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J<'ro>itisfiCi.c^ I'oi, two. 



Afghanistan, Nipal and Burma 

















MYSORE AND CARNATIC— WELLESLEY. (A.D. 1798 TO 1801) . . 467 


MAHRATTA WARS — WELLESLEY. (A.D. 1799 TO 1805) . , . 493 



MINTO. (A.D. 1805 TO 1813) 514 


NIPAL HISTORY— GHORKA CONQUEST. (A.D. 1767 TO 1814) . . 531 


NIPAL WAR— LORD MOIRA (HASTINGS). (A.D. 1814 TO 1616) . . 543 



(A.D. 1815 TO 1818) 549 






BURMAN HISTORY — AVA AND PEGU. (A.D. 1540 TO 1833) . . , 575 



1838) 598 




CENTRAL ASIA — AFGHAN HISTORY. (A.D. 1747 TO 1838) . , . 619 



TO 1842) 635 




WAR DECADE — BURMA AND NIPAL. (a.D. 1839 TO 1849) . . . 653 


SIKH HISTORY — RUNJEET SINGH, ETC. (Ante A.D. 1845) . , . 671 



TO 1849) .... 679 





SEPOY MUTINIES — LORD -CANNING. (A.D. 1856 TO 1858) . . . 713 


BROOK AND LYTTON. (A.D. 1858 TO 1880) 756 


STALLED (A.D. 1879 TO 1899) 777 


INDEX 817 



Frontispiece — the battle op cuddalore 












A.D. 1785 TO 1798 

IN 1785 the Britisli empire in India comprised Bengal and 
Behar in eastern Hindustan; a very little area round 
Bombay in the western Dekhan; and a larger area 
round Madras in the eastern Peninsula. There were also 
two protected princes, namely, the Nawab Vizier of Oude, 
and the Nawab of the Carnatic. Outside the area of British 
supremacy were the three native powers who were the bug- 
bear of English statesmen — Nizam Ali, Tippu Sultan, and 
the Mahrattas. 

The Mahrattas were regarded as the most formidable 
power in India. The heart of the Mahratta empire was 
weak and palpitating; half shattered by domestic commo- 
tions and its recent struggles against the English. The 
Peishwa at Poona was an infant, and the council of re- 
gency was in mortal fear of Tippu Sultan. The real head 
of affairs at Poona was Nana Farnavese, an able Brahman 
but no soldier. But the feudatory princes of the Mahratta 
empire were strong and nominally subordinate to the Peish- 
wa's government. The Gaekwar of Baroda, Sindia, and 
Holkar in Malwa, and the Bhonsla Raja of Berar, although 
practically independent, admitted, one and all, their obliga- 



tions to obey the Peishwa as suzerain of the Mahratta em- 
pire; and the confirmation of the Peishwa was necessary to 
the validity of every succession to a feudatory state or throne. 

Of all these feudatory princes, Mahadaji Sindia was the 
most powerful and the most ambitious. Whatever prestige 
he had lost during the Mahratta war he had recovered dur- 
ing the negotiations which ended in the treaty of Salbai. 
Being a neutral at the conclusion of the treaty, he had 
acted as the representative of all the Mahratta princes, 
from the Peishwa downward; and he was the sole guar- 
antee for the fulfilment of the treaty. To crown all, an 
English Resident, named Anderson, was sent to his camp 
to transact all business between the EngUsh and the 
Mahrattas. ' 

The lot of Mahadaji Sindia was cast in a revolutionary 
era. His career was marked by restlessness and cunning, 
and by those sudden changes of fortune which befall the 
leading actors in Oriental revolutions. He was swayed to 
and fro by conflicting motives. He was afraid of the En- 
glish but proud of his connection with them. He was anx- 
ious to exercise a paramount ascendency at Delhi as well 
as at Poona; indeed, he could not rivet this ascendency in 
either court unless he was master at both. He could not be 
supreme at Delhi unless he was backed up by the Peishwa's 
government ; and he could not be supreme at Poona unless 
he was backed up by the authority of the Great Moghul. 

For years the Moghul court at Delhi had been the scene 
of distractions, intrigues, and assassinations at once tedious 
and bewildering. Shah Alam was a weak prince, who clung 
to the name and dignity of sovereignty, but was without au- 
thority or power. The government was carried on by a prim© 
minister, or lord protector, who was known as the Amir of 
Amirs, a title higher than that of Vizier, and implying the 
guardianship of the Padishah. The Amir of Amirs for the 

' Mr. Mostyn, the English Resident at Poona, iiad died just before the first 
Mahratta war, and no one had been sent to supply his place. 


time being collected revenue and tribute by force of arms, 
and carried on petty wars with Rajputs, Jats, and other 
neighboring chieftains. In 1784 there had been a crisis. 
The ruling Amir of Amirs had obtained his post by the 
murder of his predecessor, and was in mortal fear of being 
murdered in his turn. Accordingly he invited Mahadaji 
Sindia to Delhi, and Shah Alam joined in the invitation. 

It is difficult to realize the horrible complications which 
must have prevailed at Delhi to induce the Muhammadan 
minister and Muhammadan sovereign to invite the help of 
a Mahratta chieftain, who was at once a Hindu and an 
idolater, an alien in race and religion. Mahadaji Sindia, 
on his part, was only fearful of offending the English, and 
having duly sounded the English Resident, and ascertained 
that the English rulers at Calcutta would not interfere in 
his doings at Delhi, he left Poona and proceeded to the Mo- 
ghul court. Shortly afterward it was reported that the Amir 
of Amirs had been murdered at the instigation of Mahadaji 
Sindia; and that the Mahratta chieftain had taken Shah 
Alam under his protection, and assumed the administration 
of the relics of the Moghul empire.' 

Mahadaji Sindia would not accept the title of Amir of 
Amirs; it would have clashed with his position at Poona. 
He artfully procured the title of "deputy of the Padishah" 
for his nominal sovereign the Peishwa; and then procured 

' The follo'nnng summary of events may suffice to explain the position of affairs 
on the arrival of Mahadaji Sindia at Delhi. Before Shah Alam returned to Delhi 
in 1771, the Rohilla Afghan, Najib-ud-daula, had tilled the post of Amir of Amirs; 
but this man died in 1770, and was succeeded by his son, Zabita Klian, who fled 
from Delhi at the approach of Shah Alam A Persian named Najaf Khan then 
came to the front. He had been in the service of Shah Alam at Allahabad, and 
accompanied him to Delhi in command of his army. Then followed an obscure 
intrigue in which the Mahrattas expelled Xajaf Khan and restored Zabita Khan 
to the post of Amir of Amirs. Next another intrigue, in which Zabita Klian fled 
to the Jats, and Najaf Khan took a part in the war against the Rohillas. Najaf 
Khan formed an alliance with the Nawab Vizier of Oude, and was appointed 
deputy Vizier. Then foUowed fresh plots and fresh wars between Najaf Khan 
and Zabita Khan. Najaf Khan died in 1782. His son, Afrasiab Khan, is the 
Amir of Amirs mentioned in the text, who murdered his predecessor, and was 
subsequently murdered by Mahadaji Sindia. The details are told at length in 
Mr. Keene's Fall of the Moghul Empire. 


for himself the title of "deputy of the Peishwa." Thus for 
the nonce he appeared at Delhi as the deputy of the Peishwa. 
In this capacity Mahadaji Sindia performed all the duties of 
an Amir of Amirs, administered the government at Delhi 
and Agra, commanded the rabble army of the empire, and 
collected tribute from Rajputs and Jats in the name of the 
Great Moghul. 

In reality Mahadaji Sindia was founding a new Mahratta 
kingdom between the Ganges and Jumna, and extending 
Mahratta influence over an unknown region to the west- 
ward. He was raising battalions of regular sepoys, who 
were being trained and disciplined by a Frenchman, cele- 
brated in after years as General De Boigne. He became 
inflated with his own greatness, and once again called upon 
the British government to pay chout for Bengal and Behar. 
In reply he was told that the demand was a violation of the 
treaty of Salbai. The rebuff smote him with apprehension; 
and both Sindia and Shah Alam sent a solemn disavowal 
of the demand to Calcutta under their respective seals. 

At this time the dominant feeling of the English was 
alarm at the French. The war between Great Britain and 
France had been brought to a close in 1784 by the treaty of 
Versailles ; but there was constant expectation of a renewal 
of hostilities ; and for many years the English were discover- 
ing or imagining French intrigues at almost every court in 
India. A French agent was already residing at Poona. Ac- 
cordingly an English agent, Mr. Charles Malet, was posted 
to Poona to look after English interests and frustrate French 

The dignity of Mahadaji Sindia was hurt by this proceed- 
ing. He had been guarantee to the treaty of Salbai, and 
considered himself the sole agent in all transactions between 
the Mahrattas and the English. He was quieted by the as- 
surance that Mr. Malet would send all correspondence be- 
tween the Peishwa and the Governor-General through the 
Resident in attendance at his camp. Moreover, in order to 
smooth the ruffled feathers of the Mahratta, Mr. Malet was 




sent to the camp of Sindia, in the neighborhood of Agra, to 
arrange matters with Mr. Anderson. 

Agra in ] 785 presented the most melancholy objects of 
fallen grandeur. Mosques, palaces, gardens, caravanserais, 
and mausoleums were mingled in one general ruin. In the 
midst of this chaotic desolation, a splendid building burst 
upon the view in resplendent beauty and complete repair. 
It was the famous Taj Mahal, whose white domes and mina- 
rets of marble stood out in brilliant relief above groves and 
gardens. As Mr. Malet approached the spot he found that 
he was expected to take up his quarters in the Taj Mahal. 
The tomb of the favorite wife of Shah Jehan had been ap- 
propriated by Mahadaji Sindia for the accommodation of the 
English Resident and his retinue. 

Sindia himself was encamped some thirty miles off at 
Muttra, the ancient Mathura. He kept Shah Alam in his 
camp as a kind of state prisoner, while Mr. Anderson as 
English Resident was in attendance. Mr. Malet was hon- 
ored by an interview with Sindia, and afterward by an audi- 
ence with Shah Alam. 

The Great Moghul, the representative of the famous fam- 
ily of Timur, was an object of interest. He was about sixty 
years of age — placid, benignant and dignified. He received 
the rich presents of Mr. Malet with calm approval. In re- 
turn he conferred on the English gentleman a tiara of dia- 
monds and emeralds, a charger, and an elephant; but his 
gifts were emblematical of his own fallen condition, and had 
all been provided by Mahadaji Sindia. The diamonds were 
false ; the emeralds were nothing but pieces of green glass ; 
the horse was dying from old age; and the elephant was a 
mass of disease from the shoulder to the tail. 

Mr. Malet was soon obliged to take up his post of Resi- 
dent at Poona. War had broken out between the Peishwa's 
government and Tippu, Sultan of Mysore. The dread of 
Tippu was very strong, and the Brahman government of 
the Peishwa formed an alliance with Nizam Ali against 
Tippu; and Nizam Ali, notwithstanding his Muhammadan 


faith, eagerly helped the Mahrattas against the dangerous 
Sultan of Mysore. It was expected that the British govern- 
ment would furnish help in like manner. But the English 
were bound by the treaty of Salbai not to help the enemies 
of the Mahrattas ; and they were equally bound by the treaty 
of Mangalore not to help the enemies of Tippu. The ques- 
tion of the day was, whether Tippu Sultan had not himself 
broken the treaty of Mangalore by forming an alliance with 
the French, who were the avowed enemies of the English ; 
and this question was not solved until a later period in the 

When Hastings returned to England in 1785, he left a 
Mr. Macpherson to act as Governor- G-eneral. At this time 
it was decided that the future Governor-General should not 
be a servant of the Company, but a nobleman of rank. Lord 
Macartney was offered the post, but declined it; and in 1786 
Lord Cornwallis landed at Calcutta as Governor-General and 
Macpherson passed away. 

The introduction of an EngHsh nobleman in the place of 
a merchant ruler produced beneficial results. Vansittart and 
Hastings had been powerless to effect reforms which touched 
the pockets of the servants of the Company. Indeed, Hast- 
ings had been often driven to distribute contracts and sine- 
cures in order to secure personal support. But Lord Corn- 
wallis was strong enough , by virtue of his rank as an EngHsh 
peer, to abolish all such abuses. He even forced the Court 
of Directors to replace the system of perquisites by that of 
large salaries. At the same time his respectability of char- 
acter elevated the tone of English society at Calcutta. Un- 
der Warren Hastings there had been painful scandals in high 
quarters ; while gambling had risen to such a pitch that within 
one month Philip Francis won twenty thousand pounds at 
whist from Barwell. But under the severe and stately mo- 
rality of Lord Cornwallis excesses of every description were 
discountenanced ; and the increasing number of ladies from 
Europe introduced a refinement and decorum which had long 
been wanting. 


Lord Cornwallis carried out a startling change in the land 
settlement. He abolished the system of leases, granted the 
lands in perpetuity to the Zemindars, and fixed a yearly 
rental for the several estates which was never to be en- 
hanced. The details of this important measure were worked 
out by Mr. Shore, afterward known as Sir John Shore and 
ultimately as Lord Teignmouth. Mr. Shore argued, how- 
ever, that a change which was to last for all futurit}' should 
not be made irrevocable until further inquiries had been made 
as to the value of the land, the nature of the different tenures, 
and the rights of landlords and tenants as represented by Ze- 
mindars and Ryots. He proposed that the settlement should 
be made for ten years, and then declared permanent if it 
proved satisfactory. Lord Cornwallis's views, however, 
were referred to the ministers in England, and after some 
delay the perpetual settlement became the law of the land. 

To this day the good and evil effects of the perpetual land 
settlement are matters of controversy. It raised the condi- 
tion of Zemindars from that of tax collectors to that of landed 
proprietors; but it did not raise them to the position of a 
landed aristocracy, capable of administering patriarchal jus- 
tice among their tenantry, or of legislating for the welfare 
of the masses. It proved an immediate relief to the Zemin- 
dars, but opened out no prospects of relief to Ryots or farm- 
ers. Worst of all, as the rental of land is the backbone of 
the Indian revenue, it fixed the limit of the recepits of gov- 
ernment, without making provision for the future require- 
ments of the country, when military defences would call for 
a larger expenditure, and the wants of advancing civilization 
would be pressed upon the attention of government. Conse- 
quently the permanence of the landed settlement tended to 
fossilize the people of Bengal, until an English education 
broke the trammels of ages, and opened out new careers of 
advancement to the rising generation. 

