro blood in the white population. This blending of the races has 
led to new and interesting human types, but race prejudice has hitherto pre- 
vented any scientific study of the matter. 

Scientific physical measurements of Negro-Amencans have not been made 
on any sufficiently large scale for valuable conclusions to be formed. 

The Negro population shows, so far as known, a greater death-rate than 
the white. Throughout the registration area of the United States the 
figures are . — 

Death-rate per 1,000 Living, United Stapes Registration Area. 

l8cx) T900 

Coloured 299 ... 296 

White ... . . 19 I ... 17*3 

These figures apply to only ij million of the Negro population, and those 
mainly in cities Of the death-rate of the mass of the population living in the 
country we know nothing. The chief causes of death among Negroes are:* 
Consumption, pneumonia, nervous disorders, malaria, and infant mortality. 
The figures are : — 


Deaths per 100,000 Living Negroes. 



1890 

IQOO 

Consumption 

546 

485 

Pneumonia ... •. 

279 ., 

355 

Nervous disorders 

333 •’ 

308 

Malaria • 

72 . 

63 


To every 1,000 living coloured children, there were each year the following 
number who died — 


Children under i Year of Age. 


Registration States ... 


1890 

458 ... 

1900 

344 

Cities 

... 

580 ... 

397 

Country 

... 

204 

219 



SIXTH SESSION 351 

The birth-rate is conjectural : — 

Npmber of Children under 5 Years of Age to 1,000 Females 15 to 
44 Years of Age for the Continental United States. 



Total 

1 

! Wlute 

I 

Coloured 

Excess of Coloured 

1900 

474 

465 

543 

78 

1890 

4S5 

473 

574 

lOI 

1880 

559 

537 

706 

169 

1870 

572 

562 

641 


i860 

634 

627 

67s 

48 

1850 

626 

613 

694 

81 

1840!' 

— 

744 

— 

— 

1830* 


781 




* Women 15 to 49 jears of age 


From this we may conclude * — 

1. The Negro biith-rate exceeds and has always exceeded the white 
birth-rate. 

2. The Negro birth-rate probably decreased largely until 1870 ; then it 
possibly in(i:reased somewhat, and afterwards rapidly decreased. 

3. The Negro birth-rate in the country distncts is high. In the city it is 
low because of the immigrant character of the population. 

In general the Negro population of the United States is brown in colour, 
darkening to almost black and shading off in the other diiections to yellow 
and wlute, indistinguishable in many cases from the white population. The 
race is strong and virile, and, although hard piessed by economic and mental 
strain, is more than holding its own. 

III. Soctal History — Negroes came to America with the early explorers, and 
they took some part in exploration. Stephen Dorantes, a Negro of the Fiay 
Marcos Expedition, was the discoverer of the South-Western part of North 
; America; and there were many Negioes with Balboa, Pizairo, D'Ayllon, and 
Cortez. As the Dutch and English slave trade of the seventeenth century 
vpbured in larger numbers of Negroes, the question of their control and 
organisation became serious. They were caiefuily mixed by race and language 
so as to prevent conspiracy, and worked in gangs by severe taskmasters. This 
led to repeated revolts throughout the islands and on the Continent. Only two 
of these were large and successful — that of the Maroons in Jamaica in the 
seventeenth century, and of Touissant L'Ouverture in Hayti in the eighteenth 
century. 

The moral theory of early Negro slavery was that the heathen were by this 
means brought to Christianity, and efforts iwcre gradually made to convert 
them.' The result was that after slow and hesitating advance the slaves were 
by the middle of the nineteenth century nominal Ch.nstians, and spoke the 
English tongue. The work of conversion and uplift was, however, greatly 
retarded by the rapid importation of Negroes after the Assiento treaty between 
^2*i/glahd and Spam in 1714. England forced slaves on the colonies, and found 
them at first complacent ; but at last they were frightened, and a distinct moral 
revolt against the system arose. 

Finally a sort of new American feudalism was evolved out of which free 
, Negroes from time to time escaped into the full privileges of freemen. , 

This was the situation at the time of the War for Independence with 
Englafid. Probably ten thousand Negro soldiers fought for the independence 



35? UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

of the American colonies, and they Were recognised as citizens. The undoubted 
thought of the founders of the Republic was that slavery would gradually 
die out, and the Negroes either become American citizens or migrate to 
Africa. This assumption received encouragement by the economic failure of 
slavery in the North and the emancipation of slaves. 

Among the Negroes there were signs of awakening. The freedraen began to 
demand the ballot in Massachusetts and to organise churches and associations in 
Rhode Island, New York, and Pennsylvania, and some black persons of distinc- 
tion arose like Benjamin Banneker, the almanac maker, and Phillis Wheatley, 
the poet. Negroes fought in the war of 1812— there being black sailors with 
Perry and McDonough, and four hundred coloured soldiery with Jackson at New 
Orleans. About this time, too, definite steps were taken to suppress the slave 
trade from Africa. 

Gradually, however, the strength of this liberal movement waned as the 
importance of the cotton crop increased. Signs of increased severity against 
slaves were manifest, and several slave revolts were attempted, that of Nat 
Turner, in 1831, being the most bloody. 

From 1830 on the South took a new tone and began to defend slavery as an 
economic system against the growing attacks of the abolitionists, while the 
systematic running away of slaves gave rise to bitterness and recrimination.' 
The free Negroes began to meet m conventions, the anti-slavery crusade was 
oiganiscd, and gtadually slavery became the burning political issue. Negro 
leaders like Frederick Douglass now came forward, Harriet Beecher Stowe's 
Uncle Tom’s Cabin was published, fugitive slaves increased in number, and the 
nation was in a ferment. 

When the civil war broke out because of the slavery issue, Negro soldiers 
were at first refused, but eventually two hundred thousand were enlisted, and 
even the South tried to arm the slaves 

From the first these slaves were a source of w’eakness and apprehension to 
the South. During most of the war the blacks remained quiet, and protected 
the white women and children while the masters were in the field fighting for 
their enslavement. Gradually, however, the meaning of the war dawned on 
them and they began to run away and join the Northern armies ^Finally, as 
wai mcasuie, the mass of them were emancipated, and this was later confirmed' 
by a constitutional amendment. 

When after the declaration of peace the question of the prote 
new freedmen arose, the nation paused in puzzled hesitation. T1 
were open — 

(a) To leave the Negroes to the mercy of the whites, on condi ae 

whites accepted the constitutional amendment abolishing slavery. 

(/)) To put the Negroes under special guardianship designed to p th^hn as 
labourers, educate them, and secure justice foi them m the courts. ' 

(c) To give the Negroes the power of self-protection by insisting on fiill 
manhood suffrage in the States with any restrictions the State wished to im- 
pose except restrictions based on “race, colour, or previous condition of 
servitude." 

The first method was tried by Johnson. The result was a scries of “black 
codes " which practically restoied Negro slavery in almost every essential excent 
name. As Carl Schurz reported . — ^ 

“ Some planters held back their former slaves on their plantations by brute 
force. Armed bands of white men patrolled the country roads to drive back 
the Negroes wandering about. Dead bodies of murdered Negroes were found 
on and near the highways and by-paths. Gruesome reports came from the 
hospitals — repoi ts of coloured men and women whose ears had been off, 
whose skulls had been broken by blows, whose bodies had been slashed by 



3S3 


SIXTH SESSION 

knives or lacerated with scourges. A number of such;y;p^es I had occasion to ^ 
examine myself. A veritable reign of terror prewled in many parts of the 
South. The Negro found scant justice in the local courts against the white 
nian. He could look for protection only to the military forces of the United 
States still garrisoning the 'States lately in rebellion/ and to the Freedmen’s 
Bureau." 

The second method was tried in the establishment of the Freedmen’s Bureau, 
but the North demurred at the cost, the South complained at the principle, and 
the Bureau itself was not well managed. The Government was, theiefore, as a 
last resort, literally forced to the third method which involved Negro voters. 
The argument for thhs was thus stated by Carl Schurz — 

" The emancipation of the slaves ib submitted to only m so far as chattel 
slavery in the old form could not be kept up But although the freedman is no 
longer considered the property of the individual master, he is considered the 
slave of society, and all independent Slate legislation will shaie the tendency to 
make him such. 

“ The solution of the problem would be very much facilitated by enabling all 
the loyal and fice-laboiir elements in the South to exercise a healthy influence 
upon legislation. It will haidly be possible to secure the freedman against 
oppressive class legislation and private persecution, unless he be endowed with 
a certain measure of political power " 

To the argument of ignorance Schurz replied — 

“The effect ot the extension of the fianchise to the coloured people upon the 
development of free labour and upon the secuiity of human lights in the South 
being the principle object in view, the objections raised on the giound of the 
Ignorance of the freedmen become unimportant Practical liberty is a good 
school. ... It is idle to say tliat it will be time to speak of Negro suffrage 
when the whole coloured race will be educated, for the ballot may be necessary 
to him to secure his education ” 

The Negroes themselves said to Piesident Johnson through their spokesman, 
Frederick Douglass 

“Yoiu noble and humane piedccessor placed in our hands the sword to 
"^assist in saving the nation, and we do hope that you, his able successor, will 
favoufably regard the placing in our hands the ballot with which to save 
ourselves." 

The result of the new basis of suffrage was at first demoralisation. The 
better class of Southern whites refused to take part in government even when 
they could, and the new and ignorant Negro voters were delivered into the 
hands of Northern and Southern demagogues, who looted the State treasuriCb, 
Finally, however, the Negroes secured a better class of white and Negro 
leaders, revolted fiom the carnival of stealing, and began honest advance 
and reform. They succeeded in giving to the new South . — 

I A moie demociatic form of government. 

2. Free public schools ^ 

, , 3. The beginnings of a new social legislation. 

Before this work was finished they were intimidated and put out of power 
"l5tforce and fraud, but as a prominent white leader said: — 

" During then ascendency they obeyed the Constitution of the United 
States. . . . They instituted a public school system in a realm where public 
schools had been unknown. They opened the ballot box and jury box to 
thousands of white men who had been debarred from them by a lack of 
earthly possessions. They introduced home rule into the South. They 
aboUsfled the whipping post, the branding iron, the stocks, and other 

2 A 



354.. ‘ ' UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

barbarous forms of punishment which had up to that time prevailed. They 
reduced capital felonies from about twenty to two of three. In. an age of 
extravagance they were extravagant in the sums appropriated for public 
works. In all of that time no man’s rights of person were invaded under 
the forms of law. Every Democrat’s life, home, fireside, and business were 
safe. No man obstructed any white man's way to the ballot box, interfered 
with his freedom of speech, or bo>cotted him on account of his political 
faith.'’ 

Despite this, the South was determined to deprive the Negroes of 
political power and force them to occupy the position of a labouring caste. 

This was done first by open intimidation, murder^ and fraud, through 
secret societies like the Ku Kliix Klan. Finally, beginning in 1890, a new 
set of disfranchising laws were passed. These laws ostensibly disfranchise 4 
the ignoiant and poor, but they allowed poor and ignorant whites to vote 
by a provision known as the grandtather clause,” which admitted to the 
polls any person whose father or giandfathcr h.id the light to \ote before the 
coloured men were enfranchised. At the same time, these laws excluded 
from the polls not only the ignorant, but neatly all the intelligent Negroes, 
by making the local registrais judicial officers from whose decision as to 
fitness there was practically no appeal Ihcsc rcgistiars weie, of course, 
invariably white. 

With this legislation ha\c gone various rcstiictive laws to curtail the 
social, civil, and economic freedom of all persons of Negro descent. The 
question as to the validity and advisability of tlicse laws, and as to the develop- 
ment of the freedom under them, and speculation as to thefntuie of the race 
in America constitutes the Negio problem 

IV Social Condition of the Ne^i o-Amcncan — After such a social history, 
what is the piescnt social condition ot the ten million . of persons of 
Negro descent in the United States, fully one-thud of whom have more 
or less white blood ? We may best consider this undci certain sub- 
heads — 

(a) Distribution — The dislnbulion of the Negio Amciican population is very^t 
uneven, the colouied people being largely concentrated m the former slavey 
States of the South-East 

In the last decade — 1900-1910 — there has been a considerable migration from 
country to city and from North to South, which will change these maps to some 
extent. The relation of the Negro to cities in 1900 is shown by this table from 
the census . — 


Population Classified by Race and Class ov Place of Residence and 
Per Cent 01* Distribution, 1900. 


Class of ri ICC of Residence 

Number of 
Cities, 19CX) 

While 

Negro 

Continental United States 


66,809,196 

8,833,994 

Cities having at Icsist 2,500 inhabitants 
Cities having a Population of — 

j,86i 

28,506,146 

2,004,121 

< 4 , .. 

100,000 and o\ er 


i 3 . 5 <^>o 27 

668,254 

25,000 to 100,000 . . . 

122 

5,021,827 

468,209 

8,000 to 25,CK)0 

3«5 , 

4,866,928 

399.295 

4,000 to 8,000 

()i 2 

3,098,048 

274.492 

2,500 to 4,000 .. . . * 

Country districts 

704 

^ 2,012,016 

193,871 

• — 

3*^.303-050 

6,829,873 



SIXTH SESSION . ,355 


i ■ • 

Per Cent. Distribution by Class of Plac^ OJf>|j{;Esij^kcE, 1900. 


Class of Place of Residence 

White 

Negro. 

Continental United Slates 

100*0 

1000 

Cities having at least 2,500 inhabitants 
Cities having a Population of — 

42*7 

22*7 

100,000 and over 

20 2 

7*6 

25,000 to 100,000 

75 

53 

8,000 to 25,000 

7‘3 

4’5 

4,000 to 8,000 ... 

47 

3 *^ 

2,500 to 4 000 

30 

2*2 

Country districts 

57 3 

77*3 


Number and Per Cent Distribution of Negro Population of Con- 
tinental United States by Division of Residence, 1900. 



Negro Population, 
1000 

Percent of 
Negi 0 Population 
of Continental 
United States, 
Living in Speciiied 
Division, 1900 

Continental United States ... 

8,833,994 

1000 

North Atlantic Division — 

385,020 

44 

New England 

59.099 

07 

Southern North Atlantic 

325.921 

3 7 

South Atlantic Division — 

3,729,017 

42*2 

Northern South Atlantic 

1,056,684 

12 0 

Southern South Atlantic 

2.672,333 

30*2 

North Cential Division — 

495.751 

56 

Eastern North Central... 

257.«42 

29 

Western North Central 

237.909 

2 7 

South Central Division — 

4. >93.9^2 

47 5 

, Eastern South Central... 

2,499,886 

28*3 

Western South Central 

1,694,066 

19 2 

Western Division — 

30,254 

03 

Rocky Mountain 

12,936 

0 I 

Basin and Plateau . . 

2,654 

n 

Pacific 

14,664 

0 2 


* Less than one-tenth of i per cent 


( 6 ) Sex, Age, and Conjugal Condilton . — In the sex statistics ot Negro- 
Americans one can see easily their social history — the disproportionate number of 
male slaves imported, the killing of the men during the Civil War and later, &c. 


Proportion of Males and Females in every 10,000. 


Daie 

Negrols. • 

Whites 

Male 

Female 

Male^ 

Female. 

1820 

00 

0^ 

CO 

4.918 

5.080 

4,920 

1830 

5 i 074 

4.926 

5.077 

4.923 

1840 

57014 

4,986 

5.090 

4,910 

1850 

4.978 

5.022 

5.104 

4,896 

i860 

4,990 

5,010 

5.116 

4,844 

1870 

4.905 

5.095 

5.056 

4.944 

1880 

4 i 942 

5.057 

5,088 

4,012 . 

► 1890 

4,986 

5.014 

5.121 

4.079 

1900 

4.969 

5.030 

5,108 

4,892 



3s6 Universal races congress 

' The median age of Negroes has increased as follows 

Median Age of the Coloured Population, Classified, 
Continental United States : 1790 to 1900. 


imo 

1970 

1850 

17-33 

1890 

i 7’83 

1840 

17-27 

1880 

1801 

1830 

. 1690 

1870 

i860 

18-49 

1765 

1820 

1775 


The general age composition is as follows by percentage . — 


Native Whites. 



Under 15 

15-59 

60 and Over. 

1880 

... 426 

529 

49 

1890 

... 40*0 

54 » 

5*2 

1900 

39*0 

558 

52 


Coloured. 




Under 15 

15-59 

60 and Over 

1880 

... 442 

512 

4*6 

1890 

42-1 

53*3 

46 

1900 

- 39*5 

556 

49 


The conjugal condition by sex and age is as follows — 

Per Cent Distribution by Conjugal Condition for the Negro 
Population by Sex and Age Periods • 1900 and 1890. 



Per Cent ob Negro Male Population, 1900 

age Period 

Single and 
Unknown 

Mamed 

Widowed and 
Divorced 

Continental United States — 
15 years and over 

■ 

398 

54 0 

6 2 

15 to 19 years 

98 2 

17 

0*1 

20 to 24 years 

64-9 

338 

1*3 

25 to 29 years 

33*4 

63-3 

3*3 

30 to 34 years 

21*4 

73 7 

4*9 

35 to 44 years 

135 

79*1 

7*4 

45 to 54 years ... 

74 

8 i '4 

II -2 

55 to 64 years 

55 

786 

159 • 

65 years and over 

5*0 

696 

25*4 

Age unknown 

467 

47*4 

S‘9 


These statistics can be appreciated only when we remember that there 
could be no legal family relations among slaves, and that the family therefore 
is an institution only a generation old for the mass of the coloured people. 
There are consequently still an abnormally large number of ^‘widowed and 
separated,'’ while economic pressure and sexual irregularitj^ is setting the a!^ • 
of marriage very late. The improvement in family life in twenty-five years has, 
however, been enormous. 

The average size of the Negro family is about five persons to-day. The 
percentage of illegitimacy is not accurately known, but is apparently about 
20 per cent, in a city like Washington, D.C., which has 100,000 negroes. It is, 
without doubt, rapidly decreasing. ^ 



SIXTH SESSION 


357 


(c) Education . — According to the United States census^ the illiteracy of 
Negro- Americans has fceen as follows for persons^ten ^ears^ age and over : — 

1870 79'9 per cent. ^ 

i88o 70*0 „ 

1890 57*1 „ 

1900 44‘5 

Probably to-day about two-thirds of the Negro population can at least write 

their names and read to some extent. 

In the Northern States, with few exceptions, the coloured children attend 
the general public schools. In the formei slave States, where the negro popu- 
lation IS massed, there are two separate systems of schools, one for the Negroes 
and one for the whites Both systems are supported by public taxation and 
are supposed to oifer equal facilities As a matter of fact while the Negroes^ 
form one-third of the school population they receive less than one-fifth of the 
school funds, except in the district of Columbia and in a few cities 

The result is a very inferior and inadequate set of Negro public schools with 
poor teachers, and poor superintendence. The attitude of the mass of southern 
whites IS still inimical to schools for Negroes, and since the new disfianchise- 
ment laws the Negro schools have been more than usually neglected. 

As a partial compensation for this neglect on the part of the States there are 
132 private institutions for educating Negroes ; a few of these receive State and 
national aid, but most of them are supported by private philanthropy, endow- 
ments, and tuition fees They antedate the public schools for Negroes and 
represent the original educational foundations which were established by the 
various church and philanthropic agencies directly after the Civil War. 

They are of all degrees of efficiency. Some, like Atlanta, Fisk, Howard 
Universities, rank as small colleges and high schools doing work of a high grade. 
Others are high and normal schools. Some, like Hampton and Tuskegee, are 
trade and agricultural schools, and are rather more favoured by the South than 
the other schools. 

These private institutions have over 40,000 pupils and 2,400 teachers, and 
represent an investment of $14,000,000, and an expenditure of $2,100,000 a year,, 
of which the Negroes themselves pay about 30 per emt In these schools 
most of the teachers and professional men and many of the artisans among 
Negroes have been trained Their chief hindrance to-day is lack of sufficient 
funds for their growing work 

There are beside tliese some 200 small private elementary schools supported 
entirely by Negroes mostly through their Churches. They are designed to 
supplement poor public schools. 

{d) Occupations . — Of the Negroes in the United States in 1900 there were 
3,992,337 ten years of age and over who were m gainful occupations, or 45*2 
per cent, of the total Negro population The chief occupations were : — 

OCCUPATjON. 


Continental United States — all occupations 

- 3,992,337 

Occupations giving employment 

to at lea^t 

10,000 

Negroes in 1900 



... 3,807,008 

Agricultural labourers 


... 1,344,125 

Farmers, plr jters, and ovei'^ecrs 


757,822 

Labourers (not specified) .. 



545,935 

Servants and waiters 



465.734 

Launderers and laundresses 


220,104 

Draymen, hackmcn, teamsters, &c 



67,585 

^Steam railroad employees 


55.327 

Miners and quarrymen 



- 36,561 



■3^ '^t)NiVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

■ ' V ' * 


Saw and planing mill employees 

33^66 

Porters and helpers (in stores, &c.) * 

b 8 , 977 . 

Teachers and professors in colleges, &c. 

21,267 

Carpenters and joineis 

21,113 

Turpentine farmers and labourers 

20,744 

Barbers and hairdressers 

19.942 

Nurses and midwives 

19.431 

Clergymen 

15.528 

Tobacco and cigar factoiy operatives 

15.349 

Hostlers 

14496 

Masons (brick and stone) 

... , ... 14,386 

Dressmakers 

12,569 

Iron and steel workers 

12,327 

Seamstresses 

11,537 

Janitors and sextons 

... • ... 11,536 

Housekeepers and stewards 

10,596 

Fishermen and oystermen 

10,427 

Engineers and firemen (not locomotive) 

10,224 

Blacksmiths 

10,100 

Other occupations 

185,329 


To understand Negro occupations, one must remember that the slaves were 
^emancipated and started as free labourers v^nthout land or capital The result 
was that the mass of them became scrf^ and a system of peonage through 
alleged crime and debt was fastened on them ; crime peonage consisted of 
leasing or parolling prisoners to a landlord who paid their fines or paid a 
stipulated sum to the State Debt peonage consisted of keeping the labourer 
in debt and arresting him for breaking contract if he attempted to stop work. 
From this peonage larger and larger numbers are escaping ; many are going to 
Cities and becoming cavSual and day labourers; others of the better trained 
house-servant class are becoming land-owners and artisans, and others through 
education arc entering the professional class Roughly speaking, we may say 
that the Negro population consists of: — 

1,250,000 farm labourers. 

2,000,000 labourers 500,000 day labourers 

‘ 250,000 washerwomen. 

These are a semi-submerged class, some held in debt peonage, all paid 
small wages, and kept largely in ignorance. 

i25,(X)o skilled artisans. 

i,2oo,cxx) working-men- 575,000 semi-skilled workers. 

^500.000 servants. 

This IS the emerging group. TlK;y are handicapped by poor training and 
race prejudice, but they arc pushing forward, saving something, and educating 
their children as far as possible. 

200,000 farmers. 

250,000 independents. 40,000 professional men. 

. 10,000 merchants. « 

This is the leading group of Negro- Americans. The mass of them have 
common school training, and there are some 5,000 college-trained men. They 
are accumulating property and educating their children. Their advance is 
opposed by a bitter and growing race prejudice. 

The exact amount of property accumulated by Negroes is not known. 

A committee of the American Economic Association reported ; — 



SIXTH SESSION , ' s59 

♦ 

The evidence in hand leads your Committee to the conclusion that the ' 
'accumulated wealth of the Negro race in the Unit^d'^ltes i%i9oo was approxi- 
mately #300, 000,000, and probably neither less than |2So,ooo,ooo nor more than 
$350,000,000." 

Since 1900 the increase of Negro property holdings has been very rapid, as 
' the records m three States show : — 


Assessed Value of Property. 


Georgia 

Virginia 

North Carofina ... 

Total ... 


1900 

$14,118,720 

15.856,570 

9.478,399 

*39,453,689 


1908 

$27,042,672 

25,^)28,336 

21,253,581 

$73,924,589 


Judging from these figures, and the report of the American Economic 
Association quoted above, it would seem fair to infer that the total property 
of Negro-Americans aggregated $560,000,000 in 1908 

In 1900 the census said — 

''We find that the total owned land of coloured farmers 111 continental United 
States in 1900 amounted to 14,964,214 acies, or 23,382 square miles — an area 
nearly as large as Holland and Belgium — and constituted 358 per cent, of 
all the land operated by coloured farmers.'’ 

Of the proportion of farm ownership the census says that between 1890 and 
1900, while the number of Negro f aimers probably increased by about 36 or 
38 per cent, the number of Negro owners increased over 57 per cent., and the 
percentage of owneiship increased by 3*5 per cent. So that 187,799 Negro 
farms, or 25 2 per cent of all Negro farms w^ere owned. 

V. Religion — The Christian Church did but little to convert the slaves from 
their Obeah worship and primitive religion until the establishment of the Society 
for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts in 1701 , this Society, and 
the rising Methodists and Baptists, rapidly brought the body of slaves into 
nominal communion with the Christian Church. No sooner, however, did they 
appear in the Chinch than discrimination began to be practised, which the free 
Negroes of the North refused to accept They therefore withdrew into the 
African Methodist and Zion Methodist Chuiches. The Baptists, even among 
the slaves, early had their scpaiate Chuiches, and these Cliiiiches in the North 
began to fedeiatc about 1836. In 1871 the Methodist Church, South, set aside 
their coloured members into the Coloured Methodist Episcopal Church, and the 
other Southein Churches drove their members into the other coloured Churches, 
The remaining Northern denominations retained their Negro members, but 
organised them for the most part into separate congregations. 

Piactically, then, the seven-eighths of the whole Negro population is included 
in its own self-sustaining, self-governing Church bodies. 

The statistics for Negro churches in 1^06, according to the United States 
census, was as follows : — 

"The total number of communicants or membefs, as reported by 36,563 
organisations, is 3,685,097 ; of these, as shown by the returns for 34,648 organi-^ 
i^»^ations, 37'5 per cent, are males and 62-5 per cent, females." 

According to Cie statistics, these organisations have 35,160 church edifices; a 
seating capacity for church edifices of 10,481,738, as reported by 33,091 organi- 
sations ; church property valued at $56,636,159, against which there appears an 
indebtedness of $5,005,905 ; halls, &c., used for worship by 1,261 organisations ; 
and parsonages valued at $3,727,884 The number of Sunday Schools, as 
rep#rted by 33,538 organisations, is 34,681, with 210,148 officers and teachers 
and 1,740,099 scholars. 



360 V ijN^VERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

r . 

' As compared with the report of i8go, these figures show increases pf 13,300 
in the number of coloured organisations, 1,011,120 in the number of communi- 
cants or members, 11,390 in the number of church edifices, and $30,009^711 in 
the value of church property. 

It was estimated in 1907 that these churches raised seven and a half million 
clollars a year. Most of the half million goes probably to pay high interest on a' 
debt of five millions The remaining seven millions goes chiefly to the support 
of the pastor, the maintenance of the plant, and general church purposes.. A 
large and growing share, however, goes to “mission" work; jSart of this is 
proselytising, but the larger part of it is distinctly benevolence and work for 
social betterment. No complete record of this work can obtained Outside 
of these money contributions by far the laiger part of the benevolent work of 
Negroes is the unorganised personal work of church members among the 
congregations. This consists of donations, visits, care of the sick, adoption 
of children, &c. 

The leading denominations are as follows, according to membership : — 


Denomination 

Total Number of 
Orfjams itums, 
White aiul Coloured 

Number of 
Coloured 
Organisations 

Total Number 
of Members 

Total 

142,476 

36,770 

3,685,097 

Baptist bodies .. 

32,122 

19,891 

2.354.789 

Churches of the Living (k)d 

68 

68 

4,276 

Congregationalists 

5713 

156 

1 1,960 

Disciples of Christians 

10,942 

170 

IL233 

Methodist bodies 

44,861 

15,317 

1,182,131 

Presbyterian bodies 

14,226 

659 

47,116 

Protestant Episcopal bodies ... 

6,845 

198 

19,098 

Roman Catholic Church 

12,482 

36 

38,23s 

All others 

i 5 > 3 J 7 

275 

( 

66,259 


VI. Crime — Of 125,093 prisoners committed in 1904 m the United States 15*8 
per cent, weie Negroes, who form 11 5 per cent, of the population. This is not, 
however, a fan measure of Negro crime, since, on account of race prejudice, 
Negroes are more easily convicted in com I and receive longer sentences — e.g., 
there were 125,093 white prisoners committed to jail during 1904 On Jun6 30, 
1904, there were 55,111 white prisoners in jail, showing a large number of short 
sentences. On the otlier hand, there were 23,698 Negro prisoners committed 
during 1904, and on June 30th there were 26,087 Negroes 111 jail, showing a large 
number of long sentences. Over half the prisoners in the United States sen- 
tenced to prison for life are Negroes. This might be explained by the greater 
gravity of Negro crimes, but this does not seem true The Negto is naturally 
good-tempered, and the current newspaper reports of the rape of white women 
are greatly exaggerated. On the oilier hand, accusation of crime and long 
sentences for petty ollonchs have long been used as methods of securing cheap 
Negro labour both foi private and public purposes in the South, and of the 2,500 
Negroes known to have been lynched for alleged crime 111 the last 25 years, 

25 per cent have been even accused of assaulting women. • 

Most Negro crime arises from the natural weakness of slaves — petty Stealing 
and quarrelling. To this have been added in later yeais moie serious crimes of 
revenge against whites, altercations arising between employers and labourers, 
and fights and murders arising from contact of the races. 

VII. The Negro Problem . — The American Negio problem is the question o^The 
future status of the ten million Americans of Negro descent. It must be remem* 



SIXTH SESSION 361 

f * ' ^ 

bered that these persons are Americans by birth and descent They represent, ' 
for the most* part, four or five American born biHlig in that respect 

one of the most American groups m the land. Moreover, the Negroes are not 
barbarians. They are, as a mass, poor and ignorant ; but they are growing 
rapidly in both wealth and intelligence, and larger and larger numbers of them 
demand the rights and privileges of American citizens as a matter of undoubted 
desert. 

To-day these rights are largely denied. In order to realise the disabilities 
under which Negroes suffer regardless of education, wealth, or degree of white 
blood, we may divide the United Slates into three districts . 

(a) The Southern South, containing 75 per cent, of the Negroes. 

(b) The border States, containing 15 per cent, of the Negroes. 

(c) The North and West, containing 10 per cent, of the Negroes. 

In the Southern South by law or custom Negroes — 

1. Cannot vote, or their votes are neutralised by fraud 

2. Must usually live in the least desirable districts. 

3. Receive very low wages. 

4. Are, in the mam, restricted to menial occupations or the lower grades 
of skilled labour and cannot expect preferment or promotion. 

5. Cannot by law intermariy with whites. 

6 Cannot join white churches or attend white colleges or join white cultural 
organisations. 

7. Cannot be accommodated at hotels and restaurants or in any place of 
public entertainment 

8. Receive a distinct standard of justice in the courts and are especially liable 
to mob violence. 

Q. Are segregated so far as possible 111 every walk of life — in railway stations, 
railway trains, street-cars, lifts, &c , and usually made to pay equal prices for 
inferior accommodations. 

10. Are often unable to protect their homes from invasion, their women fiom 
insult, and their savings from exploitation 

11. Are taxed for public facilities like parks and libraries, which they may not 
enter. 

12. Are given meagre educational facilities and sometimes none at all. 

13. Are liable to personal insult unless they appear as servants or menials or 
show deference to white folks by yielding the road, &c. 

To many of these disabilities there are personal and local exceptions. In 
cities, for instance, the chance to defend the home, get an education, and some- 
what better wages is greater, and mob violence less frequent. Then there are 
always some personal exceptions — cases of help and coiiitesy, of justice in the 
courts, and of good schools. These are, however, exceptions, and, as a rule, all 
Negroes, no matter what their training, possessions, or desert, are subjected to the 
above disabilities Within the limits of thftse caste restrictions there is much 
goodwill and kindliness between the races, and especially much personal charity 
and help. * 

The 15 per cent, of the Negro population living on the border States suffer a 
little less restriction. They have some right of voting, are better able to defend 
tneir homes, and are less discriminated against in the expenditure of public 
funds. Ill the cities their schools are much better and public insult is less 
noticeable. 

In the North the remaining 10 per cent, of the Negro population is legally 
undiscriminated against and may attend schools and churches and vote without 
restrjiption. As a matter of fact, however, they are made in most communities to 
fed that they are undesirable. They arc either refused accommodation at hotels, 



'3641- tUfilVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

risiaurants, and theatres, or received reluctantly. Their treatment in churches 
and general cultural organisations is such that few join. Intermarriage with 
whites brings ostracism and public disfavour, and in courts Negroes often suffer^ 
undeservedly. Common labour and menial work is open to them, but aventfes 
above this in skilled labour or the professions (save as they serve their own race)> 
are extremely difficult to enter, and there is much discrimination in wages. Mob 
violence has become not infrequent in later years. 

There are here also many exceptional cases ; instances of preferment itt j 
the industrial and political world ; and there is always some little social 
intercourse. On the whole, however, the Negro in the north is an ostracised 
person who finds it difficult to make a good living or sp^nd his earnings with 
pleasure 

Under these circumstances there has grown up a Negro world in America 
which has its own economic and social life, its churches, schools, and news- 
papers ; its literature, public opinion, and ideals. This life is largely unnoticed 
and unknown even in America, and travellers miss it almost entii ely. 

The average American in the past made at least pretence of excusing the 
discrimination against Negroes, on the ground of their ignorance and poverty 
and their tendencies to crime and disease. While the mass is still poor and 
unlettered, it IS admitted by all to-day that the Ncgio is rapidly developing a 
larger and larger class of intelligent property-holding men of Negro descent ; 
notwithstanding this more and moie race lines are being drawn which involve 
the treatment of civilised men m an uncivilised manner. Moreover, the crux of 
the question to-day is not merely a matter of social eligibilit)^ For many 
generations the American Negro will lack the breeding and culture which the 
most satisfactory human intercourse requires But ni America the discrimi- 
nation against Negroes goes beyond this, to the point of public discourtesy, civic 
disability, injustice in the courts, and economic restriction. 

The argument of those who uphold this discrimination is based piimarily on 
race. They claim that the inherent characteristics of the Negro race show its 
essential inferiority and the impossibility of incorporating its descendants into 
the Ameiican nation They admit that there are exceptions to the rule of 
inferiority, but claim that these but prove the lule They say that amalgama- 
tion of the races would be fatal to civilisation and they advocate therefore a 
strict caste system for Negroes, segregating them by occupations and privi- 
leges, and to some extent by dwelling-place, to the end that they (a) submit* 
permanently to an inferior position, or (b) die out, or (c) migrate 

This philosophy the thinking Negroes and a large number of whiter 
friends vigorously combat They claim that the racial differences between 
white and black m the United States olfer no essential bainer to the races 
living together on terms of mutual respect and helpfulness. They deny, on 
the one hand, that the large amalgamation of the races already accomplished 
has produced degenerates, m spite of the unhappy character of these unions ; 
on the other hand, they deny any desire to lose the identity of either race 
through mtermai riage ^They claim that it should be possible for a civilised 
black man to be treated as an American citizen without harm to the republic, 
and that the modern world must learn to treat coloured races as equals if it 
expects to advance. ^ 

They claim that the Negro race in America has more fnan vindicated its 
ability to assimilate modern culture. Negro blood has furnished thousands of 
soldiers to defend the flag in every war m which the United States has been 
engaged. They arc a most important part of the economic strength of the 
nation, and they have furnished a number of men of ability m politics, literature, 
and art, as, for instance, Banneker, the mathematician ; Phillis Wheatley^> the 
poet ; Lemuel Haynes, the theologian ; Ira Aldridge, the actor ; Frederick 



SIXTH SESSION .363 

Douglass, the orator; H. 0 . Tanner, the artist; B. T. Washington, the edu- 
cator; Granville Woods, the inventor; Kelly wjiter; Rosamond 

Johnson and Will Cook, the musical composers ; Dunbar, the poet ; and 
Chestnut, the novelist. Many other Americans, whose Negro blood has not 
been openly acknowledged, have reached high distinction. The Negroes claim, 
therefore, that a discrimination which was originally based on certain social 
conditions is rapidly becoming a persecution based simply on race prejudice, 
ana that no republic built on caste can survive. 

At the meeting of two such diametrically opposed arguments it was natural 
that councils of compromise should appear, and it was also natural that a nation, 
whose economic tnumnhs have been so noticeable as those of the United States, 
should seek an economic solution to the race question. More and more in the 
last twenty years the business men's solution of the race problem has been the 
development of the resources of the South. Coincident with the rise of this 
policy came the prominence of Mr. B T. Washington. Mr. Washington was con- 
vinced that race prejudice in America was so strong and the economic position 
of the freedmen’s sons so weak that the Negro must give up or postpone his 
ambitions for full citizenship and bend all his energies to industrial efficiency ' 
and the accumulation of wealth. Mr. Washington’s idea was that eventually 
when the dark man was thoroughly established m the industries and had 
accumulated wealth, he could demand further rights and privileges. This 
philosophy has become very popular in the United States, both among whites 
and blacks. 

The white South hastened to welcome this philosophy. They thought it 
would take the Ncgio out of politics, tend to stop agitation, make the Negro 
a satisfied labourer, and eventually convince him that he could never be 
recognised as the equal of the white man The North began to give large 
sums for industrial training, and hoped in this way to get rid of a seiious social 
problem. 

From the beginning of this campaign, however, a large class of Negroes and 
many whites feared this programme They not only regarded it as a pro- 
gramme which was a dangerous compromise, but they insisted that to stop 
fighting the essential wrong of race prejudice just at the time, was to 
encourage it. 

This was precisely what happened. Mr. Washington’s programme was 
announced at the Atlanta Exposition in 1896. Since that time four States have 
disfranchised Negroes, dozens of cities and towns have separated the races on 
street cars, 1,250 Negroes have been publicly lynched without trial, and serious 
race nets have taken place in nearly every Southern State and several Northern 
States, Negro public school education has suffered a set back, and many private 
schools have been forced to retrench severely or to close. On the whole, race 
prejudice has, during the last fifteen years, enormously increased. 

This has been coincident with the rapid and substantial advance of Negroes 
in wealth, education, and morality, and the two movements of race prejudice 
and Negro advance have led to an anomalous and unfor|unate situation. Some, 
white and black, seek to minimise and ignore the flaming prejudice m the land, 
and emphasise many acts of friendliness on the part of the white South, and the 
. atlvance of the Negro Others, on the other hand, point out that silence and 
sweet temper are not going to settle this dangerous social problem, and that 
manly protest and the publication of the whole truth is alone adequate to arouse 
the nation to its great danger. 

Moreover, many careful thinkers insist that, under the cii cum stances, the 
** business men's " solution of the race problem is bound to make trouble : if the 
Negr#es become good cheap labourers, warranted not to strike or complain, 
they^will arouse all the latent prejudice of the white working men whose wages 



'564 ' UljriVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

c 

they bring down. If, on the other hand, they are to be really educated as men, 
and not as “ hands,” then the}^ need, as a race, not only industrial training, but 
also a supply of well-educated, intellectual leaders and professional men for a 
group so largely deprived of contact with the cultural leaders of the whites. 
Moreover, the best thought of the nation is slowly recognising the fact that 
to try to educate a woiking man, and not to educate the man, is impossible. If 
the United States wants intelligent Negro labouiers, it must be prepared to treat 
them as intelligent men. 

This counter movement of intelligent men, white and black, against the 
purely economic solution of the race problem, has been opposed by powerful 
influences both North and South The South represents it as malicious 
sectionalism, and the North misunderstands it as personal dislike and envy of 
Mr Washington. Political pressure has been brought to bear, and this insured 
a body of coloured political leaders who do not agitate for Negro rights. At 
the same time, a chain of Negro newspapers were established to advocate the 
dominant philosophy. 

Despite this well-intentioned effort to keep down the agitation of the Negro 
question and mollify the coloured people, the problem has increased in gravity. 
The result is the present widespread unrest and dissatisfaction. Honest 
Americans know that present conditions are wrong and cannot last ; but they 
face, on the one hand, the seemingly implacable prejudice of the South, and, on 
the other hand, the undoubted rise of the Negro challenging that prejudice. 
The attempt to reconcile these two forces is becoming increasingly futile, and 
the nation simply faces the question • Are we willing to do justice to a dark 
race despite our piejudices^ Radical suggestions of wholesale segregation or 
deportation of the race have now and then been suggested ; but the cost in time, 
effort, money, and economic disturbance is too staggering to allow serious 
consideration. The South, with all its race prejudice, would rather fight than 
lose its gieat black labouring force, and in every walk of life throughout the 
nation the Negro is slowly forcing his way. There are some signs that the 
prejudice in the South is not immovable, and now and then voices of protest 
and signs of liberal thought appear there. Whether at last the Negro will gain 
full recognition as a man, or be utterly crushed by prejudice and superior 
numbers, is the present Negro problem of America. 

[Paper i,ub united in English ] 


THE NEGRO PROBLEM IN RELATION TO 
WHITE WOMEN 

By Frances Koggan, M.D., London. 

In Africa of late, as‘in America for some decades, the cry has arisen, 
of danger to white women from black men It is a cry which rouses 
every chivalrous instinct in the human breast ; one only wonders thair-v 
so little feeling comparatively is shown when the white man is the^ 
aggressor and the victim has a coloured skin. That outrages on 
women are perpetrated in countries in various phases of civilisation 
is a terrible and disconcerting fact, and they are, alas ! more common 
in civilised countries and in those on the outskirts of civilisaiion. 



SIXTH SESSION 365 

f * 

In the outlying districts of Africa, where Native life is seen at its 
crudest, white women have no fear, and they^ pass freely in and out 
among the Native population, safe and unarmed, never dreaming of 
danger. It is when Natives and low-class white men come into 
contact with each other that the peril originates, and white women 
b^gin to see in the Native a possible source of danger. 

The best minds are needed to grapple with the general Native 
problem, and, as incidental to it, with the question of criminal 
assaults on women. If one studies the causes which lead up to this 
crime they are found to be multiple and complex. The first place 
must be accorded to polygamy, with its subsidiary customs, in which 
I include all that belong to initiation and its accompanying practices, 
now carried on under altered conditions of life. The youth, with all 
his passions roused into baleful activity by the so-called “ Native 
Schools,” their excitement and the orgies and promiscuity which' 
certainly in some districts form part of the training they give, leads 
often only partially the tribal life, which imposed certain well-recog- 
nised restrictions on the indulgence of his appetites, and punished 
by the imposition of a cattle fine — the most keenly felt of all punish- 
ments — any violation of the property or rights of other men, whether 
of husbands over wives or of fathers over daughters. These youths, 
as well as older men, are largely recruited for work in the mines, 
where they are, it is true, subjected to repressive treatment and con- 
finement during most of their time in the compounds, but where 
they are not under the immediate direction and control of any chief, 
a control which to them seemed as natural as, say, that of parents 
over young children The mine masters and officials only represent 
to their minds brute force, to be evaded wherever possible, whereas 
the authority of the chief represented something analogous to law 
and religion combined. It was undoubtedly to some considerable 
extent a moral influence, for though lying does not to the Native 
mind represent sin, to lie to his chief is a heinous offence, which he 
would tremble to be guilty of. Thus the “ mine boys,” as they are 
called, are in great danger of becoming moral pariahs, with their 
physical instincts under no effective control, when not under 
immediate and visible supervision. Fear is the only restraining 
influence under this new regime ; fear, tempered by reverence for the 
chief, was the restraining influence at home in the tribe. The 
inference is obvious as to the danger such persons ma}" be to the 
community, and especially to unprotected women, when out of 
bounds and roaming at large. 

Growing race consciousness is another factor which, under some 
circumstances, may tend towards crime of this nature. The feeling 
th^f one man is as good as another, if not kept within <fue bounds, 



' universal RACES CONGRESS 

'and controlled by the brotherhood sentiment which produces respect 
for all members of the human family and strict recognition of the 
rights of all, even the weakest, may degenerate into that state of 
feeling which would lead to the indulgence of self at the exf^ense of 
other and less powerful selves. 

I may here allude to a contributory factor in crime which only 
needs to be pointed out to become patent to all thoughtful persons, ; 
My own attention was first called to it by police officials and others 
on the spot able to speak with authority, and further inquiry con- 
firmed the danger. Ladies in South Africa habitually allow their 
Native “ boys ” to attend on them in their bedrooms, when they 
themselves are either in bed or very slightly clothed, oblivious of the 
fact that these “ boys ” are often grown men, w'ith fully developed 
passions, living at a distance from their wives. The more extended 
employment by ladies of Native women in immediate attendance on 
their own persons would not only lead to the more rapid spread of 
civilisation among Native women, but it would also tend to remove 
an obvious though perhaps remote source of danger, for it is not 
themselves, but the poorer and less guarded white women who have 
most reason to dread attack and assault. 

A great hindrance to be cleared away is the reluctance to employ 
Natives in skilled labour, for fear of displacing white men. Well, 
the choice lies between a trained, cheerful, working class, respected 
and self-respecting, and a discontented, shiftless, ignorant, and brutal 
Native population, ready to swell the criminal class, and constituting 
a grave danger in a country where the majority is so overwhelmingly, 
black. Failure to realise the elder brother’s position, and to exercise! 
wisely the privilege of guiding Natives out of tribal into civilised life^ 
will result in national disaster and the creation of a reckless and*^ 
unmanageable proletariat. If Natives are denied a proper and a 
reasonable outlet for their energies in the land which was theirs long 
before the settlement of whites in Africa, criminality, including 
assaults of all kinds, must become in future both more common and 
more difficult to cope with. A just and generous policy towards 
the ancient owners of the land is our only chance of escaping 
from a colour conflict of unparalleled magnitude, and no greed of 
wealth or power, noMmworthy jealousy of a rising and developing 
race whose destinies we control, should be allowed to intervene, 
and to choke the good intentions of the governin^j whites towards 
the black millions who look to them for guidance and light in 
matters spiritual and in matters temporal, as well as for the ideal 
towards which to strive. 

\rat>cr submitted in English ] 



SIXTH SESSION 


9 

' ; 367 

THE NORTH AMERICA!^ JN©IAN 

By Charles Alexander Eastman, M.D. (Ohiyesa), Amherst, 

US.A, 

GeographicaL — The aboriginal nations of North America at the 
time of its discovery were scattered in small and more or less shifting 
groups over the whole extent of the continent. Their tribal or group 
names are so manv and so variable as to confuse even the student ; 

^ but it is possible by means of linguistic and other traits to assemble 
them all into several great families, each with its distinguishing marks 
and local habitat. Such were the Abenakis, the Appalachians, the 
Iroquois, the Algonquins, the Siouans, the Rocky Mountain or 
Intermontane tribes, the Pacific coast tribes, and the Alaskans. 

The physical characters of the race are assumed to be well 
known, yet are often incorrectly described. Their colour is not 
red nor ** copper-coloured,” but a warm brown, much darker in the 
south than among the inhabitants of the north temperate zone. The 
head is generally well-formed, the nose by no means universally 
Roman, and the hair, while generally black and straight, rather fine 
than coarse. According to the best opinion obtainable, the total 
number of natives of North America at the close of the fifteenth 
century could not have been far from half a million. Since that 
period they have fallen off in numbers, though not to the extent 
popularly supposed, and are now slowly increasing. 

PoliticaL — The government of the first North American was the 
.j;Vmplest form of a democracy. It was patterned after the patriarchal 
or family government, and the clan chief was really the most 
influential head. This office was for life, and was to some extent 
hereditary, but if the next in succession proved weak or unworthy, the 
people would reject him and call upon their best and bravest man to 
lead them. 

The chief had no dictatorial powers, but his influence was large in 
his own clan, and if the clan chanced to be a large one, their chief 
would naturally be influential in the councils of the whole tribe. A 
band was generally composed of several clans, and a tribe or nation 
made up of numerous bands ; but in the old dstys there was no chief 
of an entire tribe or even of a band. 

The American Indian chief was in reality merely the authorised 
spokesman of his clan, save as he might acquire unusual authority by 
rare personal qualities, or, in later days, by the recognition and favour 
of the white man. All matters which involved the welfare or good 
name of the clan must be submitted to the will of the entire people, 
an<?the chief must abide by their decision. Much trouKe^has come 



j68 ^ , UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

t 

to US ^through flie determination of the white® man to negotiate solely 
with chiefs and headmen, misunderstanding or ignoring the fa^t that 
the office of chief is mainly honorary and indeed nominal, since he 
has no command of an army nor power to levy a tax upon his people. 
American historians have constantly fallen into error by reason of 
their ignorance of our democratic system, truly a government of the 
people, one of personal liberty and equal rights to all its members. 

In the old days there was no confederacy worthy the name. That 
of the Iroquois was conceived after the advent of the European 
nations. Witnesses to the fate of the Pequots and Narragansetts, 
they perceived the urgent need of union for self- protection. No 
taxes were levied, and there was no federal government, strictly 
speaking — merely a friendly alliance, with an occasional council to 
discuss their common policy and attitude toward the invaders. 

The Appalachians, under the leadership of the Creeks, formed a 
much stronger confederacy at a somewhat later period, but from lack 
of material support they gradually disintegrated and were one by one 
overthrown. Still later, the eastern Algonquins, led by the great 
Pontiac, attempted to form a strong league for defence, but failed 
even more conspicuously than their southern brethren. 

The Dakotas, or Sioux proper, were natural allies ; yet after their 
struggle with the whites began they also quickly disintegrated, band 
after band seceding until only a few of the boldest held together 
to make their last stand. The real cause of failure was the same in 
every case. There was no central organisation, adequately supported 
by the whole tribe The only true government was that of the clan, 
which was always intact , but as chiefs and councillors and scouts 
served without other compensation than the honour attached to the’ 
office, the duties of supporting such a government were far from r 
onerous / 

The nearest approach to taxation was observed in the case of \ 
a large gathering for the purpose of treaty-making or religious festivi- 
ties. It was customary at such times to invite certain of the old men 
to sit in council, to make and publicly announce slich regulations 
as might be for the general good. There were strict rules governing 
the daily hunt, and vigilance m‘ust likewise be maintained by regular / 
scouting to avert the. dangers of a surprise. Those who served the ‘ 
community in these ways were supplied with food by means of a 
daily distribution of small sticks coloured red, of which every man 
who received one must deliver a portion of food ready cooked at the 
council lodge within a given time. 

The Indian was taught from childhood to esteem the public 
service as high honour, and he needed no further inducement to 
accept gla(CIy the most dangerous and difficult tasks. No man ci^uld 



SIXTH SESSION 

1>e selected for an important duty unless he was known to be 
soiind body and pure life. Above all, he'itiu^ h€lSL spiritual man ; 
one who loved the Unseen God, and whose motives were in accord 
with th6 will of the Great Mystery.” 

It was the duty of the council to sit in judgment upon the rare^ 
cases of murder or other serious offence within the tribe. If found 
gililty, a man might be exiled, or given up to the just vengeance of 
the victim's kin ; for lesser crimes he might be chastised, or his house 
or weapons destroyed by his fellow-warriors. Punishment of this 
sort, however, was a very grave matter, not to be undertaken save by 
men of recognised standing and with the full sanction of the council. 

Economic , — It appears that not freedom or democracy or spiritual 
development, but material progress alone, is the evidence of “ civilisa- 
tion.” The American Indian failed to meet this test, or rather, he . 
made no attempt to meet it, being convinced that accumulation 
of property breeds dishonesty and greed, while concentration of popu- 
lation is abnormal and the mother of many evils, both physical and 
moral. In the unnatural and complex “ civilised ” life the savage 
philosopher discerned perils with which he did not choose even to try 
to cope, wisely dreading those lurking enemies of a sedentary and 
plethoric life. Furthermore, his strong religious sentiment forbade 
any effort on his part to deface mother nature, and harness her forces 
for his own use or pleasure. The pollution of streams, the destruction 
of forests, and the levelling of hills were to him a sacrilege. He was 
unwilling to pay the price of civilisation. 

The Indian was a tiller of the soil to a very limited extent, 
i^He lived almost entirely upon the natural products of the country, 
and his main dependence was hunting and fishing, together with 
two native cereals of great value (corn and rice), acorns, berries, 
wild fruits, and roots of many kinds. The food was always divided 
until it became abundant ; then the women began to gather and 
store provisions for the colder months of the year. They were 
cured by drying, either over a slow fire or in the sun, and extra 
supplies were often hidden or “ cached ” at some convenient spot ; 
for, though nearly all the tribes weje nomadic, a given family or 
clan had a limited range. The prairie Indians covered more terri- 
tory than the forest dwellers, and yet had le^s variety of food. 

The love of possessions was considered effeminate in a warrior, 
and the woman owned all property, except her husband’s clothing 
and weapons. All commerce and even simple barter was unknown. 
Our people were generous to a fault, freely bestowing whatever 
they had upon one more needy, or upon the stranger who expressed 
]his admiration of it. 

fAll clothing was made and ornamented by the womfen with 



feNlVEKSAL RACES CONGRESS’'' 

^rauch skill, according to the tribal pattern, and they alsb tanned, 
the skins of which it was made. The tents dr lodges ware .bon-, 
structed by different tribes from various materials— rush mats, 

, birch-bark, or buffalo skins, entirely prepared by the women. A few' 
lived in dwellings made of poles thatched with brush or sods. 
Canoes were made by both sexes, but pipes and weapons entirely > 
by the men. Except in cases of emergency, to them fell all . 
hunting and fishing, while the women tilled the small patches of 
maize or beans, gathered berries, dug roots, and prepared maple 
sugar. Basket-weaving was done by the women, and blankets and 
pottery made by both women and men. The men carved the 
wooden bowls and shaped the spoons of wood, bone, horn, and ’ 
shell. 

The division of labour between the sexes was natural and far 
from unjust. It must be remembered that in a society like theirs 
there could be no merely ornamental members. Upon the men 
devolved those labours involving the severest hardship, peril and 
exposure — war and the chase ; while the women undertook all the 
care of the home, including the drudgery of providing wood and 
water. 

After the advent of the white man, bringing with him more 
effective weapons, better implements of labour, and new ideas of 
industry and commerce, these simple occupations were enlarged and 
systematised, through observation or direct teaching, and several 
semi-civilised industries developed. Such were blanket-weaving and 
sheep-herding on a large scale in the south-west, and maple sugar 
making among the Ojibways. 

Religion . — The religion of the American Indian has been generally 
misunderstood, and that by reason of his own reticence as much 
the intolerance and prejudice of the outsider. He was trained from 
infancy to hold the “ Great Mystery " sacred and unspeakable 
That Spirit which pervades the universe in its every phase and 
form was not to be trifled with by him in express terms. The 
Indian cultivated his mind and soul so as to feel, hear and see God in 
Nature. He distinguished clearly between intellect and spirit, and^ 
while conceding to man superior intelligence, as evidenced by the 
gift of articulate speech, he perceived in the unerring instinct of* the 
dumb creation something mysterious and divine. 

He had absolute faith in the immortality of the spirit, believing 
that the Great Mystery ” had breathed something' of himself into, 
every human frame. The highest type of prayer was offered fasting * 
and alone in a solitary place, if possible upon a mountain-top, and , 
was a true communion of spirits, far above all earthly or selfish 
desire. Tftbrewas also a secondary form of prayer for bodily 



- 




SDtTH SESSION ^ f 371 

fJn ,t)r the satisfaction of material needs, in <iirh?cb the Indian 
appealed to his father the Sun, the great-j^irafather Rock, or the 
spirits of animals as intermediaries* The rites of this worship } 
W«Sre purely symbolic. He believed in the intercession of the , 
souk of the departed, and there were totems or emblematic devices 
to which a certain sacredness was attached, as talismans, not as 
idols. 

His religious teachers were the women, and, above all, the 
mothers, who cultivated the spiritual nature of the child before its 
birth, by thinking pure and high thoughts in nature’s solitudes, 
and continued it later by the continual suggestion of a listening 
attitude — one of openness to the Unseen Powers. In a word, this 
simple religion of his was an attitude of mind rather than a dogma, 
and consisted in the all but universal sentiments of humility, 
reverence, and devotion. 

The Social Law . — The unwritten codes of the wild tribes were 
not easily changed nor often broken. The punishment of the trans- 
gressor was direct and sure. It should never be forgotten that 
primitive life on this continent was not a life of licence, but in 
many respects of a strict etiquette and an austere morality. 

There was never any promiscuous intermingling of the sexes 
permitted among us. Girls and boys were not allowed to play 
together after reaching the age of ten or twelve years. No young 
man could talk to a girl unless he desired to make her his wife. 
Even brothers and sisters might not talk and jest freely together, 
but were expected to preserve the utmost dignity and decorum. 

Marriage was not allowed within the clan, was considered 
that the reproductive power was the most mysterious and sacred 
gift of the Divine to man, and it was safeguarded with muck 
anxiety and reverence. The honour and trust given to woman in 
motherhood won for her a peculiar precedence, as all-important 
among, created beings. The lineage of our chiefs was reckoned in 
the maternal line, and the purity of our girls was sacredly guarded 
by each succeeding generation. The annual “Feast of Virgins'* 
was established as evidence and incentive to such purity ; and the 
Sioux had a custom which allowed a young man to reject his 
bride publicly if upon receiving her she Vas found to be 
unchaste. 

It is true that in the wild life a plurality of wives was per* 
mitted under ceriain conditions. The reasons for it are thus ex- 
plained. Our young men, being so ambitious for honour in the 
feather count,** or record of brave deeds, many of t^em were 
kilted* without leaving successors. Furthermore, it was custoi^ary 
to lilfiit the children of one mother to five, some of 'i^buld 



fMl'i^E'RSAL RACES CONGRESS-; 

pi^^t)l3r not live to maturity, therefore the tribe incre?t$ed 
slowly, if at all, in numbers. The conditions imposed Were, firtt, 
'fhat only a man of superb physique and superior ability should 
have more than one wife ; second, that the wives should be 
sisters ; third, that all concerned should be agreed in the matter, 
and it was thought better that the proposition should come 
from the woman's parents. In this manner, the blood of the 
family was kept distinct, and the relation both honourable and 
happy. 

Medicine-men were public servants, asking no fee for their 
services, and until commercialism was introduced and their primi- 
tive faith destroyed, they were very influential and useful members 
of the community. The majority were simply herbalists, using 
well-tried vegetable remedies, and there were many varieties of 
mental healers who undertook to re-create the physical man through 
spiritual influences. They made use of music and charms to gain 
the attention of the patient, employed vapour baths frequently and 
occasionally a little blood-letting, but did not practise surgery in 
any form. 

War was regarded primarily as a test and development of the 
qualities of manhood ; its object was never conquest or self- 
aggrandisement. In the old days the Indians seldom took captives 
or any sort of plunder. The scalp-lock was merely the necessary 
evidence of success. Most barbarous mutilations of the body 
belonged to the transition or “whisky period," and it was only 
necessary to touch the body of a fallen enemy at the risk of one’s 
own life to win the coveted eagle-feather. The early European; 
colonists did not hesitate to utilise this scalp-lock custom of' the, 
“savages," and offered bounties for scalps, including those of ‘women 
and children. 


A loyal and disinterested friendship was one of the finest things 
developed by the first North American, who knew how to be a 
true comrade, even to death. Intelligence combined with patriotism 
meant leadership, and was always at a premium. Of culture in the 
technical sense he had none, |put that his mind Ayas logical and keen 
is sufficiently proved by his oratory and his generalship. His chil- 
dren were taught to &bey : silence, self-control, self-denial, these were 
the foundations of character-building. There was a school of the 
woods in which the young were systematically trained in body and 
mind, by sports and native arts of many kinds, nature-study and 
wood-craft, together with a thorough drill in tribal history, tradition, 
and folk-lore. 


The oosition of women has already been indicated in some 
degree. The mother was the head of the family, and nothing of 



SIXTH S^ION 

. • ' ' 

> importance Was determined upon without her approval. Women 

were adm‘itted to the society of the medicine-lodge ” on equal 
terms, and sometimes invited to a seat in the council. Some tribes 
had female chiefs. 

Tks Transition Penod, First effects of Civilisation ^ — The first 
eFects of contact between this primitive race, with its Spartan 
virtues and non -progressive' philosophy, and the strenuous and 
dominant Anglo-Saxon race were, speaking broadly, destructive 
and demoralising,, leading only after untold misery to an era of 
reconstruction and progress. These results may be grouped in 
^ two classes : those which were natural and inevitable, and those 
. which were the fruits of a deliberate policy. 

The conflicts born of a disputed occupancy of the soil were 
doubtless largely inevitable. It has been plausibly argued that 
the Indian had no possessory rights in territory he did not use 
except as a hunting-ground ; but no such principle is found in 
the white man’s law, and as a matter of fact his rights were recog- 
nised from first to last by treaty and purchase. Unfortunately, 
the red man did not understand his white brother. He innocently 
supposed that on this vast continent there was room for both, 
where each could peaceably develop his peculiar mode of life. It 
is almost unnecessary to say that he was slow to recognise the 
superiority of an organised form of society, and unwilling to accept 
the arts and letters, customs and religion of the invader until 
^ brought to see the stern necessity of so doing by starvation, oppres- 
* .sion, and suffering in many forms. 

It was equally inevitable that the vices of the more sophisticated 
race should be imitated by the simpler; and being in no degree 
immune to their effects, the resulting degradation was rapid and 
apparently hopeless. Trade for furs and other articles of value, 
initiated by the cupidity of the white man, helped to accomplish 
the downfall of the red, by substituting a desire for gain for his 
native uncalculating generosity, but yet more by the unprincipled 
use of strong drink, which the early traders found to be of invaluable 
assistance in controlling and defrauding him. In the train of 
whisky and drunkenness came debauchery and diseases caused 
by immorality ; then the hitherto unknown and frightful small-pox, 

^ decimating many tribes and wiping out whole bands ; and finally 
the white placrue, tuberculosis, following inevitably upon a 
sedentary and indoor life in unsanitary dwellings (whose use was 
suggested or compelled by the white man), together with poor and 
insufficient food. 

The Christian missionary, especially the Black Robejl pressed , 
close upon the heels of the trader, and though urged by the best 



"^4; UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS.'/ 

of motives nevertheless made grave mistake?. Misundpr^anding 
and denouncing the Indian's own religion as “ devil-worship,” he 
often succeeded only in overthrowing the native philosophy withcfet 
substituting anything better, and many of the early converts 
such in name only, being recruited from among the loafers aflid. 
sycophants of the tribes, while the stronger characters held proudly 
aloof. 

History makes it plain to us that the European colonists at 
first shared in the Indians’ misconception of therr ultimate relation. 
Vast tracts of land far to the westward of the settlements were 
set aside from time to time for their perpetual occupancy, only 
to be again seized upon in a few years as the a^untry developed. 
Finally, each tribe made its last stand, fighting with wonderful but 
hopeless courage and temporary success against overwhelming odds, 
and one by one they were subdued and overthrown, not without 
the help of such means as the wholesale extermination of game* 
the use of tribe against tribe, and even the bribery and corruption 
of chiefs and headmen to induce them to betray their people. 
The horrors and cruelties of Indian warfare are attributable not 
only to the desperate situation of the natives and fierce resentment 
caused by the continual treaty-breaking, but to their possession 
of knives and modern fire-arms gained in trade. 

Upon their complete subjugation followed the “reservation 
period,” in the case of those tribes whose game was destroyed 
necessarily including the pauperising effect of the issue of regular 
rations ; and in this miserable prison existence, at the mercy ofj? 
petty officials bent on “graft,” the manhood of the Indian suffered, 
its final eclipse, and his beggarly apathy was like that of a wild' 
animal confined in a zoological garden 

We may say now without much fear of contradiction that th^‘^ 
reservation policy was a mistake, the fruits of a radical misap|>rej,, 
hension of the red man’s native capacity. A generation ago it 
was common to affirm his absolute inability to assimilate the white 
man’s civilisation. There was, of course, no such inability, but 
merely a lack of motive and opportunity ; in other words, it was 
a simple question of adaptation to environment. Yet this shallow 
and immoral doctrine has been embodied in such well-known^' 
sayings as “ There’s no good Indian but a dead Indian,” and “ You' 
can no more civilise an Indian than you can civilistf^ a rattlesnajce 
the one attributed to a famous general, the other to a United States 
senator. At the opposite extreme, and the one gradually coming 
into full acceptance by a more enlightened generation, we haye 
General <ijPratt’s unanswerable logic: “To civilise the Indiaq, get 
him into civilisation ! ” 



SIXTH SESSiuw 

Jnter-racial Marria^^e.'-^The intermingling of tfaci blood of thjB' 
aborigines of America with that of their white conquerors began 
at an early period, and has continued in growing measure to the 
present day. In their origin these were usually mere temporary 
alliances, entered into solely for the pleasure and convenience of 
the border white man, and opposed by the better class of Indians, 
whd saw in them a menace to their racial integrity. The children 
of these unions form the numerous and much abused race of “half- 
i breeds,*’ whose ffithers are of all natioiialities, the French and' 
Scotch predominating, and of all classes from army officers and 
gentlemen through wealthy Indian traders and rough pioneers 
to fugitives from justice. The great majority have cast in their 
lot with their mothers’ people and grown up as “Indians,” with 
slight if any advantage over the mass of these. The common slur 
which attributes to the mixed-blood “ the vices of both races and 
the virtues of neither” is absolutely unjust. Many of them have 
been men and women of good abilities and fine character; and 
of the reckless and dissipated class, it should in fairness be said 
that their weaknesses are due not to a mixture of blood which; 
has many times proved fortunate, but to a vicious heredity or 
indifferent bringing up, or both together. 

Within the past twenty or thirty years, and occasionally before 
that time, there have been a great many inter-marriages of a 
different character, between educated Indians and Caucasians; and 
^hereas in the early days only Indian women contracted these' 
alliances, of late years almost as many Indian men choose Anglo- 
Saxon wives. Such marriages, based upon mutual sympathy and 
affection, have been generally happy and have had the best 
results. 

Since it is admittedly impossible for the Indian to continue to 
exist as a separate race, with his proper racial characteristics and 
customs, within the limits of the United States, race amalgamation 
is the only final and full solution of the problem, and only in this 
sense, implying no lack of vitality, but quite the reverse, is the 
American Indian a “dying race.”, In remote parts of Canada, 
where there is as yet no pressure of white population, the process 
may take a longer time ; but, at the present rate, it will not be 
two hundred years, perhaps not even a hundred, before the full- • 
blooded Indian is extinct. 

The Outlook , — Looking toward the future, we can affirm that 
the educational policy of the last thirty or forty years, both in 
the United States and Canada, built upon an earlier but inadequate 
system of mission schools, is, broadly speaking, a si^scess, and 
if adopted much earlier on the present large scale Would long 



/'universal races CONGRESS 

sitice have settled the whole question. Many millions of dollars^ 
in part ^ trust funds” belonging to the tribes, and in part direct 
appropriations, have been expended for building and maintaining , 
a large number of Indian schools, with an army of white and 
native teachers. Industries, manners, and morals form an important 
part of the curriculum, and the best schools lay particular stress 
upon hygiene and sanitation — a most essential feature, as it cannot 
be denied that the Indian’s health has commonly suffered from 
close confinement. ^ 

However, the best individual results have been attained by 
bringing the young Indian into direct contact and competition • 
with Caucasian youth, as warmly advocated by General Pratt, a 
thinker and administrator of the first rank, and the founder of 
the Carlisle School. The whole system of race segregation and 
separation is a mistake, except as a temporary expedient, as applied 
to a comparatively small number of individuals who can undoubtedly 
be trained and assimilated without serious difficulty, provided 
thorough measures are taken. There is already a fraction which 
is socially, commercially, and professionally at one with the general 
population, while a majority of the whole have received allotments 
of land in severalty, and have become citizens. 

At the present time, it is not so much a question of the Indians 
themselves as of the Indian Bureau at Washington. Only about 
350,000 of the natives are left, some 260,000 of them in the United 
States, and these are pretty well scattered throughout the western 
half of the country, completely surrounded by, and in many case 
intermingled with, the white population. It is the hugf^, unwieldy 
system that has grown up both at Washington and in the field 
that hampers the development of the “new Indian” and tends to 
perpetuate his state of wardship and partial dependence. The * 
sooner all restrictions can be removed, all specialising institutions 
discontinued, and all trust funds divided per capitay the better 
for the manhood and full independence of the Indian citizen. 

There is much to be thankful for in that the land question 
is now practically settled. Ii?dian wars have presumably ceased, 
most of the younger generation of Indians speak some English, and 
have at least a modicum of education, their interests are fully 
identified with those of their white neighbours, and the latent 
genius of my race in art, eloquence, mechanics, pr what not is.,- 
in a fair way to be utilised towards the fuller development of thO 
twentieth century. 


[Paper submitted tn Eitglisli.] 



SIXTH SESSION 


sn 

THE M£r/S, OR HALF-BREEDS, OF BRAZIL 

By Dr. Jean Baptiste de Lacerda, de Janeiro, 

Director of the National Museum of Rio de Janeiro^ Corresponding 
^ Member of various scientific societies of Europe and America^ 
Honorary Professor in the Faculty of Medicine at the 
University of Chile. 

. As the narrow limits within which I must confine myself do not 
allow^ me to write as lengthy a paper as my subject requires/ I 
shall give only a .short account, without much development, dealing 
with/ the essential and really important aspects of the question. 
From the anthropological and social point of view, the question of 
the metis has an exceptional importance in Brazil ; chiefly because 
the proportion of metis in its mixed population is very high, and 
these products of the intercourse of the negro and the white are 
largely represented in social and political life. 

In order that we may, a little later, establish certain conclusions 
in regard to the future of the metis of Brazil, we must begin by 
settling an anthropological question which many regard as still 
unsettled. It is the question whether we are to conceive the whites 
and the blacks as two races or two species Polygenists, basing 
their opinion on the difference in physical characters between the 
white and the black, which they regard as deeper than the differences 
that separate many species in the animal world, consider them to be 
two species of the genus Homo. Those who reason thus, however, 
forget that there is the same difference in physical characters between 
-various races of the same animal species , for instance, in the species 
of Canis familiaris^ and in certain species of birds, in which natural 
or artificial selection has brought about a diversity of races with 
greater differences in the physical characters — colour, form, and 
stature — than we find between the white man and the black. Science 
has as yet no infallible criterion by which it can distinguish races 
fibiji species. The one test by wh^ch we can provide a secure 
foundation for this distinction is the fertility or infertility of the 
offspring which results from crossing the two* species in question. 
If their progeny continue to reproduce in successive generations, the 
- parents cqnstitutg a race. If, on the contrary, they prove sterile, the 
parents which were crossed must be considered species. 

^ Admitting this principle, which seems to me sounder physiologi- 
cally and more natural than any of the others, I have no difficulty in 
granting that the white man and the black man are merely J^o races, 
jand not two distinct species. Every one is aware that the mitis^ who 



UNIVE]^SAL races CONGRE^^ 

. ... * » ' r V * ^ « 

tome of the mating of the white and the black, remain fertile ^for 
^ many generations. \ ' 

' While, however, the whites and the blacks preserve their respective - 
racial characters for an indefinite period — a quality which is known 
as their fixity — the metis, or half-breeds born of their intercourse, do 
not. They arc not a real race, because many of their i physical 
characters are not fixed, but tend to vary at each new crossing ; 
sometimes they diverge toward the white type, sometimes toward 
the black. This innate tendency of the mefis, depriving them 
of the characteristic qualities of a fixed race, has a considerable 
influence in the transformations that a mixed population must 
experience in the course of ages, when the mating of individuals 
is not subject to precise social rules, and the metis are quite 
free to mate with the whites, thus giving rise to offspring which 
diverges more and more, every time, from the black to the white 
type. 

That is the actual condition of the mixed population of Brazil. 
The negro, an almost complete savage, bought in the African 
markets and transported to the Brazilian coast by Portuguese traders 
during the first half of the last century, arrived there in a state 
of the most abject brutality to which a race of men can fall. The 
adventurers who were then exploiting the fertile soil of Brazil 
treated them worse than domestic animals, and inflicted the most 
cruel and humiliating trials on theni. During the voyage they shut 
,them in the hold at the least sign of revolt, closed the hatches, and 
emptied sacks of lime in the close atmosphere Some died of famine, 
others of thirst, and others were asphyxiated by the exhalations of f, 
the crowd, vitiating the air in which they lived. The Government’. ' 
of several civilised nations stood out against this inhuman conduct, 
which did not press in the least on the conscience of the murderous 
traders. England, amongst other countries, was compelled to tolerate 
piracy in order to put an end to this disgraceful traffic. 

Landed on the coast in the most sequestered and least accessible 
spots, these masses of human beings were divided into lots and 
sold to the owners of the estates, who did not scruple to separate wive^ 
from husbands, children from parents, according to the pleasure of the 
bidders. In this way, for the cultivation of the soil, the Portuguese * 
introduced nearly two million blacks into Brazil. This unhealthy^ 
introduction of slaves has hampered the destiny qf Brazil down to 
our own time, and has had disastrous moral consequences which only 
the slow action of time will wholly efface. 

The negroes, as they arrived, were conveyed to the interior, where ‘ 

< they die^ in large numbers after undergoing all kinds of mjj^ery; 
The mostsurprising feature of the situation is that the masters, with* 



SIXTH SESSION- 37^, 

out the least delicacy, made concubines of their female' slaves, anij 
these unions of white and black naturally t>eC3ime ^ry numerous. 

In a very few years the districts surrounding the rural estates had 
a large population of metis. They shared the lot of their mothers, 
and remained under the yoke of their common master. As they, were 
;hiore active and intelligent than the blacks, they soon made their 
way into the homes and were occupied in domestic service. Many 
of them won the esteem of their masters and those about them., 
Some of them, g*vj[ng proof of real intelligence and devotion to their 
employers, were, from a feeling of gratitude, emancipated by the 
latter, and were given the rudiments of an artistic education. In 
this way some of them became clever mechanics, carpenters, cabinet- 
makers, and even tailors. I have known personally an emancipated,^ 
mulatto who had by his own ability obtained the diploma of a doctor 
of medicine, and was a credit to his profession throughout his life. 

The progress of the metis up the social ladder, which began in 
the time of their slavery, has continued to our own time in accord- 
ance with the laws of intellectual selection. We must recognise the 
generous feelings of the majority of the Brazilian slave-owners. They 
showed a really Christian spirit in improving, as far as possible, the 
lot of the children of slaves born on their estates. How many times 
have we not seen masters who did not hesitate to bring their little 
mulatto slaves to the family table? They looked after their food 
and clothing, and treated them with kindness and gentleness when 
they were ill. The female mulattoes were often dressed in the 
fashion of the hour, wore jewellery, and, acting as maids of honour, 
they followed the master’s daughters when the r were out walking, 
going to church, or taking part in public festivals. It was no 
less uncommon at that time to see the master’s son accompanied by 
a metis of the same age when he was out hunting or riding or 
going to the country balls, which were attended by people of every 
class. As a rule the slave-owners employed negresses or mulattoes 
to nurse their children. These fortunate women were emanci- 
pated as soon as their work was over, and nearly always continued to 
live in freedom under the same roof and have various privileges. 
The aged negroes were only employed in light occupations ; during 
thfe remainder of their time they chatted witli the master’s young 
children, telling them odd stories that were calculated to strike 
the imagination. 

The contact of the Portuguese and the negro in the regions of the 
New World assumed a character quite different from that of the 
Anglo-Saxons in contact with the same race. While the Portuguese 
dic^not hesitate to mix with the negro to the extent of jjpgetting a 
mixed offspring, the Anglo-Saxon, more jealous of the purity of his 



^tJNlVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

iineag^ kept the negro at a distance, and merely used him as an 
instrument of toil. It is a curious and remarkable fact that neither 
the lapse of time nor any other factor has been able to alter this early 
attitude of the North Americans, who keep the black race separated 
from the white population down to our own days. Brazil acted 
differently. The whites there set up a race of 7neh’s that is scattered 
to-day over a vast extent of its territory. 

Galton’s deductions in regard to hybridity in animals cannot be 
wholly applied to human half-breeds. In the case, of man there is an 
inheritance of moral and intellectual qualities that follows no fixed 
and absolute rules. Under the influence of agencies of which we do 
not know the nature, the intellectual qualities often reach, in the 
mixed progeny of the white and black, a degree of superiority which 
cannot be explained in terms of heredity, either remote or proximate. 
Some unknown force gives rise in them to an intelligence that 
IS capable of developing to a pitch that neither of the parents could 
reach. It is, in fact, common to find, as the offspring of a white 
of very mediocre intelligence, mated with a negress of the lowest 
grade of culture, an individual of considerable intellectual power; 
just as if one of the effects of crossing in the case of man was 
precisely to improve the intelligence, or the moral and reflective 
qualities which distinguish individuals of the two races crossed. 

Although it is impossible to say that the 7ne^ts are models of 
beauty, either in their figure or contour, it is nevertheless quite true 
that, especially in the female sex, we meet types with graceful and 
well-proportioned figures. The voluptuous instincts are strongly 
developed in most of them, and may be traced in their languorous 
eyes, thick lips, indolent tone, and comparative slowness of speech. 
As a rule they are not muscular, and they seem to have little power 
of resisting disease. Tuberculosis, especially, claims many victims 
among them. They are habitually courageous, bold, intelligent, very 
talkative, and extremely imaginative. From the moral point of view, 
however, it must be acknowledged that it is not possible to place 
a blind confidence in their loyalty or their probity. 

They have black or chestnut hair, inclining to redness at times^; 
and it is almost always curly, very rarely straight. Their eyes ap 
of chestnut-brown, soAietimes a little greenish. Their teeth are less 
protruding and less regular than those of the black. In some of them 
the alveolar prognathism and the dark colouring of jthe Malpighian 
mucous layer are quite visible. Their complexion varies consider- 
ably, from a dark yellowish or olive to a dull white. They are 
usually dolichocephalic and platyrrhine; the cephalic and nasal 
inAex, hc^ever, vary over an extensive scale. As agricultural 
workers the metis are obviously inferior to the blacks, whose physical 



SrXTH SESSION ' 

roiiustness and muscular strength they have not inherited. They 
have>carcely showit any capacity for cottSmcrdaJ or. industrial life. 
As a rule, they squander what they have, are irresistibly fond of 
ostentation, are unpractical in their affairs, versatile, and intemperate 
in their enterprises. No one, however, can dispute that they are 
'keenly intelligent and have a disposition for letters and science, and 
a fair political capacity. The metis of Brazil have given birth down 
• to our own time to poets of no mean inspiration, painters, sculptors, 
distinguished musicians, magistrates, lawyers, eloquent orators, 
remarkable writer^, medical men, and engineers, who have been 
unrivalled in their technical skill and professional ability. As 
politicians they are clever, insinuating, and very acute in profiting by 
any favourable opportunity to secure a position ; they are usually 
energetic and courageous in the struggle, in which they use every 
weapon with equal zest. 

From all this it is clear that, contrary to the opinion of many 
writers, the crossing of the black with the white does not generally 
produce offspring of an inferior intellectual quality ; and if these half- 
breeds are not able to compete in other qualities with the stronger 
races of the Aryan stock, if they have not so pronounced an instinct 
of civilisation as the latter, it is none the less certain that we cannot 
place the metis at the level of really inferior races. They are 
physically and intellectually well above the level of the blacks, who 
were an ethnical element in their production. 

The co-operation of the metis in the advance of Brazil is notorious 
and far from inconsiderable. They played the chief part during 
many years in Brazil in the campaign for the abo’ition of slavery. I 
could quote celebrated names of more than one of these metis 
who put themselves at the head of the literary movement. They 
: fought with firmness and intrepidity in the Press and on the platform. 
^They faced with courage the gravest perils to which they were 
exposed in their struggle against the powerful slave-owners, who had 
the protection of a conservative Government. They gave evidence 
of sentiments of patriotism, self-denial, and appreciation during the 
i'^ng campaign in Paraguay, fighting heroically at the boarding 
of the ships in the naval battle of Riachuelo and in the attacks 
on the Brazilian army, on numerous occasions* in the course of this 
long South- American war. It was owing to their support that the 
Republic was erected on the ruins of the empire. 

Prejudices of race and colour, which were never so firmly rooted 
in Brazil as one finds them in the population of North America, have 
, lost much more of their strength since the Republic was proclaimed. 
As the new regime opened the door to all talent, many able^ulattoes 
succeeded in gaining admission to the highest political u;fices in the 



x(3tM:^^I' flational Congress, the courts, higher cddc|t|qbi 
diplomatic world, and the highest branches of the administi^tioflii thoi 
.mulattoes now occupy a prominent position. They have ' a gr^ 

I influence on the government of the country. 