Lord Cornwallis carried out a thorough reform in the 
administration of justice. He separated the judicial branch 
from the revenue branch by restricting the English collectors 


to their fiscal duties, and appointing a separate class of En- 
glish magistrates and judges. He appointed magistrates to 
towns and districts to deal with civil and criminal cases. He 
established courts of appeal in the four cities of Calcutta, 
Dacca, Murshedabad, and Patna ; each court consisting of a 
judge, a registrar, and qualified assistants. These courts 
of appeal disposed of all civil cases, with a final appeal to 
the Sudder court at Calcutta, which was nominally com- 
posed of the Governor-General and members of council. 
The same courts also held a jail delivery twice every year, 
by going on circuit in their several circles for the trial of 
criminal cases committed by the district magistrates. 

Meanwhile Mahadaji Sindia received a check in Hindu- 
stan. Shah Alam suddenly left the camp at Muttra and 
returned to Delhi. The Muhammadan party at Delhi per- 
suaded the imbecile old prince that his imperial sovereignty 
had been insulted by the Mahrattas. They stirred up the 
Rajput princes to revolt against Sindia. They carried on 
secret intrigues with the Muhammadan ofiicers in Sindia's 
army. The result was that when Mahadaji Sindia attempted 
to suppress the Rajput revolt, the Muhammadans in his army 
deserted him in a body and joined the Rajput rebels. In a 
moment he lost all his acquisitions between the Jumna and 
the Ganges. He was reduced to worse straits than when 
he had fled from the battle of Paniput more than a quarter 
of a century before. He had no alternative but to fall back 
on Gwalior, and implore Nana Farnavese to send him rein- 
forcements from Poona. 

But Shah Alam had soon cause to lament the absence 
of Mahratta protection, Zabita Khan, the Rohilla ex- Amir 
of Amirs, died in 1785. In 1788 his son, Gholam Kadir, 
entered Delhi with a band of freebooters, and took posses- 
sion of the city and palace. The atrocities perpetrated by 
these miscreants in the palace of the Great Moghul reduced 
the wretched pageant and his family to the lowest depths of 
misery and despair. Gholam Kadir plundered and insulted 
the aged Padishah, smoked his hookah on the imperial 


throne, forced princesses to dance and play before him, 
and scourged and tortured princes and ladies in the hope 
of discovering hidden treasures. In one mad fit of passion 
at the supposed concealment of money or jewels, he threw 
Shah Alam on the ground and destroyed his eyes with a 
dagger. For two months this infamous ruffian and his bar- 
barous followers ran riot in the palace, and there was no one 
to deliver the helpless family of the Great Moghul from their 
unbridled excesses.' 

Nana Farnavese at Poona was agitated by conflicting 
passions. He was jealous of the growing power of Mahadaji 
Sindia, but anxious to maintain the Mahratta ascendency to 
the northward. He determined to play Holkar against Sindia. 
He sent reinforcements to Sindia under the command of Tu- 
kaji Holkar, accompanied by a kinsman of the infant Peish- 
wa, named Ali Bahadur;^ but he insisted that all territories 
acquired to the northward of the Chambal river should be 
equally shared by the Peishwa and Holkar, as well as by 

Thus reinforced Mahadaji Sindia marched to Delhi with 
the allied army of Mahrattas, and was hailed by the Mu- 
hammadan population with the greatest joy. The wretched 
inmates of the imperial palace were delivered from their 

' It is to be hoped that Grholam Kadir and his followers are not fair types of 
the Rohilla Afghans, who were so much praised by Lord Macaulay. Gholam 
Kadir was the son of Zabita Khan and grandson of Najib-ud-daiila. The out- 
rages which he committed at Delhi were the outcome of the struggle for su- 
premacy at the Moghul court between the families of Najib-ud-daula the Rohilla, 
Najaf Khan the Persian, and Mahadaji Sindia the Mahratta. See ante, p. 379, 

■^ The kinship between a Muhammadan like Ali Bahadur and a Brahman like 
the Peishwa is the outcome of the laxity of Mahratta courts. The father of Ali 
Bahadur was the son of Baji Rao, the second Peishwa, by a Muhammadaii woman. 
According to Hindu law, the offspring of such illicit unions belonged to the same 
caste as their mother; and in this case caste was equivalent to religion. 

Ali Bahadur was associated with a military Guru, or soldier-saint, named 
Hinmiut Bahadur, who commanded a large force of Gosains, or religious devotees, 
in the army of Mahadaji Sindia. Subsequently Ah Bahadur deserted Sindia, and 
was instigated by Himraut Bahadur to attempt the conquest of Bundelkund. 
Ultimately Himmut Bahadur, the spiritual teacher and militarj^ leader of the 
army of yellow-robed Gosains, went over to the English during the second Mah- 
ratta war. 


misery. Gholam Kadir fled at the approach of the Mahrat- 
tas, but was captured and put to death with horrible tortures. 

About this tirae the proceedings of Tippu of Mysore began 
to excite the serious alarm of the English. This prince, un- 
like his father Hyder Ali, was a bigoted Muhammadan of 
the persecuting type. He committed horrible ravages in 
the Malabar country, and converted thousands of Hindus 
and Brahmans to the Muhammadan religion by forcibly 
subjecting them to the rite of circumcision. He asserted 
a sovereign authority far beyond that of any other native 
ruler in India. The Nawab Vizier of Oude, and even the 
Peishwa of the Mahratta empire, continued to acknowledge 
the Moghul Padishah as the suzerain of Hindustan, But 
Tippu threw away every pretence of dependence on the 
Great Moghul, and boldly assumed the independent and 
sovereign title of Sultan of Mysore. 

In 1787 Tippu Sultan took fright at some military re- 
forms of Lord Cornwalhs, and hastily made peace with the 
Mahrattas and Nizam Ali. At the same time he was known 
to be a bitter enemy of the English, and to be in secret com- 
munication with the French at Pondicherry; and he was 
naturally regarded by the English as a dangerous enemy, 
who was not to be bound by treaties, and who might at any 
moment take advantage of a war with France to invade and 
plunder the Carnatic as his father had done before him. 

By the treaty of Mangalore the Hindu Raja of Travan- 
core, to the south of Malabar, had been placed under British 
protection. But the Raja was in terror of Tippu Sultan. 
He purchased two towns from the Dutch on his northern 
frontier, and built a wall of defence which was known as 
"the lines of Travancore." Tippu declared that the two 
towns belonged to the Raja of Cochin, who was his vassal. 
The Raja of Travancore refused to resign them, and applied 
to the British government for protection. Lord Cornwallis 
ordered an inquiry to be made into the merits of the case, 
and Tippu to be informed that the British government would 
defend the rights of the Raja ; and at the same time he de- 


sired the Madras government to make the necessary prepara- 
tions for war. 

Unfortunately the Madras government was at this time 
as corrupt and demoralized as it had been in the days of 
Hyder Ali. A Company's servant named Holland had been 
appointed Governor of Madras. Holland was deeply impli- 
cated in loans to the Nawab of the Carnatic ; and he set the 
Governor-General at defiance, refused to make preparations 
for the coming war, and appropriated the revenues of the 
Carnatic to the payment of the Nawab's debts. Finally he 
wrote to the Raja of Travancore, offering to help him with 
a British detachment, on condition of receiving a present for 
himself of a lakh of pagodas, or some thirty-five thousand 
pounds sterling. 

Meanwhile Tippu attacked the lines of Travancore, but, 
to his utter surprise, he was repulsed by the Hindu army of 
Travancore. Accordingly he ordered a battering train from 
Seringapatam, and called for reinforcements from every quar- 
ter. At this news Lord Cornwallis resolved to take the field. 
But Holland was incorrigible. He provided no cattle, but 
proposed to appoint commissioners to settle all differences 
with Tippu. Lord Cornwallis was much exasperated, and 
Holland fled from his post and embarked for England. 

Lord Cornwallis now resolved on forming alliances with 
Nizam Ali and the Mahrattas against Tippu ; but the British 
authorities in India were prohibited by Mr. Pitt's bill of 1784 
from making any more alliances with native princes. Lord 
Cornwallis violated the letter of the act, but respected its 
spirit by providing that the treaties should cease to have 
effect after the conclusion of the war. 

Negotiations with Nizam Ali were comparatively easy. 
He was anxious for the humiliation of Tippu, and he was 
still more anxious for British protection against the Mah- 
rattas, who claimed vast sums of money from him, under 
the head of arrears of chout. He would gladly have secured 
the permanent protection of the English government against 
the Mahrattas ; but this could not be granted by the English 


government, without giving mortal offence to the Mahrattas. 
Accordingly Nizam Ali was obliged to be content with the 
British guarantee for the protection of his territories until 
the conclusion of the war; and in return he promised to join 
the English army with ten thousand horsemen. 

The Peishwa's government professed equal readiness to 
join the English army against Tippu with another body of 
ten thousand horsemen. But Nana Farnavese secretly played 
a double game. He entertained Tippu's envoys at Poona, 
and delayed the march of the Mahratta contingent for sev- 
eral months, in the hope of inducing Tippu to purchase the 
neutrality of the Peishwa's government by a large cession 
of territory. 

Mahadaji Sindia was equally anxious to render the war 
against Tippu subservient to his own individual interests. 
He offered to join the confederation against Tippu, provided 
the British government would guarantee him in possession 
of the territories he had acquired in Hindustan, and help 
him to conquer the princes of Rajputana. Lord Cornwallis 
was obviously unable to accede to such conditions. Accord- 
ingly Mahadaji Sindia refused to take any part in the war 
against Tippu. 

In 1790 the war began with a campaign under General 
Medows, who had been appointed Governor of Madras and 
commander-in-chief of the Madras army. But its operations 
were futile, and Lord Cornwallis proceeded to Madras and 
took the command in person. Meanwhile Tippu had deso- 
lated the Carnatic, and proceeded toward the south in the 
hope of procuring a French force from Pondicherry. 

In 1791 Lord Cornwallis advanced through the Carnatic 
to the Mysore country, and captured the fortress of Banga- 
lore. Up to this date neither of his native allies had joined 
him. Nizam Ali would not leave his frontier until he heard 
that Tippu had gone away to the south ; and then, when he 
entered Mysore, it was not to fight but to plunder. When 
he heard of the fall of Bangalore, he joined the force of Lord 
Cornwallis. His cavalry had good horses and showy cos- 


tumes, but were disorderly, undisciplined, and unfitted for 
field duties; and they only helped to consume the grain and 
forage. Meanwhile, for reasons stated, the Mahratta con- 
tingent of the Peishwa never appeared at all. 

The result of the campaign of 1791 was that Lord Corn- 
walhs advanced toward Seringapatam, and was then com- 
pelled to retreat from sheer want of supplies and carriage 
bullocks. Shortly afterward he was joined by a Mahratta 
force under Hari Pant. Had the Mahrattas come up a week 
earlier they might have changed the fate of the campaign. 
They had abundance of supplies, but were imbued with the 
spirit of hucksters, and refused to part with grain or pro- 
visions of any kind to their English allies excepting at exor- 
bitant prices. They had done nothing but rob and ravage 
the Mysore country from the day they left their frontier; 
and the bazar in their camp was stored with the plunder of 
towns — English broadcloths, Birmingham cutlery, Kashmir 
shawls and costly jewelry, as well as with oxen, sheep, and 
poultry. Yet Hari Pant pleaded poverty, and demanded a 
loan of fourteen lakhs of rupees; and Lord Cornwallis was 
forced to give him the money, not on account of his services, 
but to prevent the Mahratta contingent from deserting to 

In 1792 Lord Cornwallis renewed the campaign in My- 
sore on a scale which had not been seen in India since the 
days of Aurangzeb. He engaged large numbers of Brin- 
jarries, the hereditary carriers of India, who have already 
been described under the name of Manaris. ' His infantry, 
battering train, field-pieces, and baggage moved in three 
parallel columns, followed by a hundred wagons loaded with 
liquors, and sixty thousand bullocks loaded with provisions. 
The resources of the English struck the natives of India with 
awe; and Tippu is said to have exclaimed, "I do not fear 
what I see, but what I do not see." 

Lord Cornwallis was soon joined by the gaudily dressed 
horsemen of Nizam Ali, and a small force of Hari Pant's 
• See ante, p. 224. 


Mahrattas ; and after a long march at last drew up his artil- 
lery on a rising ground which commanded Seringapatam. 
Tippu had constructed three lines of earthworks, protected 
by three hundred pieces of cannon, and covered by a bound 
hedge of thorny plants. British valor carried the defences 
by storm, and British cannon were soon playing on the forti- 
fications of Seringapatam. 

Tippu was bewildered and confounded. His losses in 
killed and wounded were severe, and the levies whom he 
had pressed into his service deserted him in large numbers. 
He saw that nothing but prompt submission could save his 
throne. He suddenly accepted the terms which had been 
offered by Lord Cornwalhs, namely, to cede a moiety of his 
territories, to be equally divided between the English, the 
Nizam, and the Peishwa ; to pay three millions sterling to- 
ward the expenses of the war; and to deliver up his two 
sons as hostages for the fulfilment of the terms. In after 
years it was discovered that the sudden submission of Tippu 
had defeated the treacherous intentions of the Mahrattas and 
Nizam Ali. Both were engaged in a clandestine correspond- 
ence with Tippu, but both were checkmated by the arrival 
of his sons as hostages in the camp of the English army. 

The Mysore war marks a change in the policy of the Brit- 
ish government. Lord Cornwallis had undertaken it to pro- 
tect the Raja of Travancore from the Mysore Sultan, but his 
main objects were to cripple the power of Tippu, to sever his 
connection with the French, and to shut him out of the Car- 
natic. The pohcy of political isolation, which had been en- 
joined by the English parliament, the Board of Control, and 
the Court of Directors, had proved a failure. Accordingly 
Lord Cornwallis proposed to go a step further : to keep the 
peace in India in the same way that it was supposed to be 
kept in Europe, namely, by a balance of power. With this 
view he sought to convert the confederation of the English, 
the Nizam, and the Peishwa against Tippu into a basis for a 
balance of power, in which the British government should 
hold the scales. 


But there was a fatal obstacle to such a political system. 
There was not a government in India, excepting that of the 
British, that cared for the maintenance of the public peace, 
or hesitated to disturb it at any moment for the promotion of 
some immediate and individual advantage. Indeed Warren 
Hastings had reported, ten years before, that the want of 
faith among native states, and the blind selfishness with 
which they pursued their individual schemes of aggrandize- 
ment, regardless of the obligations of treaties or the interests 
of allies, had rendered such a balance of power as was pos- 
sible in Europe altogether impossible in India. 