Marriages between meiis and whites are no longer disdained 
as they formerly were, now that the high position of the mulatto and 
the proof of his moral qualities have led people to overlook the 
jevident contrast of his physical characters, and his black origin is 
. lost sight of in the approximation of his moral and intellectual 
qualities to those of the white. * 

The mulatto himself endeavours, by marriage, to bring badk his 
descendants to the pure white type. Children of metis have 
been found, in the third generation, to present all the physical 
characters of the white race, although some of them retain a 
few traces of their black ancestry through the influence of atavism. 
The influence of sexual selection, however, tends to neutralise that of 
atavism, and removes from the descendants of the metis all the 
characteristic features of the black race. In virtue of this process of 
ethnic reduction, it is logical to expect that in the course of another 
century the metis will have disappeared from Brazil. Thi^ will 
coincide with the parallel extinction of the black race in our midst. 
When slavery was abolished, the black, left to himself, began to ! 
abandon the centres of civilisation. Exposed to all kinds of 
destructive agencies, and without sufficient resources to maintain * 
themselves, the negroes are scattered over the thinly populated 
districts, and tend to disappear from our territory. 

The mixed population of Brazil will, therefore, present a very 
different aspect in another century from that which it has to-day. 
The current of European immigration increasing every day, the 
white element of the population will after a time displace the 
elements which might retain any of the characters of the negro. 
Brazil will then become one of the chief centres of civilisation in the 
world. It will be the great market of the wealth of America, 
exploiting all its industries, enjoying every facility for transport 
in the conduct of foreign and intra-continental commerce, and fillod 
with an active and enterprising population, which will occupy the 
large cities on the coast and then spread over the vast plains 
of the interior and along the winding rivers of South America. 

Labor et Divitice'" is the motto carved over the gateway df tke 
vast region of Brazil, in which there is room enough^ for all the rates 
of the world to live in harmony and prosperity. 

[Paper submitted in French ] 



SEVENTH SESSION 


POSITIVE SUGGESTIONS FOR PROMOTING 
INTER-RACIAL FRIENDLINESS 

THE RESPECT WHICH THE WHITE RACE 
OWES TO OTHER RACES 

By Baron d’Estouknelles DE CONSTANT, Paris, 

ItJs not my intention to speak of our duties ; I confine myself to an 
aippeal to our self-interest 

It is to the interest of the white race to form some clear and 
precise estimate of the overwhelmingly large number of subject 
peoples whom so far we have succeeded in dominating, regarding 
^^heiti, in our pride, as definitely inferior to ourselves That we should 
class them as such is, to a certain extent, intelligible ; for it is obvious 
that among the very various inhabitants of the globe not all have been 
equally endowed with like advantages. Some are favoured, others 
hardly treated in such matters as climate and soil, the attitude of 
their neighbours, or the accidents of their own history. There are 
native races who are truly wretched and so horribly oppressed by 
other natives that conquest by the white man has been their help and 
eyfh their salvation. While admitting this, however, we are bound to 
add that our classification of native races as inferior has for centuries 
allowed a minority of human beings to take unscrupulous and un- 
limited advantage of a less privileged majority. Would the infamous 
iraffi^c in negroes ever have been tolerated if it had not been justified 
by the degradaticJh of these unfortunate beings to the position of 
game or cattle? And so embedded in our customs has this view 
oCthem become that, in spite of the abolition of slavery, it has been 
necessary to found societies for the protection of natives mu<A as we 
ibund^societies for the protection of animals. 

383 





, t\ien, to make a ctmdda^ai^adWcc if 

oursdve^ of race prejudice ; for such prejudice ^as its adva^l^l^ 
is sometimes no more than a pretext The white race, while posset 
ing generous instincts which no one can refuse to recognise, has, at the 
^ same time, in its position as the dominant race, found it convenient 
to regard itself as superior in order to attribute a goodly number 
of abuses to the necessities of advancing civilisation. As though it 
were really love of progress that impelled us to despoil native races of 
their possessions. 

If the white race were more sincere and simply put in practice 
those Christian principles which the so-called lower races are accused 
of not knowing, it would take as its guide the most elementary of 
those principles “ Do not to others what you would not they should 
do unto you,’* and the race question, like the social question, would 
never arise at all. But these principles are not among our articles of 
export, and they are applied as seldom as possible. This is why 
I have often wished to put something else in their place : to wit, new 
duties, duties really human and not simply personal or national. 
With the actual and constantly increasing facilities for international 
communication, large duties, universal in character, will in the end 
supersede the whole body of domestic obligations. The French 
Revolution proclaimed the Rights of Man, but this is not enough. 
We must now pass on to a proclamation more disinterested, more 
general, more international in kind. The Hague Conferences are.« 
only a first step ; one day we shall begin to proclaim the Duties - 
of Man In Article 48 of the Convention for the peaceful settlement, 
of international disputes the word “ duty ” has, at the suggestion||| 
of France, been inserted for the first time in an international agree^® 
ment. This is a beginning ! 

Meanwhile, without pitching our demands too high, let us respect 
other races rather in our own interest than in theirs. It is to our^ 
interest as individuals and to our interest as nations. 

In Tunis, where — thanks to the Protectorate, the Association^ ' 
policy, and the co-operation of natives in the Government — we have 
avoided the melancholy confusion and disorder of our Algerian 
and have at least made things better than they were, the good 
colonist has always, *in my experience, been rewarded by the friend- 
ship of the natives, and the Government itself has reaped the. fruit of 
its tolerance in the form of tranquillity, increase of revenues, and, in 
short, peaceful i)rosperity. Our toleration has spared us the neces- 
sity of undertaking ruinous expeditions. It is for this very reason " 
that the Protectorate was so severely criticised by those who favour 
the policy of the strong hand. 

It was in Tunis that I received my first training in the policy 



BEttmn 'SESSION . ' ; ' * / .>8$',= 

Conciliation. In sHbrt, the explanation of French success in 
. *tnnis is that there ‘we have tamed our own pride and not merely ^ 
that of the Arabs. 

' It IS justice and mildness that, in last resort, are at the root 
of every fruitful form of human activity. Violence only sows 
hatred ; injustice only nurtures reprisal. 

Every country where these self-evident elementary truths are 
i still regarded as narve and childish is a country that lies under 
threat of ruin. Punishment under one form or another awaits it, 
and terrible will tfiis punishment be. 

When foreign rule is imposed by violence, the first feeling 
inspired in the native is a grudging dislike and contempt. Little 
by little a deep but silent hatred gathers force, and all our organ- 
isation is at the mercy of a rising which will break forth at the 
first favourable opportunity. 

In the Far East, for instance, what would become of our various 
establishments — French, English, Dutch, German, Russian, Spanish, 
or Portuguese — if they were merely isolated stations in a sea of 
hostile inhabitants? The only possible condition on which we 
Europeans can keep such people under our control is that our 
conquest of them should be a moral and not simply a material 
, conquest. In other words, we must make them forget the material 
aspect of conquest in the moral, so that it may be a benefit and 
not a scourge. 

I said long ago : the true defence of our colonies is the sympathy 
of the native. Against hatred which waits and bides its time 
we can solace ourselves only with illusions — ifusions that cheat 
(none but the ignorant. 

Nor is this all. We European colonisers are threatened by yet 
another punishment which already looms in sight. Take your 
stand in some great military seaport, and watch the troops returning 
from the colonies with all the air and prestige of conquerors. Where 
is the white man, however excellent, who can be perfectly certain 
that in the great wide spaces of our various European colonies 
tw will he able to resist the terribly demoralising effect of unlimited 
power, conjoined with the influences of solitude and climate ? 
Where is the white man who has not in Africa and Asia felt 
himself to be more or less master^ with power to act as he will, 
with power to oppress? ... 

Thus there is a tendency — however much our better representa- 
tives may resist it and protest against it — a regrettable and 
retrograde tendency among white men once left to their own 
devices to cultivate and foster deliberately a brutality wJ^se evil 
traditions they then bring back with them to their mother-state; 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

tlie harm we thought we could inflict with impumty 
^dth^s returns on our own heads. He whose "aim it waCs to rule, 
has become a slave. The poison he meant to spread around ' him 
has entered his own veins. i 

Fortunately, there is no excess which does not provoke its own 
reaction and end by arousing a movement of protest. Thus among 
the explorers and officers in our colonies and the enterprising men 
of action who are fired with ideals of public utility, we find some < 
admirable individuals — apostles, indeed, atoning by their virtue 
for the misdeeds of their fellows. As elsewhere, so here, only with 
more brutal vividness, the struggle goes on between good and 
evil. On the one side are the old instincts of pirate and slavp- 
dealer ; on the other, the soul of the saint. Here, as elsewhere, 
he who rises above himself exalts therewith both his country and 
the human race. But this does not solve the problem. It only 
sets it in clearer relief. We may sum it up as follows : the white 
man whose only aim it is to be feared by the native is alike 
detestable and detested. He is drawing down upon himself, his 
country, and his race a vengeance which perhaps will only reach 
his sons, but which will be the more terrible in proportion as it 
is slow to work itself out. Thus the last word as regards the 
education of the native is that we must first educate the white 
man, cultivate the spirit of justice, sink our pride and respect 
the rights of others. 

These high-sounding words were once words only. They were 
laughed at. But to-day they live, they are spread abroad, they 
arrest attention. Say what one will, have I not seen them trium^^ 
at the two Hague Conferences where the representatives of so-calleJ|' 
“ inferior ” races have entered freely into discussion with those of 
greater Powers, have secured, amid universal applause, the victory of 
wiser and more generous principles, and have made F'orce begin to 
bend before Right ? 

I know well that this is only a beginning. But these great, 
discussions serve to induct us in the pathway which leads to the 
. discovery of the world and the better understanding of our 
nature. These international meetings have the happy effect^ of 
stimulating education among the nations represented — nationsi;! 
education, moral education, and, in fine, general education. They 
teach' us to discipline ourselves and our egoism ; they illumine 
our conscience, and show us where our true interest lies. The rest 
will then be added unto us. White men will win more respect ansd 
love in so far as they are really superior and not merely stronger 
and betkr educated. 

Already great headway has been made. It was an enormous step 



SEVENTH SESSION ^ {387; 

in advance when» at^the Hague ConfefencjgSy.^l States, Irrespective of,' 
race or size, were accorded one vote each, of precisely equal value. 
There will be no going back upon this. Each nation must have 
its own voice, its own right, its own share in the world’s work. 

We are at the dawn of a new era. Our concern now is to hold 
that which we have gained. Let us each grasp our oppor- 
tuhi|y by contributing through the channels of our own national 
\)rg[ahisation to the organisation of mankind in general. ^ 

V ' ^ [Paper submitted in French.'] 


INTERNATIONAL LAW, TREATIES, CONFER- 
ENCES, AND THE HAGUE TRIBUNAL 

By Dr. Walther Schucking, 

Professor of Law at the University of Marburg^ Associate of the 
Institute of International Law. 

I. Extension of the Commonwealth of International Law. — There 
has always been a reciprocal relation between facts and law, and the 
development of the law has ever proceeded in such a way that every 
change in the facts has given rise to new rules, which must answer 
the new needs. As long as the civilised States of Europe lived 
their own special lives, the commonwealth of international law was 
restricted to the “ Christian States of Europe.” The inhabitants of 
the other countries of the world were only comprised In this inter- 
national range, in so far as they were subject to tae domination of 
the ^colonising Powers of Europe. From the time, however, when 
the United States of America formed an independent polity, inter- 
national law lost, from the geographical point of view, its European 
character (1783). The rapid development of general commercial 
relations led to an extension of the common principles of inter- 
national law to every part of the world. 

At the beginning of the nineteenth century the revolt of the 
Tolonies of Central and South America led to their establishment 
as independent States, but here again there w|ls question only of 
descendants of the Latin world in Europe and of a Christian 
civilisation. The extension, however, did not stop there. Quite 
apart from the extraordinary political expansion of the colonising 
Powers of Europe, which, during the last few generations, have 
succeeded in incorporating into their respective States subjects of 
a.' difiiarent race, living under the most diverse legal forms, and 
including them passively in the common range of interrf^tional 
tjhe characteristic feature of recent development is that the 



388 ^ : UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

mutual approach of races has had the effect of enrolling non- 
Christian and non-European States among the representatives of 
international law. 

The events of the Crimean war led to the administration of 
Turkey by a “European concert,” as it used to be called (185^). 
At the same time the Hellespont was declared free, and tKe first 
Power of Mongolian origin encroaching upon Africa and Asia was 
admitted on an equal footing in the commonwealth of States. By< 
the treaties concluded between 1894 and 1896 Japan, on account of 
its peculiar development and its strict observance of the law of 
nations during the war with China in 1894, was implicitly included 
in the commonwealth of civilised States by the suppression of consular 
jurisdiction. This success was even more important to the Mongol 
race than the preceding, since the genuine Turks could not be 
regarded as pure Mongols on account of their crossing with the 
Aryan and Semitic races. San Domingo, the mulatto republic, and 
Haiti, the negro republic, in the West Indies, are to-day indisputably, 
and with full rights, included in the commonwealth of States, and 
represent in it an element of Ethiopian or negro race. 

We see, then, that the three races of men are already represented 
among the forty-three states of the international commonwealth 
(Lichtenstein, San Marino, and Monaco being excluded on account 
of their small proportions). It is beyond question that other non- 
Christian and non-European races will before long be admitted into 
this group of civilised States. The question is already raised whether 
China, Persia, and Siam, which were represented at the two inter- 
national Hague Congresses, ought not to be regarded as subject! td| 
international public law. ' 

The Chinese Empire, which has four hundred million inhabitants, 
is imitating Japan in remodelling its civilisation on European lines. 
Its impending entrance into the group of civilised nations will be an 
event of considerable importance to the Mongol race. The admission 
of Siam into the corporation of international law, for which the way 
has been prepared by the reforms of the late King Chu-La-Long- 
Korn, will strengthen the Mongol element ; while the admissioff'^i 
the Persians will ^bring a people of Caucasian origin into the 
commonwealth of international law, which was established by the 
cognate Indo-Germanic race. The complete international equality 
of Persia, China, and Siam will be indicated, as in^the case of Japan, 
by the absolute and thorough opening of the country to the citizens 
of all civilised States, and will at the same time bring about a 
peaceful and a closer approach of the various races. Thd other, the 
“ semftivilised ” States — Liberia, Abyssinia, and Morocco will 
before long come into contact with the commonwealth of^ inter- 



' SEVENTH SESSION ,389, 

t ' 

national . law. The chief objections that against the 

Republic of Liberia, in regard to the claim of equality of rights, 
have disappeared with the concession of that equality to the negro 
republic of San Domingo, as was stated above. The Chamitic 
branch of the Caucasian race will shortly be represented in the 
Amily of States by the Moors and the Abyssinians, whose States 
have attracted the attention of the colonising Powers of Europe. 
Finally, Afghanistan and the small independent States of the 
Himalaya, Bhutan^ Nepaul, and the small Arabian States, will 
also be drawn into the circle of civilised States, assuming that they 
maintain their independence. 

In every case* the expansion proceeds by the advance of some of 
the nOn-European States to the rank of equal members in the sphere 
of international law, by the progressive Europeanisation of the non- 
European parts of the world. The semi-civilised States are already 
recognised as contracting parties, and international law holds good 
for the full extent of these contracts. It remains for them to raise 
their status to such a level that they will be entitled to equal rights 
in international law ; while the States which have an older civilisation 
are bound to deduce the necessary juristic consequences from the 
new situation, and, setting aside racial prejudice, recognise non- 
European States as equal members in the international commonwealth 
of law. 

2. Treaties and Associations of States , — The commonwealth of 
international law has not merely been geographically enlarged, and 
made to include a larger number of subjects, in the last few gene- 
‘5|ttions ; juristic life within its sphere has become infinitely more 
gfteve. It is usually said that the idea of a community of interests 
was developed in the course of the nineteenth century. It seems to- 
me more correct to say that we have for some time felt the need of 
having an international organisation in harmony with the inter- 
national community of interests. This tendency is seen in the 
large number of collective contracts. In each case they effect a 
^un?on of a certain number of States for the regulation of some matter 
of international importance. In this* way smaller associations for 
special purposes have been formed within the Jarge circle of public 
international law. The fact that the most different jeces of men are 
interested in these particular associations, or at least in one or other 
of them, is extrimely important in view of the mutual approach 
of races. 

^ In point of fact we have not only the passive participation of 
certain colonial territories, introduced by a European Power into 
its own association (for instance, England bringing all its qolonies 
into the International Union of Berne for the protection of Literary 



iUNIVEHSAL RACES CONGRESS ^ 


aiid 'Affistic Works in 1886), but we also find a large/ p^lnbef of 
sovereign, and vassal States of non-European origin taking part on 
an equal footing in these associations of States. We can find in 
the midst of the universal commonwealth of States some that have 
not reached the general level. Turkey and Zanzibar, for instance^ 
were associated with the “Congo Act” in 1885. Turkey, Japatl^ 
and China belong to the more restricted association which was ' 
formed in 1888 to guarantee the free navigation of the' Suez 
Japan, China, Persia, Siam, and Egypt are ,, associated in the 
“International Union for the Publication of Customs’ Tariffs^,!’ 
established at Brussels in 1890. 

The Universal Postal Union, which was founded by the Paris 
Convention (1878) at the proposal of Germany, is another example; 
it embraces nearly the whole of the inhabited earth. Japan, Persia, 
Siam, Egypt, and Tunis belong also to the Universal Telegraphic 
Union, founded in 1865, which was the first administrative common- 
wealth of international law. Turkey, San Domingo, Japan, and 
Tunis are also participating members of the “ International Contract 
for the Protection of Submarine Telegraphic Cables.” Japan and 
Persia are likewise members of the International Radiotelegraphic 
Union of 1908. Japan has already joined the International Union 
for the Propagation and Unification of the Metrical System. Tunis, 
Japan, and San Domingo belong to the International Union for the 
Protection of Industrial Property (1883), and Haiti, Tunis, Japan, 
and Liberia belong to the Berne Convention (1886) for the Protection 
of Literary afid Artistic Works. Egypt, Persia, and Tunis, at least, 
all joined the International Union of Public Hygiene in 
the convention establishing which was completed at Rome in 19%. 
Turkey, China, Persia, Egypt, and even Abyssinia, took part in 
International Agricultural Union founded at Rome in 1905,014 t^e 
praiseworthy initiative of the King of Italy. The Act and the 
Conference of Brussels for the Suppression of the Slave-trade, to 
which Turkey, Zanzibar, Persia, and Liberia have given their 
adhesion, prove that the most different races can unite on mattes 
which are not merely of commercial and economic interest ; 
we have further evi^dence of the humanitarian tendency of thes^' 
countries in the Brussels Act for the Regulation of Arms — Turkey 
and Liberia alone, of the above-named Powers, being associated 
in this Act. i 

Special authorities have been created in each case to ensure tbe 
carrying out of the projects which are contemplated in the Various 
collective contracts I have just quoted. The International Ccwn- 
mission^however, for the carrying out of the Act for the Navigation 
of the Congo has never intervened, and the International Commission 



SEVENTH S^SSI^N 3^;; 

far 'Carrying out the contract on the Sae^ Canal was suppressed in 
viitue of an understanding between France and England (1904). 
The other common administrative entities which we have enumerated 
above have special organs of their own. They have international 
conferences, international offices, directing staffs, international com- 
mii^ions, and » arbitration tribunals. Apart from the “International 
Uaion for the Suppression of the Slave-trade,*’ all the administrative 
associations of public international law employ the international 
conference as theh chief instrument In the case of the Universal 
Postal Union this conference is entitled a Congress, and its sittings 
are arranged by contract International offices have been formed 
aud developed .on the model of the most important central offices , 
of the kind ; those of the International Telegraphic Union and the v 
Universal Postal Union are at Berne. The International Office of ; 
Radiotelegraphy is incorporated in the office of the International 
Telegraphic Union. There are also at Berne the office of the Union 
for the Protection of Industrial Property, and that of the Union for 
the Protection of Works of Letters and Art The International 
Office of Weights and Measures, and that of Public Hygiene, founded 
respectively in 1903 and 1907, are at Paris. The Central Offices , 
fdr the Suppression of the Slave-trade are at Zanzibar and at 
Brussels. In the latter city is also the office for the Publication 
of Customs* Tariffs. The International Agricultural Institute is 
at Rome. 

These central offices are not organs of the individual State, but 
committees of international law, of which they are t«f<?%iternational 
representatives. Switzerland and Belgium have been appointed the 
representatives, respectively, for the supervision and direction of 
the function of the Telegraphic Union at Berne, with its two sub- 
divisions : the Universal Post Office and the central offices for the 
Protection of the Rights of Authors at Berne ; and the office for 
the Publication of Customs* Tariffs and for the Suppression of th^ 
Slave-trade at Brussels. On the other hand, the International 
Unions of Weights and Measures and of Public Hygiene have 
defeated special authorities, independent of the territorial power, and 
to these is confided, among other functions, the supervision of the 
corresponding international office. This type of organisation has , 
rightly been described as the best for central international offices, 
because it withdi'aws them entirely from the exclusive control of 
the State in which they are situated. Such an international com- 
mission is set up by the International Union of Weights and 
Measures at Paris ; it is composed of forty members, who must 
all belong to different States, and they are elected by the Conference 
of' States, which meets at Paris at least once in six years. There 



UfJIVEfeSAL RAClES CONGRESS 

' is a similar commission, the Committee for* the Supervision of the 
International Office of Public Hygiene at Paris, which must meet 
at least once a year, each State is represented by a delegate cliosen 
by itself. The sphere of action of this committee will probably be 
enlarged by the incorporation, sooner or later, of the earlier Sanitary 
Commissions of Constantinople, Egypt, Tangiers, and Teheran. 

'‘These commissions are connected with the police and penal force 
in the sphere of their activity. Finally, we have mentioned the 
Arbitration Tribunal as an organ of these international unions of 
States. This Tribunal is enforced for certain judicial questions in 
connection with the Universal Postal Union, and is optional for the 
Radiotelegraphic Union 

We have now surveyed the collective civilising work which has 
already been accomplished by the races of the East and the West by 
means of the particular Unions of international law, of which the 
structure is known to us It is needless to insist further on the great 
importance these Associations would have in securing a closer 
approach of the various races of men, if they were extended as 
widely as possible, like the Universal Postal Union. It is further 
desirable that those administrative groups of international public 
law, whose sphere of action does not yet extend beyond the States 
of Europe and America, should include the States of alien 
races. 

That applies, for instance, to the International Geodesical Union, 
with an office at Potsdam, founded in 1864 on the initiative of 
Prussia, wh’wL has a purely scientific object. It applies again tq. 
the International Union for the Regulation of the Manufacture ^ 
Sugar, which has an office at Brussels ; Peru is the only America# 
State that belongs to it. Above all, it is desirable that the extension 
of the network of railways should be accompanied by the territorial 
transformation of the International Union of Railway Transport, 
which is as yet confined to Europe ; it wp tablished at Berne in 
1890, and has its central office there. 

The importance of this develo ‘ars.to be even greater 

when we reflect that there alr/^ai 1 these conventions tne 

groundwork of a code of internatioi iUercial law, with regul^^ 

tions for civil procedure Similarly, the ision of the sphere of the 
law of universal exchange, which is in process of development, and 
private international maritime law, with which t|iree diplomatic 
conferences have already been occupied, so that they should, be 
more widely recognised according to the exigencies of tbe relations 
of commerce and navigation, is absolutely necessary.^ The Statds 
of all races would thus find themselves interconnected, and we 
should in the end be led to elaborate a l^w for the whole commerce 



SEVENTH SESSION ‘J93, 

^ tiae world. The greA work of the codification of private inter- 
national law is conducted primarily and^ partially within the purely 
European circle, but we already see the modest beginning of a 
universal law in the fact that Japan took part, in 1904, in the fourth 
conference on this subject. 

Thus the problem of the closer approach of the various races 
of men is not restricted to the creation of associations between States 
» that already exist ; it is also directed to secure a larger participation 
in the efforts of the civilised States of Europe, with a view to 
creating international laws for each juristic point that has a world- 
wide importance. 

3. The Importance of the Hac^ue Conferences and of the Court of 
Arbitration , — During the last ten years we have to record, besides 
the expansion of the commonwealth of international law and the 
establishment of certain important associations, the profound modi- 
fication that the commonwealth of law has undergone in its juristic 
structure. This transformation consists in the fact that the common- 
wealth has converted itself into a union of organised States. The 
great commonwealth has become a world-wide union of States. 
This is a result of the Hague Conferences, of which the importance 
to civilisation is not sufficiently recognised. It is the dawn of a 
new era of a world-wide confederation of States. There was a time 
when the Caesars of Rome, from one centre, dominated the whole of 
the known world, and the great powers of the Middle Ages, the Empire 
and the Papacy, endeavoured to restore this universal monarchic 
domination. Then the universal monarchy of the dis- 

solved into an aggregation of Western States. In our time these 
States, augmented by those of the Far East and of parts of the world 
that were unknown to the Romans, are forming one great whole. 

The importance of the first Hague Conference does not consist 
in the codification of the laws of continental warfare, which was 
accomplished there, but in the establishment of the Court of Arbi- 
tration. The States which participated in the first Hague Conference 
—among which the Asiatic States, China, Japan, Persia, and Siam 
ii?fere included from the outset — reaUy organised themselves into a 
“ Confederation of States,” when they created a common instrument 
for maintaining peace in the commonwealth of international law. 
It matters little whether or no this title was immediately given 
to the new cre|Ltion ; in view of more timid minds it is as well 
that this was not done. But, as jurists, we are wont to speak of 
an association of States wherever we have a plurality of States 
with certain organs in common. In erecting a common tribunal* 
the civilised world created at the same time a union of intdi'national 
law, controlling the commonwealth of international public law. 



^ I jij^IVERSAL RACES .^NGR£sI 

AMou^ in reality the permanent Courf of Arbitratfea .?a yet 
consists only of a list of names from which the contendihg parities 
must choose their judges for each dispute, there is never^cle^s an 
international office and commission, entitled the Council of Admini- 
■fetration, just as in the case of particular associations under the 
Saw of nations. A periodical international Conference was not 
contemplated at first, but it has been found necessary for nearly 
all the Unions of international law, as well as for the general union 
of States. The first Hague Conference (1899) was followed by a 
second in 1907. The latter did not break up without expressing, 
a hope of meeting again not later than 1915, and of making about 
two years’ preparation for this third Conference. Thus the periodical 
character of the Hague Conferences is secured in fact, if not in law, 
and they will be, as in the case of special associations, the principal 
organ of the Union of States. In comparison with this completing 
of the commonwealth of international law by the association of 
States, the other achievements of the first Hague Conference are 
of secondary importance. The fact that in neither Conference was 
any practical measure taken in regard to the limitation of arma- 
ments does not diminish the service done in the direction of 
codifying international law. 

Like every progressive organisation, the Association of States 
is engaged in creating its code. The first Hague Conference, 
amongst other things, codified the law of continental warfare, an«| 
extended the Geneva Convention to maritime law. When tlje 
Gen**va ^-^^»«wition for continental warfare had been revised !‘m 

f V 

1906, the rules of war were completed at the second Hague 
Conference, and restrictive rules were imposed in regard to certain 
important points of maritime warfare, such as the question of 
submarine mines. In its entirety, however, the codification of the 
law of maritime warfare had to be referred to the third Conference, 
though the preliminary work was done by the Maritime Conference 
of London in 1909, in which only a restricted group of Powers, 
among which we are pleased to find Japan, took part. 

One may say in a general way that, in the codification of tne 
law of war, in which up to that time there was frequently much 
question of power, the iStates have already elucidated the nickt 
difficult chapters, and that the codification of the rules of the law 
of peace — for instance, in regard to the condition of envoys and 
consuls — is a thousand times easier. Consequently, if the codifica-* 
tion of the law of war has already been accomplished in great paft^ 
the further step of incorporating the whole in a complete codified 
system Uay be expected before long. In this code all the rules 
which apply to the pacific solution of international conflicts must 



SEVENTH SESSION ; 

Sad a place, as Well *as those which I|ad to fee created by the, 
, pfefceding Conferences : the Institute of^ Interif»tibrtal Commissions 
of Inquiry, and the Code of Procedure of the Hague Tribunal 
^ Even before this code is completed, the international association of 
States is beginning to consolidate itself, in virtue of a process which 
^ converts the law of nations into a universal public law. The 
'association of States, which was established in the first Hague 
^ Conference, had still the typical character of particular Unions; 
'it was distinguished from them by the circumstance that it was 
not ^n administrative, but a judicial association, that was set up, 
and that the whole civilised world took part in it. Moreover, the 
association of States that was established had a purely co-operativC 
kructure in harmony with the character of the older international 
law* This commonwealth, therefore, consisted only in relations of 
State to State — relations which did not affect the sovereignty of 
any one of them. States alone could appeal to the Hague Tribunal ; 
and it depended on themselves alone whether they appealed or no, 
on account of the optional character of the Arbitration Court. 

The second Hague Conference created, in the ‘international 
Prize Court,” an institution which gives quite a new character to 
the association of States. This Court is not optional ; the number 
of its members and its competence are settled once for all ; the 
judges have to give a solemn assurance that they will act in the 
interest of the association of States. In questions of fact and law, 
the legal procedure is to pass from the national courts to the 
international court. The International Prize 
national laws when they involve any departure from justice and 
equity ; it may also create new laws when no recognised law exists. 
But, above all, any private individual who has suffered an injury, 
whether he belongs to a neutral State or to one of the parties to 
the war, may invoke the protection of the International Prize Court 
against an unfavourable decision of the hostile State which has 
effected the capture; and the injured citizen of the hostile State 
cannot be prevented from doing this by the country of his origin, 
may happen in the case of a nputral citizen. 

It ba-s been said in explanation of this contradiction of the 
previous rules of international public law, * that in this case the 
contract is concluded between the States in favour of a third party ; 
:but those who^say this seem to overlook the fact that the private 
individual can never be a third person according to the older, law 
iif nations. It has been said that in future, in the case of prizes, 
' tl^ie individual citizen would be regarded as a subject of international 
‘ lay ; it is more correct to say that the law of nations ‘♦has really 
iost its specific character on this point The organisation of the 



3^ ^ UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

world has proceeded so far that international law is bein^ as ^as 
already said, converted into a world-wide public law. Von Liszt 
rightly says that the agreement in regard to the International Prize 
Court is the first deliberate step of the co-operative organisation 
towards becoming a dominating organisation. But when we speak 
of a dominating organisation we do not mean, as in the earlier' 
terminology, an association under international law, biy: an asso^ 
ciation under public law. The sovereignty of States is secured ^ 
within the sphere of the association of public^ law only by the 
provision that the whole organisation rests on a contract which 
may be nullified at the end of twelve years. In the meantime we 
should have, so to say, a temporary confederation as the basis of 
the association of the Prize Court. 

We have here a prospect beyond all our hopes for the develop- 
ment of international law. It was an inconsistency on the part of 
the German Empire, on whose initiative this court was founded, to 
have frustrated the establishment of a universal obligatory Arbitra- 
tion Tribunal. The German delegate, Zorn, rightly said that an 
obligatory arbitral jurisdiction would encroach much less on the 
sovereignty of States, seeing that the obligation would be relative 
and would be rejected in all cases in which the honour, the inde- 
pendence, or the vital interests of a State were at stake. The 
German Empire cannot very well sustain this contradictory atti- 
tude. The Universal Arbitration Court has been developing, since 
more than a hundred contracts between States have been concluded, 
occasion two States made the Arbitration Court 
obligatory. The development of international law seeks to replace 
the individual contract by a collective contract ; the triumph of thq; 
obligatory Arbitration Court is assured by this fact. The PowerSv* 
have already unanimously adopted, in the second Hague Con^^ 
ference, a resolution recognising the principle of the obligatory 
sentence of an arbitrator, and affirming that certain differences are' 
of a nature to be submitted to the obligatory judgment of an 
arbitrator, without restriction. 

Thus the constitution of an .International Prize Court will hefp 
to bring into existence t|ie obligatory Court of Arbitration. One 
cannot, of course, be content when there is question of an obligatory 
judgment, with the former Permanent Court, which, as is well kno^n, 
merely consists of a list of names. It will be necessary either to 
make the Prize Court accessible to common jurisdiction or add to 
the “Permanent Arbitration Court” a really permanent court in, tlie 
shape of the “ Court of Arbitral Justice,” which the second Confer- 
ence had proposed. Unfortunately, this project could not be fjji- 
sented for the signature of the whole Conference, as they had not 



SEVENTH SESSION 


■«. 

been able to come to Agreement either in regard^ to the number of 
judges oi' the duratibn of their functions. ‘ No agreement was reached 
because, on the one hand, the number of the judges would have to be 
limited, and, on the other hand, the small States — to the detriment 
, of progress — would not surrender their rights in the formation of the 
Court In reality, the dogma of the equal right of all States is 
destroyed by the fact that in the Prize Court the seats are dis- 
I tributed on a graduated scheme. This dogma was only valid so far 
as States lay side by side without any connection. The progressive 
organisation of thS world demands a distribution of votes in propor- 
tion to the virtual importance of each State in the body of the 
Union, 

The possibility of the appearance of the individual as plaintiff 
before the International Prize Court helps in another direction to 
fill a gap in the law of nations. It is true that, in the interests of 
peace, the second Hague Conference recognised up to a certain point 
the doctrine of Drago : in future armed force cannot be employed 
against a debtor State to ensure the fulfilment of its obligations, but 
the private individual always depends on the good-will or the energy 
of his country. If the second Hague Conference has granted the 
individual the right to submit to the International Prize Court the 
legality of certain acts of war by which he has suffered, there is no 
reason why a Hague Court should not be made accessible to the 
complaints, in private law, of the citizens of one State against 
another, and why a creditors* court should not be set up for such 
cases. This innovation should be carried into effggt 
Hague Conference. 

Lastly, we have the question whether the world-wide confedera- 
tion of States will restrict itself to judicial functions. Its natural 
development implies that it should take charge of the adminis- 
trative associations, such as the Universal Postal Union, which 
spread over the whole world ; and that, moreover, it should incor- 
porate the corresponding authorities, and bring into action new 
associations of the same kind with their proper authorities. 

What the most profound of German thinkers — Kant — regards as 
the gre^ problem of humanity, a problem “ toward the solution of 
which nature herself impels us,** namely, the constitution of a 
human society with common control of the law,** is already being 
solved. 

We startecf from the fact that the disturbance of social con- 
ditions by the unparalleled extension of commerce has reacted 
Upoti law, and we referred at the beginning of this dissertation to 
the relations between the facts and the law. New facts {onodify the 
law, and, on the other hand, the significance of new l^..ws points to 



UNIVEHSAL RACES Cp^KESS' 

f&Fces^ If, in' the future, as von Liszt %ays, every eiike^ of a 
constituent State in the Association of States is a conjoint ‘subject — 
a citizen simultaneously of the State and the Confederation— who 
wiir venture to calculate the significance, in regard to tho mutual 
approach of the races of men, of the proud words that every man 
will be able to repeat in all places : mundi sum ? 

[Paper submitted in French ] 

INTERNATIONAL LAW AND SUBJECT RACES 

By Sir JOHN MaCDONELL, C.B., 

Professor of Comparative Law^ University of London ; Master 
of the Supreme Court, 

I PROMISED, somewhat rashly, your Secretary to contribute to the 
proceedings of the Congress a paper on International Arbitration, a 
subject, the importance and opportuneness of which no one in these 
days questions. On reflection, however, it appeared to me — and I 
think that your Secretary admitted — that while of interest for all 
who sympathise with the objects of the Congress, arbitration h^d 
only indirect bearings upon much of its primary work. Great thoqgh 
the achievements of Arbitration have already been, great though its 
/uture is likely to be, one must not be blind to its limitations* It 
is an instrument for settling disputes between Governments , 
particular, disputes likely to give rise to difficulties between Sta^ 
which diplomacy fails to settle. No doubt some of these quesfi4^j5 
^ylal ; such, for example, are the recurring difficulties ^ 
as to emigration between China and Japan on the one hand and 
Great Britain and her Colonies and the United States on the other 
hand. These difficulties take an economic form ; they originate in 
racial antagonism and prejudice. And even when no racial element 
is obviously and indisputably present, the real though latent difficulty 
in the way of a settlement of disputes may be the repugnance or 
distrust arising from race prejudice and misunderstanding. 

International Arbitration does not touch, nor is it proposed that 
It should touch, many internal and domestic questions profoundly ^ 
interesting to races which are not dominant. I take aln^pst at" 
random racial question's which happen to be of late uppermost : thd 
condition of the Jews in Russia and Poland ; the Poles und^r 
Russian rule; the Roumanians in Hungary; the Finns in Russia; thp 
Macedonians and Armenians in Turkey ; the East Indians in South^ 
Africa ; the natives of the Congo State under Belgian rule. Intdr- « 
national Arbitration does not help to solve, except very rCmotely 
and indirectly, the problems which these names recall. To-day each 
State says, and will long continue to say, “ I must be master in my ' 



SEVENTH , SESSION ^ 

* \ ' \ ^ 

owiX house” That posiison must be accqpted~at ^11 events for the 

time. We must look elsewhere for a solution (so fei as possible) of 
some of the great problems due to differences and^ collisions of races. 

But — and it is the chief object of my inquiry — it may be of 
interest to endeavour to examine whethe** the ends which the 
‘ originators of the Congress had in view cannot be furthered by 
other means than arbitration ; and, in particular, by a clearer recog- 
, nition of duties to subject races than now exists ; by better organisa- 
tion of existing agencies, and by the creation of new organisations. 
I am sensible of iSie difficulty of making useful suggestions as to 
questions, so many, so varied in character, and, it may be said, with 
so little in common. Not even a Leibnitz or a Humboldt or other 
..great organisers of science could survey the whole of the vast field 
and^ map it out with full knowledge. My suggestions are offered 
only, as hints which may elicit discussion and help clarify ideas. A 
further prefatory admission is needed. Great are the limitations of 
all machinery and organisations in accomplishing the chief aims in 
view. The walls of racial prejudice will not yield to mere organisa- 
tion ; the spread of knowledge, the spirit of charity, and new ideals 
are the only solvents. 

At the outset is the question : How far, if at all, is International 
La,w applicable to the relations between subject and dominant, 
between civilised and uncivilised, races? According to one view, 
they are not in any way applicable , according to another, they are so, 
but only partially, and with many qualifications. I pass over as not 
meriting notice in this Congress the contention whicl^ 
days made in so many words, that a high degree of dnulisation carries 
with it a right to impose the will of the superior upon the inferior ; 
that as between them might is right and that the former may do 
exactly as they think fit in virtue of their superiority.^ 

Turning to statements less uncompromising, I proceed to cite', 
those of one or two writers. The first is by Mr. John Stuart Mill : — 

There is a great difference (for example) between the case in which the 
j||t^ons concerned are of the same, or something like the ^ame, degree of 
v^libation, and that m which one of the parties to the situation is of a high, 
and the other of very low, grade of social improvement. To suppose that the 
s^e ifflBSSational customs, and the same rules of njiternational morality, can 
(.obtain between one civilised nation and another, and between civilised nations* 
and barbarians, is a grave error, and one which no statesman can fall into, how- 
ever it may be with those who, from a safe and unresponsible position, criticise 
statesmen. Amon§ many reasons why the same rules cannot be applicable to 

* *',Trione {Gh Statt Civilt Net toro Rofporti Gutridtct coi Popolt Barhart^ p. 14) 
refers to Ize, who cites Hegel and Cousin as holding this opinion In Ihering's Geist 
des rUmtschen Rechts^ vol. 1., p. i,, are some remarkable assertions of the right of power- 

ful <!fvilised nations to force their commerce upon Eastern nations. 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS , 

situations so di£Feren^, the two following are amongcthe most import^tt. In the 
first place the rules of ordinary international morality imply recipcocity. But 
barbarians will not reciprocate. They cannot be depended on for observing 
any rules. Their minds are not capable of so great an effort, nor their wills suffi- 
ciently under the influence of distant motives. In the next place nations which 
are still barbarous have not got beyond the period during which it i$ likely to 
be for their benefit that they should be conquered and held in subjection by 
foreigners. Independence and nationality, so essential to the due growth and 
development of a people further advanced in improvement, are generally impedi- 
ments to them. ... A violation of great principles of morality it may easily be ; ^ 
but bai banans have no rights as a nation, except a right to such treatment as may, 
at the earliest possible period, fit them for becoming one.(‘ The only moral laws 
for the relation between a civilised and a barbarous Government are the uni- 
versal rules of morality between man and man” (Dissertations, iii., p. 167). 