The result of Lord Cornwallis's negotiations was that 
Nizam Ali was willing to join in any confederation which 
would protect him from the Mahratta claims; while the 
Mahrattas refused to join in any alliance which would 
hamper their demands for chout upon Nizam Ali or any 
one else. But English statesmen at home had been charmed 
with the scheme for keeping the peace in India by a balance 
of power. They could not abandon the political idea; and 
for years it haunted their imaginations, and perverted public 
opinion as regards the government of India. 

As if further to show the impossibility of a balance of 
power, Mahadaji Sindia and Nana Farnavese took opposite 
views of the British government. Sindia contended that the 
English had become too powerful in India, and that it would 
be necessary to support Tippu as a counterpoise. The Nana, 
on the other hand, was anxious to gain the help of the Brit- 
ish government against Mahadaji Sindia; but he insisted on 
the right of the Peishwa to claim arrears of chout, not only 
from Nizam Ali, but from Tippu Sultan. Lord Cornwallis 
was thus obliged to abandon his political project in despair. 

In 1792 Mahadaji Sindia had grown to enormous power. 
He had augmented his French battalions under De Boigne, 
and raised his standing forces to eighteen thousand regular 
infantry, six thousand irregulars, two thousand irregular 
horse, and six hundred Persian cavalry, besides a large train 
of artillery. This military power was accompanied by ter- 


litorial aggrandizement, for it was maintained by formal 
grants of laud revenue in the Doab, to the westward of 
Oude, which Sindia procured from Shah Alam as the Great 
Moghul.' At the same time Agra was becoming a most 
important fortress in the hands of Mahadaji Sindia ; it was 
a depot of cannon and arms, and a stronghold which com- 
manded upper Hindustan. 

In 1792 Mahadaji Sindia marched an army from Delhi 
to Poona to confer the hereditary title of "deputy of the 
Great Moghul" upon the young Peishwa. Nana Farnavese 
tried to prevent the Peishwa from accepting the post ; it was 
opposed, he said, to the constitution of the Mahratta empire. 
It was indeed a strange anomaly for the Brahman suzerain 
of the Mahratta confederacy to accept the post of deputy to 
an effete Muhammadan pageant like Shah Alam. But Sin- 
dia insisted, and Nana Farnavese was obliged to give way. 
The empty ceremony was accordingly celebrated with the 
utmost pomp and magnificence at Poona. 

Mahadaji Sindia sought to allay all suspicions of his am- 
bitious designs by a mock humility which imposed on no one. 
His father, Ranuji Sindia, claimed to be the hereditary head 
man, or Patell, of a village ; and he had been originally ap- 
pointed to carry the slippers of one of the former Peishwas. 
Accordingly Mahadaji Sindia refused to be called by any 
other title but that of Patell, and ostentatiously carried the 
slippers of the young Peishwa at the ceremony of his installa- 
tion as deputy of the Great Moghul. 

But the would-be Patell and slipper holder had a keen 
eye for his own interests. Mahadaji Sindia demanded pay- 
ment from the Peishwa 's government of the expenses he had 
incurred in extending the Mahratta empire to the northward ; 
and he requested that Tukaji Holkar and Ali Bahadur, who 

* The Doab, or region between the two rivers, might be called the Mesopotaniia 
of Hindustan. It lies between the Jumna and Ganges, just as Mesopotamia lies 
between the Tigris and Euphrates. It is impossible to draw a line of strict 
demarcation at this period between the territories of the Great Moghul and those 
of the Nawab Vizier of Oude. 


had been sent to his assistance after his retreat to Gwalior, 
might be recalled from Hindustan to Poona. 

But Mahadaji Sindia met his match in Nana Farnavese. 
The Brahman statesman, who had been schooled in diplo- 
macy at Poona, was not to be foiled by the son of a Patell. 
Nana Farnavese called upon Mahadaji Sindia to produce the 
revenue accounts of the territories in the Doab and elsewhere, 
which he had acquired for his sovereign master the Peishwa. 
Sindia had conquered these territories with the utmost ease, 
and enjoyed them for a considerable period ; and the astute 
Mahratta minister urged, with some show of reason, that it 
was high time that the servant should pay the revenue into 
the treasury of his master. ' 

"While Sindia and the Nana were plotting against each 
other at Poona, hostilities were breaking out between the 
armies of Sindia and Holkar in Hindustan. There had 
been a quarrel over some plunder, and Tukaji Holkar had 
been defeated by De Boigne, the French general in the ser- 
vice of Sindia, and compelled to retire to his capital at In- 
dore. At this crisis the rivalry between Mahadaji Sindia 
and Nana Farnavese was brought to a close by death. Ma- 
hadaji Sindia expired at Poona in February, 1794, and was 
succeeded by a boy of fourteen, afterward known as Daulat 
Rao Sindia. Thus Nana Farnavese was left without a rival 
in the Mahratta empire. 

Meanwhile there was peace and prosperity in Bengal. In 
1793 the permanent land settlement was promulgated, and 
Lord Cornwallis returned to England, leaving Sir John 
Shore, the servant of the Company, to succeed him in the 
post of Governor-General. Important events were occurring 

' The rivalry between Sindia and Nana Farnavese furnishes a strange instance 
of the instability of native alliances. Sindia had rescued the Nana from the grasp 
of the conspirators, including Tukaji Holkar and his confederates, who were plot- 
ting to restore Rughonath Rao to the throne of the Peishwa. Since then Tukaji 
Holkar had been appointed, as the faithful ally of Nana Farnavese, to the com- 
mand of the troops wliich were at once to support Sindia and to check his grow- 
ing power. In reality Holkar was sent because of his known rivalry to Smdia; 
and it wUl be seen from the text that this rivalry culminated in a battle between 
Tukaji Holkar and Sindia's force under De Boigne. 


in Europe ; Great Britain had declared war against France 
and the French revolution; and the British authorities in 
India took possession of Pondicherry for the third time in 
Indian history. 

Sir John Shore was a model Indian civilian, free from 
all suspicion of corruption — honorable, honest, high-minded, 
and of imdoubted industry and capacity. He was the real 
author of the land settlement, for Lord Cornwallis can only 
claim the credit of making it perpetual. The British min- 
istry were so impressed with his merits that he was knighted, 
and appointed to succeed Lord Cornwallis as Governor-Gen- 
eral. But he knew little of the history of the world, and 
was apparently blind to the significance of pohtical events 
in India. 

At this time the progress of affairs at Poona and Hyder- 
abad was exciting universal alarm. The Mahrattas insisted 
on a final settlement of their claims on Nizam Ali for arrears 
of chout. They had been put off for years by the war 
against Tippu, and the evasions and procrastinations of 
Nizam Ali ; and after the conclusion of peace with Tippu 
they became more pressing in their demands for an imme- 
diate settlement. Nizam Ali could neither pay the money, 
nor hope to repel the Mahratta invasion. In sore distress he 
implored the help of the English against the Mahrattas, but 
Sir John Shore declined to interfere. Indeed the British 
parliament and Court of Directors had strictly enjoined a 
policy of non-interference. Sir John Shore was fully alive 
to existing dangers. He saw that, without the interference 
of the British government, Nizam Ali would be crushed by 
the Mahrattas. He also saw that the destruction of Nizam 
AH would remove the last check on the growing power of 
the Mahrattas, and leave the British government without 
an ally of any weight to resist Mahratta encroachments. 
But Sir John Shore was the last man to disobey orders ; and 
he persistently refused to protect Nizam Ali. 

Nizam Aii, losing all hope of help from the English, had 
India. Vol. II. X— 2 


naturally sought it from the French, Forty years before, 
his elder brother, Salabut Jung, owed his throne to the 
French, and maintained himself against the Mahrattas, as 
well as against all domestic rivals, solely by the aid of Bussy 
and the French. Accordingly Nizam Ali entertained a 
Frenchman, named Raymond, who had originally served 
in the army of Hyder Ali, and who raised a force of sepoy 
battalions, trained and disciplined by French officers. In 
the beginning of 1795 Nizam Ali possessed an army of 
twenty-three battalions of regulars commanded by Ray- 
mond. He was now independent of the English, and ceased 
to be afraid of the Mahrattas. 

The Peishwa's government demanded arrears of chout 
to the amount of nearly three millions sterling. The ac- 
counts were swelled by high rates of interest and other 
exasperating items. They were drawn up with much pre- 
cision and nicety by Mahratta Brahmans, and were perplex- 
ing, if not unintelligible, to every one else. A Mahratta 
envoy carried the accounts to Hyderabad, and requested 
payment. The Muhammadan minister of the Nizam treated 
the Mahratta with haughty insolence. He told the envoy 
in open durbar that Nana Famavese must come in person 
to Hyderabad to explain the items ; and that if he refused to 
come he must be brought. This threat was regarded by 
both sides as a declaration of war. 

Nizam Ali was puffed up with hopes of victory. The 
dancing-girls glorified his triumphs in prophetic songs. The 
soldiers boasted that they would sack and plunder Poona. 
The minister at Hyderabad was a Muhammadan like his 
master ; and he bragged that no treaty should be concluded 
with the Mahrattas until the Brahman Peishwa had been 
sent on pilgrimage to Benares, to mutter his incantations on 
the banks of the Ganges, with a cloth about his loins and a 
pot of water in his hand. 

The Mahrattas were one and all eager for the war. All 
the feudatories of the empire — Sindia and Holkar, the Gaek- 
war and the Bhonsla j and even the smaller chieftains of the 


southern Mahratta country — were burning to sliare in a 
settlement of the Mahratta claims. For the last time in 
Mahra,tta history the summons of the Peishwa was obeyed 
throughout the length and breadth of the Mahratta do- 

The decisive battle was fought near the small fortress of 
Kurdla in March, 1795. The Nizam's cavalry were routed 
with rockets and artillery, but the French battalions under 
Raymond stood their ground. Nizam AH, however, was 
seized with a panic from the outset. He fled to the fortress 
of Kurdla, repeatedly calling on Raymond to follow him. 
The bulk of his troops dispersed in all directions, plundering 
the baggage of their own army as they fled from the field. 
The banditti in the Mahratta army, known as Pindharies, 
rushed after the fugitives and stripped them of their ill-gotten 
spoil; while the Mahrattas swarmed round the fortress of 
Kurdla, animated by the thought that the Nizam and all his 
treasures were within their grasp. 

Nizam Ali held out for two days in the fortress of 
Kurdla; then yielded to every demand. He surrendered 
his offending minister, ceded nearly half his territory, and 
pledged himself to liquidate the whole of the Mahratta 

The victory of Kurdla raised Nana Farnavese to the 
height of prosperity; but within six months he was plunged 
in a vortex of distractions, which wellnigh worked his ruin. 

The Peishwa, Mahdu Rao Narain, had reached his 
twenty-first year. He had all his life been kept in galling 
tutelage by Nana Farnavese, and saw no hope of throwing 
off the yoke and exercising his sovereign rights as Peishwa 
of the Mahratta empire. In a fit of despair he threw him- 
self from a terrace of the palace, and died two days after- 

The nearest kinsman was Baji Rao, son of the Rughonath 
Rao whom the English had supported in the first Mahratta 
war. Baji Rao was at this time a young man of twenty; 
but had long been kept in confinement by Nana Farnavese. 


He was too old and too cunning to be a puppet; and the 
unscrupulous minister was anxious to override his claims by 
prevailing on the widow of the dead Peishwa to adopt a son. 
But Baji Rao, within the walls of his prison, was already 
engaged in a counter-plot. He tried to play Sindia against 
Nana Farnavese. He secretly opened a correspondence with 
the young Daulat Rao Sindia, and promised to cede him a 
large territory if Sindia would place him on the throne of 
Poona as the Peishwa of the Mahrattas. 

Nana Farnavese discovered the plot and forestalled 
Sindia by releasing Baji Rao and declaring him to be Peish- 
wa. But the minister could not trust the new Peishwa, and 
the new Peishwa could not trust the minister, until Nana 
Farnavese had taken the most solemn oaths on the tail of a 
cow to be faithful to Baji Rao, and Baji Rao had taken oaths 
equally solemn to keep Nana Farnavese at the head of the 

The plots which followed are tortuous and bewildering. 
Daulat Rao Sindia marched an army to Poona. Nana Far- 
navese fled to Satara, wnder pretence of procuring the in- 
signia of investiture from the pageant Maharaja. Baji Rao 
came to terms with Daulat Rao Sindia by promising to pay 
him a sum of two millions sterling. All this while, in spite 
of oaths and promises, and in spite of his being a Hindu and 
a Brahman, Baji Rao sent messengers to Nizam Ali, the 
Muhammadan ruler at Hyderabad, imploring his help against 
both Sindia and the Nana, and promising to restore all the 
territory ceded after the battle of Kurdla, and to forego the 
balance due on the Mahratta claims. 

These plots threw the city of Poona into tumult and an- 
archy. Nana Farnavese was induced to return to Poona, 
and to pay a visit to Daulat Rao Sindia ; but he was treach- 
erously seized and thrown into prison with all his chief par- 
tisans. Parties of Mahratta soldiers were sent off to plunder 
the houses of the imprisoned chieftains. They found the 
doors barricaded, and the inmates posted with arms at the 
windows and on the roof. The firing was incessant and 


spread universal alarm ; and there was nothing but uproar, 
plunder and bloodshed throughout the city. 

Sindia next demanded his two millions of Baji Rao, and 
was told to plunder Poona. Sindia took the hint and plun- 
dered the capital of his suzerain without mercy. All the 
wealthy inhabitants were scourged and tortured until they 
had given up their hoarded treasures. In the end Baji Rao 
made an attempt to entrap Sindia, by inviting him to the 
palace for the purpose of murdering him ; but his heart failed 
him at the last moment, and he hesitated to give the neces- 
sary signal to the assassins. Accordingly Sindia left the 
palace without injury, but not without suspicions; and 
henceforth he was more distrustful than ever of the good 
faith of Baji Rao. 

Sir John Shore was not the man to deal with such dis- 
tractions. The Mahratta empire was breaking up, and non- 
intervention would not solve the problem. A statesman of 
European experience and original genius was required to 
deal with the crisis ; a man of stronger brain and firmer will. 
At the same time a dangerous disaffection broke out in the 
English army in Bengal. Sir John Shore was devoid of all 
military experience, and found that he had not nerve enough 
to suppress the growing disorders, and he requested the Court 
of Directors to send out a successor. 