I have quoted this passage as expressing the views of those — and 
they are many — who lay stress on the absence of reciprocity and the 
benefits of civilisation as justifying the application of different rules 
from those which are in force between civilised States. Bluntsclili 
lays stress on the second of the above grounds : — 

** Lorsque la contree qui ne fait partie du terntoire d’aucun etat est possedee 
par des tnbus barbares, ces dernieres ne peuvent pas ctre expulsees par les 
colons des nations civilisees ; on les laissera emigrer en paix et leur fournira un 
d^ommagement equitable. L'Etat colonisateur a le droit d’etendre sa souve- 
ramete sur le terntoire occupe par dcs peuplades sauvages pour favonser la 
civilisation et Textcnsion des cultuies” (p. 280) 

Here is another way of putting the same doctrine : — 

^^Cest le droit naturel, non le droit international, qui est applicable aux 
rapports des nations civihsecs avec les nations de I’Asie. . . . En Asie le droit in- ^ 
^J^ernational^se transforme en droit naturel, lequel exige egalemcnt que la parole 
cionntt ^uit exe&t'e consciencieusement, que la vie et la propnete d'autrul'^ 
soient reconnues samtes et mviolables, que les mauvais instincts et passions' 
cMent leur place aux impulsions justes, honnetes et genereuses” (Martens, *^La 
Russie et I’Angleterre dans I’Asie Centrale,” Revue de Droti International, 1879, 
p. 241). 

This is the way in which the problem presents itself to some 
other modern writers ; — 

“ Der Unterschied in der Kultur berechtigt den Europaischen Staat nicht, im 
Verkehr mit einem mmderkultivierten Volke, z. B., Papua, alle Regeln des 
Volkerrechts ausser Acht zu lassen. Es 1st vielmehr davon auszugehen, dKSs"* 
jeder Staat die Grundrcchte eines jeden andern — wenn auch von wenig gebil- 
deten Menschen geleitct^en — Staates so lange durchaus respektefij^’afs es die 
Ausubung der eigenen Grundrechte irgend gestattet ” (Gareis, p. 40). 

European States will be obliged, partly by their sense of honour, partly by 
their sense of their interests, to be guided by their own artificial rules in dealing 
with semi-civilised States when the latter have learned enough to make the 
demand, long before a reciprocal obedience to those rules can be reasonably, 
expected (Hall, 6th ed., pp. 40, 41). 

Thesje statements are, for several reasons, not satisfactory; if 
not inaccurate, they lack precision and definiteness. In the ^St 



SEVENTH St^SlCn 

place, th^ modern practice of nations and the teaching of modem 
writers do not, on the whole, whatever inay fcjj& done on particular 
' occasions, accord with some of these opinions, ^odern text-books 
treat, sometimes at great length, the relations and duties of civilised 
States to inferior or backward races. In point of fact there has 
always been some recognition of duties by civilised nations to un- 
civilised pr semi-civilised nations with which the latter have been 
^ brought into contact : recognition generally imperfect ; often com- 
patible with gros? cruelty ; often serving as a cover or excuse for 
wrong-doing. of the chief subjects of discussion among the 

earliest students of International Law Francisco Victoria and 
BaJdasarre de Ayala) was the relations and duties of the Spanish and 
Portuguese conquerors to the indigenous inhabitants. 

Further it is to be noted that there is not a clear line of separation . 
between civilised and barbarous nations ; they often differ from each 
other by small degrees ; the sharp distinction drawn in the passage 
which I have quoted from Mill between civilised nations and barbar- 
ous, does not help one in solving the actual problems, which for the 
most part relate to the dealings of nations with different types of 
civilisatio as, the relative value of which in the eyes of impartial 
observers, if such existed, might be dubious. What is the test of 
superiority ? There is the often suggested test of proficiency in war, 
according to which the Turks some centuries ago were probably 
supreme among all nations, the Italians, contemporaries of Michael 
Angelo and Leonardo da Vinci, not excepted. There is the test of 
wealth ; a test the justice of which, if applied to 
be denied. There is the test of morality, the e^^ence df a legal 
moral code and conformity of conduct thereto, and a test the applica- 
tion of which, if possible, might lead to startling results. Nor is the 
distinction between the progres'^ive and non-progressive races so clear 
to modern ethnologists as it was to those who knew little. The so-called 
stationary races are often merely those whose changes are unrecorded. 
As Professor Royce justly remarks, this test has never been so fairly 
applied by civilised nations as to give exact results. So long as there 
what M. Tarde calls, the “irresistible orgueil primitif que porte 
toute tribUjSi infime qu^elle soit,^ se consid^rer superieure a ses voisons,’* 
the application of a well-accepted test is impossible. The superiority 
for which writers such as Gobineau and Houstin Chamberlain claim 
will never be conceded ; but what is clear is that the world would be 
the poorer if on? type of civilisation were to be universal ; ^ what we ' 
cannot be sure of is, that an unpromising race, if left to itself, may , 
not be the starting-point of a development which will enrich mankind, 

* See the disheartening facts as to the benefits of civilisation collected ^ Bastian, 
Der Mensch tn der Geschtchie^ in., p. 233, &c. 



'0KIVERSAL RACES COlNGRE^ . 

■ '* I atn only sumfatarising the teaching of a great majoW^j^f writers 
Wheii I say that, apart from the conventions which I am 'about to 
inention, some at Iqast of the rules of International Law ar^ assumed 
by almost all writers to apply to such communities ; even as to com- , 
munities outside the purview of International Law, there are duties 
to be performed, duties which may be stated and formulated At all 
.events this holds good of communities with regular Governments,, 
though with social organisations and moral ideas unlike our own. 

One of the most characteristic modern developments in the 
relations between States generally, between dorhinant and subject 
'races, is the establishment of Protectorates by powerful States over 
the weaker, some of the latter being on a plane of civilisation equal 
to that of the former. Gradually are being evolved principles as to 
the reciprocal duties of protecting or protected States, including the 
treatment of the indigenous inhabitants 

A few words as to the conventions to which I have referred. There 
exists a group of treaties by which some of the chief States of the 
world bind themselves to perform certain duties towards the non- 
dominant races or parts of them. One universally recognised duty is 
that, chiefly in the interest of inferior or backward races, the slave 
trade, dependent necessarily upon supplies from such races, should be 
put down and should be treated as a heinous crime I am not writing 
the history of the Slave Trade or the Emancipation Movement. I 
merely recall the pronouncement of the Allied Powers at Vienna 
in i8iS, and at Verona in 1822, and the Quintuple Treaty of 1841* 

£ p r Iw;? the history of the subject is the Berlin Conference 
of 1884-5. It elucidated principles, it concentrated action ; it was ! 
the beginning of a new policy as to the Slave Trade on land as 
as sea. By Article VI. of the Berlin Act the Powers agreed to wati^' 
over the preservation of the native tribes and to care for the impro^- 
ment of their conditions, of their moral and material well-being, and 
to help in suppressing slavery and especially the Slav^ Tradd 
Article IX. was as follows : — 

“ Conformement aux pnncipes du droit des gens, tels quils §ont reconnus 
par les puissances signataires, traite des esclaves etant interdite, et les operati^s* 
qui, sur terre ou sur mer, fournissent des esclaves a la traite devant etre egale- 
ment considerees comme interdites, les puissances qui exercent, cftPtfdi exerce- 
font, souveraincte ou une inflqcnce dans les terntoires formant le bassip 
conventionnel du Congo, declarent que ces terntoires ne pourront servir}pi de 
marche ni de voie dc transit pour la traite des esclaves, de quelque racq que ce, 
soit. Chacune de ces puissances s'engagent a employer tous les moyers eu SOif 
pouvoir pour mettre fin a ce commerce et pour piinir ceux qui s’en ocCupei^t.’* 

Among the latest measures of consequence was the Brussels 
Anti-Sliivery Act of July 20, 1890, which came into force on 
October i, 1892. The Powers exercising sovereignty or a protqc-- 



SEVENTH SESSION ,^3 

totiaite in !^fric?i bound themselves (AfticI^ III.) to^pursue gradually^^ 
according' as circumstances permit, j**la r^fanession de la traite, 
chacune dans ses possessions respectives ct #^sous sa direction 
ptppre.” By Article XV. they further bound themselves to watch 
‘*les routes suivies sur leur territoire par les trafiquants des esclaves, 
dy arrdter les convois en marche ou de les poursuivre partout oil 
leur action pourrait s’exercer Idgalement” Posts were to be estab- 
flished (Article XVI.) on such routes, with a view to intercept convoys 
, apd liberate the slaves. Chapter HI. deals with the repression of 
the traffic on the liigh seas. Another set of international regula- 
tiops related to the sale of liquor (Chapter VI.). The Brussels Act 
also contained restrictions on the importation of fire-arms. Article 
VI I L stated that one of the conditions of the development of the 
slave trade was the free introduction of weapons, and accordingly it 
forbade their importation, except in certain circumstances, in a 
defined area. Articles XC. and XCI. of the General Act say: 

“Justement preoccupees des consequences morales et mateiielles qu’entraine 
poor les populations indigenes Tabus des spiritueux, les Puissances signataires 
sont coavfenues d’appliquer les Articles XCI , XCI I , et XCIII dans une zone 
delimitee par le 20^“® degre latitude nord et par 22^® degre latitude sud, et 
aboutissant vers Touest a Toccan Atlantique et vers Test a Toccan Indien et a ses 
dependanceSj y compris les des adjacentes au littoral jusqu’a 100 milles marins 
de la c6te.” 

Dans les region^ de cettc zone oil il sera constate que, soit a raison des 
croyances religieuses, soit pour autres motifs, Tusage des boissons distillees 
n'existe pas ou ne s’est pas dcvcloppe, les Puissances en prohiberont I’entree. 
La fabrication des boissons distillees y seia egalemcnt inteidite 

Article XCI I. binds the signatories to impo: e mi possessions or 
protectorates not subject to prohibition an import duty of 15 francs 
per hectolitre for the first three years and 25 francs afterwards. 
It was found that in the districts not subject to the prohibitive 
rigime the importation of spirits was rapidly increasing, and 
accordingly the Powers agreed at a subsequent Conference held in 
Brussels in 1899 (Martens, Recucil, xxv., 543) to raise the import 
7 ^ francs. 

is a matter of terminology, as to which I shall not presume to 
dd^tnatise, whether the agreements which I have mentioned form 
part of International Law or whether they a?e to be designated 
merely as indications of a common policy. I cannot say that 
those are unreasonable who hold that “ I’Assembl^e de Berlin a 
d^montrd qu’elle ne voyait point en eux des associations ou des 
indiyidus en dehors de la communauto du droit des gens.”^ 

' ^ It is at least plain from this brief recital of facts that there is 
^me recognition of the duties of great States to weak and Subject 
* Engelhard!, quoted by Trione, p. 18. 



' UNIVERSAL rACES CONGRESS 

races ; some recognition, too, of the need* of joint act^n ; some 
agreement as to these duties. It is no less true that these duties 
are still imperfectly recognised ; that many points of importance 
are left unsettled ; and that the organisation, official and non-official, 
needed to make them really effective is imperfect and rudimentary. 
The development of a code of duties of nations towards the less 
fortunate or less gifted, or more backward, races may require time ; 
considering the slow rate at which the code of duties of civilised ^ 
nations towards each other was worked out, it was possible that 
this new chapter may require much time. But sbme principles seeitt 
already fairly well recognised, and among them these — 

1. If certain races are in the position of minors, not fit in their 
their present condition to be their own masters, those who claim 
superiority and control ought to justify their position as guardians. 
The greater the unfitness of the former, the greater the duties 
imposed on the latter. Every Government asserting the right to 
control the destinies of such races ought to show by its conduct 
that it is not acting towards its wards as an unjust guardian ; that 
it is not exploiting their labour or squandering their estates. Could 
we say that the Native departments of all Governments with an 
indigenous population under their control, even now satisfied the 
test : “ The measure of your duties is their alleged unfitness ? What < 
is no less clear is that in many respects the so-called guardians are 
the least capable of judging fairly whether they have fulfilled such 
duties. No other judge may have jurisdiction ; that circumstance 

the less fallible. 

2. There ought to be less of the intolerance of modern civilisS 
tion, equal to that of religious fanaticism ; scarcely surpassed by any f 
displayed by the Spanish conquerors of Mexico or Peru. If they ’ 
were merciless, they had fewer means of carrying out theilr ijirill^ 
and they had at all events moments of contrition and doubts 

their work was altogether good in the eyes of Heaven, while the 
self-satisfaction of modern civilisation is rarely broken by an admis- 
sion of failure. I am tempted to cite, if only as a rebuke to sdf- 
complacency which is too coipmon on this point, a remarkable diiNSiTO 
ment entitled : “ The true confession and protestation in the hour df 
death,*’ by one of *the first Spanish conquerors of Pefu^,' named 
Marcio Serra de Lejesama, in 1589. Lejesama begins by declaring 
that he desires to relieve his mind and to give notice to his Catholic 
Majesty King Philip of his regret that he had taken part in the 
discovery and conquering of the lands of the Yncas. 

^‘Tl^ said Yncas,’’ pioceeds the repentant Conqmsador, governed in such a 
way, that in all the land neither a thief, nor a vicious man, nor a bad dishonest 
woman was known. The men all had honest and profitable employment The 



SEVENTH SESSION ^ ‘405 

woods and\iines and all kidds of property were so divided that each man knew 
what belonged to him’; and there were no law-smts, , The Yncas were feared, 
obeyed, and respected by their subjects as a race very ^capable of governing. 
But we took away their land, and placed it under the govtci nment of Spain, and 
made them subjects. Your Majesty must understand that my reason for making 
this statement is to relieve my conscience, for we have destroyed this people 
by our bad examples Crimes were once so little known among them that an 
Indian with one hundred thousand pieces of gold and silver in his house left it 
open, only placing a little stick across the door as a sign that the master was out,' 
* and nobody went m. But when they saw that we placed locks and keys on our 
doors, they understood that it was from fear of tnieves, and when they saw that 
we had thieves amon|;st us, they despised us. All this I tell your Majesty to 
discharge my conscience of a weight that I may no longer be a party to these 
things. And I pray God to pai don me, for I am the last to die of all the dis^ 
coverers and conquerors, as it is notoiious that there are none left but me m this 
land or out of it, and therefore 1 now do what I can to relieve my conscience." * 

I may not have searched diligently enough, but in the many 
narratives of modern explorations, conquerors and pioneers of 
civilisation, I can recall few expressions of regret so deep as that of 
the confession by the Spanish conqueror, few cases in which the 
conscience of a modern explorer or promoter smites him, and he 
is filled with doubts whether it was right to break up tribal 
organisations and convert into masses of shifting atoms what were 
once strong cohesive organisations, the rudiments of nations, if 
not nations full grown. Even when no cruelties have been practised 
towards native races, when on the contrary there has been a desire 
to deal fairly with them, the results have often been disastrous. The 
old tribal system is broken up, the best land is seized by settlersj 
the natives are stinted either in regard to pa^^age or'^atjnlih^ 
grounds. They are lured away by the attraction of high wages, 
and they become broken tribeless men ; imitating the worst vices 
of their new masters ; cut off from their old nation ; the authority 
of their chiefs gone, no authority replacing for these children of 
Nature that which has been destroyed. 

Some of these evils are inevitable ; it is the fashion to Sc*y or 
assume that all of them are so. Strange change of opinion, in old 
d^s it was supposed that the forces of Nature — the flood, the 
^storm, the lightning, the elements, the difficulties of distance, were 
^ uticohfFdlfkble — all the very forces which modern science bends to 
its will. Alongside this confidence in the docility of physical forces, 
prevails a spirit bordering on fatalism in regard to the habits and 
conditions of rntn ; a disbelief in the efficiency of laws or measures^ 
to avert or ameliorate a process of disintegration such as I have 
described ; a conviction that man is not, as to his economical con- 
ditions, the master of his own fate or that of his kind. ][^am not 

**Quoted in the Introduction to the Travels of Piedro de Cicz Leon, Hakluyt 
Society, 1864, p. xxxii, n. 



[ 405 . UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

going to turn asiHe to discuss all the questions here ques-. 

tion^ far beyond my powers. But I am j unified in mentioning 
certain dominant jprejudices, taking many forms, which have done 
mischief and are still at work, in dealing with the aborigines, ^ One 
of these is an undue sense — undue in any large view of the matter — 
of the value of the present prevalent form of civilisation. It appears 
' in the assumption that there is one form of society to which all 
others must conform on pain of perishing. This prejudice makes'^ 
people forget how many different types of civilisation there have been 
— the Greek, the Roman, the Christian, the theocratic, the military, 
the industrial type — and that there has never been agreement as 
to their merits. 

If the intolerance of civilisation, with its co^npelle intrare, has 
done harm, mischievous, too, has been the notion that the so-called 
uncivilised world is made up of races all of a piece ; whereas under 
the vague description “ uncivilised are grouped a multitude of 
people radically different from each other ; strong and weak, good 
and bad, progressive and stationary ; some with the self-denying 
virtues in which are the roots of political aptitude ; others un- 
stable, egotistical and incohesive. In the eighteenth century it was 
the fashion for a school of political writers here and in France to 
hold up the Otaheitans and South Sea Islanders as models to 
mankind ; as the uncorrupted natural men whom Rousseau ex- 
tolled ; and to contrast them with the debased creation of civilisa- . 
tion with his luxury, his vices, his shame, and his crimes. Diderot - 
~niiriiiiiifi'iiiVri^t)tr"r ds^lighted in placing the site of the Garden of Eden 
^ in a latitude and^'longitude not far from those of Otaheite, thots^^ 
by the way they perhaps glided lightly over the fact that some 
of these happy and virtuous people ate other happy and, virtuous 
people. Read the accounts of the early navigators who visited 
these islands — Cook’s and Wallis’s, for example — and you see that ^ 
^ those so-called savages had virtues of their own, were courteous, 
gentle, and contented, and had, in the broad acceptation of the term, a 
civilisation of their own. Here are the words of an English traveller 
who lately visited an island in pne of the great African lakes. 

** Happy little island, ^and happy islanders ! War never comeSTii^ thciu* 
They know nothing of the outside world. They seem to wish for nothing* ^ 
■^yhy should they? They have all they want. May it be centuries before 
civilisation with its innumerable attendant evils finds out ^nd robs little Kisi 
of the peace and contentment it now enjoys ! " Circumnavigation of Lake 
Bangweolo,” by Mr. Weatherley, Geographical Journal^ 1898, p. 254), (For au , 
account of a people with many of the best attributes of real civilisation, see Mr, 
.Torday’s^ecently published Notes Ethnographiqucs sur Ics Bakuba ei les Bushonga,) 

, Let me quote the words in which William Penn — sagaaotis 



SEVENTH SESSiaN 

Bsad spacipAis*minded slatesman who foripsa^ thtf difficulties whi<^ 
lay fhs^d — ^^escribes the Indians of PennsyWaitia as he knew them. , 

“Don't abuse them, let them have iustice, and youivin them. The worst 
is they are the worse for the Christians, who have propagated their vices and 
yielded them traditions for ill, and not for good things. ... In liberality they 
excel, nothing is too good for their friend ; give them a fine gun, coat or other 
thing, it may pass twenty hands before it sticks ; light of heart, strong 
affections, but soon spent ; the most merry creatures, that live, feast, and dance ;; 
perpiibtually ; they never have much, nor want much ; wealth circulates like 
, the blood ; all parts partake, and though none shall want what another has, 
yet exact abservance®of property ” (“ A General Description of the Province of 
Pennsylvania," Penn’s Works^ p. 703). 

3. I note a further point. That the conditions upon which^ 
treaties between civilised Governments, not uncivilised or spmi- 
civilised communities, should be wholly different from treaties ^ 
concluded between equals. I am quoting a rule of law, but one 
based on good sense, when I say that contracts to which minors 
are parties are voidable unless to their advantage. We all know 
how wantonly this has been disregarded ; how the indigenous inhabi- 
tants" have been tricked out of their lands ; how a colour of legality 
has been given to gross frauds (Deherpe, Essai sur le diveloppement 
de Poccupation^ 1903, p. 76). I fully believe that such frauds are 
much rarer than they were — the opportunity for them now seldom 
occurs. But the principle above stated needs to be set down clearly, 

, 4. It seems a truism to say that these races should retain 
their means of existence ; a truism unfortunately often questioned 
in practice; a truism with far-reaching consequences. 
land I of ^tribes, as to the operations of prom and as to the 
granting of concessions. This principle implies a land system made 
for them as well as for the whites; where they preponderate in number, 
one may fairly claim made more for them than for the latter. 

The Act of Berlin of February 26, 1885, laid down certain 
Useful rules (Articles XXXIV. and XXXV.) as to the assumption of 
,a protectorate over territories on the coast of the African Continent 
and the conditions of occupation. These rules relate only to the 
of parties to the Act; they aje silent as to the rights of the 
indigj^ejipus^ population in the land. It did not condemn the doctrine 
that such land if not occupied by a civilised state was res nullim^ 
ot prescribe the conditions upon which treaties relating to such land 
should be recog^ised.^ 

■ A proposal to that effect by Mr Kasson, the representative of the United States, 
was put forward but rejected. The above is substantially in agreement with the > pro- 
posal of Martitee, Annuatre, Insit tut du Drott International^ ix., p 280. “ IX. Le droit 
international impose a la nation occupante le devoir de veiller a la con^rvation, a 
l^ed^tion, et a I’amehoration du bi^en-etre moral et materiel des populations • 



idNiVERSAL ’ RACES CONGRESS" 

It might also^ be thought a truism, wire it not so f>fiwaci dis* 
re^plW^, to say that the indigenous population should 'halve? the 
opportunities of ^Jevelopment in their own way — ^which means 
education suited to their needs ; no forcible conformity to one type. 

5. The principle above stated implies something of reverence — at , 
all events respect — towards these backward races ; a desire to preserve 
their customs and law (so far as not cruel and mischievous). 

So much — and it is necessarily imperfect — as to a few of the • 
doctrines which have already obtained partial recognition, but which' 
need explicit statement and application. Next, as to the organisa- 
tion needed to give effect to them. In these days we at once think 
of Parliaments. But all the non-dominant races cannot have Parlia- 
ments. Yet they may have voices ; not merely for the expression of 
political grievances, but for the maintenance and preservation of types 
of character and ideals ; for the furtherance of national literature 
with racial elements ; for the preservation of their institutions and 
monuments in art and literature ; organs for the attainment of aims 
which the State does not necessarily secure and often destroys or 
imperils. 

{a) First and foremost there should be fairly frequent meetings 
such as the present ; gatherings from time to time when the whole 
situation may be reviewed, when people of different races may draw 
together, when the different forms which the same movement may 
take may be studied. If we must trust to public opinion, as is said, 
then public opinion should be enlightened by such gatherings as 
"^hweepiNJifpnpa^^ ought to go hand in hand with knowledge, and it 
might be the object of such gatherings to study the scientific bases 
of truth, if any, underlying the theories as to race, and to discrimin^#^^ 
between the mass of illusions and prejudices and scientific teaching. 
There should be more and more — and fortunately already there I 
many — societies representative of the interests of races. InJ^b 
.country, so far as I know, can Governments do all that is nea^fced ; 
in some they may be positively hostile to objects which certain races 
have much at heart. Some time ago a few of my friends formed the 
South African Native Races Coijimittee. Its main object was to obiSin 
and diffuse accurate information as to the native oopulatiq i^ of S outh 
Africa. Perhaps its chief work so far has been to bring about the 
formation of two similar societies in that country. Of late it has 
endeavoured to aid in procuring funds for the esjablishment of a 
college for South African natives. I cannot but think there is 
plenty of room for societies with like objects. 

(^) My last suggestion is difficult to state without sayipg too much 
or too %ttle, without seeming to question or ignore the , power of, 
diplomacy and the Press. Often of late it must have been borne in 



SEVENTH SESSION 

Upon matl^ ’that it was desirable to obtainrs^tccurato information as to 
some of ‘the questions with which this Congress is concerned — 
information not only accurate, but • universally laccepted as such; 
co-operation by inquirers whose competence dr disinterestedness 
could not be questioned. Perhaps some day such investigators, 
.forming a staff of trustworthy experts, will be available to throw 
light upon questions as to which official and non-official accounts 
• differ. 

To sum up thd^e suggestions * — Closely connected with, if not a 
part of, International Law is a group of duties on the part of domi- 
nant races to those under their control or influence. These duties, 
now imperfectly recognised, may be made clearer , they may be 
enlarged ; the observance of them may be made stricter by wise 
co-operation. Prizing and preserving diversity of race, we may 
attain to something like unity in spirit and policy. 

[Paper i>uhmitted tn English ] 


PERIODICAL PEACE CONFERENCES^ 

By M. JAROUSSE DE SiLLAC, 

Permanent Secretary of the French Preparatory Commission for the 
Third Hague Conference 

‘^The law of nations is naturally based on th;^ •principle that tkv/'" 
various nations ought to do as much good as ^ssible to each other 
during peace, and as little haim as possible during war." — Montes- 
quieu, Esprit (ic^ Lots, in. r. 

When, at the command of the Emperor of Russia, Count Muravieff 
convoked the first Peace Conference, by his circular of the i2/24th of 
August, 1898, scarcely any one foresaw the importance that the 
enterprise would one cjgy have. It seemed at the time, in the eyes 
of the writer Momms^^'to be a typographical error in the history 
of^the world." , 

I|?->^rd^ to understand the future development of these Peace 
Conferences, which are now periodical, it is enough to examine the 
earlier state of things and the progress already made. 

, The object qf the first Russian proposal was very restricted ; it 
aimed only at bringing together a certain number of Powers for the 
purpose of studying the possibility of “ limiting ” armaments in order 
to lessen the financial burdens of States. But the exchange of views 
whiph preceded the holding of this “disarmament conference* having 
‘ Le TempSy May 15, 1899. 



tJi^'lVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

'shbwa that the ^chances of success wercf very slendeij^ a j$eoc«:id 
Muravleff circular (January 2, 1899) enlargefd the original pro- 
gramme, adding 60 it, especiklly, “the possibility of pmVOTting 
aipmed conflicts by pacific means,” and the regulation of the “laws 
and customs of war.” 

These two new subjects changed the character of the gathering, 
arid even the title of it was modified. From that point it was 
, called “ Peace Conference.” Indeed the Conference, yielding to tfeei 
pressure of things, soon converted the accessory into the principal, 
relegated to the second place the premature qhestion of disatma'- 
ment, and endeavoured to justify its title by concentrating its 
efforts on the “ pacific settlement of international conflicts.” ^ Finally, 
the second Conference, which met in 1907, emphasised this tendency 
and gave a much broader development to the initial idea of the Tsar. 

The work of the two Conferences has clearly given us for the 
future a plan of action that we may sum up in the following three 
points : Regulate war, maintain peace, and organise the society of 
civilised States. 

We will examine the three points in succession, asking in each 
case what has been done by the first two Conferences, and what 
remains to be done by future Conferences. 

I. The Regulation of War — has been rfone.— The delegates to the 
Hague Conferences have been blamed for concerning themselves with^war. 
They ought, on the contrary, to be praised, for nothing better shows their sense 
of realities. , i, 

Nations ought to have normal and pacific relations with each other. But 
TRese rel^fions mJjK^he interrupted, and give way to violence. It is impossible 
to overlook this contingency. Wo must, on the contrary, foresee it, and 
down rules to restrict the evils that result from it ^ ; 

The principles of the law of nations in this regard were distributed, ''Cilher 
in special works, or m piojects that had not been ratified, such' as that of 
the Brussels Conference (1874). 

The task of the Hague Conferences consisted in collecting, unifying, in a 
word, codifying them. It has assuredly not exhausted the question, but it has 
established a common law on a large number of important points. 

The chief need was to define the lelations of^eUigerents to each other, 
and let them know what they might, or might ribt, do. Hence the conwn- ^ 
tions elaborated at The Hague on Ihe following subjects : — " 

Opening of hostilities. 

Laws and customs of war on land. < 

Conduct of hostile merchant-ships. 

Transformation of merchant-ships into war-ships. 

Submarine mines. ^ • 

Bombardment by naval forces. 

Adaptation of the Geneva Convention to maritime war. ^ 

To take account of the exigencies of war in so far as they are unalterabli^ 
and allo^ the attainment as quickly as possible of the aim of all / 

reduction of the enemy ; but at the same time to introduce as much, humaipuity 



> t 

SEVENTH S^^ION , 41!’ 

' -1' ' ^ ‘ {■ 

aftd loyaltyiw possible into *he relations between the^tetes ex^aged in conifl^t ^ 
j auid between the citizens of those States— that ^neid^ idea which inspires 

the “war le^slation’' laid down by thes^ conventions. 

^ Another point to be considered was the situation uj which neutrals were 
placed in time of war, and their rights and duties — a nrost important point in 
view of the modern conception of neutrality. In time of war neutral States are, 
as it were, spectators of the confli»-t, and for two reasons it is inadvisable that ' 
^ w^r should spread to them ; in the fir^t place, they themselves escape the 
^vils which come of it, and, in the second place, they maintain the security and 
aWhority that are necessary for them to obtain a hearing from the belligerents 
with a view to pacification In order to allow them to assume this character, 

^ the ground had to be prepared by the framing of a legislation of neutrality. 
That is the tendency of the agreements on the following points: — 

Rights and duties of neutral Powers and piivate persons in cases of 
war on land. 

Rights and duties of neutral Powers m case of maritime war. 

Declaration in relation to the law of maritime war (blockade, contra*^ 
band, assisting the enemy, &c). 

The latter “declaration ” was, it is true, elaborated by the Naval Conference 
held at London in 1909, but this may be regarded as a sequel to the 
Peace Conference, since its object was to facilitate the working of the Prize 
Court. 

Lastly, the Conferences dealt with the provision of sanctions for the observ- 
ance of ^he laws of warfare ; they are as yet modest sanctions, but they never- 
theless represent an entirely new path that had not hitherto been taken 
by conventional law. The most important is “ the pecuniary indemnity " 
inflicted on the belligerent party that shall violate the convention on the laws of 
warfare (art. 3). Tlicre are others, however, such as the loss of the right of 
inviolability by any parliamentarians who shall be guilty of an act of treason 
(art. 34), the resumption of hostilities m case of the violation of an armistice 
(Jurt, 40), the loss of the benefits of neutrality (art. 17 of the convention on 
neutrals), &c. 

^ What remains to be done.— Tht work of the codifier of the law m time 
^ bf war has its programme marked out for the next Peace Conferences. It will 
Q(»ntmne to have two chief ends in view • (i) to humanise war as much as 
possible, without attempting to oppose the military application of inventions, 
which might prove to be a fruitless task ; and (2) to define and strengthen 
more and more the position of neutrals, so as to preserve them from the 
contagion of hostilities and allow them to use their collective influence in 
an attempt to pacify the belligerents. 

In these two respects the existing conventions will doubtless need improving 
and modifying. Other queltions will be raised, most of which have already been 
profoundly studied by the Institute of International Law and the Interparlia- 
mentary Union. The following may be ^iven as examples : — 

••Right'W capture at sea (respect for private property). 

' Limitation of blockade to war-ports. ^ 

' Neutrality of certain mter-oceanic straits and canals. ^ 

Effect of war on treaties and on private contracts. , 

Regulation o^ aerial navigation in time of war. 

We have here a considerable amount of work to go on with, and the useful- 
^ nefes .of it, as long as the possibility of war lasts, cannot be disputed. 

, t tL The Maintenance of Peace. — What has been done . — In this Regard the 
first^two Conferences have elaborated quite an international code tSlnder the 
name of “ Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International Conflicts " and 



412 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

Convention Concerning the Limitation of the U 5 e of Force for ific Recovery 
of Contracted Debts. ’ There are, further, certain “ dechrations ” inserted in the 
final act which prepare the way for improvements. Finally, the Prizfe Court ” 
has for its object the Juridical control of a senes of special conflicts. 

The object of all these dispositions is the same : to secure for States the 
power to adjust their differences without recourse to arms. 

Mediation " is the first procedure that suggests itself. It is conducted by * 
one or more Powers friendly to the conflicting parties, and the mediator, 
appointed by common agreement, has to “ reconcile the opposing claims." The 
chief difference between this system and arbitration is that the findings of the^ 
mediator are in no sense binding upon the parties, and are not necessarily based 
on a definition of their rights. ‘ 

Next to this diplomatic means we have the juridical ways of ending 
conflicts. In such litigation wc must distinguish between questions of fact 
’ and questions of law To elucidate the former “ international commissions of 
inquiry ” have been instituted. To settle the latter the rules of arbitration have 
been defined. 

The commission of inquiry has merely to throw light on facts that are in 
dispute between two States, and make a report with the utmost impartiality. 
One indisputable result of this procedure is to put an end to public discussion of 
questions that inflame the national sentiments of the two peoples. The effect 
was very gratifying m connection with the Hull incident. 

Then there is ‘‘ arbitration," which has to control litigation between States 
by means of judges of their own choice and on a basis of respect for the 
right. 

Two chief methods are used in fixing arbitration among the habits of nations : 
(i) The conclusion of treaties between two States stipulating that there shall be 
recourse to arbitration “ in all cases that they think possible to submit to it" 
Thanks to the indications given in the text (art. 40) the number of arbitration 
treaties is now considerable (about 120). (2) The creation of a “ Permanent 
Arbitration Court." This court is a kind of college of arbitrators, four beidg 
,^^liosen from each State. A practical procedure makes it possible to appoint 
speedily three or arbitrators from amongst them. These arbitrators meet, 
deliberate, and formulate their verdict in accordance with settled rules. The 
Hague Tribunal thus, in a celebrated phrase, makes arbitration “ easy and 
honourable " for States The latter seem to appreciate it, and use it more ^nd 
more. (Examples : the Casablanca affair, 1909 , the Anglo-American conflict iW 
regard to the North- Atlantic Fisheries, 1910, the Savarkar affair, 1911, &c.) 5 

In order that this Tribunal may be set to work as frequently as possible, it 1 
has been recognised that the Powers which are foreign to a dispute ffaye a 
“duty" which obliges them to remind parties about to declare war “that>|he 
Permanent Court is open to them" (art. 48). This “advice" caiinpt be 
regarded as an unfriendly act. On the other hand, one of the Power? at 
variance may address to the Hagffc Bureau a note informing it that it 
disposed to accept arbitration, and the Bureau must at once maJie thi9»ieclar 
ration known to the other Power. As the first American delegate recalled in 
1907, the President of the United States has on several occasions discharged,;, 
this ^‘duty," and thus prevented a number of wars between South American 
States. I " 

The “ International Prize Court " also must be included among the means 
devised for the pacific settlement of international disputes. ^ 

Finally, the convention m regard to “contractual debts" absolutely' forbids 
the use force to recover them. An exception is made when the adverse^ 
party has refused arbitration, or will not obey the verdict. It follows^^tfiat 
differences of this nature must be submitted to arbitrators in all ca^es. 



SEVENTH SESSION 4lf 

■4 ' ' ^ ^ 

H^nce thi^and disputes j^lative to maritime prizes. two subjects in 
regard, to wmch all States accept the operation ftiterimtional jurisdiction. 

What remains to he done . — Future Conferences must continue to codify 
international law : (i) by improving and increasing the fneans of maintaining 
peace ; (2) by defining the principles not yet codified, which are based the 
relations of States to each other. The points that may engage particular 
attehtion in both these regards are as follows: — 

Sanctions . — ^It has often been observed that the engagements entered upon by 
States, and especially arbitration conventions, were devoid of sanctions. In 
i point of fact, nevertheless, the sentences of arbitrators are always carried out. 
On the other hand, in recent times Governmrmts have shown the greatest 
concern that they should not be regarded as the aggressors in the wars m which 
, they have been engaged. These two results have a common origin : the fear of 
the verdict of public opinion, the desire to have the appearance of right on one 
side, and, consequently, the support of neutrals. 

What is the meaning of all this ? It is because neutral opinion tends to 
become a moral force that may with the greatest ease he converted into, 
material assistance. We have heie, then, m latent form, a moralising force 
Which the Peace Conferences must develop and organise. In doing this, they 
will confine themselves to developing the idea contained m germ m article 48, 
which lays upon neutrals the duty of pacification, and upon the Hague Bureau 
the part of intermediary on the eve of conflicts. 

In order to give solidity to neutral opinion and enable it to throw its whole 
weight on the side of the right, we must define what the right is. We may start 
from the evident principle that a State, when attacked by another, is in a position 
of legitimate defence. But the real aggressor is not always the one who first 
crosses the frontier. It is easy to provoke a declaration of war. We need, 
therefore, a criterion that will enable neutrals to distinguish the aggressor. Such 
a criterion exists. It is enough to define it m a text that is inspired by the 
following idea : the right is not to be judged by the claims advanced by a State 
or the military operations it conducts, but by the fact that the State has declared 
its readiness to have recourse to arbitration, while the opposite party has refused 
to have recourse to it or to submit to the sentence p'^^.ocd. The refusal of 
arbitraiton is the precise feature that will enable neutra. t^pinion in nearly every 
case to range itself on one side. * 

When we have thus succeeded in forming neutral opinion on a juridical 
principle, it will be time to consider in what way it may make itself felt, when 
nece^ry. Probably its moral influence will suffice, as a rule. 

MedtaUon. — This is a convenient and plastic piocedure m certain cases, and 
one that, m the present circumstances, may help to adjust differences of a 
political and territorial character, which States would hesitate to submit to 
arbitration. This implem«iifnt, indicated by the Pans Congress of 1856, and the 
General Act of Berlin of February 26, 1885, and regulated by the Hague Con- 
ferences of 1899 ^T^ight be materially improved. In the first place, it 

doeSj^not s^^m to be indispensable to have recourse to one or more other 
Powers ; it has been observed that certain constituted bodies or private 
individuals would be just as capable of playing the part of mediator in 
conditions that exclude even more effectively any trace of national interest. 

' ' It has also be-an proposed to conclude treaties making it obligatory to have 

recourse to a mediator m certain cases, and to draw up articles of mediation 
corresponding to articles 40 and 48. 

The more practical of these propositions could be inserted in title ii of the 


* Compare G. Moch, Du Droit de Ugitime DSfense^ 19T0. 



'RACES; CONGRESS- 

S^tie^ent of International Confl/icts. * Wb 
\tG9L&f^ IStaxid t^o solutions instead of one — Mediation and arbitration, e|jl$teir ' 
^ mij^t be used according to ^le nature of the dispute. ' 

^ . Atbiiration, — The \5ec0nd Conference achieved results and work in this 
respect that indicate &ie path to be followed. The possibility of submitting 
' oertain categories of differences to obligatory arbitration without reserve has 
* been recognised by the whole of the States Six of these categories haye been 
admitted by thirty-two States, and two other categories are now recognised by 
all civilised Slates ; they are the questions of contractual debt and maritime 
prizes. What has been admitted for these two cases can easily be admitted for < 
a larger number. As to other differences, m regard to which we have still* to 
take account of the habitual reserves of national honour, vital interests, &c., 
it lb logical to regard, not merely “juridical differences,” but every kind of 
conflict, since States always have the right to refrain from arbitration on the 
ground of “ reserves.” The meaning and intcrpretration of these reserves might 
be defined as in the Italo-Belgian Tieaty of November 18, 1910.* In this way 
we should restrict the optional character in this clause that was criticised in 
the discussions of 1907 

Lastly, we might eliminate such of these reserves as do not seem to corre- 
spond to realities, and are due to vague phiaseology. It is desirable that a chain 
of arbitration treaties, on the bases already admitted, should link together all the 
civilised States that meet in the third Conference. 

But nothing should prevent such of them as wish to go further from taking 
, advantage of the opportunity afforded by the meetings to bind themselves by a 
more extensive treaty, and thus constitute a restricted union of obhgatory 
arbitration. 

Arbitration Court and Court of International Justice, — This question will be 
treated later (see Part III, “Organisation of the Society of States”). 

Intemaitonal Duty,^ — In continuation of the effort of the first two CoQ-// 
ferences, it would be well to seek some practical means of enabling Powers tp .. 
discharge this duty. 

There are two difficulties in the way of discharging it • — ^ 

1. Although, acd^ding to the texts, “the advice to have recourse to the 
Permanent Court” must be regarded as a “friendly” act, a Power always 

/hesitates to be the first to break the silence observed by the others, and interfere 
officially in the dispute between two other States It is therefore necessary to 
find some procedure that will make the steps collective, instead of isolated ; if 
would thus have more weight, and the responsibility would be divided. ^ Id 
order to realise this, could not one of the permanent organs of the H^ue ' 
institutions (“Administrative Council” or “Arbitration Bureau”) be charged 
with gathering, on the eve of the conflict, the opinion of the Powers as to 
the opportuneness of discharging the ‘‘duty” defined to article 48, and trans- 
mitting to the two conflicting parties the leplics of the States that desire to ' 
fulfil their duty ? < ' 

2, The other difficulty is : at what precise moment does a disgpte besgoihe 
dangerous, and when is there occasion to gather the opinion of neutral Powers ? ' 
In this respect full disci etion might be left to the international organ, and, that ^ 


* See N. Politis, “ L’ Avenir de la Mediation,” Revue de Droit International Public^ 
rpio, p. 136. 

® “Declaration” annexed to the “obligatory arbitration treaty” concluded on 
November's, 1910, between Belgium and Italy, 

3 See article 48 of the Convention for the Pacific Settlement of International 
Conflicts. f ^ 



■; '■ SEVENT'y'''SisSION 


'■m-' 


lost, it shoulcfcbe allowed to corresponjd Hit^cily aiid telegraph!* 
s c^^liy with each of the interested States. ^ 

Limitfitwn of Armaments . — As is knowi^ the first two Conferences have not 
^ attained this object. They confined themselves to expressions of desire, but the 
execution seems to be impeded by considerable difficulties? The insecurity that 
still exists in the world, and the absence of adequate sanctions in favour of 
juridical solutions, make any diminution of the armament of a State seem to be 
i menace to its existence. Each wants to overtake its neighbour, and the 
ptpgrei^s of inventions causes an incessant rivalry Nevertheless, the loss of 
«prOductive labour and money is so evident that the excessive armaments will, no 
doubt, engender a feeling of weariness even in the richest States. Then it will 
be time to think of “ liantation/' but at the same — or, rather, before then — we 
shall have to secure, in a more binding way, the juridical settlerient of disputes. 
We may further observe that “ limitation of armaments ” is not synonymous with 
^‘disarmament,” and does not at all preclude the possibility of war. 

Codification of Other Principles of International Law . — Tt goes without saying 
that the various devices which we have reviewed belong to the codification of 
international law, and indeed form the most important part of it, since they aim ^ 
at, the direct maintenance of peace. But in order to attain this result more ' 
securely it is further necessary to define the principles on which the normal 
relations of nations are based. It has been written (art. 37) that the arbitrators 
might give their decision “on the basis of respect for the right ” But what is 
this right ? The Powers have wliolly failed to tell us. We must therefore con- 
vert into conventional law those parts of law which have not yet been codified. 
That will be a long and difficult task. Among questions that might be first 
approached we may quote the following — 


Responsibility of States ; 

Regulation of diplomatic and consular immunities ; 

International routes of communication ; 

^ Executive measures m regard to foreign States , 

^ The Organisation of the Society of States — The word “society” 

has, •many different meanings (commercial, philanthropic, scientific societies, 
&c.), but it may be said, in its widest application, to any assemblage of 
individuals or groups of individuals with common rules in view of the pre- 
'Servation of their common interests. 

There is, therefore, such a thing as a society of civilised States. On many 
points these States have similar interests, and the number of these increases 
every day with the means of communication, exchange, and progress of all 
kinds. This interdependence and community of interests have been affirmed 
, by Congresses which dealt with European and world-wide questions, such as 
those of Vienna (1815), Pans (1856), and Berlin (1878) The creation of the 
offices of universal Unions has given tangible foim to these interests, and given 
thefil a purely international expi ession. 

But it fell to the two Peace Conferences really to organise the society of 
States^y bestowing on it the fii st elements of a politidal society. Mere germs 
as .yet, these elements may, they develop, constitute a legislative, a judiciary, 
ahd an administrative organisation, the whole being co-ordinated by a “ declara- 
^tion of principles,” ^f winch the bases have already been laid down. 

As we review these creations, scattered over the various texts of the Hague 
Conferences in 1899 and 1907, we see the actual formation of this society of 
States, with the sole object of safeguarding common interests, while respecting 
'the complete sovereignty and the actual prerogatives of its members^ These 
are the principal elements of it . — ^ v 

Declaraiton of Principles . — It is contained in the preamble of the Convention 



'4i6 ’ UNIVERSAL RACES, CONGRESS 

for the pacific setijlement of international confijcts, and defines, 'with rare 
felicity of phrase, the fundamental interests of States,, the end tcfywrd vfiiich. 
they tend, and the law that ought ^to control their relations.* 

In this preamble The great interests to safeguard are ^Hhe maintenance of 
general peace ” and \he bonds of international solidarity.” Peace and soli- 
darity : these two explain the powder that impels modern nations to form a group 
, and legislate in common. 

The end to aim at is “ the security of States and the welfare of peoples.” 

Finally, the means of piescrvmg these interests and attaining this end are 
extend the empire of law,” to strengthen the feeling of universal justice, 
and to “ consecrate the principles of equity and law.” 

Just as there is a Declaration of the Rights of Man, so ,1 here is now a Declara- 
tion of the Rights of States in regard to each other, and it marks no less im- 
portant a date m the history of the world. 

We must now see what application has been made of these principles in 
‘1899 and 1907. 

Elements of an InternaUonal Legislative Organisation. — The '' Peace Con- 
ference” has henceforth all the characters of an assembly charged with the 
^ duty of elaborating, subject to the ratification of each Government, laws that 
apply to the whole of civilised States (twenty-six States in 1899, forty-four in 1907). 

Each State is represented by several delegates (diplomatists, jurisconsults, 
technical experts, &c.), who are appointed by the national executive power, so 
that the representation is diplomatic. 

As to the aim of the Conference, it presents certain analogies with that of a 
Parliament ; its task is to legislate on general subjects connected with points of 
law, and to elaborate international law, just as Parliaments elaborate national 
law. But there is a difference in the fact that the resolutions of the Conference 
are formed ad referendum, or subject to the approval of the States. Another 
analogy with the parliamentary method is that commissions and subcommissions 
are set up for the study of each question A president, reporter, and secretary 
are generally appointed for each, and the conclusions are presented in a r^^rt 
to the full assembly. ^ ^ 

The consequences of the vote, however, arc very different from those ^ a 
parliamentary vote. ^ Each State has only one voice, and the majority does not 
give the law to the minority A declaration is not adopted unless it is unani- 
mously admitted. In point of fact, however, when there are veryiew States 
opposed to a proposal or an article, they are content to make reserves ” on the 
point they do not accept, without opposing the conversion, “almost unani- 
mously,” of the text voted into mtei national law.® 

* Preamble of the Convention — 

The Sovereigns and heads of States represented “animated with a strong desire to 
assist in the maintenance of general peace , 

1 “ Resolved to promote with all their efforts the friendly settlement of internatfotial 

conflicts ; recognising the solidarity thht unites the members of the society of civilised 
nations ; , 

‘•Desiring to extend the empire of law, and strengthen the sentiment of inter- 
national justice ; convinced that the permanent institution of an arbitrational jurisdic- 
jtion, accessible to all, in the midst of the independent Powers, can effectually cofitri- 
buteto this result ; t 

“ Considering the advantages of a general and regular organisation of arbitrational 
procedure ; believing with the august initiator of the international Peace Conference 
that it is important to consecrate by international agreement the principles of equity 
and law^n which security of States and welfare of peoples are based,” &c. 

® As happened in regard to the “ Convention relative to the Prize Court,” which 
was adopted by only thirty-three States, yet inserted in the Hague Acts. ^ 



SEVENTH SESSION 


417 * 


gi\^s these uieetingB a special character, in barm^>ny with the genera 
idea of a legislative assembly, is their periodicity and'^the fact that they are 
. convoked' by the collective will, and not Ipy that of a si|igle governing head. 
In this way the third Peace Conference will be convoked, about seven years 
after the second, and there is every reason to belie that the principle of 
periodicity will be definitely recognised. 

Once the periodicity is settled, what else is there to be done in order to give 
• these international gatherings the utmost possible influence and authority ? 

The most urgent need is to frame a “ regulation " enabling the delegates to 
•conduct their deliberations methodically. The difficulty in regard to the conse- 
quences of the vote, in particular, ought to be settled. In what way can a text 
be incorporated in international law with the authority that belongs to all the 
deliberations of the Peace Conferences? That is the fundamental difficulty, 
and it is a delicate one to remove. A good deal was said, during the Conference 
of 1907* «ibout the need of obtaining quasi- unanimity.” That is a vague 
expression, and should be abandoned. It would be simpler to admit that the 
texts voted by a sufficient number of States (say, three-fourths) might be 
inscribed in the Proceedings of the Conference, and remain open for the 
adhesion of the other States A similar method was adopted, as a matter of fact, 
for several of the conventions voted in 1907 (especially that relating to the Prize 
Court), and seemed to cause no inconvenience to any State, since each was free 
to denounce the conventions or refuse to adhere to them. But to make the 
methods applicable in all cases would it not be to suppress the right of veto 
which a very small number of Powers might use in order to prevent the great 
majority of the others from agreeing upon the proposal they wish to realise ? 

The question of periodicity also should be settled in such a way that the 
Conferences may take place at a fixed date, without any need of governmental 
initiative or any negotiations to convoke them. 

Elements Qf Judiciary Organisation . — We find them at present m the following 
form : — 


(1) Permanent Arbitration Court ; 

(2) Prize Court ; 

(3) Plan of a Court of Justice, 0 

The first of these institutions has already proved its value ; its optional 
character and the liberty it leaves the parties to choose the judges have been 
the causes of its success. In a word, it was adapted to the conditions of the 
period in which it was created, and it may be said that it has already played a 
great part ; it has familiarised States with the practice of ai bitration. These 
results prove incidentally that it is better not to outrun the general advance of 
ideas, and to build up with the co-opcration of all, even if the edifice tails short 
of perfection on that accouRt. The optional Arbitration Court deserves to be 
maintained such as it is, therefore. For the time being it represents a real useful- 
iies^^nd has given proof to States of its convenience and its lofty impartiality. 

he Prize Court has quite a different character. In this case the judges are 
choseifin advance ; they are permanent, and they receive a salary as long as the 
sessions last. Moreover, the Powers undertake to accept the verdict of the 
Court whenever a dispute arises concerning maritime prizes. 

Its jurisdiction is.^therefore, obligatory. 

The Conference wished to go a step further and create a “ Court of Justice” 
with permanent judges. The proposal was elaborated, voted, and annexed to 
the final act of 1907. But it has not yet been carried out, on account of a defect 
in the system of nominating the judges. 

On this point, therefore, we have still to find a solution. At the same time 
niore unity and harmony might be introduced into the judiciary power of , the 

2 » . 



, 4i8 Universal races congress 

'Ooi^erences* Is the^name “Court of Arbiiral]}isiice” quite in h^mony with 
the realty? The word “arbitral” implies that the judges are *chosen on 
the occurrence of a certain dispute,^ and that their powers expire afterwetrds* 
A.S, however, in this pse it is a question of permanent judges, would it not 
be better to call it a ^ Court of International Justice”? 

In principle this Court ought to be optional, and only recommend itself, to ^e 
use of States by the convenience it offers them. In certain disputes, however,! 
would it not be better to have it acting as an obligatory jurisdiction ? It would 
seem that the restricted subjects that give occasion for obligatory arbitration 
would find judges already marked out in this Court ; would it not, therefore, be 4 
advisable foi the States to come to an understanding to bring certain disputes 
before it on account of its exceptional competence and it*' permanence ? 

Lastly, just as a special Court has been created to deal with questions of 
maritime prizes, we may hope to see special Chambers to deal with certain 
other subjects which require a particular competence in the judges. In this 
way we should have a judiciary organisation properly adapted to the various 
contingencies of conflict, with a unity that may be shown in the following 
table ; — 

I. Arbitration Court (optional) 

II. Court of Justice (obligatory in certain cases, optional in the rest). 

Chambers * (i) of private international law ; 

(2) of administrative disputes (matters of universal Unions) ; 

(3) of tariff questions ; 

(4) of maritime pi izes, &c. 

Elements of an Admintsiraiwc Power . — Up to the present the Powers have 
expressed no desire to create, outside each of them, a permanent power repre- 
senting the international collectivity, and capable of arriving at decisions in the 
general interest It goes without saying that no such power yet exists, and the 
difficulties of a political character that might oppose the creation of it are such 
that we cannot even think of discussing them here. 

But there are already international administrations charged with the 
execution of certain decisions or with certain services of interest to all States 
collectively. We m\/ be permitted to see in them the germ of a real inter- 
national authority, which the future will develop. 

There are, in the first place, the “offices” of the Unions which ar^ organs 
with functions of an administrative character applying to the international com- 
munity. (For instance, the offices for the following matters : literary copy- 
right, industrial ownership, weights and measures, geodesy, postal union, 
railways, sanitary questions, agriculture, &c.) There are also international 
organs to which certain States have delegated a partial executive power, such as 
the Danube Commission, or a full right of decision, such as the Commission of 
the Sugar Union. 

Moreover, the Peace Conferences have created other elements of inter^ 
national admmistiation. They are . — 

The AdministraVive Council ; * • 

The Arbitiation Bureau, (i) The official name of this Bureau is, in 
accordance with the 1907 Convention : “ International Bureau of 
the Permanent Arbitration Court”; and ^ 

The Preparatory Committee. 

The first, composed of representatives of the States at The Hague, has the 
task of administration and control in matters affecting international justice 
(Arbitr^on Court, Prize Court, and, eventually, Court of Justice), It is this 
bureau, in particular, that controls the expenditure, and divides it among the 
States. 



SEVENTH SES.SION ,41^ 

The Arbitration Bureau Ijas several duties. It serves as a registry to the Court 
which it h^lto convoke, when the occasion arises^ Itiotihs the archives, and 
must keep in them all the official documents relating to arbitration (sentences, 
treaties, &c.). Lastly, and especially, it his, in case of conflict between two 
Powers, to transmit to the interested party “ the note Containing the declara* 
ti(^n that the other party would be disposed to submit the dispute to arbitra- 
tion.” Modest as this character of intermediary is, it has a certain importance 
frtun the fact that it is exercised m the name of all the other States. 

As to the Preparatory International Committee,” its duty is, according to 
^ the final Act of 1907, to draw up the programme, and to settle the form of 
organisation and procedure, of the next Conference The Committee is there- 
fore invested with two^f unctions : the preparation of international laws, and the 
organisation of the periodical meeting at the Hague. 

Thus, at the piesent time we have a sort of fragmentary distnbution of the 
international authority among four kinds of elements There seems to be an 
obvious need of Co-ordiiiatioii between these administrative institutions, which 
are now scattered and disunited. ' 

In what form could this co-ordination be effected ? Would it be well, for ' 
instance, to set up an International Committee, of which the first function 
would be to watch over the maintenance of the Society of States and secure 
respect for the principles on which it is based ^ Should the Committee for 
this purpose fuse together ceitain functions of the Administrative Council, the 
Preparatory Council, and the Hague Bureau, establishing at the same time a 
connection between the offices of the Unions ? 

The third Peace Conference will have to settle these questions, and find the 
best means of securing unity of direction in all that concerns the common 
interests of States. That may be one of the most interesting tasks of future 
Conferences. 

It goes without saying that the future will have to decide whether it is 
advisable to seek’means of enforcing respect for international laws. It is useless 
now to look so far ahead It is enough for the present to affirm that force 
.should be placed more and more at the service of the law of nations We 
have only^to glance at the actual evolution to sec where it is leading us. By a 
distinctly modern procedure the nations have in sevc rjit cases formed inter- 
national forces : the Chinese expedition, the occupation of Crete, the policing 
of Macedonia, &c The formula has been found. When the opinion of neutrals 
becomes conscious of itself, when it is accustomed to define itself with perfect 
clearness on the eve of a conflict, the moral force that results from it will be 
only a prelude to the material force that is at its command. 

The periodical Peace Conferences will thus sec their activity extend in the 
direction of an organisation of the Society of States. 

['^aptr submitted in French.'] 



EIGHTH SESSION, 

^ # 
POSITIVE SUGGESTIONS FOR PROMOTING INTER- 
RACIAL FRIENDLINESS {continued) 

THE PRESS AS AN INSTRUMENT OF PEACE 

By Alfred H. Fried, Vienna. 

New ideas need publicity in the struggle for their realisation. 
In earlier times the number of those who were concerned about 
public affairs was much smaller than it now is. Publicity was, there- 
fore, easier to attain. The propaganda of new ideas went from mouth 
to mouth, and was effected in meetings and by means of books. 
Great revolutions were brought about in this way. To-day it is 
otherwise. Interest in the development of things has permeated 
nearly every stratum of the population in civilised countries. There 
are now few who kand aside indifferently. The spoken word, oral 
propaganda, and the printed book, are now far from adequate to 
attain this very extensive publicity. The instrument we must use for 
this purpose is the Press. It is the Press that influences public 
opinion ; but it is also the Press that puts the greatest obstacles in the 
way of new ideas. 

Men of different countries and zones generally know each other 
to-day by means of the Press. Only the very few have occasion, 
in spite of the enormous development of commerce, to make ttie 
acquaintance of foreign peoples and lands by personal^^bservation. 
Whatever they hear ot them they hear from the daily papers. In 
this way the Press has become the most important medium of com^ 
munication. It forms views and judgments whi^ch spread with 
extraordinary speed over the whole earth. The overwhelming 
majority of the inhabitants of our planet hear and see through the 
Press what is occurring in various parts of the world. 

Butl&ie extreme importance of the Press has no fitting recognition 
in the way in which it is organised to-day. As a rule, the newspaper 

420 



EIGHTH SESSION 421 

is ^ busiii|ss concern, any other commercial enterprise. It serves 
eifeer the material interest of the publisher or t^ interest of some- 
body that uses it for influencing the masses, liiis interest colours 
all its news and comments. Only what is to interest of the con- 
trollers of the paper finds its way into the Press. Anything else is 
suppressed or — what is worse — misinterpreted. Hence the views of 
most men are to a great extent influenced by the interest of the few 
» who run the paper as a commercial concern. 

Certainly there is in civilised countries a Press that is conscious 
of^its civilising mission, and does not need to flatter the moods of the 
masses or pander to their lower interests. These organs, however, 
are not yet as numerous as they ought to be in the interest of civilisa- 
tion. Moreover, their influence on the masses is limited by the 
preponderance of organs that make a speculation of the lower tenden- 
cies of the general masses. The bulk of the people demand sensation. 
The journals, therefore, which pander to this demand will have the 
largest editions and make the most profit. 

Hence it is that the far greater part of the Press in all countries, 
and especially those journals that appeal to the largest number of 
people, and are hungrily swallowed by millions of readers, take no 
interest in promoting civilisation and the peaceful development of 
peoples and races. Their only interest is to oust their rivals in 
providing the greatest possible sensations, and so secure the largest 
editions. 

The consequences of this are most mischievous. In the first 
place, millions of readers learn nothing of the great activity of civili- 
satidn in our time ; for this action is not sensaMonal, but slow and 
silent. Secondly, they learn all the more of uncivilised activity — of 
crimes, violence, and unrest. They are led to form the erroneous 
opinion that^the world is full of crime and is simply kept under 
control by force. Thirdly, the great haste with which news is 
published, in view of rival papers, leads to a good deal of inaccuracy, 
and the reader has a very bad account of the real events. Fourthly, 
the announcements very frequently do not correspond to facts. They 
ar«J inventions. But when they ha\;e once been put in circulation 
by ^the Pijf^ss, they persist obstinately in the minds of the 
readers, and things that never happened at all are regarded as 
realities. 

The most mischievous effect of journals of this kind is in running 
counter to the peaceful development of nations and race's. Peace and 
the normal tenor of international life are not interesting as a rule. 
Peaceful events have no element of sensation. Hence the Press that 
nee^js sensation as a condition of its existence has no inieresb in 
serving the cause of peace. It has all the more interest in inflaming 



*432 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS ' 

peoples agamst each other. The mere dan||er of a bloody^encomitef, 
a war, or a revolution, attracts curiosity and ensures millions of 
readers. Any occurrence, therefore, that has an anarchic character, 
and is calculated toNengender hatred and agitation, is described at the 
greatest length. The slightest embittered utterance is telegraphed. 
The most trivial detail that suggests the possibility of an inter- 
national conflict is exaggerated and drawn out until thes* readcsr 
fancies that there is immediate danger of an armed conflict. These • 
journals do nothing to allay public feeling and promote a better 
understanding when there is a conflict. Their interest is to fan the 
excitement and inflame the people. The worse the international 
agitation the more business will they do. 

Although no war has taken place in Europe for forty years, and 
the majority of its inhabitants are, like the majority of civilised people 
everywhere, opposed to war, this section of the Press has, neverthe- 
less, announced that war was about to break out at least two or three 
times every year. The failure of their prophecies does not seem 
to injure them. The general masses whom they reach have short 
memories ; they see and hear only the events of the day. They have 
already forgotten the events of the previous week. But while they 
have poor memories, they have very acute feelings. The hatred that is 
preached and instilled into them from one end of the year to the other 
takes deep root in their subconsciousness, and to-day the majority 
of the inhabitants of any country regard the inhabitants of other 
countries as wicked and criminal, and worthy only of their contempt 

In this way all the views of a generation are poisoned. The 
Press to which I^ave referred is a poisoner of civilisation. ^The 
man who kills by poisoning is not only he who pours out the poison 
that may kill a man, but also he who prevents an antidote from 
being administered in time. That is the tendency of the sensation^d 
Press. They prevent the general masses from obtaining the informa- 
tion that would pacify them, and give them a more correct view, 
of the life and activity of neighbouring nations. 

This demand for sensation and the satisfaction of the demand by 
inflaming the masses are responsible for the frame of mind wllich' 
now maintains the illusion of armed peace — an illusiw that Ireeips 
alive the possibility of a warlike conflict. 

In this we have a very grave menace to civilisation. All the 
achievements of our civilisation are without effecii as long as it is 
possible for a certain commercial Press to poison the ma^s of the 
people in all countries. The most brilliant discoveries, which might 
raise hjjmanity to a supreme height, lose their significance as long as 
there is a Press that can bring minds down to the level of the mah of 
the lake-villages or the prehistoric cave. 



EIGHTITSESSW , 4^ 

• 1 T 4 

If we wish to proijiote the good jjfhderstanding of races and 
nations, to serve the interests of civilisatton, Ispecially to derive 
the utmost profit from our technicali advances, wd must first cut out 
this cancer from the body of the nations and put an end to the 
sensational Press. ^ 

have to struggle against the brood of a more fearful dragon 
tiian the fabulous beasts of antiquity, which the early heroes have 
been inscribed in the book of history for destroying. ^ 

The task is not easy, but that must not prevent us from under- 
taking it. All tho great deeds of civilisation have been difficult In 
eveiy country we see the pioneers of civilisation at work solving 
much more difficult problems. Why should not this greatest of all 
the evils that afflict civilisation yield to the united effort of all right- 
minded men ? 

The simplest means is, naturally, to cut the ground from under 
this pernicious section of the Press — in other words, to make the 
masses, by a spread of education, immune against the poison that 
threatens them. But this is also the slowest means, and needs many 
generations for its accomplishment. Assuredly, we must not lose 
sight of it. But we must associate it with another method, which 
promises a more speedy success. This is to support the respectable 
Press in its struggle for life, to win the public gradually over to it, to 
make it so much appreciated that people will at length be in a 
position to distinguish between the sensational and the civilised 
Press. 

Two years ago I put forward the proposal to establish an “ Inter- 
national Union of the Peace Press,” which v^o^ld have the aim of 
making the Press gradually helpful to the cause of peace and mutual 
■Junderstanding. 

My chief idea was that there are already in various countries a 
fairly large number of persons and journals which do their best to 
promote this mutual understanding. 

These elements^ already numerous^ but scattered^ must first be united^ 
and formed into an organisation which will have the name of the , 
%International Union of the Peace Press!' The pacific writers who 
already exist in various countries ivill thus be organised. 

The establishment of such a Union wilhbe a great advantage in^ 
itself. It will have an influence by the very fact that it exists. It wiH 
show thaf there is a body of men, scattered over the world, who are 
working through the Press for peace. It will bring to general 
knowledge the contrast of the respectable and the mischievous Pre$s^ 
and so have a greater influence on the public than the isolated 
lyriters would have. > / , 

^ Such an organisation, which could easily be established, will— 



424 UNIVERSAL RACES, CONGRESS 

t ' 

(1) Become a cefttre of crystallisation, ^gradually attmcting the 

best elements out^of the Press on the other side.* 

(2) At once nlake its influence felt on the Press, raising its 
tone, and so become immediately an important factor in thp attain- 
'ment of peace.^ 

It cannot be denied that such an undertaking is feasible. If it 
looks like a conflict of a dwarf with a giant, we must not allow this 
superficial impression to dismay us. Very large and useful institu- 
tions have begun on a very small scale, yet they have attained their 
end in virtue of the integrity and wholesomeness 'of their principles. 
Nor is it quite correct in this case to speak of a combat of dwarf and 
giant. The struggle to win the Press for peace is a spiritual, not a 
material, struggle, and therefore we must take account' of the weight 
of the idea. Further, we must not overlook the sympathetic dis- 
position we may rely on finding, in Governments as well as peoples. 
We may see that Governments often use the Press as a trumpet, and, 
directly, or indirectly, foster the cry of war ; but we must not forget 
that the warlike and inflammatory attitude of a section of the Press 
is often very much disliked by statesmen, who are more and more 
disposed publicly to condemn such tactics. It is true that all states- 
men are not sufficiently honourable to cry, with Winston Churchill ; 
“ God preserve us from our patriotic Press ! or, like the late English 
Minister of Public Works, Harcourt, to stigmatise a certain class of 
publicists as ‘‘ the pickpockets of politics and enemies of the human 
race.” Nevertheless, in every country the cases are increasing in 
which the leaders of foreign politics complain of the Press that 
hampers their wor^. In the year 1894 the Austro-Hungarian 
minister Count Kdlnocky recommended the peace societies to pay' 
attention to the daily Press and its announcements. Only lately 
Count Aehrenthal complained of “the irresponsibles of the Press 
who hamper our efforts to come to an understanding with Italy”, 
and, at the same time Tittoni described “the exaggerations and 
criminal provocation ” in the Press as “ the main, if not the only, 
menace to the peace of Europe.” 

And the peoples? Most of the journalists who write on tbe 
bellicose side do so under the impression that they are consulting the 
taste of the public. They do not know how seriously mistaken tlifey 
are ; how much their bellicose spirit disgusts the thoughtful public. 
And it is only the thoughtful public with whom they have to reckon. 
The greater part of those who form no ideas of their own on inter- 
national politics are not a hindrance to the cause of peace. It has, in 
the general public of the civilised world, a larger following than its 
opponent, or even than some of us, imagine. The ideas and the 
* For further details address the author at 7, Wiederhofergasse, Vienna, Austria, ^ 



EIGHTH $ESSI 0 N 42/ 

activity of a Peace Prass are welcomed by a 4rge body of t}ie 
fwple. It inconceivable that the idea and tfie ^brk of the Union 
should not have the support of all right-minded, active, and earnest 
men. * The circumstances are, therefore, veryi favourable for the 
founding of the Union. The times are ripe. What we have to do 
must be done. It can no longer be deferred. The imperative need 
and the favourable circumstances give us every hope of success. 

May the g;reat Races Congress, which is itself a sign of the 
awakening of the feeling of solidarity in the world, not hesitate to 
give its support to this plan. It will thus further the realisation of 
the idea, and so contribute to removing the greatest obstacle to the 
advance of civilisation, in removing the poisoners of humanity. 

[Paper submitted in German.^ 


INTERNATIONAL LANGUAGE 

By Dr. L. L. Zamenhof, Warsaw {Poland), 
Originator of the International Language “ Esperanto! 

Although our Congress bears the title of “ Races Congress,” I trust 
you will allow me to speak in this paper of peoples as well as of 
races. Both words indicate ethnological groups of human beings ; 
they differ only in the wideness of their range. We find the same 
relations, though possibly on a comparatively larger scale, between 
peoples as between races, and it is very frequently^ifficult to say if a 
particular group of men represents a race or a people 

The conflicts that we find between the various races and peoples 
are the greatest evil that afflicts humanity. If this Races Congress 
can discover some means of extinguishing, or at least of lessening, 
these mutual hatreds and conflicts of peoples, it will rank as one of 
the most important Congresses that has ever been held. 

To accomplish this, nowever, the Congress must not be content 
with* theoretical expressions which pass, like the wind, and leave no 
trace. It must not seek futile compromises, which repair one rent by 
opening another. It must insist on discovering the cause of the evil, 
and seek some remedy that will remove, or at least moderate, it. 

What, then, is the chief, if not the onlv, cause of this hatred which 
sets one people against another ? Should we seek it in the political 
conditions, the rivalry that there is between those various groups of 
human beings to which we give the name of kingdoms ? Certainly 
not; since it is clear that a German belonging to the German 
Empire, for instance, has no natural sentiment or hatred for a 



450 , UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

% ‘ , : ■ 

German of Austria. Germans who have been born and are living, 
under the divers^ governments are linked in k mutuar ‘sympathy, 
while Germans and Slavs, borfi and living under the same govern- 
ment, regard each i other as foreigners, and, if they have not a* feeling , 
bf humanity stronger than the self-consciousness of their particular 
group, they hate and combat each other. It is not, therefore, the 
difference of governments which creates different peoples, and 
engenders hatred between them. 

Is it economic rivalry that inspires this hatred? Once more, 
certainly not. We do indeed often hear a dry of alarm in this 
connection. We find a people exclaiming that they are about to 
be devoured and absorbed economically by some other people, and 
declaring that they must hate, oppress, or fight it. But any man who 
is not blinded by Chauvinism can see at once that these cries have no 
meaning ; that we do not hate foreign peoples because they are in 
danger of absorbing us, from the economic point of view, but we 
raise the cry of absorption because we hate them. If, in point of 
fact, an economic danger were a source of mutual hatred, men would 
be forced to hate and fight each other in every country, every 
province, and every town. 

Can we say, for instance, that so many millions of poor Russians 
hate the millions of poor Chinese on economic grounds, when they 
shed their blood so willingly to defend their Russian oppressors 
against the attacks of foreigners? Assuredly not, for the Russian 
soldier knows very well, when he kills a Chinese soldier, that the man 
would never do him as much harm as the “ mailed fist " of his own 
compatriots. It >> not economic causes that give lise to natit 
hatreds. 

Is it due to the distance between the two groups — the dissimtikrity 
of climate and other geographical conditions — whiejr might give rise 
to mutual aversion or antipathy? Certainly not. Remoteness from 
each other and difference in local or climatic conditions evidently 
produce certain variations in external appearance and in the 
character of men, but they do not create peoples, and do not impel 
them to hate each other. , 

The differences brought about by geographical ^and local con- 
ditions between the inhabitants of St. Petersburg and those of 
Odessa, or between the inhabitants of Kiev and those of iCrasno- 
jarska, are incomparably greater than the differences we find, for 
instance, between the inhabitants of Berlin and those of Warsaw ; 
yet the former are united by a sentiment of nationality and fraternity, 
whilf the latter are divided by a feeling of deep aversion at^d most 
fanatical national hatred. It is not, therefore, the dissimilarity of 
geographical and climatic conditions that creates national hafred. 



EIGHTH SESSION 

May \|e seek it in fhe circumstance that t|>&^arious races 
p©of>les differ from each other in their Modify fe4tures} Certainly 
not 'Within the limits of any single people we find men of entirely 
differeilt skin-colours, and with the greatest poissible differences in 
statUi^ and in the character of the various parts of the body* It 
oft^n happens that two men who belong to the same people differ 
frdm each other more than two men of separate nationality, as we 
for instance, in the medium type of the Japanese and the French. 
Bnt no one would think of separating the individuals of the same 
people into distinct groups according to their physical characters, 
and of supposing that these groups ought to detest and fight each 
other. In regard to the majority of foreign peoples no one will doubt 
that the physical differences which distinguish them from us are 
a matter of complete indifference to us. As a general rule, we 
cannot detect them ; sometimes, even, they give us pleasure, in 
virtue of the natural law, of which we are frequently unconscious, 
that seeks the physiological advantages of the crossing of races. 

There is only one race to which many of us seem to have a 
natural antipathy — the black race. But careful reflection soon shows 
us that our antipathy comes from a totally different source. 

The negroes, with whom we white races have contrived to have so 
much trouble, were savages at no very distant date, and then slaves ; 
and the greater part of them still retain the characteristic features or 
traces of their long period of barbarism and slavery. That has 
the instinctive effect of causing us, as free men and long established 
in civilisation, to regard them with aversion. The feelings of the 
white man toward the black, which seem to us^o arise from some 
racial antipathy, are really just the same as the feelings with which a 
born aristocrat contemplates a peasant, whose lack of intelligence 
and of refined manners is disagreeable to him. When, in the course 
of time, the negroes have lost all traces of their former barbarism 
and slavery, when they have attained a high degree of culture and 
given to the world a number of great men, this unconscious disdain 
and antipathy will be turned into respect, and we shall no longer feel 
th^ slightest aversion for the black* skin and the thick lips of the 
neg5p. 

Each one of us can find, within his own nation, plenty of peopl^e 
whose frames are less agreeable than those of men of other races. 
When that is tlie case, we may avoid them ; but do we hate and 
persecute them because we do not like their physical characteristics ? 
Certainly not. We must, therefore, say that it is not these physical 
differences which cause nations to hate each other. ^ 

]^s the hatred due to difference in mental endowfrient} We 
cMnot admit it. The brains and bodies of the members of all 



Vs " UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

races are equal, ^iccording to the nature of each, and th| variations 
in mental powers which we observe are not characteristic of the 
nations, but peculiar to individuals, or depend upon the conditions in 
which the individuals, or the entire people, live. If we find an 
immense difference between the mind of some race in the interior 
of Africa and that of a European race, we must seek the cause^ 

I not in any difference of national qualities, but in the diversity of 
civilisation and political conditions. Give the Africans, without any« 
mingling of rancour or oppression, a high and humane civilisation, 
and you will find that their mental level will *not differ from ours. 
Abolish the whole of our civilisation, and our mind will sink to 
the level of that of an African cannibal. It is not a difference 
of mentality in the race, but a difference of instruction ; the same 
difference that we find, to a greater or less extent, between the 
various classes of one and the same race or the different periods 
of its history. 

That the varying degrees of mental endowment do not constitute 
a national peculiarity is shown, not only by the fact that the 
individual members of any European nation, with the same educa- 
tion, have the same mental level, but is still more clearly demon- 
strated by comparing, for example, the Egyptians of the ancient 
civilisation or the Japanese of modern times with the civilised 
inhabitants of Europe. The three belong, not merely to different 
peoples, but to wholly different races and continents ; yet if we leave 
out of account the conditions of time, place and religion, do we 
not find just the same mentality in these Africans, Asiatics, ^ndL 
Europeans ? Is the mind of a Japanese scholar, though he ii^ 
of an entirely different race, the same as the mind of a ’European 
scholar, although, scarcely fifty years ago, there seemed to be a 
vast difference between the Japanese and the Europeans? 

If a certain group of human beings presents, or seems to present, 
a different character from that of some other group, it is not due 
to some peculiarity of the national mind, but simply to the special 
conditions in which the group lives. A community brought up in. 
slavery cannot have the courageous and free demeanour of a dbih- 
munity that has been brought up in the enjoyment* of liberty, A 
group that has had no opportunity of obtaining education cannot 
have the wide spiritual horizon that distinguishes a well-educated 
group. A group that is prevented from enjoying any other fruits 
of its labour than those which commerce affords it, cannot have 
the same character as a group that lives in daily contact with the soil 
and vjith nature. Change the conditions of the life of the group, and, 
as we have often seen in history, group A will to-morrow assumg the 
chara^cter of group B, and group B will take on the features of 



EIGHTH SESSION 


4 * 9 * 

group A. No, it is certaioly not innate diffemices mental endow- 
ment that*l:reate racfes, and inspire them withhatjjpd for each other. 

May it hot be the difference of (fHgin ? At first sight, it is true, 
^ seeA to have here the chief cause of national j;iatreds. We know 
that each of us Joves the men of his “ own blood ** — loves his brother, 
or any member of his family, better than a “ stranger/’ The division 
of meh into families, with the attraction toward each other and the 
^tversion for non*members of the group to which it leads, is a proto- 
type of the mutual relations of peoples and races, and, when one 
seeks to explain thet)rigin of the mutual hatred of peoples, one may 
say that these peoples are merely families in a larger development 
Nevertheless, although the members of the same people may speak of 
themselves as “ of the same blood,” it is very easy to show that the 
analogy between families and nations, and the influence of origin on 
international relations, are only apparent. It is not the difference of 
origin that creates peoples and provokes their mutual animosity. 
That is a mere pretext, not a real cause. 

What, then is the true cause of the dissensions and hatreds which 
inflame peoples against each other? From what I have already said 
you will begin to see that, in spite of all the pseudo-scientific theories 
which are based on differences of race or climate, community of 
blood, &c., the walls that really separate peoples, the true cause 
of all their mutual hatreds, must be sought merely in diversities of 
language and religion. 

Language, especially, is a preponderant, if not the sole, element 
in the composition of the difference between peoples. This is so true 
that in some languages the words “ tongue ” ^nd “ people ” are 
synonyms. If two men speak the same language, assuming that 
one does not use it for the purpose of humiliating the other, but 
that they use it with equal right ; if, in virtue of their common 
tongue, they not only understand each other, but have the same 
literature (oral or written), the same education, the same ideal, the 
same sentiment of human dignity,and the same rights; if, in addition 
they have the same “ God,” the same festivals, the same morality, the 
sam» traditions, and the same customs, they feel that they are 
brothers, that they belong to the same people. If two men do not 
understand each other, they regard each other as foreigners, if not as 
mutes or barbarians, and instinctively avoid and distrust each other ; 
just as we instinctively distrust whatever seems to us to hide in the 
darkness. 

It is true that many of us can understand the speech of foreigners. 
That is the reason why we find the walls which divide peoples 
thinner in the educated classes. It is true that many of us recognise, 
and appreciate at their true value, the essence of foreign religions. 



1^0 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS . 

' That is why right-thinking men never enteijtain an aniiAosity toward 
Jbrejgners and the^ir different religion. But if the good understanding 
of two men is really to unite them, it is necessary for them to feel 
that they have an e^ual right to the language that they If 

religion is not to raise a wall between two men, it i^, nece^ary, nOt 
only that they be tolerant in regard to the principles of their 
' intimate belief—a belief which, for intelligent men, is an individual 
matter, and does not depend on nationality — but that they be not^, 
separated from each other by any difference in external religious 
ceremonies. * 

All that I have said justifies us in formulating this principle: 
The diversity of peoples and the hatred of each other which they 
betray will not wholly disappear from the face of the earth unti( 
humanity has hut one language and one religion. Then in truth 
will the whole of humanity form one single people. Then there 
may, indeed, still be the various kinds of discord which are now 
found within the confines of every country and every people, such 
as political and economic discords, or those of conflicting parties 
or classes, and so on, but the most formidable of all discords, the 
' mutual hatred of peoples^ will have entirely disappeared. 

As a matter of principle, therefore, every friend of humanity 
should seek to bring about this supreme unity of language and 
religion. But is this absolutely necessary in practice? It is 
assuredly not. What we have to deplore is, not the existence of 
peoples, but that ambition to dominate each other for which we 
have not yet found a remedy. 

Whenever we s^ek to enter into relations with a man belonging 
to another nation we find it necessary, at the present time, either to 
impose our language and our customs on him, or to suffer that his 
be imposed on us. When this deplorable itching for domination has' 
disappeared, the mutual hatred of peoples will be extinguished. Tp, , 
establish peace within a country it is not necessary that all its/ 
families be dissolved, with their peculiar habits and their dpmes||c 
traditions. It is necessary only that they be not compcjl^d ' to 
impose their special habits on other families, and that there ^all 
be laws and customs set up on neutral territory to regulate all issues 
that reach beyond th^ family. So, to ensure peace Tor the ^hole 
human race, it is not necessary that the distinctive peoples sliall 
disappear. We need only find such a modus vivendi as will enable 
them to extinguish their unfortunate external animosities and to 
avoid imposing their national peculiarities upon each other. 

It is necessary that humanity so order its life that, while preserv- 
ing t^eir national language and religion in the internal life of their 
linguistic or religious groups^ men shall., in their relations with %ther 



43r 


EIGHTH SESSION 

peoples^ use a language tk^t is neutral fnen, an^ live according to 
tJ^ ruids ^ a fn&mt code which dictates actions'^dn^ customs that are 
similaHp neutral • ' 

Ho^ this end is to be obtained in regard to ^religion I shall not 
attempt t6 show here, because — 

I. It is not the subject of this paper, and would compel me to 
epter upon long and special preliminary observations. 

^ 2. Religion is not essentially a national question, but depends on 

the will of man, and represents a part of human civilisation. The 
religious union of peoples began spontaneously long ago in some 
measure, and the completion of the work is only prevented by quite 
incidental and temporary circumstances. When, on the one hand, 
the privileged position of any particular religion has been abandoned 
in any country, and, as a result of this, the individual may change 
the religion of his birth without betraying his unfortunate co-reli- 
gionists ; and when, on the other hand, a religion has been found, 
the dogmas of which every man may adopt without doing violence 
to his conscience, the whole human race will very speedily regulate < 
its religious life in the same way. 