Before Sir John Shore returned to England, he was forced 
to give his attention to the state of Oude. The administra- 
tion was at once weak and oppressive. The money wrung 
from the Ryots was withheld by the Talukdars,' or squan- 
dered in wasteful luxury at the capital ; while nothing but 
the presence of the British battalions prevented the whole 
country from being overrun by the Mahrattas. Sir John 
Shore remonstrated with the Nawab Vizier, but only wasted 
his words. Asof-ud-daula died in 1797, and Sir John Shore 

1 The Talukdars of Oude corresponded generally to the Zemindars in Bengal, 
but in some cases they were mere collectors of revenue, while others corresponded 
to a feudal nobility. Under the rule of a Nawab Vizier it is impossible to say 
what they were. 


recognized a certain Vizier Ali as his successor. Subse- 
quently it turned out that Vizier Ah was illegitimate, and 
that Saadut Ali, the brother of the late ruler, was the legiti- 
mate and rightful Nawab Vizier. Accordingly Vizier Ali 
was pensioned off and sent to reside at Benares. Saadut 
Ali was placed upon the throne and effected a change in the 
aspect of affairs. He devoted his energies to hoarding up 
the revenues which his predecessors had been accustomed 
to squander on their pleasures. 

In March, 1798, Sir John Shore, now Lord Teignmouth, 
embarked at Calcutta for Europe. Meanwhile a Governor- 
General was coming out to India of a very different stamp. 
At first he was only known as Lord Mornington, but, in the 
history of British India, he is more widely known by his later 
title of Marquis of Wellesley. 




A.D. 179S TO 1801 

LORD MORNINGTON landed at Calcutta in the thirty- 
eighth year of his age. At the time he left England 
he- had three objects in view; namely, to drive the 
French out of India, to revive the confederacy with Nizam 
Ali and the Peishwa against Tippu of Mysore, and to estab- 
lish the balance of power which Lord Cornwallis had failed 
to create and which was still the darling object of the 
EngUsh ministry. 

At this time the hatred of the British nation toward the 
revolutionary government in France had risen to fever heat. 
The reign of terror, the horrors of the guillotine, the execu- 
tion of Louis the Sixteenth and Marie Antoinette, the rise 
of Napoleon, and the threatened invasion of England, had 
stirred up depths of antagonism which later generations can 
scarcely realize. The new Governor-General shared in the 
national sentiment, but his wrath was mingled with alarm 
as he heard that one army of French sepoys was in the ser- 
vice of Nizam Ali; that another French army was in the 
service of Daulat Rao Sindia; and that Tippu Sultan, the 
hereditary enemy of the British nation, was entertaining 
French officers, and courting a French alliance which might 
endanger British power in India. . 

But Lord Mornington soon discovered that while it was 
possible to revive the old confederation against Tippu, it 
was utterly impossible to frame a network of alliances which 
would establish a balance of power, and maintain the peace 
of India on the basis of international relations. Indeed the 


progress of events had rendered such a task still more hope- 
less in 1798 than it had been in 1792. In 1792 the Nizam 
and the Peishwa were at any rate substantive states, although 
they could not be formed into trustworthy allies. But in 
1798 the power of the Nizam was shattered by his humilia- 
tion at Kurdla; while the Peishwa's government was dis- 
tracted by the dissensions between Baji Rao, Daulat Rao 
Sindia, and Nana Farnavese. Accordingly, the idea of a 
balance of power was abandoned; and Lord Mornington 
saw that the work before him was to secure the disband- 
ment of the French battalions and to revive the confedera- 
tion against Tippu. 

Lord Mornington began with the Nizam. There was little 
difficulty, except what arose from the alarms, the prevarica- 
tions, and the fickle temperament of Nizam Ali himself. In 
the end, Nizam Ali agreed to disband his French battalions, 
and to maintain an EngUsh force in their room, with the un- 
derstanding that the British government would mediate in 
the Mahratta claims, and, if necessary, protect him against 
the Mahrattas. Nizam Ali further pledged himself to take 
no Frenchman or other European into his service without 
the consent of the British government. Finally, he prom- 
ised to furnish a contingent force to serve in the coming 
war against Tippu. 

The disbandment of the French battalions at Hyderabad 
was attended with anxiety, but carried out without blood- 
shed. An English force was on the ground. The disband- 
ment was proclaimed, and then the French sepoys broke out 
in mutiny for arrears of pay, and the French officers fled for 
protection to the Enghsh lines. The French sepoys were 
reassured by the discharge of their pay and arrears, and 
submitted to their fate ; and within a few hours the French 
battalions had melted away. 

Lord Mornington also opened negotiations with the Mah- 
rattas, but he found them impracticable. Baji Rao and Nana 
Farnavese had become reconciled ; for both were Brahmans, 
and both were threatened by Daulat Rao Sindia. But they 




would not form a close connection with the English; they 
were jealous of the English alliance with the Nizam; and 
thej'' were especially jealous of any interference of the En- 
glish in the Mahratta claims. But while evading a treaty 
they avoided all cause for quarrel. Nana Farnavese prom- 
ised that in the event of a war against Tippu, the Peishwa's 
government would send a Mahratta contingent to co-operate 
with the armies of the English and the Nizam. 

Meanwhile the hostility of Tippu was proved beyond a 
doubt. He sent envoys to the French governor of the Mau- 
ritius with despatches for the government at Paris, propos- 
ing an offensive and defensive alliance against the English. 
The matter was blazoned forth in a public proclamation at 
the Mauritius; and it was repubUshed in the Indian jour- 
nals, and confirmed by advices from the Cape. Shortly 
afterward news arrived in India that a French army under 
Napoleon had landed in Egypt; and it was also rumored 
that a French fleet was on its way down the Red Sea bound 
for the coast of Malabar. Under such circumstances Lord 
Mornington resolved on the final extinction of Tippu. 

But Lord Mornington did not rush blindly into a war. 
He demanded an explanation from Tippu, and proposed 
sending a Major Doveton to come to a thorough under- 
standing with the Sultan. But Tippu sent back lame expla- 
nations, charging the French authorities with untruthfulness 
and malice, and refused to receive Major Doveton. 

The war began in 1799. An English army under General 
Harris marched from Madras to the Mysore country, accom- 
panied by Colonel Arthur Wellesley, afterward famous as 
the great Duke of Wellington. The expedition was joined 
by a force from Hyderabad, but the Mahrattas made no ap- 
pearance. Another English force from Bombay entered the 
Mysore country from the westward, to form a junction with 
the Madras army. 

Tippu made some efforts at resistance, but was routed 
and compelled to fall back on his famous capital and strong- 
hold at Seringapatam. He seemed bewildered and infatu- 


ated as the forces from Madras and Bombay closed around 
him. He sued for peace, and was required to cede half his 
remaining territories, and to pay a sum of two millions ster- 
ling. The terms were hard, but the hearts of the English 
were steeled against him. They remembered his cruelties 
toward his English prisoners, and were enraged at his in- 
trigues with the French. Tippu spurned the proffered con- 
ditions. "Better," he said, "to die like a soldier, than to 
end my days as a pensioned Nawab." 

In May, 1799, the fortifications of Seringapatam were 
taken by storm. Tippu himself was found dead in a gate- 
way ; his remains were treated with becoming respect, and 
buried with funeral honors in the mausoleum of his family. 

Thus fell the dynasty of Hyder Ali after a brief exist- 
ence of forty years. The downfall of Tippu and capture 
of Seringapatam thrilled through India like the victory at 
Plassy. Every EngHshman felt a relief; every native prince 
was alarmed at the rapid success of the conquerors. There 
were few in India to lament the fate of Tippu, excepting 
the members of his own family and the Muhammadans of 
Mysore. He was denounced as a cruel persecutor of Hindus 
and Christians ; as a foe of the Enghsh and a friend of the 
French. He was not a born genius like his father Hyder 
Ah, but he was more zealous and consistent as a Muham- 

Territorial conquest in India was distasteful to the people 
of England. Lord Mornington was hailed as the conqueror 
of Tippu, and rewarded with the title of Marquis of Welles- 
ley; but, like Lord Clive, he deemed it prudent to veil his 
conquest from European eyes. A part of Mysore was formed 
into a Hindu kingdom ; and an infant representative of the 
extinct Hindu dynasty was taken from a hovel and placed 
upon the throne as Maharaja. The remaining territory was 
divided into three portions ; one to be retained by the En- 
glish ; one to be given to the Nizam, who had joined in the 
war; and the third, under certain conditions, to be made 
over to the Peishwa, who had taken no part in the hostilities. 


Picturesque glimpses of the Carnatic and Mysore in the 
year 1800 are furnished by Dr. Buchanan, who was deputed 
by Lord Wellesley to undertake a journey through the newly 
opened territories of Mysore and Malabar. 

Dr. Buchanan left Madras in April, 1800, and marched 
toward Arcot. His journey in the first instance lay through 
the Company's Jaghir; and it is curious to note the changes 
which the Jaghir had undergone. It had been ceded to the 
East India Company by Muhammad Ali, Nawab of Arcot, 
many years previously, in return for the services rendered 
by the English. It extended along the Coromandel coast, 
north and south, from Pulicat lake to the river Palar, and 
inland from Madras to Conjeveram. It was thus about a 
hundred miles long and forty broad. 

The Company's Jaghir was twice ravaged by Hyder Ali 
with fire and sword. The devastation was so complete that 
at the end of the war in 1784, there were few signs that the 
country had been inhabited, beyond the bones of those who 
had been murdered, and the naked walls of houses, temples, 
and choultries that had been burned. The havoc of war 
was succeeded by a destructive famine, which drove many 
of the wretched survivors to emigrate from the country. 

In 1794, ten years after the war, the Company's Jaghir 
was formed into a coUectorate under the management of 
Mr. Place, who was long remembered by the natives. Mr. 
Place retired in 1798. Two years later Dr. Buchanan was 
on his way from Madras to Mysore. 

Dr. Buchanan found the weather very hot and dry, as is 
generally the case in April. After leaving the plain occu- 
pied by the white garden houses of the Europeans, Dr. Bu- 
chanan entered a level country covered with rice-fields. The 
roads were good, and many of the mud huts were covered 
with tiles, and consequently appeared better than those in 

Dr. Buchanan was struck with the resting-places and 
choultries which had been built for the accommodation of 
travellers by rich native merchants of Madras. The rest- 


ing-places were mud walls four feet high, on which porters 
deposited their loads during intervals of rest, and took them 
up again without stooping. The choultries were square 
courts enclosed by low buildings, divided into apartments 
in which the poorest travellers obtained shelter from sun or 
rain, and a draught of water or milk without expense. In 
some choultries provisions were sold; in others they were 
distributed gratis, at least to Brahman s or other religious 
mendicants. The village choultry was also the place of 
assembly for all the head men and elders, when they met 
together to settle disputes or discuss other public matters. 

In collecting rents in the Company's Jaghir, the crops 
were not kept on the ground until the rent was paid, as was 
the case in Bengal. On the contrary, the grain was cut, 
threshed, and stacked, and then sealed with clay bearing a 
stamp, until the cultivator paid his rent in coin or kind. 

The great water-tank of Saymbrumbaukum on the road 
to Conjeveram was then as now an object of wonder. It 
was not dug like the tanks in Bengal, but was formed by 
shutting up, %vith an artificial bank, an opening between 
two natural ridges. The sheet of water was seven or eight 
miles in length and three in width. During the rains it was 
filled by neighboring rivers, and during the dry season it 
was let out in small streams. In the event of the rains fail- 
ing, it sufficed to water the lands of thirty-two villages for a 
period of eighteen months. 

Mr. Place, the English collector,' had repaired this tank, 
and given great satisfaction to the cultivators while augment- 
ing the revenue. Mr. Place had also caused every village to 
be surrounded by a hedge of bamboos, which served to keep 
off small parties of horsemen during a hostile invasion, while 
extending the cultivation of bamboos. 

Buchanan halted at Conjeveram, or Kanchi-puram, about 
forty miles from Madras. To this day Conjeveram is a type 

' In Madras the civil officers are termed collectors and deputy-collectors; in 
Bengal and elsewhere they are termed commissioners and deputy-commissioners. 


of the Hindu cities in the Peninsula. The streets were tol- 
erably broad and lined with cocoanut trees, and crossed one 
another at right angles. The houses were built of mud in 
the form of a square, with a small court in the centre. 
They appeared much more comfortable than the houses in 
the country towns in Bengal. 

There was a large temple at Conjeveram dedicated to 
Siva and his wife. Three miles off was another temple ded- 
icated to Vishnu. There were a hundred Brahman families 
and a hundred dancing-girls employed in the service of these 
temples. Twice a year the images of Vishnu and his family 
were carried in procession on a visit to Siva; but Siva re- 
turned the visit only once a year. On those occasions there 
were frequent disputes between the worshippers of Siva and 
those of Vishnu, leading to abusive language and blows, 
which the English collectors were sometimes obliged to put 
down with the bayonet. 

The Brahmans of Southern India were divided into three 
leading sects, namely, the Smartal, the Vaishnava, and the 

The Smartal was the most numerous and comprehended 
half the Brahmans in the Lower Carnatic. Its members 
were followers of Sankhara Acharya. They were commonly 
said to be worshippers of Siva, but they considered Brahma, 
Vishnu, and Siva to be the same god assuming different per- 
sons as the creator, preserver, and destroyer of the universe. 
They believed their own souls to be portions of the divinity, 
and did not believe in transmigration as a punishment for 
sin. They were readily distinguished by three horizontal 
stripes on the forehead made with white ashes.' 

Buchanan met with a Smartal Brahman, who was a fair 
type of his class. He was reckoned a man of learning, but 

^ Sankhara Acharya, the apostle of the Smartals, was a Namburi Brahman 
of Malabar, who flourished about the eighth century of the Christian era. His 
disciples taught that he was au incarnation of Siva, who appeared on earth to 
root out the religion of the Jains and regulate and reform the Brahmans. In 
1871 a representative or successor of this apostle was still living. His name 
was Narsingh Acharj^a. He was called b}^ his disciples the Jagat Guru, or 
teacher of the world. See larger History of India, vol. iii. chap. viii. 


he denied all knowledge of Jains, Buddhists, or other sects, 
beyond having heard them mentioned. He considered the 
doctrines of all sects, save his own, to be contemptible and 
unworthy of notice. He believed in a supreme god, called 
Narayana, or Para Brahma, from whom proceeded Siva, 
Vishnu, or Brahma; but he regarded all of them, indi- 
vidually and collectively, as one and the same god. His 
sect prayed to Siva and Vishnu, as well as to many of their 
wives, children, and attendants, among whom were the 
Sakhtis, or destructive powers. Siva, however, was the 
principal object of their worship ; for they considered him to 
be a most powerful mediator with Narayana, who was rather 
too much elevated to attend to their personal requests. They 
abhorred bloody sacrifices, but did not blame the Sudras for 
practicing such a form of worship ; they said it was the cus- 
tom of the Sudras, and that it was a matter of very httle 
consequence what such low people did. The Smartals be- 
lieved that when a good Brahman died, his spirit was united 
to God ; but that the soul of a bad Brahman was punished in 
purgatory, and then passed through other lives, as an animal 
or as a person of low caste, until at last he became a Brah- 
man and had another opportunity by the performance of 
good works to become united to God. 

The followers of Ramanuja Acharya were the most nu- 
merous sect of Brahmans, next to the Smartals, and formed 
about three-tenths of the whole. They were called Vaish- 
nava and A'ayngar, and were readily known by three ver- 
tical marks on the forehead, connected by a common line 
above the nose, and formed of white clay. They abhorred 
Siva, calhng him the chief of the Rakshasas, or devils ; and 
they worshipped only Vishnu and the gods of his family. 
They formed two sects ; those who believed in transmigra- 
tion and those who did not.' 

^ Ramanuja Acharya, the apostle of the Yaishnavas and A'ayngars, flour- 
ished about the twelfth century. He made Conjeveram his headquarters, but 
undertook missionary circuits over the whole of the Peninsula. One of his dis- 
ciples, named Ramanaud, founded another celebrated sect at Benares, who wor- 
shipped Vishnu through his incarnations of Rama and Krishna, and threw off 
all ties of caste. See larger History of India, vol. iii. chap. viii. 


The Maduals formed the remaining two-tenths of the 
Brahmans. They wore the vertical marks on the forehead, 
which were appropriate to the followers of Vishnu, but they 
also worshipped Siva. They believed in the generation of 
the gods in a literal sense, thinking Vishnu to be the father 
of Brahma, and Brahma to be the father of Siva. 

The proper duty of a Brahman was meditation on things 
divine; and the proper mode of procuring a livelihood was 
by begging. But the common people were not so charitable 
as in a former age, nor so willing to part with their money. 
Accordingly most of the Brahmans in the Lower Carnatic 
followed secular professions. They filled the different offices 
in the collection of revenue and administration of justice; 
and were extensively employed as guides and messengers, 
and as keepers of choultries. They rented lands, but never 
put their hands to the plow, and cultivated their farms by 
slaves who belonged to the inferior castes.' Hence arose 
the distinction between the Vaidika and Lokika Brahmans : 
the Vaidika devoting their days to study, contemplation, 
and the education of younger Brahmans; while the Lokikas 
engaged in the government revenue and other worldly con- 
cerns. The mercenary Brahmans who officiated in pagodas 
for a livelihood were despised alike by Vaidikas and Lokikas. 

Throughout both Carnatics, except at Madras and some 
other exceptional towns, the Brahmans appropriated to them- 
selves a particular quarter, generally that which was the 
best fortified. A Sudra was not permitted to dwell in the 
same street as a Brahman, and Pariahs and other low-castes 
were forbidden to dwell in the same quarter as the Sudras. 
Indeed the Pariahs, and others of the same stamp, generally 
lived in wretched huts about the suburbs, where a Brahman 
could not walk without pollution. 

' The lower-castes, or rather outcasts, were by far the most hardy and labo- 
rious people in the Carnatic, but the greater number were slaves. Hyder Ali 
was alive to their value, and during his incursions in the Carnatic he sought to 
carry them away to Mysore, where he settled them down in farms. They are 
divided into numerous tribes or castes, distinguished bj- a variety of names, but 
are beat known to Europeans by the general term of Pariahs. Properly speak- 
ing, the Pariahs or Pareyars form only a single tribe. 


Buchanan paid a passing visit to Arcot and Vellore. Ho 
saw nothing remarkable except the Muhammadan women, 
who rode about on bullocks, and were entirely wrapped up 
in white veils. He ascended the Eastern Ghats and entered 
Mysore. The country was exceedingly bare and the popu- 
lation scanty. All the houses were collected in villages; 
the smallest villages of five or six houses were fortified with 
a wall six feet high, and a mud tower on the top to which 
the only access was by a ladder. If a plundering party ap- 
proached the village, the people ascended the tower with 
their famihes and valuables, and drew up the ladder, and 
defended themselves with stones, which even the women 
threw with great force and dexterity. The larger villages 
had square forts, with round towers at the angles. In towns 
the defences were still more numerous ; the fort served as a 
citadel, while the town or pettah was surrounded by a weaker 
defence of mud. The inhabitants considered fortifications as 
necessaries of existence, and incurred the whole expense of 
building them and the risk of defending them. Indeed for 
a long series of years the country had been in a constant 
state of warfare; and the poor inhabitants had suffered so 
much from all parties that they would not trust in any. 

Buchanan halted at Bangalore, which has since become 
a favorite resort of the English in India. Bangalore was 
founded by Hyder Ali, and during his reign was an empo- 
rium of trade and manufactures. Hyder built the fort at 
Bangalore after the best fashion of Muhammadan military 
architecture; but Tippu destroyed it after he found that it 
could not resist English valor. Tippu also ruined the town 
by prohibiting all trade with the subjects of the Nawab of 
Arcot and Nizam of Hyderabad, whom he held in detesta- 
tion.' It was plundered during the Mysore war of 1791-92 
by the forces of Lord Cornwallis and his native allies, and 
the inhabitants fled in all directions. Subsequently Tippu 

' Tippu sought to punish both the Nawab and Nizam by stopping the trade 
with Arcot and Hyderabad, much in the same way that the first Napoleon tried 
to punish England by the Berlin decrees. 


induced the refugees to return with the wreck of their fort- 
unes ; and then, having got them under his thumb, he fleeced 
them of all they possessed, down to the most trifling orna- 
ments, on the pretence that they had favored the English. 
Since the fall of Tippu in 1799 the inhabitants began once 
more to flock into Bangalore under the assurance of British 

At Seringapatam Buchanan saw the palace of Tippu 
Sultan. It was a large building surrounded by a wall of 
stone and mud. Tippu's own rooms formed one side of the 
square, while the three remaining sides were occupied by 
warehouses. Tippu had been a merchant as well as a prince ; 
and during his reign he filled his warehouses with a vast 
variety of goods, which the Amildars, or governors of prov- 
inces, were expected to sell to the richer inhabitants at prices 
far in excess of their real value. Much corruption and op- 
pression resulted from this forced system of trade. Those 
who bribed the Amildar were exempt from making large 
purchases. Those poor wretches who were unable to bribe 
were forced to buy ; and as they were equally unable to pay, 
they were stripped of all they possessed, and written down 
as debtors to the Sultan for the outstanding balances. 

Tippu persecuted Hindus, and especially Brahmans, as 
bitterly as Aurangzeb ; but his bigotry rarely stood in the 
way of his interest. He might be unmerciful toward the 
temple Brahmans, but he spared the seculars. Indeed, 
the secular Brahmans were the only men in his dominions 
who were fitted for civil administration. His Dewan, or 
financial minister, was a Brahman of singular ability, named 
Purnea. Tippu was anxious that Purnea should become a 
Muhammadan ; but Purnea was so horrified at the idea that 
the intention was abandoned. 

All this while the Brahmans were so avaricious and cor- 
rupt that Tippu would gladly have displaced them could he 
have found capable men of other castes to fill their posts. 
He tried to check their malpractices by appointing Muham- 
madan Asofs, or lord-lieutenants, to superintend the admin- 


istration in the provinces ; but this measure only aggravated 
the evil. The Asofs were indolent, ignorant, and self-in- 
dulgent ; and hungered after money bribes to supply their 
wants. Consequently the Brahmans doubled their exac- 
tions in order to satisfy the Asofs. Every native supposed 
to be rich was exposed to false charges, and there was no 
escape except by bribery. 

Under the new government introduced by the Marquis 
of Wellesley, Purnea remained in the post of Dewan, and 
conducted the administration of Mysore under the super- 
vision of an English Resident. He was a Brahman of the 
Madual sect, a good linguist, and well versed in the affairs 
of the country. The revenue establishments were largely 
reduced, and consequently the Brahmans were the loudest 
in their complaints against the new government. Those 
who were retained in the public service were paid liberal 
salaries to place them above temptation, but the result was 
not satisfactory. The people of Mysore acknowledged that 
they were delivered from the licentiousness of Tippu's sol- 
diery, and the arbitrary exactions of his government; but 
they complained that the Brahman officials took more money 
than ever. 

Buchanan explains the remarkable distinction which pre- 
vails in the two Carnatics between the left and right "hands. ' ' 
This distinction is confined to the Pariahs and low-castes gen- 
erally. The "left hand" comprised nine tribes or castes, in- 
cluding blacksmiths, carpenters, masons, gold and silver- 
smiths, oil-makers, hunters, shoemakers, and some others. 
The "right hand" comprised eighteen tribes, including Pa- 
riahs properly so called, calico-printers, shepherds, potters, 
washermen, palanquin-bearers, barbers, painters, cowkeep- 
ers, and others. The Pariahs proper were the chief tribe 
of the "right hand." 

The origin of this division of the Hindu low-castes was 
involved in fable. It was said to have been carried out at 
Conjeveram by the goddess Kali. It was also said that the 
rules to be observed on either side were engraved on a cop- 


per plate, and preserved in the great temple of Siva. The 
existence of the plate, however, was more than doubtful. 
The pretensions of both hands were diametrically opposed, 
yet both appealed to the plate as an authority, and no one 
produced a copy. The antagonism originated in claims to 
the exclusive possession of certain honorary distinctions, such 
as the privilege of using twelve pillars to the temporary build- 
ing under which the marriage ceremonies were performed; 
the right of riding on horseback in processions; or the claim 
to carry a flag painted with the figure of the monkey god 

Buchanan saw something of the working of Gurus and 
Swamis in the Brahmanical hierarchy." They were the 
bishops of their respective sects, exercising a jurisdiction 
in all things relating to religion or caste. The Gurus and 
Swamis performed certain ceremonies of initiation and con- 
firmation in their respective sects. They imparted to every 
disciple a mysterious sentence, known as the Upadasa, which 
was to be uttered orally in their devotions, and was never to 
be written down or revealed. Sometimes a Guru gave a 
Upadasa and some images to a favorite disciple, and ap- 
pointed him as a kind of deputy to manage affairs at a dis- 
tance. In the Vaishnava sect every disciple was branded 
with the spear of the god Vishnu. This ceremony was 

' The division between the left and right "hands" is unknown iu Hindustan, 
but prevails throughout the Peninsula and a great part of the Dekhan. The dis- 
putes among the low-castes at Masulipatam (ante, p. 228) were connected with 
this distinction. The English at Madras and the French at Pondicherry were 
often troubled in the last century by disputes between the left and right "hands," 
which sometimes were productive of bloodshed, and necessitated the interference 
of the military. Abbe Dubois relates a remarkable instance at which he himself 
was present. A terrible feud had broken out between the Pariahs and Cobblers, 
which spread through a large district. Many of the timid inhabitants began to 
remove their effects and leave their villages, as if they had been threatened by 
a Mahratta invasion. Fortunately matters did not come to an extremity, as the 
chief men came forward lo mediate between the vulgar castes, and to disband 
the armed ranks just as thc}'^ were awaiting the signal for battle. The cause of 
this dreadful commotion was a trifle. A Cobbler had stuck red flowers in his 
turban at a public festival, and the Pariahs insisted that none of his caste had 
a right to wear them. 

' See ante, part i., chap, iv., p. 84. 


known as the Chakrantikam. ' The spear was made hot 
and applied to the shoulder so as to bum the skin. The 
Upadasa was imparted to the disciple only once during life; 
but the Ohakrantikam or branding was performed several 

The Gurus were entirely supported by the contributions 
of their disciples ; but these were so burdensome that a Guru 
seldom continued long in one place. The contributions of a 
rich town hke Madras would not support a Guru or Swami 
for more than one or two months ; and the visits of a Guru 
were often regarded with dread like the incursions of a 

The Gurus travelled in great state, with elephants, horses, 
palanquins, and an immense train of disciples, the least of 
whom considered himself as elevated far above ordinary 
mortals by his superior sanctity. They generally travelled 
at night in order to avoid their Muhammadan or European 
conquerors, who would not show them that veneration, or 
adoration, to which they considered themselves entitled. On 
the approach of a Guru to any place, all the inhabitants of 
the higher castes went out to meet him ; but the lower castes 
were not admitted to his presence. The Guru was conducted 
to the principal temple, and bestowed Upadasa, or Ohakran- 
tikam, on such as had not received those ceremonies, and 
also distributed holy water. He then inquired into matters 

' This branding ceremony was not practiced by the Smartal sect who wor- 
shipped Siva. 

■^ At the Madras Presidency College, many years ago, the author often heard 
educated Hindus speak of the ceremonies described by Buchanan. He believes 
that the Upadasa imparted to the higher castes corresponded to the Gayatri, or 
invocation of all the Vaidik deities as represented by the sun. The 'Upadasa 
imparted to Sudras and others was nothing more than the name of some par- 
ticular god, which was to be constantly repeated by the worshipper. The cere- 
mony of branding was sometimes a subject of mirth to those who were not 
required to submit to it. 

^ A hundred pagodas a day, or about thirty -six pounds sterling, were as little 
as could be offered to a Guru on his tour, and che Raja of Tanjore was said to 
have given his Guru something like ninety pounds a day whenever the great 
spiritual teacher honored him with a visit. There is reason, however, to believe 
that the disciples exaggerated the value of past gifts in the hope of exciting the 
emulation of current worshippers. 


of contention, or transgressions against the rules of caste; 
and having settled or punished all such offences, he heard 
his disciples and other learned men dispute on theological 
subjects. This was the grand field for acquiring reputation 
among the Brahmans. 

Besides the Gurus, however, there were popular forms of 
ecclesiastical government. Throughout every part of India, 
wherever there was a considerable number of any one caste 
or tribe, there was usually a head man, and his office was 
generally hereditary. His powers were various in different 
sects and places ; but he was commonly intrusted with au- 
thority to punish all transgressions against the rules of caste. 
His power was not arbitrary ; as he was always assisted by 
a council of the most respectable members of his tribe. He 
could inflict fines and stripes, and above all excommunication, 
or loss of caste, which was the most terrible of all punish- 
ments to a Hindu. 