Moreover, the union of religions is closely connected with the 
union of languages. There is not the least doubt that, the more 
men come to understand each other through using a common 
language, and, in virtue of this common language, enjoy the same 
rights in all countries, their literature, their ideas, and their ideal will 
rapidly approach each other, and their religious views will resemble 
each other. 

Hence the whole problem of the union ^umanity and the 
extinction of the mutual animosity of peoples centres upon one single 
conclusion, and 1 most earnestly commend this conclusion to the 
attention of you who have met to study the problem of establishing 
friendship and justice between the various peoples and races of the 
earth. The conclusion is : In all our iniernational communications ive 
ought to use a neutral language, one that is easily acquired by all, and 
used with equal right by all ^ 

iuet us speak in this neutral language to any man who does not 
care to speak^ to us in our own language, and the chief cause of 
national hatreds, and every occasion for humiliating certain peoples, ^ 
will disappear. Let every people that does not wish to undergo the 
htimiliation of cultivating the language of its enemies, or of its proud 
neighbours, have the opportunity of learning a language that is 
neutral and humiliates nobody, and there will soon be no such 
thing as a people without literary culture. 

Can we have a neutral language of this character ? Certainly we 
can* It already exists, and has existed for some time. It serves 



' VSIVERSAL RACES COKGRESS 

its purpose to perfection, has already a considerable number of 
adherents, and possesses a rich and rapidly ihcreasing^literature. 
This language, which has no master, either materially or morally, 
which is wholly freehand the equal possession of all who use it, which 
requires of them only that they do not^ destroy it out of personal 
ambition and do not alter it without general consent, not only exists 
and is used, but already fills, with entire satisfaction, the part which 
I have suggested — the part of a language that shall serve as a^ 
fraternal link between the members of the human family and destroy 
the walls and the animosities which separate them. 

Those who wish to discover how this language may be uniformly 
employed by all peoples, and what a great unifying force there is in 
this neutral language which belongs equally to all, will do well not 
to act like those men of science who, even after railways had been 
working admirably for a number of years, were still publishing large 
treatises to prove that they were impossible. Let them not discuss 
the subject from a theoretical point of view, and be content to express 
themselves in pseudo-scientific phrases on the peculiarities of national 
languages, but let them attend one of the universal annual Esperantist 
congresses. 

They will behold a perfect harmony between different peoples. 
They will see with their own eyes, and hear with their own ears, 
how, when relations are established on a basis of neutrality which 
humiliates nobody, all the barriers and feelings of aversion that 
would separate peoples are banished and wholly forgotten. They 
will then understand what it is that humanity needs in order to 
establish a definitive peace among the peoples of the earth. , 

What mankind requires is not something to which we stili look 
forward, not something that we must endeavour to create with great 
difficulty and exertion, for it is already a solid and accomplished 
fact, and admits of no doubt as to its reality. All that we have to do 
is to support it. It is not compromises, which are merely palliatives, 
nor even the most enlightened political agreements, that will bring 
peace to humanity. But, as Esperantism makes progress in the 
world, the men of different peoples will meet more frequently , and 
converse in a neutral speech ; they will come to understand and Jto 
likte each other better ; they will feel more deeply that they are of 
one heart, one mind, and one ideal, and have the same sufferings and 
sorrows. They will realise that all this mutual hatred of peoples is 
only a relic of barbaric times. On this neutral base, the one funda- 
mental base, will be established the harmonious and purely “ human 
humanity of the future, of which the prophets of all lands and all 
ages have dreamed. 

[Pafer submitted in Esperanto and in French.] 



EIGHTH SfiSSION 43^ 

ETHICAL TEACHING IISI SCHOOLS WITH 
REGARD TO RACES • 

« 

By J. S. Mackenzie, M.A., LittD., 

Professor of Philosophy in the University College of Cardiff, Wales. 

The fundamental importance of moral education in schools is now 
•pretty generally recognised. Hardly any one who is concerned with 
education at all seriously doubts that the formation of character is the 
greatest service tha^ the school can render to the nation. But it is 
recognised also in our time, more widely perhaps than ever before, 
that the range of moral obligation is much larger than that of the 
State. My duty to my neighbour is now seen to include not only 
family, parochial, patriotic, and imperial duties, but also many others, 
both public and private, which are as wide as humanity itself. Hence 
the question — How may moral education help in improving the 
relations between different races? — is readily seen to have great 
practical significance ; and it can hardly be necessary to expound 
its meaning or to emphasise its urgency. That in a general way 
moral education may be expected to be of great use for this particular 
purpose, is sufficiently obvious. The cultivation of any moral quality 
must tend to improve the relations between human beings under 
almost any conditions. In particular, the cultivation of some of the 
most fundamental qualities such as kindness, manners, justice, self- 
control, would clearly be of great value in this respect. There are, 
however, some more especial considerations on which it seems 
advisable to insist as bearing upon this particulai |)roblem ; and with- 
out attempting to be exhaustive, we may refer to them under five 
general headings. In dealing with them it will be as well to take as 
our guide the carefully graduated syllabuses of the Moral Education 
League. ^ 

The first question that presents itself may be stated thus : — 

I. How may Moral Education cultivate the Conception of Human 
Personality and its Rights? — This conception is obviously of the 
utiribst value in removing social and international injustice, and few 
things can be ijsore important than its clear ri^ognition and a ready 
and hearty response to its claims by mankind in general. It has 
already helped in many ways. In most countries it has at least 
abolished anything in the nature of explicit slavery. It has elevated 
the position of women. It has improved the relations between 
masters and workmen. But it has worked somewhat fitfully, and, in 
particular, it has often been checked by the bars of race and q^jlour. 

* ^Uabuses, both for Elementary and Secondary Schools, can be ohtiined, free of 
charge, on application at 6, York Buildings, Adelphi, London. 



UNIVERSAL !RACES CONGRESS 

It shoiiild be the task of moral education^^to give it a firmer hold 
in the minds of ti^;e young. Now in this, as in most othef ‘aspects of 
moral education, the study of fthe history and literature of our own 
and other nations must always be among the most potent ausfilijarieS. 
Any intelligent stucly of history is sure to bring out the central place 
that has been occupied at almost all periods of human development 
by the struggle for freedom. Almost every period of history affords, 
illustrations of the way in which certain races or classes have regarded, 
themselves as specially privileged, and as having some sort of divine 
right to reduce others to subjection ; and few themes are more spirit- 
stirring to the young than the record of the struggles by which such 
dominant races have been gradually forced to recognise the equal 
humanity of those over whom they thus sought to rule. The rights 
of life, freedom, property, of education, have from time to time been 
regarded as a kind of preserve for the ruling classes or nation, and men 
have only learned by slow degrees, and generally by the insistent 
pressure of “ hungry peoples,” that there can be no real and lasting 
elevation of any class or race unless the whole level of human life 
around them is at the same time raised. Among ourselves it is chiefly 
as bearing upon the relations between employer and employed that 
this conception of equality of rights has recently been emphasised. 
It has gradually come to be generally admitted that the first charge 
upon any industrial system is the proper care and freedom of its 
workers. But history is eloquent of the gradual recognition of 
similar rights as between subject and sovereign peoples, and even in 
our own time it is not difficult to find object-lessons of the same. 
Special topics, sucl|, as the emancipation of the slaves in America, th^ 
French Revolution, the relations between races in India, Australia,' 
South Africa, or the Congo State, may easily be used for such 
historical illustration. 

In literature, also, it is not hard to find abundance of suitable 
material. There are many stirring songs and striking poems to 
, enforce the moral that “ A man’s a man for a’ that.” In the reading 
of Shakespeare, the equality of races may be brought home by 
the heroic character of Othello, by the characterisation of,fc,the 
Welsh Fluellen, and by the utterance of Shylock — Hath not a 
Jew eyes? Hath nbt a Jew hands, organs, dimensions, stoes, 
affections, passions?” Modern literature is certainly full of this 
humane note. The Bible may also be called into its service. For 
the Christian at least there is neither Jew nor ^ Greek, bond nor, 
free. The teaching of the Buddha, and of other Oriental sages, 
and of the Greek and Roman Stoics, is hardly less explicit. 

History and literature may thus both be used as instruments 
for the inculcation of such moral lessons. The study of the 



EIGHTH sisstm 455^ 

geography and physic^ features of countries—when 

inteliigenti^ treated*— has also a po#erful'‘ iipu|kce in enlarging 
the outlook and widening the sympathies of the young. In the 
more: definite and systematic form of moral iosti^ction, what 
would be required is a more reflective attemi^t to cultivate that 
habit of mind which is described in general terms as ‘‘Respect 
for oneself as Person, and for all others as Persons/' without 
^gard for distinctions of race, age, sex, status, or any other kind 
of difference. This more reflective attitude would grow naturally 
out of those concnate studies to which reference has been made; 
but may be cultivated also by maxims and discussions, adapted 
to the ages of the pupils. In the Syllabus of the Moral Education 
League for Elementary Schools places are provided for the intro- 
duction of such lessons under the headings — Honesty (respect for 
the property of others); Justice (to all human beings, irrespective 
of sex, age, creed, social position, nationality or race; and to 
atiimals, tame and wild) ; Honour and Self-respect. (The lessons 
for infants and juniors would naturally be concerned primarily 
with the more simple aspects of the subjects, such as respect for 
the property of others, and fairness in games. Those for seniors 
could treat more broadly of the general conception of Justice and 
respect for self, and for all other human beings. In the Syllabus 
for Secondary Schools, rather more opportunities are presented for 
emphasising the same points, especially under the headings — 
Honesty, Justice, Humanity, Self-respect, and the Development of 
Social Relationships.) 

The second point is intimately related to the foregoing. 

2. Moral Education should lead to an Appreci(uion of the Essential 
Likeness of the Various Races and Classes^ tn Spite of their Points of 
Superficial Differences , — Such points of difference may generally be 
shown to be largely the results of diverse physical and social 
conditions ; and an attempt should be made, even in the early 
stages of education, to bring out and emphasise this fact. The 
study of the history tind literature of different countries helps 
powerfully towards this recognition of a common humanity under 
a great variety of forms. It is one of the chief arguments for the 
ret«!tft*ion of Latin and Greek, not indeed as ilhiversally compulsory 
subjects, but as important elements in a liberal education. At a 
later stage the same end may be secured by the encouragement 
of foreign travel ; but this should be preceded by some study of 
the history and manners — and more incidentally of the geography 
— of the countries that are to be visited, so that there may be a 
solid basis for sympathetic appreciation. In bringing our pupils 
face 1:0 face with ages and countries, where the great issues of life 



436 UNIVERSAL jSACES CONGRESS 

wef« filight, by men differing in race, or cre?d, or colour, or habits 
of life, or form social organisation, we lead them inOsensibly to 
feel how insignificant are sucho distinctions in comparison with the 
common aims and interests of mankind. It is in this way that 
the spirit of toleration may best be fostered. The study of history, 
which should of course for this purpose be pursued in close con- 
junction with that of geography, is the best instrument for this 
purpose, and care should be taken to utilise it to the best 
advantage. 

There is sometimes a tendency, especially in books for the young, 
to over-emphasise the patriotic side, to dwell upon our “glorious 
victories” and pass over our inglorious defeats, to advertise the 
wrong-doings of our enemies and be studiously blind to any ignoble 
actions of our own. It would no doubt be depressing and dis- 
couraging, especially to the young, to dwell morbidly upon the 
defects of our own people. We need the kind of inspiration and 
encouragement that comes of the consciousness that we inherit 
fine traditions. But this need not prevent us from rejoicing also 
in the heroic deeds of others, even if they were our own enemies. 
Such a poem as Browning’s “ Herv 6 Riel,” or a sympathetic treat- 
ment of the career of Joan of Arc Shakespeare’s, however, 
nor even Schiller’s) would be admirable for this purpose. Faithful 
stories of the Indian Mutiny might similarly awaken the mind 
to the fact that the British had not a monopoly of heroism, loyalty, 
or devotion. In a very different way, the Bible story of the Good 
Samaritan may help to enforce the same kind of lesson. Many 
subjects are specially adapted to promote this spirit of toleratior| 
Justice, Trulnfulness, Moderation, Social Organisation, the 
Development of Social Relationship, Toleration. At certain stages, 
the association of boys and girls in their school work may ^also 
be useful in this respect, as tending to familiarise the mind 
the conception of unity in essentials along with superficial differ- 
ences ; but the right use of this element requires much care. 

We now come to what is really the most central consideration 
of all for our present purposes, viz., the recognition that — ^ 

3 . It is Qualities of Character that form the Real Basis of Super- 
iority in Men or Nations . — It is in emphasising this, of course, ^4hat 
the chief value of moral education would be ultimately felt ; but it 
would be felt more from its general spirit than from its more 
particular lessons. In this, as in other respect^, literature would 
come to its aid. English literature is certainly rich in its sugges- 
tions that “ Worth makes the man and want of it the fellow,” that 
’Tfs only noble to be good,” that “ Kind hearts are more than 
coronets, and simple faith than Norman blood,” that “ Maids ”i^and 



EIGHTH SESSION . 43? 

others — “ should strive k> be good,” “^nd let who will be^clever.” 
' In prose, the writings of Carlyle and Ruskin aref specially valuable 
for thfir insistence on this ; but nc? doubt it is only at the higher 
stages of educational work that much use coujd be made of them. 
The literature of most other countries supply works of similar 
prophets. It is, however, not merely on moral qualities, in the 
narrower sense, that emphasis should be laid, but rather on all 
• those qualities of character that make for the promotion of the 
complete human ideal. The “intellectual virtues” should certainly 
be cultivated as Veil as those that are called more distinctly 
“ moral ” ; and in the cultivation of these nearly all school subjects 
may have a place. The study of history would in particular have 
a special value by calling attention to the solid excellences by 
which great peoples, such as the Greeks and Romans, have been 
characterised, and also by bringing out the fact that those who 
are politically subject are not always inferior in some important 
human qualities that win our admiration The Greeks are not 
the only race who, in one way or another, have conquered their 
conquerors. It would be easy to show that England may learn 
much from her dependencies in India, Africa, and elsewhere. 
Indeed, it is in the attempt to educate and assimilate subject-races 
that the emphasis on fundamental qualities of character becomes 
specially important. One of the chief difficulties, in particular 
in the relations between more developed and less developed races, 
one that can easily be illustrated from the colour problem in the 
United States, is that the latter are apt to acquire certain forms of 
superficial cleverness and technical knowledge and skill before 
they have gained the more essential elements of intellectual and 
moral character. 

This is due largely to the fact that in the more developed 
races themselves the emphasis is apt to be laid unduly on the 
former. Most of those who have made any serious study of edu- 
cational methods would agree that this is at present the tendency 
against which it is most important to be on our guard. A nation, 
no* less than an individual, which, despises the more liberal and 
lij^ane aspects of education, because it thinks them unpractical, 
is indeed almost sure to be out-stripped in the end — even in 
material prosperity — by one which regards education as a generous 
preparation for ithat life of service to the community whereby each 
member’s moral and intellectual character may be perfected. Such 
an idealism in education has been the making both of Germany 
and Japan. It is still true on the whole that all things ar^addfed 
to^hose who seek first the Kingdom of God. 

Besides, however, emphasising in these ways the common and 



univjeSisal SiACES congre;ss 

essential nature of humanitiy, it is important also to 'recognise 
fully— ^ \ ‘ ' 

4. That Different Peoples, Different Classes, Different Sexis, on 

have each a Distincti^ue Type of Personality with a Distinctive Value 
of its own. — According to the common phrase, “It takes all sorts 
of people to make a world,'' or, in a finer and subtler one, ^*Gocl 
fulfils himself in many ways, lest one good custom should corrupt 
the world." In the study of history and literature, children mayt- 
be taught to understand the peculiar ideals and characteristics tof 
their country, as compared with other countries, and to learn, not 
that its contribution to the sum-total of human excellence and 
welfare is necessarily better than that of others, but simply that it 
is somewhat different — a separate note in the “ music of humanity,” 
They should be led to appreciate the unique personalities and 
ideals of such peoples as the Jews, the Greeks, and the Romans, 
and also of the Japanese and other Oriental peoples, as well as of 
the leading types in Europe and America, and thus to acquire the 
habit of looking out for some characteristic excellences in all 
peoples. There has often been too great a tendency to insist that 
“ East is East and West is West," and that we can never hope to 
see them come together. Few things are more encouraging for 
the future of the world than the way in which both the Eastern 
and the Western peoples are beginning to realise how much they 
can learn from each other. This might easily be brought home to 
the young at an early stage by stories illustrative of the special 
excellences of diverse peoples. Mr. F. J. Gould’s collection of| 
Indian stories for u^e in Moral Education lessons may be specially! 
referred to in this connection.^ 

In the general life of a school, the separation of ^studies’ may, 
to some extent, be used as a means to the same purpose — the 
ideals of science students, for instance, being recognised , as some- 
what different from those of literary students. In the more syste- 
matic treatment of morals, lessons on Patriotism should be used to 
inculcate a similar moral. They should be given in such a way as 
to emphasise the vital importance of loyalty to those particular idtals 
and excellences which we, as members of a particular nation or 
group, inherit. This would inevitably lead to some recognition of 
the equal duty of others to be loyal to their best traditions, which 
are not quite the same. Lessons of a similar ,kind would fall 
naturally under such headings as Truthfulness, Co-operation, Work, 
Toleration, Social Organisation. 

^ With older pupils it might be possible to go a little further 
than this, and to try to bring out clearly — 

* Youth's Noble Path. Published by Longmans, Green & Co., London, 



EIGHTH sf:SSION ' . '43^ 

5, The Identity and th^ Comprehensive ^ham^er of the HtmJknldecU 
as evohedHn a Number of Different be pointed ont 

timt the ideals of every race are tentative and partial, and thus 
becomft enriched, completed, unified, and purified hf mutual help 
and mutual criticism. Among other things, thte study of the great 
religions of the, world, in outward appearance so diverse, may be 
used to show that they all contain the same fundamental truths 
^ in more or less imperfect forms. A study of this kind would help 
also to reveal the fact that the ideals and excellences are not all 
on the same level, <ind that it is important that the less developed 
should bo gradually brought into harmony with the more developed. 
In this connection the idea of noblesse oblige would acquire its, 
fullest significance. Such lessons no doubt could not be given at 
all definitely before the last two years of life in the Elementary 
School, but their spirit may pervade the teaching throughout In 
the Secondary School, however, they may be given pretty fully 
from the Remove Form upwards. 

[Pafcr submitted in English.'] 


THE COSMOPOLITAN CLUB MOVEMENT 

By Louis P. Lochner, University of Wisconsin^ United States, 
General Secretary of the Association of Cosmopolitan ClubSy 
Editor of “ The Cosmopolitan Student ” 

There is a movement among the students of the United States which 
furnishes to the world a striking illustration of the possibility of men 
from different countries living together — often ^ven under the same 
roof — iii friendship and harmony ; a movement which unites in a 
league of world-brotherhood students of every race, colour, and creed ; 
a movement in which the terms dependent and independent races 
are unknown, but which assumes all races and peoples to be on a 
footing of equality. This movement is of recent development, and 
had its origin in the cnange of complexion of the American student 
body by virtue of the fact that thousands of Orientals, Latin- 
Americans, and Europeans are now 'thronging our halls of learning, 
\?8ere formerly the foreigner was an almost tinknown quantity in an 
American university. By way of illustration, let me cite the fact 
that at the University of Wisconsin, which I have the honour to 
represent, the number of foreign students has within ten years 
increased from 7 to 107 — a condition which is typical of every large 
American university. The movement to which I refer is the 
C(^mopolitan Club Movement, the aims, purposes, and of 

which it is my purpose to present in this paper. 



' t UNIVERSAL ^CES CONGRESS. 

Ontthe eve of March 12, 1903, sijcteen^ foreign and two native 
students of the UHjiversity of Wisconsin, together represenOtog eleven 
nationalities, gathered in the njiodest little apartments of a young 
Japanese. They founded an International Club, in which thd' repre^^ 
^sentatives of every nUtion in the university were to meet on a basis of 
equality and brotherhood. 

This was a new departure in student activities. Foreign societies, 
it is true, were no uncommon feature of American college life. Every, 
large institution of learning had its prospering Norwegian, German, 
or Latin-American club. But the idea of a cosmopolitan organisation 
with universal brotherhood as its corner-stone, was a novel one. By 
many it was denounced as a chimera. The very idea of amalgamating 
into one society men of the most diverse countries caused a faint 
smile of contempt on the lips of narrow-minded nativists. 

Yet what happened? The club so founded grew and prospered, 
until to-day, with a membership of seventy, representing twenty 
countries, it is one of the most flourishing, and certainly the most 
interesting, organisation in the university. The cosmopolitan idea 
has partly germinated in, partly spread to, other universities, so that 
now twenty-four leading State and endowed institutions of learning 
count such clubs among their valuable assets. 

A National Association of Cosmopolitan Clubs was founded in 
1907, which has a membership of over two thousand and includes 
representatives from almost sixty different countries, A monthly 
organ. The Cosmopolitan Student^ keeps the members in touch 
with each other and with the various movements for the better, 
organisation of the world. At a convention held at The Hague,' 
Holland, in August,' 1909, an aflSliation was even perfected with the 
Fidiration Internationale des &tudiants, better known as iCorda 
Fratres, Our work is thus on an international basis, and tlie 
possibilities for effective co-operation unlimited. United, the two 
bodies have become a league of universal brotherhood which will 
soon encompass the student body of the whole civilised world, 

Hawaian and Frenchman, Japanese and American, Chinese, 
German, Hungarian, Filipino, and Armenian, all are on a footingiijof 
equality in this unique organisation. What matters it that one is an 
engineer, another a law' student, a third an agriculturist ? That o!le 
believes in monarchical government, while the other sees in the control 
of the masses the only solution of the social problem ? That one is 
a Japanese prince, the second a Russian revolutionist, the third a 
plain American farmer boy, the fourth a Hindu priest? Why despise 
a man because his skin is yellow or brown or black ? The members 
of the International and cosmopolitan clubs need no unity of colour, 
race, or social position to bind them together. Theirs is a firmer tie*- 



EIGHTH SESSION 449 

** Above all Nations is^ Humanity” Ik tlti^ pmud motto ^of our 
Associatidh. Humanity — all-embracing, all-inclining, linked with 
the idea of brotherly love, of symp^hetic understanding, of service 
to mankind — ^this is a bond of union far transcending national, social, 
and racial lines of demarcation. 

The purpose of the international and cosmopolitan clubs is to 
bring together college young men from different countries, to aid and 
^ direct foreign students coming to the United States, to cultivate the 
arts of peace, and to establish strong international friendships. 

The activities of the individual organisations are numerous and 
varied. Lectures on international topics, discussions on subjects of 
foreign interest, and occasional social functions are some of the forms 
which these activities take. But most conspicuous are the so-called 
national nights.*’ In these the members of one nation, if possible 
on the evening of their country’s holiday, describe the history and 
institutions of their fatherland, play music by their native composers, 
and discuss the relation of their State to other Powers. In the course 
of these ** national nights ” the members get a better insight into the 
mode of living, customs, and view-point of people of different races 
than they can ever gain from the coloured accounts of travellers in 
foreign lands. This broadening influence has taught them to have 
sympathy with their fellow-man’s religion, however divergent from 
their own ; with his social rank, however unequal , with his political 
creed, however contrary , with his nationality, however different. 

In the local branches the best fellowship and comradeship 
prevails. As soon as a chapter is strong enough to assume financial 
obligations, it rents a suite of club rooms, or i^s members lease an 
entire house, the lower floor of which is devoted to club purposes, 
while the rest of the building is used as a dormitory. In the club 
rooms the members meet their fellow cosmopolitans on terms of 
friendship, and form attachments that last far beyond college days. 
They engage in discussions which contribute materially toward 
eliminating national prejudices. 

The American membership in the cosmopolitan clubs is made up 
of isludents who are selected becausp they are known to have sym- 
pathy with tjie foreigner, and to enjoy good reputation in the 
utilversity community. Members of the university faculties, too, 
form a conspicuous element in the American contingent. Through 
the United States members the foreigner is introduced into American 
families ; from them he learns the characteristics of the American 
people and their ideals. In return, his American hosts have the oppor- 
tunity of coming in contact with a man who in all likelihood is 
destined to become a leader in his community. 

American students, as a rule, are proud to have the foreigner in 



: imiVEHSAL JlACES CONGRESS 

' I ' t V ' . t 

tfeeir iftdst They realise that the foreigtipr is here not mmly to 
get a degree, and to acquire laboriously from ‘books wfitten in a 
language not his own what he milght with less difficulty learn from 
texts or translations in his mother-tongue. The foreigner is with 
ns to give as well as 'to receive ; to communicate his own impressions, 
as well as to absorb ours. His migration to a foreign soil sprang 
from a desire to become a citizen of the world. His patriotism led 
him to disregard family ties and the associations of his youth, and , 
to go abroad among strange peoples and strange nations in order 
that he might return a better citizen and a mofe useful member of 
society. The presence of the foreigner is thus a source of inspiration 
to the American. His example is well worth emulating. One can- 
not but be impressed by his lofty ideals, his steadfastness of purpose, 
and his broad-minded conception of his mission. 

But the movement has a deeper significance. In the words of 
the distinguished secretary of the American Peace Society, Dr. 
Benjamin F. Trueblood, ^‘As an agency for promoting the final 
establishment of permanent peace among the nations, there is 
nothing in the educational sphere likely to bear richer fruit” 
Close personal contact between peoples of different races is a neces- 
sity in order that they may understand each other. It is a funda- 
mental prerequisite to any movement for world peace. National 
antipathies or prejudices in a large part rest upon mutual ignorance. 
In our international and cosmopolitan clubs men from about sixty 
different countries are brought in contact with each other. They 
learn to understand each other; they learn to respect each other ^ 
they learn to admire each other ; they learn to love each other. 
They cannot help hu\ carry home with them the message of “ Peace 
on Earth, Goodwill toward Men,” 

These facts are of peculiar significance when one considers that 
the foreign students are for the most part representatives of the 
flower of their country ; men coming from the very best of families. 
Many are sent by their Governments. They will later occupy posi- 
tions of trust and honour in their respective communities. They 
will become the leaders of public opinion, and even of the poHtfcal 
spirit and policies of their nations. In proportion as tjiese meti from 
different countries are brought in contact with their fellow-stude^s 
of different nationality, in proportion as they learn to understand 
each other, in proportion as they realise that we are^ but members of 
one large human family, and that therefore war and hostility are 
thoughts unworthy of a rising generation~-*will the hopes for the 
realisation of world peace be increased. 

[Paper submitted tn English,'] ^ 



EIGHTH ^tSS^pN',; 

INTE'RJJATIONAIL ORGANISATION^ FOR INTER- 
RACIAL GOODWILL 

* 

By Edwin D. Mead, Boston, 1 /.S.A. 

The Lake Mohonk Conferences on International Arbitration were 
inaugurated in 1895, after there had been held at Lake Mohonk 
»for several years previously Annual Conferences upon the duty of 
the American people to the Indians living within their borders. 
The first three Mohonk Arbitration Conferences were made 
memorable by powerful addresses by Edward Everett Hale, the 
Nestor of the Peace cause in America, as we liked to call him m 
his later years, demanding and prophesying a Permanent Inter- 
national Tribunal. By virtue of their grasp of the international 
situation, their foresight and their inspiration, these addresses were 
the mbst inspiring and most noteworthy which have been heard 
at the Mohonk Arbitration Conferences during these seventeen 
years. Their central demand was that nations, well disposed as 
the best of them were to arbitration, generally speaking, should 
not leave provision for arbitration to times when some special 
dispute arose or some special danger pressed, then creating a 
special commission to deal with the particular case arising, but 
that the nations should co-operate to establish a Permanent Inter- 
national Tribunal, which should always be in existence and always 
ready to deal with every international difference. Cases should 
never wait for courts, said Dr. Hale, but courts should always be 
ready for cases, and this was in no field mo e imperative than in 
the international field where there was no pr($vision of any kind. 
It was foolish and criminal to leave to some acute crisis, when 
two contesting peoples were aflame and in hot blood over their 
disagreements, the preparation of machinery to dispose of the dis- 
agreements. No time is so unpropitious for such action. There 
should be a Permanent International Tribunal, of whose existence 
every nation would be conscious in the critical hour when there 
1 need of the offices of arbitration. Its chief service, said Dr. 
Hale, would l^e in the fact that it existed, that every nation knew 
tfiat it existed, and that not to have recourse to it instead of to 
individual vengeance in the hour of conflict or dispute was dis- 
honour. In a ^word, civilised nations in the family of nations/ 
mu.st follow the same course in their disputes and differences 
which is followed by civilised men in individual nations. When 
Dr. Hale in 1895, 1896, and 1897 thundered this demand reiteratedly 
at ^Lake Mohonk, he was told by learned and distinguished 
diplomats and jurists that it was a noble ideal, and one which in 




tcMb iMe future would doubtl^ tae .'i‘eii^$lliipiiP>^^ 

was’ iitf ^liead of the times, and its realisation was ' 

expected in our generation. That was probably the of 

most so-called “ hard-headed ” men, even progressive men, at 
Mohonk and elsewfeere, in 1897. But in 1898 the First Hague 
Conference was called, and in 1899 the Permanent International 
Tribunal at The Hague was established. 

This is an interesting, an encouraging, and a directing chapter# 
of history for us as we meet in the interests of another great line 
of effort to bring about justice and brotherhood among the 
peoples of the world. It reminds us that in this time, when men 
the world over touch elbows as never before, and the interest of 
each is the interest of all as never before, very great things may 
be suddenly brought to pass in a very short time. But especially 
it directs us as to the right way to do the things which we, who 
have come together in this Congress, have to do. It is no new 
thing for good men in a score of nations to interest themselves 
seriously in the relations of different races within and without 
their own borders, and no new thing for special organisations to 
be created, and special Conferences held, to deal with special 
wrongs. Such flagrant wrongs have compelled sympathy and 
indignation and protest and united action of some sort in every 
year of the lives of every man m this Congress, and in every 
nation from which most of us come The Congo Reform Associa- 
tion is an illustration. The terrible atrocities in the Congo were 
told about by missionaries and others here and there for years. 
By and by the volume of reports became so great and so authentiJS 
that there was wi^e public discussion and public protest?. Mr. 
Morell and others here in England were so stirred that they 
threw their lives into the work of exposing and reforming the 
horrible situation. You in England organised a Congo Reform 
Association. We in America, prompted by your action, organised 
another ; France and Switzerland, and I know not what other 
countries, organised theirs, and all did noble, vigorous, expensive 
and measurably successful work. The attention of the world <Was 
arrested, the conscience of the world was touched^ and there is 
undoubtedly a better state of things in the Congo State to-(iay. 
At any rate, all men there know they are under watch and on 
their good behaviour. Groups of humane and civ,ilised men have 
risen and organised similarly when there was wickedness in Armenia, 
in Macedonia, in Crete, in Russia, in India. Societies exist or 
have existed in England and America and other countries con- 
cerning inter-racial tyranny and wrong in these late years ii\^ all 
these places and a dozen more ; but the efforts have usually been 



» so ImpirWlsea, so poorly supported/and so uprelai^ 
that theyihave never Jialf done their work. They are like the. 
special arbitration commissions, arraigned by Dr. Hale, created' 
underpressure all through ^he last century, to meet some menacing 
crisis. Such commissions did not meet the^ world's needs, and 
these fitful and sporadic societies io deal with sudden tragedies 
and threats do not meet the world's need. The world had to 
organise a Permanent International Tribunal ; and we have to 
create a permanent international organisation to watch the world 
over the inter-racial injustices and wrongs which have commanded 
our assemblage here. I do not forget that there exist agencies for 
coping with the tyranny of so-called superior peoples over weak 
peoples of much more permanent character and much broader 
scope than such organisadons as the Congo Reform Association. 
The Aborigines Protection Society here in Great Britain is such 
an agency. As concerns British obligation and effort in one great 
field of our problem, it is in its definition of purpose and range of 
activity almost precisely the thing to be desired in every country. 
This noble Society, which was founded as far back as 1837, three- 
quarter'! of a century ago, was the outcome of the work of a 
Committee of the House of Commons “ to consider what measures 
ought to be adopted with regard to the native inhabitants of 
countries, where British settlements are made, and to neighbouring 
tribes, in order to secure to them justice and the protection of 
their rights.” When one looks at the map of the world and notes 
the places where British settlements have been made, one realises 
that there are few tribes which are not neighbouring to British 
settlements on one side or another, and tlrfat the definition of 
purpose by the old Parliamentary Committee was therefore well- 
nigh universal So I think the Aborigines Protection Society has 
construed its function. It was itself certainly, as we in the United 
States came to know well, one of the real Congo Reform Associa- 
tions, and it has been pretty well every special kind of a reform 
association in carrying out its stated purpose ‘‘ to assist in pro- 
*>''^ting the defenceless and promoting the advancement of 
uncivilised tribes” It was fitting that the British Anti-Slavery 
Society, foun*ded at almost exactly the saitie time, should amalga- 
mate with it two years ago; for the work of the two societies 
constantly run in parallel courses. Looking through the last 
number (January, 1911) of the quarterly journal of these united 
societies, I find that there is no other country whose race problem^ 
receive so much attention in its pages as my own. There is a long’ 
account of the gathering at the Whitehall Roonis last Oeftober in 
honour of Booker Washington. This is followed by a letter eon- 



UNIVERSAL 



CONGRESS 


cerning^the visit to Europe this year of Professor DuBois; tfiere 
is a tribute to JuKa Ward Howe and her services in thee American 
Anti-Slavery conflict ; and thei?e is a long review of Sir Harry H, 
Johnstokfs book upon The Negro in the New World/' accom- 
panied by a portrait ^ of John Brown. Besides these things there, is 
an article relating to certain work for the benefit of the MicMac 
Indians of Prince Edward Island. When your British Aborigines , 
Protection Society is able to consider to this extent in a single ^ 
issue of its Journal the rights and wrongs of the weaker races in 
America, it seems to me that you already have here in Great 
Britain what can easily be made the adequate British agency in 
such a group of societies as I desire to see established in the 
civilised nations, all co-operating in an international union for 
inter-racial justice. Some of us in the United States who were 
active in the Congo Reform Association were brought by that 
experience to feel the need of some such society of broader scope, 
like the Aborigines Protection Society. Our study of the wrongs 
in the Congo brought us sharply up against similar wrongs in 
other parts of Africa, and we began to hear of almost precisely 
the same evils in South America. We saw that we were dealing 
with only one aspect of a world-wide and persistent problem ; and 
I think that no one felt this more deeply than Dr. G. Stanley Hall, 
the President of our Congo Reform Association. He had long 
been a careful and sympathetic student of the conditions of the 
less developed races and of the tyrannies and cruelties inflicted 
upon them by civilised brutality and greed. Professor William 
James had deeply felt the same and written burningly upon it at| 
the time of our American iniquities in the Philippines. In meetings 
of our Congo Reform Association President Hall and others 
spoke of the need and possibility of some association of broader 
scope; but up to the present time we have not created such an 
association in the United States. What I urge here is the creation 
of such organisations in the United States and in every civilised 
country, to be leagued together in an international union. 

In the United States we have, of course, had special societies 
to deal with our two great racial problems, those concerning the 
Negro and the Indian.^ Professor DuBois, who visits Europe tWiJ 
summer, represents the National Association for the Welfare of 
Coloured People, which is the most recently organised of various 
societies which have defined their purposes in similar terms, and 
some of which still exist. Professor DuBois is the most active 
worker in this new society, of which Mr. Moorfield Storey is the 
preside'nt, and whose officers and members are chiefly white men. 
The Constitution League of the United States, in which Mr. JoSin 



EIGHtH SESSION 447^ 

E* Milholland, almost as much at home i^rc in lii#ondon as in New 
York, ha&fbeen perhaps the most active Ibrc'e; is another American 
agei^cy which has been earnestly devoted to ^lighting the political 
oppressions and discriminations to which the Negroes in the South 
arg still subjected. Our Anti-Imperialist League, organised to 
oppose the policy of our government in the Philippines, and of 
which. Mr. Moorfield Storey is also the president, has become in 
^Vfery high ^degree, by the very exigencies of its problem, a kind of 
Aborigines Protection Society. There are various organisations 
among our Negroes themselves concerned with the sufferings and 
struggles of their race in America. 

We have had for many years an Indian Rights Ass-ociation, and 
for twenty years there has been held at Lake Mohonk an Annual 
Conference upon our duty to the Indian, attended by many of our 
best and ablest men, and resulting in immense improvement. This 
Conference has in recent years been so expanded in its scope as to 
take in the problems arising from our relations to our so-called 
dependencies — the Philippines here playing, of course, the most im- 
portant part. There is no place in the United States better fitted, 
by the great traditions created by Conferences on International 
Arbitration, to become a centre for Conferences on inter-racial 
justice than Lake Mohonk. Its present autumn Conferences upon 
the rights of our Indians and the people of our dependencies might 
profitably be expanded into Conferences of this broader scope, with 
no prejudice but only gain, to the special purposes which called them 
into being. 

It is possible, however, that the centre for this broader work in 
the United States will be elsewhere. There ^lias been started at 
Clark University in Worcester, Massachusetts, during the last two 
years, the most intelligent and well-considered movement known to 
me in all the world bearing upon the particular problems of this 
Congress. The object of the Congress has been stated to be the 
discussion of the relation of the peoples of the West and those of 
the East, between so-called white and so-called coloured peoples.” 
I been speaking chiefly of the relations of white and coloured 
ra^es, viewing the coloured races as fliose coming within the purview 
of'''SUch students and reformers as those coiiJstituting the Aborigines 
Protection Society. To the discussion of such relations the Clark 
University Conferences will in considerable measure be devoted ; 
but they will afso be devoted to what may be called more specific 
cally the relations between the peoples of the West and those of the 
East, and to those relations the two Conferences already have been 
devoted. The President of Clark University, as is well kn<Jwn to 
> mefst scholars present here, is Dr. G, Stanley Hall, whom I have 



448 UNIVERSAL ^ACES CONGRESS 

already^entioned as the President of our American Congo Reform 
Association ; and, I think that his experience in the wc:^*k of that 
Association has had much to d<j with his interest in the founding of 
the Clark University Conferences, in whose organisation his able 
and devoted associa/-e has been Professor George H. Blakeslee^^of 
tfife University. The first of these Conferences was held in the 
autumn of 1909, and concerned itself with the relations of America 
to the Far East, chiefly China and Japan. The Second Conferendle 
was held in the autumn of 1910, and concerned itself with the Near 
East. Better thought out and better carried oi^t programmes than 
those of these two Conferences have seldom been seen ; and they 
mark the beginning of a new era for us in the United States touch- 
ing the scientific study of Eastern peoples and just dealings with 
them. Perhaps the best outcome of these Conferences, which are 
to be made regular, has been the establishment of a quarterly 
journal, The Journal of Race Development, in which many of the 
papers read at the Conferences have been printed, which is by far 
the best publication in this field which we have ever seen in 
America, and certainly one of the best organs in the world of the 
great movement which has brought us together here. With the 
Mohonk autumn Conferences developing as they are developing, 
and with the institution of these Clarki^ University Conferences, I 
feel the outlook for thorough and worthy attention in the United 
States to inter-racial problems to be most promising ; and the 
establishment with us of an efficient American society, corre- 
sponding in some sort to the British Aborigines Protection 
Society, is only a question of to-morrow or the next day. | 
In showing the^historic preparation and present readiness fort 
broader organisation of our forces for dealing with the inter-racial 
problem, I have surveyed practically only Great Britain and the 
United States, because I am most at home here, and they serve me 
best for illustration. In some ways, too, the movement is farther 
advanced in these two countries, as there are some reasons why 
they have been under exceptional obligation to efforts in this field. 
But I do not forget the noble humanitarian efforts and the n^st 
scientific and valuable studies' in France, Germany, and other 
countries. The probkm urges itself upon the minds and coti- 
sciences of serious men the world over. It is not simply a problem 
of dealing with aborigines nor of the relations of white men with black ■ 
or yellow men ; it is a problem of the mutual relatioVis of peoples of 
all races and all grades of civilisation. Cruelty indeed is commonest 
where the interval between the races is greatest ; but it is question- 
able wCaether it is not in fields where the interval is slighter that the 
greatest mischief is done by ignorance, selfishness, and pride. 



EIGHTH SJ|SSION 449 

A pripiary function j)f a inovemerft' like the pi^sent is to 
oiftivate Ifood understanding and goodwill beti^«n all peoples 
near -and far. We have a noisy md pestiferous little group in 
America whose regular business seems to be to stir up suspicion 
and hatred of the people of Japan. You havfe a larger group in 
England whose similar vocation is to sow seeds of enmity with the 
German people. The source of most of the troubles with which we 
^re coping here is ignorance. Dr. John H. DeForest, in his 
impressive pamphlet on “ American Ignorance of Oriental Lan- 
guages,” has startin^y shown the serious practical dangers menacing 
us in the United States from our ignorance of the speech and some 
of the simplest usages of our Japanese brothers. I found in 
Germany, a little while ago, groups of noble and aspiring young 
people working for international progress, and, fearing that the 
name of peace society might not be most propitious for their effort, 
they called their groups Societies for Good Understanding between 
Peoples (Volkerverstandigung). It comes to the same thing, and 
the name hits the central danger and the central need. We all need 
to have more to do with each other and know each other better. 

There was recently an important Conference in the United 
States of representatives of the Presbyterians, Episcopalians, and 
Congregationalists to confer about Christian union ; and a Presby- 
terian leader commented afterwards upon the mischief which had 
resulted from lack of personal acquaintance. ‘‘We cannot force 
union,” he said, “ but we can know each other. We have lived in 
our respective worlds, knowing well the men in our own body, but 
knowing not at all the men in other bodies. It has been an uplift 
to know these leaders of other names. After ill, they are much 
like us. When we all get to know, all union will be here.” If such 
a confession of mutual ignorance on the part of groups of American 
Christians and the mischief of it is possible, how appalling appears 
the mutual ignorance of widely differing races and the mischief 
of it! 

I speak of the international organisation which I propose as one 
in b^^f of inter-racial justice ; but I mean more than that — 1 mean 
that it shall also deal with the problem of how backward races may 
beiffc be assisted Yn their upward progress and development and how 
men of all races may have better personal acquaintance with each 
other. 

Mr. Milhollarcl in New York, Mr. Moscheles here in London, 
have talked much of cosmopolitan or international clubs. They 
would have international clubs in London, in Paris, in Berlin, in 
New York, in Tokyo, in Shanghai, where men concerned with inter- 
natiorial problems should meet socially ; and the members of one 



c UNIVERSAL^ RACES eONGHESS ' 

dub slSduld be members of all, wherever tl^ey journeyed. It is from 
good conversation, they say, and rightly say, that more good 
frequently results than from congresses. Let us promote the forma- 
tion of such international clubs ; for every one of them wdMd be a 
potent centre for o’Ur cause. 

We talk of this as now a little world, since Mauretanias and 
wireless telegraphy and the other machinery for shrinkage have 
multiplied ; but it is only in certain definite respects that it is a littl^ 
world, and in the many indefinite respects it is a big world still, 
mostly barbarian, with its peoples far apart and very ignorant Of 
each other. The solution of the great international problems 
involved is not possible to national societies working separately. 
International work must be internationally done ; And in this field 
of racial problems evolution has advanced so far that we are ready 
for the international step and for definite organisation in every 
nation. 

When one is asked to suggest the method and form of organisa- 
tion, the answer is simple It has happened more than once in 
movements like ours that definite international organisation has 
preceded adequate national organisation. It was so of the Peace 
Congresses. The First Universal Peace Congress was, like this First 
Universal Races Congress, held in London. That was in 1843. 
That first Peace Congress here in London, we Americans like to 
remember, was brought about by the American Peace Society in 
Boston, as I was interested to read in your circular that this London 
Races Congress owed its original impulse to Felix Adler of New 
York. Four great International Peace Congresses followed t||at 
London Congress^ of 1843. Then there was an interregnum %f 
nearly forty years ; and the first of the present series of Inter- 
national Peace Congresses was held in Paris in 1889. But it was 
not until 1902, almost sixty years after the London International 
Congress of 1843, that there was a National Peace Congress, that 
being in P'rance. England followed with National Peace Congresses, 
then the United States, then Germany — the International Congresses 
meantime going steadily on, under the general control of the Jnter- 
national P^ace Bureau at Berne, made up of representatives of the 
various nations. ” 

If we are looking for precedent in organisation, here, therefore, 
all the precedent we need. Let us consider this Universal Races 
Congress no isolated or final gathering, but simply the first of a 
series of Universal Races Congresses, bi-ennial or tri-ennial, which 
shall go regularly on until the day of inter-racial justice and fraternity 
dawns. Let us, too, have our International Bureau of Inter-radal 
Justice at London or at Berne ; and let us who are here go hoOde to 



EIGHTH SESSION 451, 

Germany, to France, to ^taly, to India, tb QilnaVto AmericA, eadi 
group pledged to organise in its own country a National Society of 
Inter-racial Justice, with its annual National Congress, The material 
for organisation is abundant. I see here in your circular twenty 
pagos of names of men upon the General Corftmittee of this Con- 
gress. There are nearly two hundred names from the United States 
alone. Here is already, if these will so resolve, an American Society 
©f Inter-racial Justice. Let them so resolve; and so let the dele- 
gates from Frarce and Belgium and Germany and India resolve. 
The second Universal Races Congress here in London or in Paris, 
or wherever it may be, would then be largely a representative Con- 
gress made up in great measure of regular delegates from national 
societies. Each national society should have its bureau and its 
publications, and of such national publications there should be the 
completest interchange ; while the central international bureau 
should correlate the various national activities and keep each 
particular effort in influential touch with all the rest. 

I would suggest that the various national In ter- racial Justice 
Congresses be held each year in the same week as the sessions of 
the National Peace Congresses in the same countries, perhaps on the 
day preceding the opening of such Congresses. The causes appeal 
to substantially the same constituencies, and the fixing of such a 
time for the meetings would certainly increase the attendance. 
Where the subjects to be considered by the Races Congress are so 
numerous and important ab to demand a conference of several days 
— and that describes the condition in the United States at this 
time — it may be desirable that this combination should not be too 
close ; but I am suggesting for consideration a general principle 
of procedure. 

I do it for the sake of urging further the close relation of these 
causes. The wars of to-day have very different provocations from 
those of two or three centuries ago. They spring almost entirely 
from commercial rivalries or the collisions of races, growing usually 
in the latter case out Df the exploitation of weaker by stronger 
peoples. Whatever can counteract thjs is a distinct accomplishment 
for the peace anjJ order of the world ; and tha^ makes this Universal 
R&es Congress perhaps the most important Peace Congress of the 
present year. The promotion of the progress of the movement here 
inaugurated cannot fail to appeal to bodies of men like the trustees 
of the new Carnegie Peace Foundation as distinctly within their 
province ; although there should be no dependence by this organisa- 
tion upon other organisations, but a vigorous effort by its friet\^s in 
everjj nation to secure for it independent and adequate financial 
support, 



.4S2\’ universal races congress 

In^eferring to Dr. Hale*s prophetic Mphonk Addresses demand^ 
ing a Permanent International Tribunal, I spoke of Ufte Rapidity 
with which in our day great movements are consummated. ’There 
is every reason why the international effort inaugurated here lit 
London to-day shduld achieve quick and decisive success. IWeer* 
tainly will do it if we here so highly resolve. Let us resolve that 
every nation here represented shall organise a national society this year^ 
and hold a national congress next year; and let us plan for a second 
international congress three years from nom, I wish that that 1914 
Congress might be held in the United States. •That is to be with us 
a noteworthy international year. We are then to celebrate the 
centennial of peace between the United States and Great Britain. 
We shall invite the International Peace Congress to hold its session 
with us that year ; and the Interparliamentary Union will be simi- 
larly invited. It will be a good year for the thoughtful men of the 
world to confer on American soil upon this problem of the right 
relations of races, which is a cardinal phase of the general problem 
of international fraternity and peace. We can tell you in America 
of noteworthy advances in the solution of our own great races 
problems. There has been almost a revolution in the last generation 
in our dealing with our Indian population ; and there is at this time 
a movement hardly less than revolutionary going on in the minds of 
the best Southern white men touching the Negroes. In the whole 
history of civilisation there has been no more remarkable advance 
than that of the Negroes in our Southern States since emancipation. 
The story in industry, in property, and in education is the same. 
In 1905, six years ago, it was my office to arrange in Boston a co|i)rse 
of lectures upon our six most prominent institutions for Negro educa- 
tion — Howard University, Hampton, F'isk, Atlanta, Tuskeegee, and 
Beira — by the president or some leading representative of the insti- 
tution ; and these addresses were published together in a volume 
entitled From Servitude to Service. It was a remarkable survey of 
remarkable achievement It was published only six years ago, in 
1905, when I venture to say that there had been up to that time 
altogether not so many words of strong and cordial congratulation in 
high Southern places upon that educational advance as have been 
. uttered in the subsequent six years. That volume could be matched 
to-day by one equally impressive made up of addresses by presidents 
of Southern universities and other leading Souther, n men recognising 
and urging that the Negro race must have as its preachers, teachers, 
lawyers, and doctors men of the highest education, and that no 
solution of the race question is possible which is not based upon the 
desire to develop every race to its highest capacity. This pro^ 
mising and prophetic ; and it is indicative of the new insight and 



EIGHTH SESSION . f4S$. 

nfw co>flscien£e Which are coming into the consideration of t||e mce 
, question evfrywhere. * The wrongs to our Southern Negroes, politic^ 
and social, are still flagrant and intolerable ; Sht I am emphasising 
here the* elements of hope and genuine advance. I believe that in 
Aft next decade the new humanity which is becoming so pervasive 
will achieve no greater triumphs than in the field of inter-racial 
justice, and will do this the more rapidly and effectively as we all 
jpake Ae world our parish and work together internationally. 

[Paper submittc'i tn English.] 



APPENDIX 


TURKEY 

By Dr. Riza Tevfik, 

Deputy for Adrianople in the Imperial Ottoman Parliament. 

Humanity, in its inevitable evolution, advances towards an ideal, just as 
our solar system follows some great path m its voyage to the unknown region 
where it will fulfil the cycle of its evolution. The idea of a congress for the 
purpose of bringing races together and endeavouring to secure a better 
understanding between them is, to my mind, the symbol of a sublime ideal 
of which I have long desired to see the realisation. 

The Turkey of to-day has ever been a vast battle-field, and on it the older 
civilisations have left the ruins of their ephemeral splendour. From Asia 
Minor have come, more than once, the forces that have devastated Europe. 
Warlike nations have often passed through it; they have trodden on a la|d 
that seems, from its gfographical situation, a bridge built between the 
continents. Each nation has left in it, as it passed, some portion of its frame, 
lacerated and torn with battle, until the Ottoman nation, as we find it to-day, 
has become a veritable mosaic of races 

In relation to the rest of the world, therefore, our microcosm provides, in a 
comparatively narrow field, the best opportunities for a close study of the 
question of the different races which aie represented among us by so many 
and such heterogeneous communities. Hence it is that the most pressing social 
question for constitutional Turkey has been, from the time the new government 
was proclaimed, the firm and definitive establishment of a friendly understan|Jing 
between its various ethnic element:*, m older to be able to secure the first 
conditions of a harmonious and prosperous social life. r 

The attainment of this supreme aim has been a matter of very serious 
consideration to us, and we have been compelled to study the chief conditions 
of xt. In this way we have succeeded in detecting the causes of the unhappy 
discord that there is m the concert of social life ; m this *way, too, we have 
become acutely conscious of the practical and actual difficulty of the task. 

This analytical study cannot be anything more than a summary and orderly 
account of the important question which at present interests us. But I may be 
permitted to observe that, not only is there a striking analogy between social 
and moral questions of the same general description, whether they ari^ in 
Turkey or elsewhere, but these social questions have a more or less evident, but 

454 t 



APPENDIX > 455 

^ # 

alwE3r8^real and persist^cit, aiEnity with economic and political questions. 
m^ht say,, iii mathematicaf language, that social que^^lions and wonomic 
qtiestipns are functional with each other. 

I believe that it will be better and mor<^ convenient to consider the question 
of races from two general points of \iew; first economtcallv, then morally. 

I bound to say that, if there are mischievous antipathies at the present time 
separating races, it is especially due to a certain lack of equiKbrium which 
/ interferes with the mutual relations and injures the reciprocal interests of races. 
These interests, however, material or moral, objective or subjective, real or 
•imaginary, go to form the question of life or death, ^or which each race 
struggles, with a mind illumined by its own instinct of self-preservation. 

Hence it is that th^se differences easily degenerate, especially when there 
is sudden and aggressive contact, into a mischievous antipathy that is dangerous 
to the cause of true civilisation, because these unfortunate circumstances lower 
man’s moral level and reveal the brute nature that is hidden in the depths 
of his being. It is one cause of that “leturn to a primitive condition” which 
we must endeavour to prevent. 

For the same reason these differences give birth to a whole senes of 
obstinate and hurtful prejudices. These may indeed have some justification, 
and even a relative utility, in view of the preservation of society ; but from 
another point of view they are a costly evil, because such a state of things can 
only be obtained at the price of intellectual degradation. 

Knowing well that the adoption of too exclusive or narrow a point of view 
will only lead me to erroneous conclusions, however logical they may be, I shall 
endeavoiir to refrain from entering into details and set aside all nationalist and 
religious sentiment, in ordci to take a general view of the history of humanity. 

I shall, therefore, deal with this important question only in an abstract, and 
even negative, sense ; that is to say, instead of enumerating a senes of condi- 
tions that may be necessary to establish a good understanding between races, 
I will endeavour to concentrate my attention on the causes which, in my 
opinion, prevent this good understanding that everybody desires to see 
Although this way of considering the question is negative m form, it will lead 
to certain positive and practical results. 

Amongst the causes of lacial discord there are qu.te a number of ^‘conven- 
tional prejudices” which are generally regarded a*l indisputable scientific 
truths and have the authority of law m the civilised world It would have 
been well if M. Max Nordau, the able author of Conventional Lies, had 
classified them. Some of them, such as “racial prejudice,” have the air of 
being scientific, but are none the less mere prejudices. Although Herbert 
Spencer, the eminent philosopher, and M. Novicow, the distinguished socio- 
, legist, have given us a masterly treatment of this question, I should like to deal 
with it and draw certain conclusions in regard to it. 

Racial prejudice rests, like all other prejudices, on a very complicated 
f’~?liiework of sophisms. The superiority .of one race over another is estimated 
by its capacity ^nd its aptitude for civilisation, and that is quite sound. But, 
tmf ortunately, Ci >;ilisation is not properly understood ; that is the root of the 
evil. There we must seek the inexhaustible source of the confused fallaci€is 
which have so far complicated and perverted the notion of race that we some- 
times take it to,'bOan “ entity ” of a new order. 

In the first place, we are accustomed to think that the only virtues necessary 
for civilisation are martial qualities. We neglect far too much the virtues in the 
proper sense of the word, the moral virtues. That comes of an erroneous or 
superficial study of the facts of history and of a false interpretation ol certain 
pifnciples of naturalist philosophy — principles which are perfectly true, but 
relative. It is on this point that we draw up illegitimate and ^ ophi.stical genera* 



^6 UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

lisations, dra^^ing in certain kinds ol sociological and political facts wtlicli liailto 
no placed a province that is ruled by a biological principle, for instance, 

1 am as convinced as any man that '' the survival of the fittest in the struggle 
for life” is a sound principle, but<I very much question whether the ohly 
conditions of this fitness are what we call the " warlike virtues.*' If I am told 
that such is the situatioot invariably in the animal world I reply that it ought j)pt 
to be the same in the human world. I may add that in the animal world 
fertility, which is a distinctive sign of inferior races and species, is an im- 
portant element in the fitness of the species to survive in virtue of its numbers. 
It is the same with endurance, which makes the individuals of a species better « 
able to resist the destructive agencies of Nature, The exigencies of material 
life are other conditions that must not be neglected , a people whose individual 
members can live on a handful of rice or an onion and reproduce indefinitely is 
as formidable as the peoples who have large guns. All these qualities, and many 
others, facilitate adaptation by reducing its first conditions. These are qualities 
of races that are generally regarded as inferior, but the race that has these 
qualities may command a larger zone of expansion in the world. It resembles 
an economic machine that needs very little fuel to work ; though its products 
are not of a high quality there is a certain compensation that must not be over- 
looked. A flower that is, like certain orchids, produced by artificial selection, 
demands infinitely more care than the wild dandelion, for instance. 

The idea of superiority, like everything else, is relative. Moreover, we must 
diagnose these qualities by a careful study of the psychic, sociological, or moral 
causes which have given birth to them. We shall probably find that qualities 
of quite a different origin are involved and that it is not always the warlike 
qualities that are victorious. 

Respect for law and the gift of conservative innovation — to use the happy 
phrase of Walter Bagehot — are excellent qualities of a military origin ; a long 
period of military discipline that gave rise to them. It is owing to them, 
Bagehot says, that the Romans conquered the world. I agree. But I do not 
understand how the Romans with such qualities were unable to overcome the 
moral strength of a few Christian martyrs who eventually destroyed their gieat 
Empire. The Turks of the Ottoman Empire have these qualities in a highy 
degree than the Ottomans of other laces, such as the Greek, the Arab, 
Albanian, and the Kurd.'^ How is it that these qualities have not secured for 
the true Turks of the Empire either a supeiionty in numbers or a supremacy in 
commerce or art ? 

A quality of a certain kind can only secure a certain kind of superiority ; we 
cannot expect of a martial quality success in commercial competition. Their 
warlike virtues have secured the government for the Turks, and they have 
ever held the reins in their vigorous hands. They have always, or almost 
always, produced statesmen, magistrates, captains, and soldiers of the first rank. 
But they have, unfortunately, very little capacity for commerce, finance, and 
industry. Great commercial and ludystnal enterprises tempt them no longer, 
They have little disposition for philosophy and science, is a race with 
practical but martial quahtfes. They have no moral and social qualities that 
ate distinctive of them. As is well known, they are hospitable, but this is not a 
virtue inherent in the race, as the Bedouin also has it, and as it is really not so 
much a quality as a custom strictly related to the “ nomad condition " or a 
certain stage of social evolution. Neither is it an exclusively Oriental virtue, 
for the Chinaman, who represents the oldest civilisation, is distinguished for his 
aversion to foreigners. 

Let consider the Jewish people. This people has indisputably a higher 
capacity than any other for finance and commerce. It has also a very adv^nd^d 
and pronounced degree of social virtue — moral solidarity. But it does not 



APPENDIX 45| 

p0sses| these two excellent qualifications for the strdggle in virtue of belong- 
ing to the.SeniStic race, as fk generally thought How it, in that case, that 
the nomad Tribes which belong to the same rape «s the Jews are constantly 
killing each other and have an aggressive ^d military rather than a conciliatory 
and industrial character ? It cannot be said that these two qualities, which have 
'^sjvyfid the life and preserved the integrity of the Jewish people more effectively 
than in the case of any other people, and ** m vspite of the countless persecutions 
that they have endured,” are martial qualities. It is precisely after it had 
lost its warlike qualities and its national independence that the people of Israel 
• acquired these two higher qualities, one of which secuns for it supremacy m 
the financial world and the other maintains a mo’ li cohesion among its members 
scattered throughout yie world. It needs a long discipline of misfortunes— a 
harder discipline than that of the Romans — to acquire these capacities ; and this 
education has lasted at least twenty-five centuries, during which it had not the 
same rights as other nations. In that circumstance must we seek all its virtues 
and defects. There again we will find the explanation of the paradox that it is 
very materiaUstic in business and very idealistic in its dreams of its glorious 
past, that it is cosmopolitan while it remains at heart as nationalist as it was 
under the rule of its ancient patriarchs, that it is very liberal and innovating 
while it remains extremely conservative in the observance of its eminently 
traditional customs. 

These instances prove — in my opinion, at least— -that these qualities, like 
many others of the same kind, have very little to do with what is called the 
innate capacity of races,” a vague formula that I find it difficult to understand 
precisely. I can at the most admit an innate capacity of the individual, but not 
of the race. If the races of men really have a certain innate capacity and 
aptitude, it consists m the instinctive and unconscious qualities of conservatism, 
an instinct that is inherent, not merely m the nature of man, but in the insect 
itself How, then, can we suppose that this conservative instinct, common to 
all human beings, can be the true measure of the higher moral and intellectual 
quahties which assure the supremacy of one nation over others ? It would be 
like measuring and estimating the intensity of light with a pair of scales. 

I can easily admit that the conservative instinct is the cause of all higher 
quahties and virtues. But that is not the question. want to know how the 
same instinct has given rise to certain qualities in one race and different 
qualities in another We have to determine the influence of the specific factors 
which have brought about this differentiation among the various races of men ; 
and, in the case with which we are especially concerned heic, we have, I think, 
to discover those factors which we must regaid as piejudicial to a good under- 
standing or incompatible with it. 

I should be the first to admit this sociological truth, that war has played the 
greatest part m the formation of the ancient and more or less barbaric civilisa- 
tions, in the rise of the great conquering nations, and in their geographical 
d* Jribution. Mythology, prehistoric science, archaeology, and many other 
fields of researcli in which the scientific spirit is actively engaged m pursuing 
(Is fruitful investigations, show us that war and conquest polarise nations an4 
even national sentiments ; that civilisation, which has not emerged all at once 
from obscurity, has had to advance with slow and halting steps, even disorderly 
and ataxic ” stept, if I may use the expression, in its uncertain faith ; and that 
commerce and industry, the two great pacific factors of civilisation, were at 
first very rudimentary, and suffered grievously from the sudden dislocations and 
waste of a chronic state of war. 

As the various peoples were not at the same level of social evolutfbn, and 
th^wJys and means of communication were not what they are to-day, there 
was no harmony between them. At tunes a barbaric horde, Torm^dable m its 



^8 \ , UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 

nmnbers^nd the physical strength of its members, fell suddenly upon ami Imd 
waste a country that enjoyed the wealth it had accumulated by peat^; industry, 
and economy. It was the “gaziva,” the “razia/' on a grand scale. The 
Turanian or Ural-Altaic race, as one ihay prefer, has been in its time superior 
to others in this respect. 

The vital energy of a^savage people was, perhaps, needed to restore the it4e 
of a decrepit civilisation, by supplying it with fresh vigour from its own sap ; 
just as the Vestal Virgins fed the sacred fire to keep it alive. Hence it is that 
civilisation passed from hand to hand, like a torch showing light to humanity ; 
the arm needed strength to hold the torch as high and as long as possible. « 
From the remotest periods of history the Turks and other nations of the same 
race have played an important part by their military virtu/^s. But history shows 
that conquest has its disastrous side. It has almost always lowered the moral 
level of the conquered and the conquerors, filling them with sentiments of 
hostility that are incompatible with the conditions of peaceful collective life. 
Hence, quite naturally, the arrogance, the contempt, the disdain which 
characterise the moral attitude of the race which considers itself superior in 
every respect simply because it has proved its superiority in the qualities of 
war. Hence, too, the sullen hatred, the vindictive disloyalty, the hardly 
concealed hypocrisy, the conservative exclusivism, and the tendency to an 
exaggerated traditionalism which chaiacterise the moral attitude of a conquered 
race, which may, at the most, admit its inferiority of circumstances, but not its 
moral and intellectual inferiority. That is one of the gravest questions which 
conquering peoples have to settle before they can think of laying the founda- 
tions of a cordial understanding between all races. In that respect we have to 
study the remarkable qualities and defects of the Ottoman Turks. 

Although my time and space are limited, I cannot help drawing attention 
to certain scientific facts, usually wrongly inteipieted, which have a close 
connection with the question of races. I wish to speak of craniological science, 
which IS closely related to anthropology on the one hand, and ethnography on 
the other. 

To what extent may we infer a difference of moral characteristics from a 
difference of physical characteristics ? The question has often been put, an||, 
as we know, Dr. Cabai^is, under the influence of the encyclopaedists of tliv 
eighteenth century, declared that there was an absolute parallelism. 

The question of the morality of a people has been discussed by philosophersi 
Herbert Spencer, Mill, and Lord Avebury, to whom 1 am moi e indebted than 
any for my intellectual education, have expressed different opinions on tlie 
subject. Spencer quotes the Veddahs and the Himalayans as of high and 
irreproachable morality, though they are at the very base of the human 
hierarchy in point of intelligence and civilisation. The distinguished 
philosopher rightly attributes this one-sided superiority to their having lived 
a peaceful and undisturbed social life during many centuries. 

What should we say if we had to judge the morality of one of these peoples 
by measuring its facial angje, or its cephalic index, or its cra/iial capacity — 

^ word, by first considering the distinctive features of its physiognomy and the 
specific form of its skull ? Would it not be much the same thing as attempting 
to determine the value of a com by the figure stamped on it ? 

I do not question that these important characters in tfte classification of 
races have their proper value ; they are tlie visible effects of certain causes. 
But I prefer to remain m the province of pure pragmatism in regard to facts 
that have not yet been set free of contradictory hypotheses. 

Thei'Volume of the biain, in so far as it is normal, is the outcome of effort 
and exercise, like the size of a muscle. I do not see that that will %xphin 
either the specific form of the skull or die mental energy, still less the spedffc 



APPENDIX 45^ 

capa^ty and genitis of a scholar or an aitist We must not forget thal 
statistical ‘j^ata offer no explanation whatever df indtvkiMl cases, and all these 
considerations drawn from craniological studies have only a purely statistical 
value. ^ Aristotle, Epicurus, St. Paul, and Baron Canchy had not large and fin© 
heads, yet who will dispute the encyclopaedic genius of the first, the moral 
genius of the second and third, and the mathematical genius of the fourth ? 
Alexander Bain believes that there is a correlation between the intellectual 
power and the volume of the brain , Spencer, who had, like Bain, one of the 
strongest and finest heads, is very sceptical on the point. Between that and 
► morality there is an impassable abyss. As to form, I am inchned to agree with 
the illustrious Professor Haeckel, of Jena, thi'i the formal differences in the 
human skull are original and are of no value except for the classification of 
races. -While we are as yet unable to agree on the rational conditions of a 
natural classification even of mushrooms, it would be premature and arbitrary 
to divide humanity into two or four great classes, or to say that there are Euro^ 
pean heads and" Asiatic heads m the moral sense, and to suppose that the Asiatic 
head is much inferior to the European in this respect. The great prophets of 
humanity had Asiatic heads. The thesis is, therefore, valid only m ethnography, 
not in moral science. 

Moreover, to speak only of my own country, what a confusion it would be to 
regard all Ottomans as Asiatics. There are millions ol men amongst us who 
are as European as the most advanced nations of Europe and who are not in 
every respect superior to their fellow-citizens of Asiatic origin. The phrases 
imply, from their very nature, an idea of absolute superiority or mfenonty 
which the psychic source ot the arrogance, disdain, and hatred that so much 
impede a good understanaing It is this feeling of disdain that justifies aggres- 
sion against a supposed inferior race, because it is pacific. Nietzsche has given 
us the psychological explanation of this important fact. 

Possibly it IS the feeling of aiistocratic and military superiority rather than 
the idea of a real moral and intellectual superiority that is the source of the evil. 
It is on that ground that the Turks, when they iiad conquered nations more 
civilised than themselves, did not regaid them as fellow-cituens with equal 
rights. That is one of tlie chief defects of the Tuikish character. But all 
conquering nations have the same defect. It is .emaikable that Nietzsche 
should attempt to justify all aggression on the part ofa European and militarist 
superman Nevertheless, the white race, which at present dominates the 
others, ought to make a serious study tins psychic fact. 

Social life IS, like individual life, i continual process of adaptation to the ^ 

environment and the surrounding cii cumstances, which aie a part of the f 

essential conditions of universal life To wish to rnoialise a people that has ‘ 

only rudimentary institutions and a gross and anthiopomorphic religion swarm- 
ing with contradictory -upeistitioiis by giving it a higher lehgion would be just . 
as absurd and dangei ous as to cause the abortive delivery of a three-months’ old 
"xtus in order to nurse it with the greatest caic in an incubator. Is there any 
reasonable man^who, to facilitate the eniergencc^of the matuie insect, would ^ 
^tear open the pupa-case in order to see the butterlly earlier^ Yet this is just ^ 
what IS being done every wheie outside the civilised continent with a great ? 
expenditure of money and encigy. 

I am profouhftly convinced that the moral value and practical, salutary effect 
of a religion or religious beliel is much moie closely related to the sincerity of 
the belief than to its object. It is the sincerity of faith that inspires noble and 
unselfish deeds ; it is that and not the formal conceptions which constitute the 
differentiating characters of religions that impels to sacrifice. If ^ all new 
r<iligions could at the start inspire their followers with the idea of sacrifice, self- 
denial, courage, and contempt of life it is owing to the sincr^ity of a faith that 



466 ^ UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 
^ ^ , , 
has mt ytjt been shaken by scepticism ; it is because they sincerely behevjpd In 
a sacred principle that was good for humanity, ‘f he question of Jorm nad 
nothing t6 do with it ; if the faith is extinguished the metaphysical concepts 
that remain may make professors, but ‘not martyrs ready to sacrifice thei^selves 
for a sublime truth. 

I, therefore, think that«at would be useful, and is important, to reflect on tUia»‘ 
question, especially as religion has, according to the circumstances, either a 
sepiarative or a consolidating effect on the masses. To express myself very 
briefly, let me say that an exaggerated zeal for religious propaganda in the 
midst of any race will create so difficult a situation that it will end in embi oiling 
proselytism and orthodoxy, and nationalist sentiments will only complicate and 
further aggravate the unfortunate situation. r 

As I am merely expressing abstract personal opinions on these important 
sociological questions I will refrain from giving examples. I am endeavouring 
only to discover and determine the chief obstacles which prevent a good under- 
standing by destroying the exalted feelings of friendship that should bring the 
various races of earth together. 

The civilised nations which have accepted the noble mission of moralising 
inferior races, as it is usually expressed, have always preached that tolerance is 
one of the first conditions of morality. True civilisation begins with it, and not 
with the application of steam and electricity to industry It is in the recognition 
of rights and the mutual respect of individuals and societies that we must seek 
the test of a true civilisation. 

It IS very remarkable that the famous essay of John Locke did not prevent 
Mill from emphasising toleration, a century and a half later, for the second time. 

I repeat the fact is very remarkable It must be taken into serious consideration, 
as intolerance is one of the chief causes of the distrust and antipathy which are 
born of the contact of different races and nations. 

Admitting the universality of the scientific principle that “ every oscillation 
tends towards a point of stable equilibrium," I firmly believe that our inevitable 
relations thioughout the world will in the long run set up a more balanced 
political and social situation by a better co-ordination of our mierests, which tend 
to greater and greater solidarity. A less rough, moie intimate, and more fre^ 
quent contact between tlje nations of diffeient races will create and foster thisf 
desired sympathy, which is the psychic cause and the powerful factor of that 
sociability without which there could be no civilisation Only then shall we 
admit the tiuth that, in spite of the apparent differences due to physical 
characters, methods of social education, or degrees of intellectual capacity, wc 
have ail, as human beings, the same fundamental character and the same 
passions. We shall then admit more loyally that it is these very passions 
rather than the knowledge acquired that make up the essence of the human 
soul ; it IS precisely these passions that dominate, rule, and direct men and 
societies. Then we shall be more humane and benevolent to the races that we 
regard as inferior and who are m reality profoundly like ourselves. Then we 
shall be more indulgent and -tolerant to our fellows. Then we^will understand 
that even the fetishistic savage has a vague consciousness of the sublime and 
transcendental truth that surrounds us on every side and of which the human 
intelligence is but a mysterious and marvellous revelation. 

1 am confident that in the province of social morality thfese are axiomatic 
truths ; they are as positive to my conscience as mathematical truths are to my 
intelligence. It is they that will guide us towards a moral ideal. What does 
it matter that we shall never attain that ideal 1 It is enough that our eyes 
are turned to it to direct us toward a civilisation higher in every respect than 
that of to-day. Did not our early nomad ancestors take the pole-star as th^ir 
guide, so that they might not be lost in the desert ? We must do likewise j and, 



APPENDIX 

' I ' * ^ 

l»ithout pres^ng idealism so far as to insfct m an absolute humanitariamsm, |et 
us at Ic^st hope to^ replace the philosophy- of MachJaveUi by tl:^s reasoned 
utilitariaiism of Bentham and J. S. Mill, If there is one purely social 
factor much more conducive to morality than any other of the same kind* 
it is &lidanty based on a reciprocity of well-understood interests. It is that 
j^which will give us some security against aggressio^, which I regard as the 
source of every individual misfortune, and every social and international 
calamity. 

I must, nevertheless, admit that this economic philosophy is rather dry and 
inadequate for the attainment of our supreme aim. We must give it more life 
and beauty by conforming, in the accomplishment of our difficult task, to the 
unwritten dogmas — the dypaif>a Soypara — of practical morals. 

Some sociologists have declared that the social question is at bottom an 
economic question, I may say with just as much truth that it is entirely a moral 
question ; since, as I have shown, the two phases of the social question are 
intimately related. 

Who knows what future is reserved for humanity ? I know only that social 
catastrophes, like geological cataclysms, are due to slow and continuous causes. 
I believe that the great men of all countries, especially those who govern and 
administer the masses, could prevent at least some of the causes, and moderate, 
to some extent, their dangerous effects. 

I bcheve in the possibility of progress The evolution of societies, as it 
pursues its path, exhibits certain perturbations which we believe to be as inevit- 
able and irremediable as those of a heavenly body. It is enough to study the 
nature and causes of these perturbations to convince oneself that some of 
them, at least, are avoidable. I am full of hope for the future. 

The solemn Congress in which I have the great honour and unspeakable joy 
of taking part gives me a brilliant proof that the leading representatives of 
modern civilisation are inspired with a noble resolution to deal seriously with 
the gravest question of our time. 

The Turkey of to-day, with its ardent desire for progress and true civilisa- 
tion, and its determined struggle for independence, offers a sincere wish for the 
success of the Congress, and warmly applauds its distinguished members who 
are devotedly working in it for the cause of hum'^nity. 

[Paper subtmtted tn French¥\ 



LETTER FROM M. LfiON BOURGEOIS 

My Lord, — You hav^ been good enough to seek my collaboration 
and ask me to sign a paper for the forthcoming meeting of the 
Races Congress, which is to be held in London. 

Although the state of my health has prevented me from com- 
plying personally with your request by writing a paper of any length, 

I desire at least to approach you to-day and say hqw much I approve 
the initiative that has impelled you and your distinguished collabo- 
rators to bring together representatives of all the races of men in a 
universal congress. 

The thought that inspires you is a lofty one; it merits the 
attention of all, even of those who pride themselves on being 
practical politicians, and who are at times tempted to neglect 
problems of a general character on the ground that they do not 
deal with immediate difficulties. The object at which you aim, the 
securing of harmony between the various races of men, is an essential 
condition of any serious attempt to diminish warfare and extend the 
practice of arbitration. You approach the problem of pacification in 
its whole range, without concealing the obstacles from yourselves, 
and seek a solution that will apply, not to any particular human 
group, but to the whole of the inhabited globe. It is well that 
the question should already be put in this form by scientific con- 
gresses, in order to provide material that may afterwards be used by 
jurists and statesmen. || 

I have taken part the work of the Hague Peace Conferences 
from the start, and am in a good position to say how happily your 
work completes ours. This assurance, indeed, will be given you by 
my colleague and friend, M. d’Estournelles de Constant, and the other 
French representatives at the Races Congress, some of whom have 
been my collaborators and faithfully represent the idea which guided 
us in the Hague meetings of 1899 and 1907. 

I sincerely hope, therefore, that the first Races Congress, held 
under so noble an inspiration, will 'throw some light on the complex 
problems of the law of nations and thus see its labours Crowned with 
complete success. 

Accept, my Lord, the assurance of my great regard. 

l6on bourgeois. 

The Right Hon. Lord Weardale, 

President of the Congress^ London, 


[Lciter written tn French.] 
462 



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South African Native Races Committee (Edited by). The Natives of South Africa. 
376 pp. London, Murray, 1901. 

South African Imperial Blue Books. Cape of Good Hope. Papers re Condition and 
Treatment of the Native Inhabitants of South Africa xxxix, 50,252. 2 parts. 
Cape Colony, 1835 

South African Imperial Blue Books. South Africa. Report from the Select Committee 
on Aborigines (British Settlements). vii4-5?8 pp. Cape Colony, 1836. 

South African Imperial Blue Booki. Cape of Good Hope. Report of the S^^ect 
Committee on Aborigines (British Settlements), vn + 425 pp. Cape Colony, 1837* 

Stanley, Henry M , and others. Africa its Partition and its Future. New York* 
Dodd, 1898. 

Statham, F. R. Blacks ^ Boer St and British, via 4 * 271 pp. London, Macmillan, j88i. 

Statham, F. R. South Africa as it is. vi 4 “ 3*1 PP* London, Unwin, 1897. 

B. — AMERICA. 

AMERICAN INDIANS. 

Dominion of Canada. Annual Report of the Department of Indian Afkurs* Ottawa, 
Annual In progress « 

Humphreys, Seth. The Indian Dispossessed. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 


475 

I « 

JsiifSS^ GBOiiOK Wharton^ Wkaf the White Mmct majf Leam frem the Indian^ 269 p|>. 
Chicagp, Fori 3es, 1903. • # 

McI^ughlIn, Tames. My Friend the Indian^ viii + 4^6 pp. Boaton and New York» 

Houghton, Mifflin, 1910. . 

# ^ 

Morris, Alexander. The Treaties of Canada with the Indiam of Mamioba>t &c. 
175 pp. Toronto, Willing & Williamson, 1890. 

» * 

^NESE AND JAPANESE IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

Cailleux, Edouard. La Question chmoise aux Etats-Ums et dans les Possessions des 
^ Puissances europiennes, vui -|- 277 pp. Pans, Rousseau, 1898. 

CanaPa. Royal Commission on Chinese and Japanese Immigration* Sessional Paper, 
No. 54. XIV *4" 430 pp. Ottawa, Dawson, 1902. • 

Dixon, William Hepworth. White Conquest, 2 vols. London, Chatto, 1875. 

Facts upon the Other Side of the Chinese Quest ion ^ with a Memorial to the President of the 
United States from Repiesentative Chinamen in America. San Francisco, 1876. 

Ratzbl, Friedrich. Die ckiiusische Auswanderung ein Beitrag zur JCultur- und 
Handelsgeographie, xii + 272 pp. Breslau, Kern, 1876. 

SKWARD, George F. Chinese Immigration^ in its Social and Economual Aspects, 
XV -|- 420 pp. New York, Scribners, 1881 

NEGRO RACE . UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

Archer, William. Through Afro- America. kvi4-295 pp London, Chapman & Hall, 
1910. 

Atlanta University Publications, (i) The Negio Church, 212 pp. Atlanta, 
University Press, 1903. ^(2) Health and Physique of the Negro American. H2 pp. 
Atlanta, University Press, 1906 (3) Negro Common School. 120 pp. Atlanta, 

University Press, 1901 (4) The College-Bred Negro. 115 pp. Atlanta, University 

Press^ 1900. (5) Negro Crime. 120 pp. Atlanta, University Press, 1904, {jj^Bfforts 
^or Social Betterment. 136 pp Atlanta, Univeisity Press, 1909 (7) 2^^ Negro 

Family, 152 pp. Atlanta, University Press, 1908. 

Brousseau, Kate. V Education des Negres aux Etats-Ums, xvi + 396 pp. Paris, 
Alcan, 1904 

Bulletins of the United States Department of Labor Nos 10, 22, 35 Washington, Bureau 
of Labor. 

Bulletins of the United States Department of Labor. Nos. 14, 32, 37, 38, 48. Washington, 
Bureau of Labor. 

DuBois, William Edward Bukghardt The Suppress idk of the African Slave Trade. 
XI -j- 535 pp New York, Harvard Historical Studies, vol 1 , 1896 

DuBois, William Edward I^urghardt. Souls of Black Folk, viii + 264 pp. Chicago, 
McClurg, 1903 

Eaton, John. Grant, Lincoln, and the Freedmen. xxxvriji + 331 pp. London, Long- 
mans, 1907. 

Hartshorn, W. N., and Penniman, G. W. An Eta of Ptogi-ess and Promise, (The 
Religious, Moral, and Educational Development 0*. the American Negro.) Exhaus- 
tively illustrated. 57f pp. Boston, Mass., Priscilla Publishing Co., 1910. 
Johnston, Sir Harry H. The Aeg^o m the New World. xxix-{-499 pp. London, 
• Methuen, 1910 , 

Merriam, George Spring. The Negro and the Nation. 436 pp. New York, Holt, 
• 1906. 

Miller, Kelly. Race Adjustment Essays on the Negro m America. 306 pp. New 
York and Washington, Neale Publishing Co., 1908. 

Nieboer, H. J. Slavery as an Industrial System, xxvu + 474 PP* Hague, NijhoBT, 
1900. 