"While Gurus, and Brahmans generally, were held in such 
outward veneration, an undercurrent of antagonism occasion- 
ally found expression in the language of revolt. Satirical 
songs were current, showing up the incapacity of the Gurus ; 
and sarcastic tales were told of the vanity or stupidity of 
Brahmans. Abbe Dubois has preserved a specimen of these 
compositions, which sufficiently illustrates the popular senti- 
ments, and may be reproduced in a condensed paraphrase : 

"Once upon a time four Brahmans were going on a jour- 
ney, when they met a soldier, who cried out — 'Health to my 
lord!' All four replied with a benediction, and then quar- 
relled among themselves as to which of the four had been 
saluted by the soldier. Accordingly they ran back and put 
the question to the soldier, who replied that his salutation 
had been intended for the greatest fool of the four. 

"The four Brahmans next quarrelled as to which of them 
was the greatest fool. Accordingly they proceeded to the 
choultry of a neighboring village, and put the question to 
the elders who were assembled there ; and in order to arbi- 


trate on this knotty point, each Brahman was called upon in 

turn to prove his claim to the salutation. 

"The first Brahman said that a rich merchant had given 
him two of the finest pieces of cloth that had ever been seen 
in his village. He purified them by washing, and hung 
them out to dry, when a dog ran under them; and neither 
he nor his children could tell whether the dog had touched 
them so as to render them impure. Accordingly he crawled 
under the clothes on his hands and knees without touching 
them ; but his children decided that the trial was of no avail, 
as the dog might have touched them with his turned up tail, 
while their father had no such appendage. This decision so 
exasperated the Brahman that he tore the cloths to rags, and 
was then laughed at as the greatest fool in the village, be- 
cause he might have washed the cloths a second time, or at 
any rate have given them to a poor Sudra. 

"The second Brahman then told his story. His head 
had been shaved by a barber, but his wife had given the 
man two annas instead of one, and the barber refused to 
give back the extra anna. After much wrangling the bar- 
ber agreed to shave the head of the Brahman's wife for 
nothing. The husband agreed, but the wife screamed with 
terror, for shaving her head was equivalent to charging her 
with infidelity. However, the Brahman was determined not 
to lose his anna, and the wife was shaved by force. The 
result was that the wife ran away to her parents, while the 
husband was railed at as the greatest fool in the world. 

"The third Brahman next put in his claim. One evening 
he remarked that all women were prattlers. His wife replied 
that some men were greater prattlers than women. After 
some disputing it was agreed that the one who spoke first 
should give a leaf of betel to the other. The night passed 
away without a word. Morning came, but neither would 
speak or rise. The village was alarmed, and a multitude of 
Brahmans, men and women, gathered round the house fear- 
ing that the inmates were murdered. At last the carpenter 
broke down the door. The husband and wife were still lying 


on the couch, and neither would speak or move. Some of 
the bystanders declared that the pair were possessed of dev- 
ils ; and a magician was called in, but his incantations had 
no effect. At last a wise old Brahman brought a bar of red- 
hot gold in a pair of pincers, and applied it to the feet of the 
husband; but the man bore the torture without a word. 
Next the bar was tried on the wife, with a different effect; 
she rose up with a shriek and gave her husband a leaf of 
betel. The man took the leaf, saying — 'Was I not right 
when I said that all women were prattlers?' The multitude 
looked on with amazement, but when they discovered that 
the husband had aroused the whole village for the sake of a 
leaf of betel they declared that he was the biggest fool they 
had ever seen. 

"At last the fourth Brahman asserted his right to be re- 
garded as the greatest fool of the four. For some years he 
had been betrothed to a girl, and at last she was old enough 
to be his wife. His mother would have fetched the damsel 
from her father's house, but was too sick to go. Accord- 
ingly she sent her son, but knowing him to be a brute, she 
implored him to be careful in his behavior. The father of 
the damsel entertained his son-in-law with all hospitality, 
and then dismissed him with his bride. The day was exces- 
sively hot, and the road ran through a desert which scorched 
their feet. The damsel had been tenderly brought up, and 
fainted with the heat, and lay down upon the ground and 
declared that she wished to die. A rich merchant came up, 
and offered to save her life by carrying her away on one of 
his bullocks ; he also offered twenty pagodas to her husband 
as the value of her ornaments. Accordingly the bridegroom 
parted from his bride, and went home with the twenty pa- 
godas. When his mother heard the story she overwhelmed 
him with curses. Presently the wife's relations came to the 
village, and would have murdered him had he not fled to 
the jungle. As it was, the chiefs of the caste fined him two 
hundred pagodas, and prohibited him from ever marrying 


** Meanwhile the elders at the choultry had been convulsed 
with laughter at the stories of the four Brahmans, and so 
had all the people who had gathered around to hear what 
was going on. When the fourth Brahman had finished his 
tale, the elders delivered their judgment. They decided that 
each of the fom* Brahmans might consider himself entitled 
to the salutation of the soldier; and thereupon all four rushed 
out of the choultry in great delight, each one declaring that 
he had won the cause, ' ' 

The foregoing tale cannot be regarded as history proper; 
but it is a specimen of folk-lore, and reveals the current of 
feeling which was running through Peninsular India at the 
beginning of the present century, and is still flowing. It 
will now be necessary to resume the thread of the narrative, 
which has been interrupted ever since the Mysore war was 
brought to a close by the destruction of Tippu and downfall 
of Seringapatam. 

The conquest of Mysore was followed by vital changes in 
Tan j ore and the Carnatic, similar to those which Lord Clive 
had carried out in Bengal and Behar some thirty-five years 
before, but without the sham of Moghul suzerainty. English 
administration was introduced into both countries in the 
place of native rule; and the Raja of Tanjore and Nawab 
of the Carnatic were reduced to the condition of titular 
princes like the Nawab Nazim of Murshedabad. How 
far Lord Wellesley was justified in carrying out such 
radical reforms may be gathered from the following 

The Hindu Raj of Tanjore had been favored by nature 
beyond all the other principtilities in the Peninsula. It has 
abeady been described at the delta of the Koleroon and 
Kaveri; a well- watered garden, vying in fertihty with the 
delta of the Nile, and forming the granary of Southern India. 
It had been conquered in the seventeenth century by a Mah- 
ratta prince of the house of Sivaji ; but it was cut off from 
the homes of the Mahratta-speaking people in the western 
India. Vol. II. X— 3 


Dekhan by the intermediate territories of tlie Carnatic 
Nawab. ' 

Tan j ore had suffered much from the encroachments of 
the Moghuls, but was otherwise an independent principaHty. 
Isolated from the Mahratta empire, the Mahratta Rajas of 
Tanjore paid no such allegiance to the Maharajas at Satara, 
or Peishwas at Poona, as was paid by Sindia or Holkar, the 
Gaekwar or the Bhonsla of Berar, For many years the fron- 
tiers of Tanjore were oscillating, hke those of the Mahratta 
empire ; but during the eighteenth century they became fixed, 
and the Raj of Tanjore is described as a compact territory, 
seventy miles long from north to south, and sixty miles from 
east to west. It was bounded on the north by the Koleroon, 
on the east by the Bay of Bengal, on the south by the Mara- 
war country,* and on the west by Trichinopoly and the Ton- 
diman's country.^ 

' Tanjore was originally a province of the old Hindu empire of Vijayanagar. 
After the battle of Talikota, the Hindu viceroy or Naili became an independent 
Raja. Then followed intermittent wars between Tanjore and Trichinopoly. The 
Tanjore Raja was overpowered, and called the Mahrattas to his help. In 1680 
the Mahrattas helped liim with a vengeance. They saved him from destruction 
and then overran his territory, and took possession of his kingdom in payment 
for their services. See ante, p. 211. 

''■ The Marawar country is a relic of Hindu antiquity, and closely associated 
with the legendary wars of Rama and Ravana. The people were primitive, and 
included the caste of Kalars, or hereditary robbers. In modern times the tract 
fell into the possession of the Rajas of Sivaganga and Ramnad, the former of 
whom was known as the little Marawar, while the latter was known as the great 
Marawar. The Ramnad estate was granted to the ancestors of the great Mara- 
war, with the title of Sethipati, or "Commander-in-chief," for the defence of the 
road and protection of pilgrims resorting to the sacred pagoda of Ramisseram. 

^ The Tondiman was originally a Zemindar, who rendered great services to 
the East India Company durnig the wars in the Carnatic, and was rewarded by 
the title and dignity of Raja. One incident in the family history is suggestive 
of old Hindu life. There was an ancient dispute between the Tondiman and 
Sivaganga Rujas respecting a small tract of land about ten miles long. Genera- 
tion after generation fought for this land, so that four-fifths of it became jungle, 
while the remainder was sowed sword in hand, and reaped with bloodshed. 
Many attempts were made to settle the dispute, but without avail. At last a 
Major Blackbitrne, Resident at Tanjore, summoned the representatives on either 
side to bring aU their documents and vouchers. After six weeks' laborious in- 
vestigation, Major Blackburne discovered beyond aU doubt that most of them 
were forgeries. Both parties, seeing that the fact was patent, admitted that 
ever}-^ document of importance had been fabricated for the occasion ; but they 
confidently appealed to the boundary stones, which they swore had been set up 
from a remote antiquity. On inquiry, however, Major Blackburne found that 


Swartz, the missionary, was favorably disposed toward 
the Raja who was reigning in 1775 when Tanjore was re- 
stored by Lord Pigot. Indeed the Raja had permitted him 
to preach and estabHsh schools. But the evidence of Swartz 
reveals the agony of Tanjore. The people were groaning 
under oppression and misgovernment. The Raja was a 
slave in the hands of Brahmans ; he lived immured in the 
recesses of the palace, surrounded by a multiplicity of wives, 
and left the administration in the hands of a rapacious min- 
ister. The cultivators were at the mercy of renters, who 
took sixty or seventy baskets of rice out of every hundred ; 
and sometimes the entire harvest was reaped by the servants 
of the Raja, while the cultivators looked helplessly on. In 
1786 it was reported that sixty-five thousand of the inhabi- 
tants had fled from Tanjore; and that many of those who 
remained refused to cultivate the lands unless there was a 
change in the administration. 

Unfortunately the English government at Madras was 
more or less responsible for this tyranny. "When Lord Pigot 
restored Tanjore to the Raja, he engaged that there should 
be no interference for the future in the administration. The 
Madras government could consequently only remonstrate 
with the Raja, and its advice was thrown away. At last 
a committee of inspection was appointed, and Swartz was 
nominated a member. The Raja appealed to the pledges 
given him by Lord Pigot, and promised to amend his ad- 
ministration ; but he did little or nothing, and the Madras 
government left matters to drift on. 

The Raja died without issue in 1787. His death was 
followed by a disputed succession. There was an adult half- 
brother, named Amar Singh, and an adopted son, aged ten. 

four years previously none of the stones had been in existence. Major Black- 
burne then decided the case on his own authority by dividing the land equally 
between the Tondimau and Sivaganga Rajas, and setting up new boundary stones 
under the seal of the British government. By so doing he offended both parties, 
but he put an end to the interminable wars, and before long the whole jungle 
was brought under cultivation. This measure, in the eyes of natives, was one 
of the oppressions of British rule. 


named Serfoji. The recognition of the Madras government, 
as the superior authority in the Peninsula, was necessary to 
settle the case. Accordingly, the Madras government nomi- 
nated twelve Pundits, who decided against the adoption, on 
the ground that the boy was disqualified by reason of his 
age, and by being the only son of his natural father. Under 
such circumstances Amar Singh, the half-brother, was placed 
upon the throne of Tan j ore by the Madras government. 

The administration of Amar Singh was as oppressive as 
that of his predecessor. He placed the boy Serfoji in close 
confinement, together with the widows of the deceased Raja. 
After some delay, and repeated complaints, the Madras gov- 
ernment insisted on the liberation of the prisoners, and Serfoji 
and the widows were removed to Madras. Then followed a 
petition from Serfoji, claiming the throne of Tanjore by the 
right of adoption. More Pundits were consulted, who de- 
cided in favor of the adoption. The Madras government, 
after long and careful consideration, determined that a mis- 
take had been made, and resolved on dethroning Amar Singh 
in favor of Serfoji. 

Amid the contradictory interpretations of Sanskrit law, 
and the conflict of authority on the part of the Pundits, it is 
impossible to say who was the rightful Raja. Indeed, it is im- 
possible to say how far the Pundits on either side may have 
been swayed by undue influences, Swartz intimates pretty 
plainly that the Tanjore Pundits were bribed by Amar Singh ; 
while it is equally probable that the Madras Pundits were 
bribed by Serfoji. Lord Wellesley solved the problem by 
placing Serfoji on the throne on the condition that the en- 
tire administration should be transferred to the Company's 
officers. Accordingly Serfoji was put in possession of the 
town and fort of Tanjore and maintained by a yearly grant 
of thirty-five thousand pounds, together with one-fifth of the 
revenues of the Raj ; while a yearly stipend of about nine 
thousand pounds was awarded to the ex-Raja Amar 

Carnatic affairs had drifted into still greater confusion. 


The introduction of British administration had become a 
crying necessity, not only for the dehverance of the people 
from oppression, but for the security of the East India Com- 
pany's possessions in the Peninsula. In the war against 
Tippu in 1791-92 Lord Cornwallis had followed the example 
set by Lord Macartney during the invasion of Hyder Ali, 
and assumed the entire management of the Carnatic, as the 
only safeguard against underhand practices and failure of 
supplies. After making peace with Tippu in 1792, Lord Corn- 
wallis concluded a treaty with Nawab Muhammad Ali, under 
which the Company was to assume the management of the 
Carnatic in all future wars, and the Nawab was pledged to 
carry on no correspondence whatever with any other state, 
native or foreign, without the sanction of the British gov- 

Muhammad Ali died in 1795, and was succeeded on the 
throne at Arcot by his eldest son, Umdut-ul-Umra. In 1799 
Lord Wellesley prepared for the conquest of Mysore ; but as 
he purposed to make short work with Tippu, he would not 
hamper his operations by taking over the Carnatic. He soon 
regretted his forbearance. The Nawab and his officers cre- 
ated such obstructions at critical moments that it was im- 
possible to avoid the suspicion that they were guilty of sys- 
tematic treachery. 

After the capture of Seringapatam the treachery came to 
light. A clandestine correspondence was discovered which 
had been carried on with Tippu by both Muhammad Ali 
and his son Umdut-ul-Umra. Some sympathy between a 
Muhammadan prince at Arcot and another at Seringapatam 
was perhaps to be expected ; although the Carnatic had been 
ravaged and plundered by Tippu only a few short years be- 
fore. But the primary duty of Lord Wellesley was to secure 
the safety of the Company's rule in India; and it was impos- 
sible for him to overlook deliberate treachery, which threat- 
ened the existence of the Company, and which certainly 
violated the treaty of 1792, and put an end to all confidence 
in the future good faith of the Carnatic family. 


Umdut-ul-Umra was on his deathbed. Lord Wellesley 
refused to disturb his last moments; and nothing was done 
beyond investigating the correspondence until after his death 
in July, 1801. The family was then told of the treachery 
which had been discovered, and the resolution of the Com- 
pany, that henceforth the Carnatic was to be brought under 
the same system of government as Tanjore and Bengal. The 
dynasty was not to be subverted. There was to be a titular 
Nawab of Arcot in the same way that there was a titular 
Nawab Nazim of Murshedabad ; but he was no longer to ex- 
ercise any civil or military authority, and the entire admin- 
istration was to be transferred to the servants of the Com- 
pany. There were two claimants of the throne, a son and a 
nephew ; and the nephew was said to have a better claim to 
the succession because the son was illegitimate. In the first 
instance the throne was offered to the son of Umdut-ul- 
Umra, but he refused the proffered terms. It was then 
offered to the nephew and accepted. An allowance of about 
fifty thousand pounds a year was assigned to the new Nawab 
for his personal expenses ; and a yearly grant of one-fifth of 
the revenues of the Carnatic was set apart for the main- 
tenance of the family.' 

By these autocratic measures Lord Wellesley put an end 
to the anarchy and oppression which had prevailed for cent- 
uries in Southern India. At the same time he established 
the British government as the dominant power in the Penin- 
sula. British administration was introduced into the Mo- 
ghul Carnatic, and into the newly-acquired territories in 
Mysore, from the Kistna to the Koleroon, and from the Bay 
of Bengal to the frontier of the Mysore Raj. It was also 
introduced into the countries to the south of the Koleroon; 
and not only Tanjore and Trichinopoly, but Tinnevelly and 

' The Nawab of the town of Surat on the side of Bombay was equally de- 
pendent on the British government, equally helpless in defending the place, and 
equally incompetent to manage its internal affairs. In 1800 the dynasty of Surat 
Bharcd the fate of that of the Carnatic. Advantage was taken of a disputed suc- 
cession to assume the government and revenues of Surat, and to reduce a favored 
claimant to the position of a titular pensioner. 


Madura became British territory.' Further to the west, on 
the Malabar side, Malabar proper and Kanara were in like 
manner brought under British administration; while the 
states of Coorg, Cochin, and Travancore were brought into 
feudatory relations with the British government, which have 
continued, with the exception of Coorg, down to our own 
time.'' Thus the Madras Presidency, which was originally 
restricted to a sandy tract on the Coromandel coast of six 
miles in length and one inland, was extended westward to 
the coast of Malabar, northward to the Kistna and Godavari, 
and southward to Cape Comorin. 

' The English collectorate of Madura includes Diudigul and the two Mara- 
wars, Sivaganga and Ramnad. 

'^ The general character of these feudatory relations will be sufficiently de- 
Bcribed in the next chapter. In 1834 the Raja of Coorg declared war against 
the British government, and was speedily reduced by British arms. His coun- 
try, at the expressed and unanimous desire of the people, was then brought 
under the Company's rule. The incident belongs to the administration of Lord 
William Bentinck, and will be told hereafter. 



A.D. 1799 TO 1805 

THE Mysore war did something more than establish 
the British government as the dominant power in the 
Peninsula. It put an end to the phantom of a bal- 
ance of power in the Dekhan and Hindustan. The Nizam 
was helpless; his very existence depended on the British 
government. The Peishwa's government was faithless; it 
sent no contingent to join the forces of the Enghsh and the 
Nizam, and kept the envoys of Tippu at Poena long after 
the war began, in order to carry on underhand negotiations 
with the enemy. Henceforth it was for the British govern- 
ment, and for that government alone, to keep the peace of 
India by the exercise of a paramount power. 

The political system contemplated by the Marquis of 
"Wellesley lies in a nutshell. The native states were to sur- 
render their international life to the British government in 
return for British protection. They were to make no wars, 
and to carry on no negotiations with any other state what- 
ever, without the knowledge and consent of the British gov- 
ernment. They were not to entertain Frenchmen or any 
other Europeans in their service, without the consent of 
the British government. The greater principalities were 
each to maintain a native force commanded by British offi- 
cers for the preservation of the public peace ; and they were 
each to cede certain territories in full sovereignty to meet 
the yearly charges of this force. The lesser principalities 
were to pay tribute to the paramount power. In return the 
British government was to protect them, one and all, against 


foreign enemies of every sort or kind. This system had al- 
ready been carried out as regards the petty Hindu principal- 
ities of Travancore and Coorg, which had been left intact in 
the Peninsula. Its extension was now to be urged on the 
greater powers of the Dekhan and Hindustan. 

The Nizam of Hyderabad was the first to enter into the 
new pohtical system ; the first to become a feudatory of the 
British government. Nizam Ali agreed to the maintenance 
of a native force under British officers, known as the. Hyder- 
abad Subsidiary Force; and he ceded back to the British 
government all the territories which had been given him 
after the Mysore conquests in 1792 and 1799, to meet the 
charges of the Hyderabad Subsidiary Force. This was 
the beginning of the new political system of a British em- 
pire over native feudatories.* 

Lord Wellesley next tried to bring over the Peishwa's 
government to the subsidiary system. He offered to make 
over the remaining share of the Mysore country, provided 
the Peishwa would agree to the same terms as the Nizam. 
Baji Rao and Nana Farnavese were anxious for the proffered 
territory, but would not accept the conditional treaty. They 
urged that the Peishwa was endowed with the inherent right 
to collect chout for the whole of the Mysore territory; and 
they tried to convince Lord Wellesley that it would be politic 
to make over the proposed share of the Mysore conquest to 
the Peishwa as an equivalent for the collection of the chout 
throughout the whole of the Mysore territory. They met all 
other proposals by diplomatic evasions. The Peishwa would 
help the English against the French, but would not dismiss 
the Frenchmen in his service. He would take English bat- 
talions into his pay provided he might employ them against 
his refractory feudatories. But he would not accept the 
mediation of the English in the claims of the Mahrattas 
against the Nizam, nor pledge himseK as regards wars or 
negotiations with other states or principalities. 

1 A 'distinction must be made between the Hyderabad Subsidiary Force and 
the Hyderabad Contingent. The Contingent was a later creation. 


Daulat Rao Sindia was still more refractory. He was 
barely nineteen years of age, but he exercised a preponderat- 
ing influence in the Mahratta empire, and was puffed up 
with exaggerated ideas of his own importance and power. 
Lord Wellesley refrained from exciting his suspicions by any 
premature disclosure of his larger pohtical views, and only 
attempted to engage him in a defensive alliance against the 
Afghans. Lord Wellesley himself was in some alarm about 
the Afghans. Zeman Shah, the reigning sovereign of Af- 
ghanistan, was a grandson of the once famous Ahmad Shah 
Abdah, and longed to tread in the footsteps of his illustrious 
progenitor. In 1796 he had advanced into the Punjab as 
far as Lahore; but was compelled to return to Kabul the 
following year on account of distractions in his own territo- 
ries. Later on he sent a letter to Lord Wellesley announc- 
ing his intention to invade India, and inviting the British 
government to help him to drive the Mahrattas out of Hin- 
dustan. Lord Wellesley forwarded this letter to Daulat Rao 
Sindia, and proposed an alliance between the English and 
Mahrattas against Zeman Shah. But Daulat Rao Sindia 
was not to be terrified by an Afghan invasion. The slaugh- 
ter of the Mahrattas at Paniput in 1761 had died out of the 
memory of the rising generation. Accordingly Daulat Rao 
Sindia treated the letter of Zeman Shah as the idle vaporings 
of a distant barbarian ; and refused to hamper himself with 
an English alliance for resisting an invasion which might 
never be attempted." 

Lord Wellesley was exasperated at the apathy of Daulat 
Rao Sindia, for he was seriously afraid of the Afghans. He 
knew nothing of their domestic wars and endless feuds; he 
only knew that they had more than once established a do- 

' In a previous generation, when the Afghan armies of Ahmad Shah Abdali 
were overrunning the Punjab, and threatening Hindustan, neither the Moghuls 
nor the Mahrattas ever troubled themselves about the Afghans until the invaders 
reached Delhi. Since then thirty j^ears had passed way. Ahmad Shah Abdali 
died in 1773, and his sons were too much occupied in fighting one another for 
the throne to attempt a renewal of their aggressions on BQndustan. 


minion in Hindustan, and must be anxious to recover their 
lost power. He was in great alarm lest the Afghans should 
invade Oude; for Oude had nothing to protect her but a 
few English battalions, and a rabble army, in the pay of 
the Nawab Vizier, that would be worse than useless in the 
event of an invasion. 

Under these circumstances Lord Wellesley called on the 
Nawab Vizier of Oude to disband his own army, and devote 
the money thus saved to the maintenance of a larger number 
of the Company's battalions. The Nawab Vizier refused to 
do anything of the kind. Lord Wellesley was imperious and 
peremptory; he was not disposed to give in to the Nawab 
Vizier as he had given in to the Peishaw and Daulat Rao 
Sindia. He considered that unless Hindustan was in a suffi- 
cient state of defence against the Afghans, the British em- 
pire in India would be in peril. Accordingly he compelled 
the Nawab Vizier to cede half his territories and revenues 
for the protection of the remaining half ; and he devoted the 
additional income thus acquired to the permanent defence of 

As a matter of fact, the threatened invasion of Zeman 
Shah turned out a bugbear. In 1800 the would-be conqueror 
of Hindustan was dethroned and blinded by one of his broth- 
ers, and ultimately compelled to seek a refuge in British ter- 
ritory. But Lord Wellesley had no means of knowing what 
was going on. Kabul in those days was associated with the 
invasions of Timur, Nadir Shah, and Ahmad Shah Abdali; 
and for aught Lord Wellesley knew to the contrary, hosts 
of Tartars and Afghans might have rushed into Hindustan 
like a destroying flood. Moreover, no help was to be ex- 
pected from native princes. The Mahrattas would have held 
aloof and played a waiting game. The Muhammadans ex- 
pected Zeman Shah to deliver them from the English. The 
Rajputs expected him to deliver them from the Mahrattas. 
Then again there was no knowing what the French might 
be doing in the background. Under such circumstances 
Lord Wellesley was driven by the instinct of self-preserva- 


tion to take extreme measures for the permanent defence of 
Hindustan against foreign invaders. 

Meanwhile Lord Wellesley turned an anxious eye toward 
Persia. During the anarchy which followed the assassina- 
tion of Nadir Shah in 1747, the old trade between Bombay 
and Persia had dwindled away. Persia was the theatre of 
bloody struggles between the Persian and the Turkoman, 
otherwise known as the Zend and the Kajar. For a brief 
interval the Zend gained the mastery, but in 1794 was com- 
pelled to succumb to the Kajar, amid massacres and atroc- 
ities too horrible for description. A Kajar dynasty was 
founded by Agha Muhammad Khan. For a brief interval 
it was exposed to Russian aggression. ' Subsequently there 
was reason to suspect that it might be made an instrument 
of French intrigue. Accordingly, having got rid of Tippu 
as a creature of the French in the southern Peninsula, it 
was natural that Lord Wellesley should provide against any 
possible danger that might be brewing to the northwest of 

In 1800 Lord Wellesley sent Captain John Malcolm on 
a mission to Persia, to create a diversion against Zeman 
Shah on the side of Khorassan, and to counteract any de- 
signs that might be entertained by France. The mission 
has left no mark in history ; but Malcolm was a man of his 
time, and destined to play an important part in the later 
affairs of India. He distinguished himself in Persia by a 
lavish distribution of presents among the Shah and his cour- 
tiers, who were equally poor, vain, and mercenary; and he 
concluded a treaty, under which the Shah agreed to act, if 
necessary, against Zeman Shah, and to exclude all French- 
men from his dominions.'* 

' The Kajar conqueror, Agha Muhammad Khan, was extending his conquests 
to the eastward, when he was called away by Russian aggression in Greorgia; 
but he was saved by the death of Catherine the Second in 1796, and the unex- 
pected recall of the Russian array by her son and successor the Emperor Paul. 
In 1797 Agha Muhammad Khan was assassinated, and, after another interval of 
wars and distractions, was succeeded by his nephew, Futih AU Shah, the second 
sovereign of the Kajar dynasty, who died in 1834. 

'^ John Malcolm belonged to the old military school of political officers. In 
1783 he landed at Madras as a boy ensiga of fourteen. In 1784 he took charge 


Meanwhile the progress of Mahratta affairs had engaged 
the anxious attention of Lord Wellesley. In 1800, Nana 
Farnavese, the famous Mahratta minister, was gathered to 
his fathers. He was a Brahman statesman of the old Hindu 
type. For many years he had grasped the real power, and 
treated the late Peishwa, Mahdu Narain Rao, as a child; 
but Baji Rao, the successor of Mahdu Narain, was older, 
more experienced, and consequently more troublesome, and 
was forever intriguing against his authority. The death 
of Nana Farnavese released Baji Rao from a state of minis- 
terial thraldom, but exposed him more than ever to the gall- 
ing dictation of Daulat Rao Sindia. Shortly afterward Sindia 
was called away to the northward by disorders which had 
broken out in Holkar's territory; and Baji Rao was left 
alone at Poona to follow his own devices without any in- 
terference whatever. 

The dominion founded in Malwa by Mulhar Rao Holkar 
was at this period passing through a crisis, which tempted 
the interference of Daulat Rao Sindia, Ailah Bai, the 
daughter-in-law of Mulhar Rao, had carried on the civil 
administration of the state ever since his death in 1767.* 
She had transformed the village of Indore into a wealthy 
capital; and henceforth the name of Indore was applied to 
the state as well as to the capital. She died in 1795, leaving 
the state of Indore in the sole possession of her commander- 
in-chief, Tukaji Holkar. 

Tukaji Holkar died in 1797, leaving two legitimate sons, 
one of whom was an imbecile. Daulat Rao Sindia hurried 
away from Poona to Indore, and played the part of a suze- 
rain. He placed the imbecile son of Tukaji Holkar on the 
throne, and put the other in prison and eventually murdered 

of the prisoners surrendered by Tippu after the treaty of Mangalore, and caused 
some amusement on the occasion by reason of his extreme youth. In 1791 he 
distinguished himself in the Mysore war under Lord Cornwallis. In 1798 he 
took an active part in the disbandment of the Nizam's French battalions. He 
was only thirty-one when he was aeut by Lord Wellesley on his mission to 

1 See ante, p. 397. 


him ; his object being to render his own influence paramount 
at Indore. But an illegitimate son of Tukaji appeared upon 
the scene under the name of Jaswant Rao Holkar. This 
man had no pretensions to the throne, for they were barred 
by the baseness of his birth. He had professed to be the 
partisan of the half-brother whom Sindia had set aside; but 
when the half-brother was murdered, Jaswant Rao fled to 
the jungles and turned outlaw and freebooter after Rajput 
fashion. He was joined by a host of the predatory rascals 
who infested Central India at this period — Bhils, Pindharies, 
Afghans, and Mahrattas. In this fashion he became so for- 
midable that Daulat Rao Sindia was compelled to march 
against him with a large army and attempt to suppress him 
by main force. 