Page*, Thomas Nelson. The Negro the Southerner's Problem. 316 pp. New York, 
^nbners, 1904. 

ROYCB, Josiah. Race Questions, d>*c. xiii 287 pp. New York, Macmillans, 1908. 

S4DLER, M. E. The Education of the Coloured Race, Special Reports on Educationid 
Subjects. Vol. u. Education m the United States of America Part 2, pp. 

London, Eyre & Spottiswoode, 1902. 



UNIVERSAL RACES CONGRESS 



t f 

SmcxAift, William A. Th$ Aft$nnatk With an Introductton by W. 

Hig^son. 358 pp. Boston* Small* 1905. ^ 

Stephenson, Gilbert T. Jia^e Distinctions in American Law. 404 pp.’ New yotk, 
Appleton, 1910. ^ 

United States Census of 1900 Bulletin No 8 

Washington, Booker Taliaferro, and DuBois, William Edward Burghardt. 
Tke Negro in the SoutJi. 222 pp. London, Moring, 1907 

Washington, Booker Taliaferro. Up from Slccvery. ix + 330 pp. London/yisher 
Unwin, 1901. 

Williams, George W. History of the Negro Race in America from 1619 to 1880. 2 vols. 

New York, Putnams, 1883 • 

Wilson, He^^RY. History of the Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in Amerua. 3 vols. 
Boston, Mass., 1872-77 t 


PHILIPPINE ISLANDS. 

P’OSTER, John W. American Diplomacy tn the Orient, xiv + 498 pp. Boston and New 
York, Houghton, Mifflin, 1903 

Lala, Ramon Reyes The Philippine Islands. 342 pp New York, Continental Pub- 
lishing Co., 1899 

Philippine Commission. Report to tke President, ^ 6 th Congress, \st Session. Senate Docu- 
ment, No 135. Washington, 1900. 

WEST INDIES. 

Cabrera, Fraimun do. Cuba and the Cubans (Translated by L. Guiteras) 442 pp, 
Philadelphia, Levyty, 1896 

Cuban Delegation in Atlanta. Sotne Pertinent Facts concerning the Struggle for 
Independence. Atlanta, 1897. 

FRC^!|r^, James Anthony. The English in the West Indies, x -f* 373 PP* London, 
Legmans* 1888 

Pepper, Charles M To-morrow m Cuba With a Bibliography, viii -p 362 pp. 
New York and London, Harper, 1899. 


C.--ASIA 

CHINA. 

Bland* J. O. P , and Backhouse, E. China under the Empress Dowager, xv -j- 525 pp^ 
London, Heinemann, igio. 

Crisis in China, The Reprinted from the “ North American Review ” By variouJ 
authorities. New York and London, Harper, 1900. 

Douglas, Robert Kknnaway. Europ>e and the Far East vm -j- 450 pp. Cambridge, 
University Press, 1904. 

Eitel, Ernest John Europe m China vii -4- 575 4 - xm pp London (Hong Kong 
printed), Luzac, 1895. 

Gundry, Richard Sampson China Present and Past, xxxi -f 414 pp. London, 
Chapman & Hall, 1895 

Hart, Sir Robert. “ These from the Land of Smtm * Essays on the Chinese 
Question. 254 pp London, Chapmah & Hall, 1901. 

Holcombe, Chester Tke *Real Chinese Question xxii -P 386 pp. London, , 
Methuen, 1901 

Wen Ching (pseud.). Tke Chinese Crists from Within. (Edited by G. M Reith.) xvi 
-f 354 pp* London, Grant Richards, 1901. 

4 

INDIA. 

Chiroi., M Valentine. Indian Unrest. xvi-|- 37 i pp* London, Macmillan, 1910. 

Diver, Maud The Englishwoman in India. 259 pp. Edinburgh and London, Blacks 
woob, 1909. 

DuBoiS, Abbe J A. Hindu Manners, Customs, and Ceremonies. 2 vols. OxfcSrd, 
Frowde, 1897. 



BIBLIOGRAPHY 477 

V I # 

HowsiNi Hilda M. Ract and Colour Prejudiem. ^ouroatl of the East India Association, 
ApWl, £911.) , 0 

Lilly, W. India ami Us ProhUms, 44 pp. London, Stnds, 190a. 

Sptechts of the HotdfU, G. H. GokkaU^ CJ.E !^adras, 1908. 

Sarda, Har Bilas. Hindu Supenonty. xxii -f 454 pp. Ajmere, Rajputana Printing 
Works, 1906. 

TowFisend, Meredith. Asm and Europe, xxiv + 404 pp London, Constable, 1905. 
JW edition. 

VambIBRY, Armin. Western Culture in Eastern Lands, viii 4-410 pp. London, 
Constable, 1906. 


JAVA. 

Boys, Henry Scott. S^c Notes on Javu and Us Admimstratum by the Dutch, v -f- gz 
4 - lii pp. Allahabad, Pioneer Press, 1892 

Money, James William B. Java; or^ How to Manage a Colony. 2 vols. London, 
Hurst & Blackett, 1861. 

Raffles, Sir Stamford History of Java. 2 vols London, Black, Parbury & Allen, 
1817. 


D.- AUSTRALIA. 


Lang, Gideon S The Aborigines oj Australia m their Original Condition and m their 
Relation with the White Men. 86 pp. Melbourne, Wilson & Mackinnon, 1865. 

New South Wales. Report of Board for the Protection of Aborigines. Annual. In 
progress 

Queensland. Annual RepoeA of the Chief Protutor of Aboriginals Bnsbane, Annual. 
In progress 


Victoria Report of the Boatd for the Protection of the Aborigines. 
In progress. 


Western Australia. 
jarogress. 


Aborigines Department Report. 


Perth, 


Melbourne, Annual. 


W.A., Annual. In 


R.--AUSTRALASIA. 

BORNEO. 

St. John, Sir Spencer Buckingham. Rajah Brooke : The Englishman as Ruler of an 
Eastern State, xxiv 4- 302 pp. London, Unwin, 1899. 



INDEX 


Aba Ntsundu, 340 
Abantii, 336 
Abenakis, 367 

Abendanon, Dr. J. H., Paper by, 324 
Abesutho, 336 

Aborigines Protection Society, 445 
Adler, Dr. Felix, Paper by, 261 ; refened 
to, 274 

African Negroes, set Negroes 
Agbebi, Pastor Mojola, Paper by, 341 
Agriculture : 

I 73 » 176 

Haiti, 182 

International Institute of, 254 
Amos, III 
Alaskans, 367 
Albigenses, 183 
Aldridge, Ira, 362 
Algonquins, 367 
Alpine Race, 18 

American and European-born’Children com- 
pared, loi, 102 
Amencan Indians, see Indians 
American Peace Society, 442 
Amerindians, see American Indians 
Ammon, Otto, 103 
Ancestor Worship : 

Africa, 346 
Japan, 134, 138 
Andamanese, 30 

Angara, 104, 105 * 

Anthropological View of Race, Special Paper, 

• 13 

Anti-Imperialist League (U.S.A.), 447 
Appalachians, 367 
Arabs, in 
Arbitration ; 

Hague Arbitration Court, 123, 395, 
414, 444 

Lak\. Mohonk Conferences, 443 
Armaments, Limitation of, see Peace Con- 


Armenoids, 18 
Arnold, Anton, 209 
Aungnac Man, 5 

Autonomy, 40, 121, 129, 164-, 281, 282, 
288, 292, 295-, 298, 321, 339, 3S2-, 

367 

Avars, 185, 198 
Babism in P^sia, 15 1 

Backward Races, 38, 41, 43, 46, 48, 222-, 

267, 323 

Baha, ‘Abdu’l, Letter from, 154 
Bahai Movement in Persia, 154 
Banneker, Benjamin, 352, 362 
Bantu, 19, 336, 349 
Batak Institute, 259 
Batwa, 340 

Beauty — Equality of Races as regards, 14, 

34-. 332-. 344, 3 «o 

“Beena,’’ 9 nofe 
Beni-Israel, 276 
Berbers, 20 
Besutho, 336 
Black Magic, 8, 346 
Blakeslee, Professor G. H., 448 
Boas, Dr Franz, Paper by, 99 
Bolk, 100 

Bourgeois, L^on, Letter by, 462 
Brazilian Half-breeds, 377 
Bruce, Sir Charles, Paper by, 279 
Burtt, Joseph, Paper by, 323 
Bushido, 140 

Caldecott, Dr. Alfred, Paper by, 302 

Camp, Maxime du, 183 

Cannibalism, 8, 346 1 

Capacity — Natural Capacity of Races, yS” 

79. 80. 83 

Capital, Transfer of, Effect on Inter-racial 
Economics, 208 ei seg. 

Canjos, 112 

Carnegie Peace Foundation, 251, 451 



INDEX 479 


China : 

Agfgressive Policy in, 287 
“ Awakening of ” — PitigressVnd Effects, 

• 234 ef uq, 

Chii^se Labour Questions, 313 
Civilisation of, 34 
Customs, Immobility of, 69 
„|^ucation, 85, 127 
I^mily in, 94 
Miscegenation, 128 
Opium Cultivation, Restrictions, 327 
Political Government, 126 
Polygamy, Chinese Law, 125 
Yellow Peril, 202 ♦ 

Civic Evolution of Woman, 88 

Civilised and Semi-Civilised, Needs of, 298- 1 

Clark University Conferences, 447 

Clan, Definition of, 10 

Climate, 29, 13, 104-, 172, 179. 247. 3^7. 

• 383,426,429 

Clubs, Cosmopolitan Club Movement, 439, 
449 

Cocoa Plantations, Indentured Labour on, 

324 

Colonies and Dependencies, Government of, 
Special Paper, 293 et ^ 

Gem ral, 206, 291, 383-, ^7 
Colour Problem, 13-, 24-, 36, 44, 104-, 
121, 131, 222~, 287-, 290-, 323, 330-, 
336-, 341-, 348-, 364-, 383-, 427 
Comparative Civilisation, International 
* Journal, suggestion, 13 
Concubinage in China, 125 
Congo 

Congo Reform Associations, 444, 445 
Forced Labour System, 315 
Pygmies, 331 

Congresses, International, Effects on Race 
Unity, 122, 244 et scq., 390, 443 
Consanguineous Marriage, 9 
Consciousness, Ethnic, 24 
Constant, Baron d’Estournelles de, Paper 
by, 383 

Constitution League (U S A.), 446 
Constitutional Government. 114, 116 
Continuity of Type, 7, 16 
Cook, Will, 363 
C?o-operative Societies, 246 
“Corvee,” 313 

’ Cosmopolitan Club Movement, 439 
Cossacks, 198 

Cranial Capacity of Proto-human types, 7 
Cremcr, Sir W Hbndal, 122 
Cro-Magnon Man, 7 

Crown — Holy Crown of Hungary, Special 
Paper, 184 et seq. 

Croxton, F. C., Paper by, 21 1 

(Julture, Opportunities of Vanous Races, 

8 , 9 


Customs, 10, 14, 25, 36, 6i^, 67, >s, 
i 44 "-» * 70 , 233, 239, 241, 364, 267, 
271. 293, 397 -* 307. 3Hf 31S, 320, 
337 -, 343-, 365, 368“, 429, 441 

« 

Dakotas, 368 

Da' ids, Profes^ior and Mrs. Rhys, Paper by, 
62 

Declaration of T.ondon, 41 1 
DeForest, Dr. John H , 449 
Dependent Peopli's, see Subject Races 
Deusse.^ Professor Paul, 238 
Dilke, Sir Charles, Paper by ,*3 12 
Diseases introduced by Europeans, 344, 345, 
375 

Dislike ot the Unlike, 25, 277 
Douglas, Sir Robert, 235 
Douglass, Frederick, 353, 363 
Dunk Traffic between Different Races, 324 
DuBois, Professor W L B , 31 notei Hi, 
446 ; Paper by, 348 
Duckworth, Professor W H. L., 328 
Dyaks, 30 

Eastman, Charles Alexander, Paper by, 

367 

Economics, 25, 38, 49, 50, 53-, 97, 173, 176-, 
182, 204, 208-, 21 1-, 222-, 244-, 252, 
254-, 259-, 265, 270, 

294. 307, 3 1 2-, 323-, 327, 338, 342-, 
357 -, 3 ^ 5 - 369-, 384- 426, 434 
Education, 25, 38-, 8a-, 85, 120, 127, 134, 
14a-, 145, 151, 166, 172, 176, i8r. 
236, 243, 25 1-, 296, 326-, 334, 335, 
340 357 , 386, 428-, 433 -. 442 
Egypt 

Agriculture, 173, 176 
Cotton ''A-ade, 173 
Education, 172, 176 
Electoral System, 176 
Miscegenation, 170 
Morals and Customs, 171 
Language Question, 167 
Political Situation, 172, 173 
Public Assistance, Deficiency of, 177 
Religions m, 16S 
Woman’s Position in, 169 
• Ellis, G Havelock, 4, 66 note 
Enterpiis#— Equality of Races as regards, 
32 

Environment : 

Adaptation to Larger, in Japan, 288 
Africans, 428 

American Indian and his, 374 

Australia and Europe, 17 

Capacity of Assimilation by Negro, 291 

Dynamic Factor, 39 o 

Egyptian and his, 178 

General, 21 



4Bo UNITERSAL RACES CONGRESS 


Onvircmiient ^ 

Ideal as Social Ba^s, 86- 
Instabitky of Character and Type, 6, 9^ 
Jew and bis, 276 
Mental Characters, 73- 
Negroes handicapped, 32 
Physical and other, 383 , 
Self-government, 292 
Social Element, 37, 44 
Universal Solidarity, 29, 49, 55 
Eskimo, 328 
Ethics: 

Ethical Teaching in Schools, Effect on 
Race Knowledge, 433 
Inter-racial, Principles and Applica- 
tions of, Speaal Paper, 261 // se^, 
European and American-born Children 
compared, 10 1, 102 
European Constitutions, 1850-1880, 116 

Falashas, 276 
Family 

China, 126 
India, 95, 98 

Negro Family, Average Size of, 356 
Origin and Structure of, 9 
Woman and the Family Ideal m 
various countries, 91 et seq 
Fetickr^gj. 346 
Finch, Professor Earl, Paper by, 108 
Finot, Jean, 36 note^ 84 
Firmin, M., 30, 31 
Forced and Indentured labour, 312- 
Fouillee, Alfred, Paper by, 24 
Fried, Alfred H , Paper by, 420 
Ful Tribe, 20 

Gayanazes, 1 12 
Genius, 32, 77, 335, 381 
Geographical Position, 21, 29, 50-, 82-, 
133, 1 35 -. 367. 382. 387, 426, 435 
Goethe, 233 

Gokhale, lion G K*, Paper by, 157 

Gondwana, 104 

Gould, F. J., 438 

Gray, John, Paper by, 79 

Griquas, 109 

Group, Marriage, 9 

^ Ha^fiz, 149, 150 

Hague Peace Conferences, see Peace 
Haitians — Government and People, Special 
Paper, 178 

Halde, Jean Baptiste du, 235 
Hale, Edward Everett, 443, 452 
Half-castes, 23, 377, 381 
Plall, Dr. C. Stanley, 447 
Hamites, 19, 21 
Hart, Sir Robert, 235 


Hausa Tribe, 19 
Hawaiians, ^09 
Haynes, Lemuel, 362 
Hedin, Sven, 86 
Heredity, Social, 37, 70 
Hero-worship in Africa, 346 
History, only possessed by man, 37 
Hittites, 18 

Hobson, John A., Paper by, 21 1, 222 
Hoggan, Dr. Frances, Paper by, 364 
Horde, 9 

Hottentots, 30, 109, 336, 340 
Hova, 21 

Human Sacrifice in Africa, 345 
Hungary, Holy Crown, Theory of, 184 
et seq, 

Huns, 185, 198 


Immigration and Wages in the United 
States, 211 <f/ seq. 

General, 130, 382 

Imperialism, 12, 41-, 55, 228, 229, 294 
Indentured and Forced Labour, 312- 
India : 

Family m, 95, 98 
Indenture^-Emigration from, 317 
Religion in, 96, 238 

Unrest under British Rule, 159 et seq , 


239 

Woman’s Position in, 90 et seq. 

Indians, North American : 

Character of, 33, 405 
General Account of, 367 
Indian Rights Association, 447 
Lake Mohonk Conterences, 33, 443, 4^7 
References to, 328, 331, 332 w 

Indonesians, 106 
Infanticide, 9 
“ Inferior ” Races, 14, 30 
Instability of Human Types, 99 et seq. 
Insurance, International Organisations for, 
246 

Intellectual Standing of Different Races, 79, 
82 

Intelligence, Equality of Races as regards, 32 
Inter-marriage, see Miscegenation 
International Education Associations, 251 , 
International Institute of Agriculture, 
Special Paper on, *254 
International Language, see Language 
International Law • 

Associations promoting, 250 
Extension of, 387 ' 

Inter- Parliamentary Union promoting, 
123 

Peace Conferences codifying, 409 et seq. 
Subject Races and International Law, 

398 ' 

Wars, Regulation of, 41 1 



INDEX 


4S1 


International Organisations and Congresses, 
Effects on Race U^nty, 122, 244 et 
, 443 

International Peace Associations, 251 
International Prize Court, 395, 397, 412 
International Union of Ethical Societies, 

• 251 

InteTldNional Union of the Peace Press, 

423 

Inter-Parliamentary Union, 122, 411 
• Interpretation, Acute, of Primitive Peoples, 
74 

Inter-racial Goi^dwill, Org|inisation for, 443 
Inter-racial Justice, International Bureau of, 

450 

Inter-racial Marriage, :^ee Miscegenation 
Intoxicants, Traffic between Different Races, 

324 

Iimestments and Loans — Effect on Intei- 
racial Economics, 208 et seq 
Iroquois, 367 

Islam, 19, 21, 63. 93, 148, 168, 347 
Isolation, formation of Types by, 17 

JabAVU,J, Tengo, Paper fiy, 336 
James, ifessor William, 44^^ 

Japan : 

American Prejudice against Japanese, 
449 

Ancestor Worship m, 134, 138 
• Characteristics of the People, 1 38 
Constitution of, 133 
Customs, Resistance to Change, 69 
Education, Imperial Rescript, 134, 140 
Geographical Conditions, 135 
^Origin of Japanese Nation, 136 
Russo-Japanese War, Effects of, 117 
Western Civilisation, Jajian approxi 
mating to, 288 

Jews : 

Cosmopolitan Mediators, 241 
Extermination, Attempts at, 283 
Famous Living Jews, 275 
General and Historical Account of, 
268 et seq. 

Negro Element, 329 
^ Nose, Semitic, Origin of, 18 
Zionism, 277 

Johnson, President, 352, 353 
Johnson, Rosamond, 363 
Johnston, Sir H. H., 446 
Paper by, 32^ 

Judeos, 276 

Justice — International Organisations for 
Inter-racial Justice, suggested, 414, 

417, 450 

^ALNOCKY, Count, 424 
Kato, Dr, Genchi, Paper by, 141 


1 K|yyam, Oma,r, 149, 

j Khosart.198 

I Kobaya^i, Teruaki, Paper by, 13^ 
j Ku Kux Klan Secret Society, 3 $4 
l^umanians, 185 

Labour: ^ 

Indentured and Forced, 312 et seq. 
International Federations, 244 
Lacerda, Dr. Jean-Baptiste de. Paper by, 

377 

Lake Mohonk Conferences, 33, 443, 447 
Lament, Norman, 318 
Lange, Dr. C. L., Paner by, 113 
Language, 19, 25, 36,57- 60, 61, 121, 128, 
149* 167, 168, 242. 252, 425, 429- 
Lauck, W'.Jett, Papei by, 2U 
Leger, J. N., 183 note 
Legge, Dr., 34 

Legitime, General, Paper by, 178 
Literature — “ World-Iaterature ” suggestion, 
242, 243 

Livi, Ridolfo, 103 

Loans and Investments, Effects on Inter- 
racial Economics, 208 et seq. 
Lochner, Louis P , Paper by, 439 
Lubin, David, Paper by, 254 
Luschan, Professor Felix von. Paper by, 13 
Lyall, Sir Alfred, 235 
Lyde, Lionel W., Paper by, 104 

McCoy, Emily L., 109 
Macdonell, Sir John, Paper by, 398 
Mackenzie, J. S , Paper by, 423 
Magoon, M., 183 
J Magyars, 18 
Mahrattas, 28 5 
Maine, Sir Henry, 239, 240 
Malays, 30, 226 
Maoris, 30, 109, no 

Margolioutb, Professor D S , Paper by, 57 
Markets and Countries, Effects of opening, 
222 ei seq. 

Marriage 

China, 87, 125 
Consanguineous, 9 
Group- Marriage, 9 
Indians of North Amenca, 371 
Misclgenation, sec that Title 
Plural Marriage m Africa, 346 
Mead, Edwin D., Paper by, 443 
Medicine, International Organisation of, 248 
Medicine Men, 372 

Mediation in International Disputes, 412, 

413 

Melanesians, 20, 21 

Mendel’s Law, 21 ^ 

Mental Differences, Permanence of, 73 e( seq, 
Merriman, 33S 

2 1 



483 UNIVERSAL 'races CONGRESsf* 


Hetabo^'stic OtAractej^ determining Racfe- 
’ types, 5 / , ^ 

Metis of Capacities of, 381 

Migration, 18-. 21-, 45, 291, 33d 
MilhoUand, John £., 446, 449 
Mill, John Stuart, 41, 399 
Miller, Kelly, 363 
Miscegenation 

Absorption of Jews, 278 
Adoption of Prisoners of War, 283 
Brazil, 377- 
China, 128 

Effects of Advantageous, 108 
Egypt, 170 

Europeans and Mongols, 289, 328 
Fertility, m relation to, 17, 377- 
India, 287 
Indiscriminate, 36 
Inter-breeding Groups, 58 
Inter- Marriage, 283, 291, 344 
Islam encourages Intel -Marriage, 92- 
Japan, 136- 

Marriage within Clan forbidden, 371 
Mixture of Types, 21-, 43 
Race-crossing, 328- 

Racial Mixture, Advantage and Dis- 
advantage, 22~, III, 125, 362, 375, 
380- 

Wft^ed States, 350, 375 
WesCAfrica, 344 

Missions, 234, 237, 302-, 334, 339, 373-, 444 
Mixture of Races, Question of, 22 
Mohammedanism, 19, 21, 62, 93, 148, 168, 
347 

Mongols, 107 

Monogenetic Origin of Mankind, 16, 21, 377 
Moors, III 

Moral Education in Schools, dfect on Race 
Knowledge, 433 

Moral Factor, 25, 28-, 34, 67-, 75, 124-, 
127, 134, 171-, 196-, 240-, 251, 259, 
260-, 277, 279-, 293-, 306, 319, 325, 
333 » 337 -, 342-, 348, 364-, 367- 371, 
384-, 429-, 441 
Morley, Lord, 164, 166 
Morphological Characters, 4, 35 
Moscheles, Felix, 449 

Mulattoes, Percentage m Negro Population,* 
Table, no 

Myers, Charles S., Paper by, 73 

Nation, meaning of, 3, 10, 51-, 57-, 113 
National Language, Relative Value of, 58 
Native College for South Afnca, suggestion, 
341 

Native Races in Colonies, Problem of, 291, 
29s 

Natural Capacity of Races, 73-79, 80 et seq. 
Neanderthal Man, 5, 7, 331 


( Negritos, 5, 18 
Negroes, 4^ 14, 36 

African Negfo PopulJttion^* Regulations 
for, 291 

Brazil Negro Traffic, 378 
Disease Resistance acquired bj[, 3^3, 
333 

Equality among other Races, 30^ ' 
France, Traces of Negroid Race in, 330 
In Brazil, 377-, Europe, 329-, Haiti, 
178--, S. Africa, 336-, United States, 
348-, W. Africa, 341- 
Intellectual Attainments of, 31, 32, 77, 

85. 333. 33J. 362. 363 

Inter-marriage with, 291 
Jewish Negroes, 276 
Modern Conscience m relation to, 
289 

Morality of, 34 note^ 304 
Mulattoes, Percentage of, Table, no 
National Association for Welfare of 
Coloured People, 446 
Nilotic, 106 
Race Fertility, 333 

Slavery, Negroes retaining Character- 
istics of«* 427 

United States, Negro Problem in, 336, 
348 et seq , 446, 452 
White Women and Negroes, 360, 364 
World-Position of Negro Races, 328 
Negroid Races, 323 
Newspapers • 

Comparative Civilisation, suggested 
Journal of, 13 

General, 252, 284 ^ 

Peace, Prpmotion by Newspaper PSss, 
243, 420 * 

Nieuwenhuis, Dr A W., Paper by, 259 
Nihilist Movement, 199I 
Nivedita, Sister, Paper by, 86 
Nobel Institute, 251 
Noble, Margaret, 86 
North American Indians, see Indians 
Nose, Semitic, Origin of, 18 

Observation, Powers of Primitive People, 
74 

Olivier, Sir Sydney, 1 1 1 
Paper by, 293 et seq%* 

Opium Traffic, 324 

Onental Civilisation and Culture, PrQpo^ed 
Endowment of Professorships m 
Western Universities, 13 
Oriental Studies, Encouragement of, 243 
Otaheitans, 406 

P., W. T., 155 
Palaeolithic Man, 16- 
Pantheism, 141 



INDEX! 


483 


Papuan^, 20, 2^2, 317 
Parliamentary Rule . 

Haiti, |#o 

Subject Races, Parliament for, 408 
Tenoencics towards. Special Paper, 1 1 3 

Pas ^, F r^d^nc, 122 

Pathc^gical Characters of Race Types, «; 
Peace . 

Camegi^ Peace Foundation, 251, 451 
’ Contact between Civilisations, Effects of, 

233 

Forces woiking towards, 25, 29 
International Societies for, 251 
Opening of Markets and Countries, 
222 

Persian Ideals, 148 

Press — Newspaper Press promoting, 
• 243, 420 

Peace Conferences, 4«;o 

Arbitration Bureau, 41 8 
Armaments, Limitation of, 409, 415 
Moralising P^orcc of, 413 
Preparatory International Committee, 

419 

Wof. of, 122, 387, 39% 409 sdr/ , 

444. 462 

Peasants, Primitive Mental Characteristics, 
73 

People, sg^ Nation 
Pe^ia — 

Bahai Movement, 154 
Changes m Reg^inie^ Effects of, 151 
Customs and Habits, 145 
Origin of, 145 

Xenophobia, Allegations, 153 
Petchenegs, 185, 198 
Philosophical Ideas, 26 
Phratry, 9, 10 
Pitcairn Islanders, 109 
Pithecanthropus P rectus^ 7, i6 
Pleistocene Man, 7, 104 
Plural Marriage, 346 
Political Government * 

China, 126 
Influence of, 49 et seq 
^ Parliamentary Rule, see that Title 
Polvetz, 198 

Polygamy, 28, 94, 125, 283, 297, 346-, 365, 

371 

Polynesians, 4, 20, 21, 109 
Post, Hermann, lA 

Postal Union, Effect on Racial Organisation, 
245. 591 

Practical Proposals and Conclusions, 13, 38-, 
72-, 128, 242-, 267, 305, 341, 425, 

• 450 

Prejudice — Race Prejudice, 35, 384 
Preparatory International Committee, 419 • 


Pi|ess, see Newspapers 
Primitive Races ' 

Mental Chairacteristics, 73 
Psychology of, 8 
Types of, 16 

Private Initiative, Effect on Unity of Races, 

243 

Prc^jnathism, 4, 15 
Promiscuity, 9 
Proto-Man, 7 
Proto- nf*gri tic Group, 17 
Psychology of Primitive Peoples, 8, 74- 
Psycho- Social Characters, 7 
Public Health, International Organisations 
for, 246, 392 
i Pygmies, 17, 18, 20, 37 

Quatrefages, hi 

Race Aversion and Race-Pride, 64, 425 
Race Congresses, Regular Organisation of, 
suggestion, 450 
Race Consciousness, 24, 365 
Race Equality, 29, 30-, 35, 148, 276, 288, 

290. 323. 334. 340, 36s, 374, 383, 

386, 398, 427-, 439 

Race-Idea and Race-Consciousness, 24, 365 
Race Indolence, 33, 301, 318 
Race, Jewish, 268- 
Race, Meaning of, i 

Race, Variety, Species, Definition of, 2 -, 
377 . 425 

Races, Physical Characteristics of, 19-, 35-, 
76, 99-, 33*. 367. 378. 427 

Railways, International Associations and 
Congresses, 245 

Rain, Absenc ; of, Effect on Skm Colour, 106 
Ratrel, 29, 3^ 

Reid, Archdall, 5 
Renisch, Dr Paul, Paper by, 49 
Religion, 10. 19, 21, 25-, 27, 29, 36, 58, 62-, 
67-, 93, 124, 134, 138-, 141-, 146-, 
148, 168-, 181, 183-, 196-, 229, 233-, 
237, 251, 266, 268-, 280-, 293, 29s, 
301-, 302-, 334-, 337, 342~, 347, 3S9-, 
368-, 370, 374, 384, 429-, 434, 441 
I Respect due by White Races to other Races, 
• 23, 383 et seq, 

Kich 4 , Pr esident, 184 
Ridgeway, Professor, loo, loi 
Robertson, J. M., Paper by, 40 
Russia 

Customs, Immobility of, 68 
Nihilist Movement, 199 
Russo-Japanese War, Effects of, 117 
West and East, Mutual Approach, 
Russia’s R 61 e in, 195 et 

Sadi, 149, 150 
St.-M^ry, Moreau de, 183 



484 


' ' ' f) 

UNIVERSAL (RACES CONGRESS* 


S»k«u. l<i6 I* > 

Samangs, 106 ^ 

“Sav^es,% 13- 

Scalping, 372 

Scholarships, &c., for Sociological Studied, 

243 

Schllcking, Dr W., Paper by, 387 
Schura, Karl, 353 ' 

Science, i, 25, 40, 52, 240-, 246-, 288, 

307-, 392 

Seal, Brajendranath, Paper by, i 

Secret Societies, 345, 354 

Segregation ia Tropical Africa, 344 

Self-Government for Subject Races, 40 et seq, 

Sergi, Professor Giuseppe, Paper by, 67 

Sherman, Hon. James S., 33 

Shintoism, 134, 141 

Sillac, Jarousse de, Paper by, 409 

Sionans, 367 

Sioux, 368 

Skin, Climatic Control of Colour, 104 
Skulls found at Grimaldi, 330 
Slave Trade, 402 
Slavophiles, 201 
Small Nations, 38 

Social and Moral Science, International 
Academy, suggestion, 243 
Social Choice, Origin of, 1 1 
Socladbijji^tinct, 8, 71 
Social Service Movement in America, 91 
Social Transmission, 37 
Society of States, Organisation of, 415 
Sociological Considerations, Special Paper, 24 
Solovien, W , 201 
Soudanese, 349 

Sourour Bey, Moh , Paper by, 167 
South African Races, General Account of, 
336 et seq 

South Sea Islanders, 406 
Spiller, G. , Paper by, 29 
Stature, Increased, Result of Change of 
Environment, 100 
Stead, Rev W Y., 339 
Storey, Moorfield, 446, 447 
Subject Races, 38, 40-, 42, 44, 47, 259, 279, 
293 -» 383. 398-, 402 
Superstitions, 8, 183 

Suppression of Languages, Effects of, 59 * 

« 

^ Tahitians, 109 
Takebe, Tongo, Paper by, 132 
Tanner, H. O., 363 
Tarde, M., 401 
Tasmanians, no 

Tibet, Customs, Immobility of, 68 
Timon, Akos de. Paper by, 184 
Ting-Fangs Wu, Paper by, 123 et seq, 

Toala, 16 
ToLtoy, L , 202 


Tonnies, Dr. Ferdinand, Paper by, 2^3 
Topinard, ^ 

Trade ; 

Egypt* 173 

Haiti, 182 * 

Opening of Markets and Countries, 
222 et seq, • 

Tramways, International Union of, 2<fr 
Treaties: 

Associations of States and Treaties, 
Effects of, 389 

Subject Races, Treaties with, 402 
Trees, Absence of, Effect on Skin Colour, 106 
Trepanning of Skulls, 19 
Tribe : 

Meaning of, i 
Origin and Structure, 9, 10 
Trueblood, Dr. Benjamin H., 442 
Types of Race . * 

Classification of, 3 
Continuity of Type, 7, 16 
Instability of Human Type, 99 et seq. 
Stability of, 6 

Unification of Language, 60, 61 
Unification of^aces : 

Bahai Movement, 154 
Peaceful Contact in Civilisation, effect- 
ing, 234 

Private Enterpnse, Effects of, 243 
United States . , 

Immigration Question, 6, 22,211 
Negro Race m, 336, 348 et seq,, 446, 452 
Social Service Movement, 91 
Wagts and Immigration, 211 ^ 

Unity of Mankind, 21 * ^ 

University Standard among Different Races, 
31, 8o~ 

I 

Vandals, 19 

Variability — Primitive and Developed Races 
compared, 76 

Varieties of Mankind, 17, 280 
Vaudouism, 183, 184 
Veddas, 16, 30 
Verneaux, Dr , 330 

Volga-Bulgarians, 185 ^ 

Wages and Immigration in United States, 
211 

War, Regulation of. Work of Peace Con- 
ferences, 410 

Washington, Dr. Booker, y , 363 
West Africa, European Contact, Problem 
of, 341 et seq 

West and East, 13, 21, 25, 33-, 49, 51, 68, 
87-. 92. 98, 120, 132, 144, 147, IS7-, 
167, I9S-. 209, 222-, 233-, 266, 27^, 
284, 287-, 292, 336-, 341-, 387-, 438, 
^ 447 



INI>E>| 48s 


Wheatley, Phillis, 35a, 362 A 
White Man—Inferionty, ^rof'v* Luschan’s 
Theo||^, 22 ’ 

“ White ” Policy, 131 

Widows m India and Chma, 96, 97 

Wife Capture, 9 • 

Wilder, Professor B. G,, 34 
WiftlP^ft in Africa, 346 
Women : 

Chinese, m Marriage, 87 

Chinese, Status of, 125 

Civic Evolution of, 88 

East — Women’s Position in, 86 seq. 

^gypt» 169- * 

Employment of Native Women, 366 
Equal Rights with Men, 38 
Forced Labour, 313 
Freedom, 97 

• Indians of North America, Status of, 
, 369- 

International Council of, 252 


Wkwnen ^ 

" Kfegroes and White Womem 290, 360, 
364 # 

Persia, 87-, 148- 

f Protection, AssociatioiL® for, 246 
Religious Missiona, 311 
Secret Socteties, 345 
Sex, 435, 438 
Sexual Differences, 76- 
West Africa, 346, 347 
World's Humanity League, suggestion, 13 

# 

Yahya, Hadji'Mirza, Paper by, 143 
Yamato Race, 136, 137 
Yastchenko, Dr A., Paper by, 195 
Yellow Peril, 202 

ZAMENHOf, Dr L., Paper by, 425 
Zangwill, Israel, Paper by, 268 et seq. 
Zionism, 277 



Pmny aptht 3f 6A H#! (liilutl Ptostme, 4 J>) 

NATIONALixiES AND 
SUBJEdr RACES 

Report of CONFERENCE held in Caxton Hall, 



Westminster, 

June 

28-30, 1910. 


SPEAKERS 

AND 

SUBJECTS 

EGYPT - 

Mahomed Farid and Taha el Abd 


FINLAND - 

Aino Malmberg and Rosalind Travers 

GEORGIA - 

Michel Tseretheli and W 

Tcherkesoff 

INDIA - 

lajpat Rai and B Chandra Pal, H 

Cotton, Dube 

IRELAND - 

WiLUAM Gibson and G Gavan Duffv 

MOROCCO - 

Henry W Nevinsox 



PERSIA - 

Bernard Tempi t 



POLAND 

W Lach-Szyrma 




SLAVERY AND FORCED AND INDENTURED LABOUR IN AFRICA, MEXICO, PERU. Efc 
Charlls Wen 1 worth Dilke, H. Van Kol, Ren 6 CLAP£R]^D|ii!?rRAVSRS Buxton, E. B Morel, 
J J Harris 

PROPOSED REMEDIES J A HOBSON, G K CHESTERTON, S H SWINNY, V RUTHERFORD, 
R Cunninghame Graham, J F Green, B Chandra Pal, A J Windus. 


ANNOUNCEMENT 

Under the title “ Nationalities and Subject Races ” the addresses and papers given 
at the International Conference held in Caxton Hall last June have been issued^n 
book form by Messrs. P S King & Son, pnee 3s. tci. The book would hav 
appeared at the close of last year but for the distractions of the Parliamentary 
elections. Its appearance now is, however, extremely appropriate, as the questions^ 
treated so ably and frankly in this volume — Imperialism and P'oreign Intervention 
— are again very much to the fore. It will also fill the blank left by the organisers 
of the approaching Universal Races Congress, who have ruled out of discussion all 
political, all European questions, and any specific instances of race oppression. 
Peculiar interest attaches to the article on “Forced and Indentured Lall[>ui,“ by the 
late Sir Charles Dilke, as the cruelties to which he drew attention in this Conference 
have since been made the subject of a Government inquiry, and steps have been taken 
to pul an end to the worst horrors. The article on Egypt should also attract special 
attention from the fact that its writer, Mohamed Bey Farid, is at present in prison ^>r 
having written a preface to a volume of patriotic poems. Such a sentence emphasises 
the need of the opportunities furnished by the Nationalities find Subject Races 
-Committee for the freedom of speech in their conferences and publications. 

The Hon. Secretary of the Nationalities and Subject Racej> Committee points out 
that subscribers will very much forward the work of the Commit4^?e by calling the 
attention of their friends to this volume of criticism, and by sending the necessary 
remittances for the copies they have ordered to Messrs. P. S. King & Son, Orchard 
House, Westminster, S.W 


P. S. KING & SON, OrchIvrd House, Westminster 



BRlVlSH RlGNts AT SEA 

UNQER . THE \i;^ECLAR;4'ION OF l6nd6n 

By F. E. BRAY 

'Dafty Svo. Is. net. (lalnndi ppstene. Id.) 

* 

CONTENTS 

Preface — The Origin of the Declaration— Some Principles of Criticism*— Blockade — Contraband of 
War — Unneutral Service — Destruction of Neutral Prizes — ^Transfer to a Ntutral Flag — Enemv Ch..racter 
^Cpnvoy— Resistance to Search-Compensation— -Preliminary and Final Prolusions. 


CAPTURE IN WAR ON LAND 
AND SEA 

By HANS WEHBERa Dr. Jur. (Dusseldorf) 

Translated from Das Beuterecht im Land und Seekriegf. 

With an Introduction by JOHN M. ROBERTSON, M.P. 

Demy 8vo. 5s. net. (Inland postage, 3d.) 

CONTENTS 

Introduction — Historical Review First Principles of Law of Pure on Sea and Land^^Wtional Pro 
petty — Railways, &c — Private Property — Time and Place of Seizure — Object of Seizure — Brlnging-to and 
Seat#h — Reasons for Retention of the Law* — Reasons for Abolition of the Law — Indirect Effects of the 
Law upon Neutrals— Direct Effects of the Law upon Neutrals— England and the Law of Prize at Sea, 
particularly in comparison with Germany— Suggestions for Reform • 


THE ALIEN PROBLEM AND ITS 

REMEDY 

. By M. J. LANDA 

Crown 8to. Clotk. 5s. net. (Inland postage, 4d.) 

Extract FROM THf Preface— The hteratuie on the subject for many years— duung the whole 
mo ern history of the question, in tact — has been hopelessly one-sided Moreover, the real problen^s of 
alien immigration have been obscured and confused bytsweeping generalisations The public has been 
taught to draw hasty conclusions from isolated instances and excef^ional events, which, evil though they 
are in themselves, are unduly magnified and embelhshed until they aiouse passion and create panic. It is 
with the object of presenting the problems in proper perspective and proportion that the compilation*^ * 
this work has been undertaken. The survey is comprehensive, and the subject is treated in its social 
and economic aspects rather than as a political factor To the task I have brought a lifelong intimate 
knowledge of the aliefl^md years of close study of the queelion, an interest that has taken me on a visit to 
Galicia and Russia and on a special journey to Btemen and Hamburg to report on the organisation of the 
enormous emigrant traffic from those ports With the working of the Aliens Act I have become acquainted 
by attending the sittings of the London Immigration Board of Appeal for over three years 

• 

t*. S. KING & SON, ORct|ARD House, We'^tminster. 



LONDON P 


S KING AND SON, ORCHARD HOUSE. WESTMINSTER.