The army of Jaswant Rao Holkar was reckoned at twenty 
thousand men, all of whom were maintained by plunder. It 
is needless to dwell upon the details of rapine, desolation and 
bloodshed which characterized his proceedings, and rendered 
him the pest of Malwa and Berar. In October, 1801, he was 
attacked and routed by Sindia and his French battalions ; but 
defeat in those days was of little avail in suppressing a free- 
booting chief, whose name alone was a tower of strength for 
outlaws and refugees of every kind, and a rallying point for 
all the brigands and blackguards in Central India. 

Meanwhile Baji Rao was free from all restraint. Nana 
Farnavese was dead, and Daulat Rao Sindia was busied in 
establishing his influence over the territory of the Holkar 
family in Indore. Accordingly, the young Peishwa at Poena 
pursued a wild career of revenge upon all his enemies, real 
or supposed. It would be tedious to dwell on his acts of 
savage ferocity ; a single instance will serve as a type. A 
brother of Jaswant Rao Holkar had given some offence, or 
committed some crime, and was condemned to die by being 
dragged through the streets of Poona tied to the foot of an 
elephant. Baji Rao was not only deaf to the humblest 
prayers for mercy, but revelled in the sufferings of his vic- 
tim. He looked on with delight while the wretched man 


was being dragged by the elephant from the palace yard, 
and filling the air with his shrieks at the prospect of a death 
of lingering agony. 

Baji Rao had soon reason to repent of his cruelty. News 
arrived at Poona that Jaswant Rao had reassembled his 
scattered forces, inflicted some small defeats on Daulat 
Rao Sindia, and was marching to Poona to be revenged on 
the Peishwa for the tortures which had been inflicted on his 

Baji Rao was in great consternation. He was half in- 
clined to agree to the treaty with the English, and accept 
their protection. Sindia, however, prevented the British al- 
liance for a while by despatching a large force to reassure 
the Peishwa. In October, 1802, the decisive battle of Poona 
changed the fate of the Mahratta empire. The united armies 
of Sindia and the Peishwa were defeated by Jaswant Rao 
Holkar ; and Baji Rao fled for his life to the western coast, 
and escaped on board an English ship to the port of Bassein, 
about twenty miles to the northward of Bombay. 

Baji Rao was paralyzed by the disaster. Another Peishwa 
was set up by Jaswant Rao Holkar at Poona, and Baji Rao 
saw nothing before him but ruin. In this extremity he agreed 
to sign the obnoxious treaty, provided the English restored 
h\m to his throne at Poona. Accordingly the treaty of Bas- 
sein was concluded on the last day of December, 1802. 

By the treaty of Bassein Baji Rao severed all the ties 
which bound the Mahratta princes to him as Peishwa, lord 
paramount, and suzerain. He absolutely abdicated the 
headship of the Mahratta empire. He pledged himself to 
hold no communication with any other power, not even with 
the great feudatories of the empire, such as Sindia and Hol- 
kar, the Gaekwar and the Berar Raja, without the consent 
of the British government. He also ceded territory for the 
maintenance of a Poona Subsidiary Force. He thus secured 
his restoration to the throne of Poona ; but, as far as treaties 
were binding, he had ceased to be lord paramount of the 
Mahratta empire ; he had transferred his suzerainty to the 


East India Company ; and henceforth was bound hand and 
foot as a feudatory of the British government. 

The treaty of Bassein is a turning-point in the history of 
India. It estabhshed the British empire as the paramount 
power in India, but it rendered a Mahratta war inevitable. 
It was impossible for a Mahratta prince of Baji Rao's char- 
acter and surroundings to fulfil the obligations involved in 
such a treaty; he was certain, sooner or later, to attempt to 
recover the lost headship of the Mahratta empire. It was 
equally impossible for Daulat Rao Sindia to respect the terms 
of a treaty which shut him out from the grand object of his 
ambition, namely, to rule the Mahratta empire in the name 
of the Peishwa. 

In 1803 Baji Rao was conducted by a British force from 
Bassein to Poena. The Madras army under Colonel Welles- 
ley, and the new Hyderabad Subsidiary Force under Colonel 
Stevenson, were moving up from the south in the same di- 
rection for his protection. Yet at this very time Baji Rao 
was secretly imploring Daulat Rao Sindia and the Bhonsla 
Raja of Berar to march to his assistance, and deliver him 
from the English supremacy.' 

Sindia and the Bhonsla had each taken the field with a 
large army, and were restlessly moving near the western 
frontier of the Nizam's dominions. They were closely 
watched by "Wellesley and Stevenson, but they were stupefied 
by the treaty of Bassein, and knew not what to do. They 
had no particular regard for Baji Rao ; indeed they were op- 
posed in theory to the supremacy of the Brahman Peishwas. 
Daulat Rao Sindia had long been intriguing to gain the as- 
cendency at Poona, and rule the Mahratta feudatories in the 
name of the Peishwa; while every successive Raja of Berar 
nursed the design of overthrowing the Brahmanical suprem- 
acy, and seizing the throne at Poona as the representative 
of Sivaji. But both Sindia and the Bhonsla preferred the 

' Mudaji Bhonsla died in 1788, and was succeeded on the throne of Berar 
by his eldest son Rughoji Bhonsla, who reigned twenty-eight years, and died in 
181 6. Baji Rao was imploring the help of Rughoji Bhonsla. 


Brahman sovereignty to the British ; and they hesitated to 
conckide treaties with Lord Wellesley, or to begin a war. 

Meanwhile both Sindia and the Bhonsla used every effort 
to induce Jaswant Rao to join them. They were prepared 
to make any sacrifice; to ignore the legitimate branch of 
Holkar's family, and to acknowledge JasWant Rao as Ma- 
haraja of Indore. But Jaswant Rao was richly endowed 
with the craft and cunning of his race. He was profuse in 
promises to join the allies against the English ; and by these 
means he procured from Sindia and the Bhonsla all the rec- 
ognition and countenance he wanted ; and then he went back 
to Indore, to strengthen his position and await the result of 
the expected collision with the English. At Indore he re- 
ceived repeated invitations from Sindia and the Bhonsla; 
but he replied to all with seeming frankness, "If I join you 
in the Dekhan, who is to take care of Hindustan?" 

All this while Lord Wellesley was full of alarms at the 
presence of Sindia's French battalions between the Jumna 
and the Ganges. De Boigne had returned to Europe, and 
was succeeded in the command by a violent French repub- 
lican named Perron, who was known to be hostile to the 
English. Perron collected the revenues of the Doab for the 
maintenance of his French battalions; and the imagination 
of Lord Wellesley was so fired by his fear and hatred of the 
French that he pictured Perron as a French sovereign of 
upper Hindustan, with the Great Moghul under his thumb, 
and unbounded resources at his command. 

The state of affairs in Europe gave a fresh impetus to 
these alarms. Napoleon's expedition to Egypt had revealed 
the vastness of his ambition. The young Corsican was pre- 
pared to march in the footsteps of the great Macedonian from 
Egypt to Persia, and from Persia to Hindustan. The peace 
of Amiens in 1802 was only an interval of preparation for 
grand designs. News of a renewal of the war between Great 
Britain and France was expected by every ship from Europe ; 
and many besides Lord Wellesley imagined that the imperial 
dreamer at the Tuileries was still longing to outdo Alexander 


by conquering the Oriental world from the Mediterranean to 
the mouths of the Ganges. 

Lord "Wellesley brooded over the map of India with a 
jealous eye. He pondered over every vulnerable spot on the 
coast of India where a French armament could anchor. He 
was especially alarmed at the convenient position of Baroche 
on the western coast to the northward of Surat. Baroche 
was a port belonging to Sindia, situated at the mouth of the 
Nerbudda river. . Accordingly, the fevered imagination of 
Lord "Wellesley was again at work. He pictured a French 
armament sailing down the Red Sea, and across the Indian 
Ocean, to Sindia's port of Baroche; a French flotilla going 
up the Nerbudda river from Baroche to the neighborhood of 
Indore; a French army marching through Malwa, followed 
by a host of Mahrattas and Rajputs, joining Perron at Agra 
and Delhi, and pretending to conquer India in the name of 
the Great Moghul.' 

At this time. General Lake, commander-in-chief of the 
Bengal army, was posted at Cawnpore on the frontier of 
Oude. He was told by Lord Wellesley that a Mahratta war 
was impending ; and that directly the war note was sounded 
he was to march toward Delhi, break up Sindia's French 
battalions, and occupy the whole territory between the Jumna 
and the Ganges. 

Meanwhile Colonels "Wellesley and Stevenson continued 
to watch Sindia and the Bhonsla in the Dekhan. Sindia 
was still waiting to be joined by the recreant Jaswant Rao 
Holkar, but his language as regards the British government 
and its allies was more hostile. He threw out hints to the 
British Resident, who accompanied his camp, that he meant 
to collect chout in the Nizam's territory. He was doubtful, 
he said, whether there would be peace or war between the 
Mahrattas and the English ; and he could arrive at no decis- 

' Baroche, or Broach, had fallen into the possession of the English, together 
with other territories in G-uzerat, during the first Mahratta war in the days of 
Warren Hastings, but had been needlessly and heedlessly made over to Maha- 
daji Sindia at the treaty of Salbai in 1782. See ante, p. 436. 


ion on this point until he had talked the matter over with 
the Bhonsla Raja of Berar. 

Sindia had a meeting with the Bhonsla, but nothing was 
decided. The two chiefs professed to be the friends of the 
British government, but naturally cavilled at the treaty of 
Bassein. They said they ought to have been consulted be- 
fore it was concluded, and that many of the articles required 
more discussion. 

In August, 1803, Colonel Wellesley put an end to these 
vacillations. "If," he said, "Sindia and the Bhonsla are 
such friends of the British government as they profess to be, 
let them prove their sincerity by marching back their armies 
to their respective dominions." Sindia replied that the En- 
ghsh ought to set the example; in other words, that the 
English were to leave Sindia and the Bhonsla with their 
armies of freebooters to threaten the frontier of the Nizam, 
while WeUesley returned to Madras and Stevenson withdrew 
to Hyderabad. Sindia forgot that he had threatened to 
plunder the Nizam's dominions, and had doubted whether 
there was to be peace or war. Sindia was accordingly told 
that it was he, and not the British government, who had 
broken the peace, and that therefore he must take the con- 

Thus began the second Mahratta war. The Resident left 
Sindia's camp. Sindia and the Bhonsla moved toward the 
southeast, as if to threaten Hyderabad ; but their operations 
were feeble and undecided. They marched and counter- 
marched more to delay action than to carry out any definite 

At last Wellesley and Stevenson agreed to make a com- 
bined attack on the united armies. By some accident 
Wellesley alone came upon the enemy near the village of 
Assaye on the Nizam's frontier, and resolved to fight a 
battle single-handed. His force only numbered four thou- 
sand five hundred men, while that of the Mahrattas num- 
bered fifty thousand. The battle of Assaye was fought on 
the 23d of September, 1803. The Bhonsla Raja fled at the 


first shot, and Sindia soon followed his example. The Mah- 
ratta artillery, however, worked great execution; and Welles- 
ley only won the battle by cavalry and infantry charges. It 
was the clashing of a fiery few of Europeans against a host 
of Mahrattas; and the fiery few won the day.' The victory 
was decisive, but one-third of the European force in the 
British army lay dead or wounded on the field. 

The victory of Assaye was followed by the capture of 
fortresses, and another victory at Argaum. It would be 
tedious to dwell on the details of the military operations, 
which, however much they redounded to the credit of the 
youthful Wellesley, were destined to be overshadowed by 
the glories of the Peninsula and Waterloo. It will suffice 
to say that by the end of the year 1803 the Dekhan cam- 
paign was over, and Sindia and the Bhonsla sued for peace. 

Meanwhile General Lake had carried on another briUiant 
campaign in Hindustan. He left Cawnpore in August, 1803, 
defeated Perron's cavalry at Alighur, and captured the Ali- 
ghur fortress. He next marched on to Delhi, defeated the 
French infantry, and entered the capital of the Moghuls as 
a hero and a conqueror. More than forty years previously 
the last representative of the dynasty of the Great Moghul, 
the unfortunate Shah Alam, had fled from Delhi to Bengal, 
and taken refuge with the English. Ten years later he fled 
back from his protected retreat at Allahabad to the city of 
his fathers under the wing of the Mahrattas. In 1803 he 
was pondering over his deliverance from the Mahrattas, and 
the advent of his English protectors at the capital of Au- 
rangzeb and tomb of Humayun. 

The imperial family were much excited by the arrival of 
the English army. Some finery and tinsel were furbished 
up to enable the blind and aged Shah Alam to give a recep- 
tion to the English general. The tottering descendant of 
Aurangzeb then placed himself under British protection; 

' "This is he that far away 

Against the myriads of Assaye 
Clash 'd with a fiery few and won." 

Ode on the Death of the Duke of Wellington : Tennyson. 


and was left to dwell in the palace, supported by a liberal 
pension from the British government. 

General Lake left the city of Delhi in charge of Colonel 
Ochterlony, and brought the campaign to a close by the 
capture of Agra and victory at Laswari. The battle of 
Laswari broke up the French battalions forever, and put 
the English in possession of the whole of upper Hindustan. 

The fate of Perron was somewhat extraordinary. At 
the very beginning of the campaign he appeared as a sup- 
pliant to the English general. He was in bad odor with 
Sindia ; his life was in danger ; and he was anxious to retire 
to British territory with his private fortune. Permission 
was granted, and Perron ultimately took up his abode in 
the French settlement at Chandernagore, and then dropped 
into oblivion. 

Sindia and the Bhonsla had no alternative but to accept 
the dictation of the British government. Accordingly they 
concluded treaties on the basis of the treaty of Bassein. 
Sindia renounced all pretensions to the regions northward 
of the Jumna and westward of the Chambal ; all hold on the 
Great Moghul; all claims to collect chout or plunder from 
the Rajputs, Jats, or other native princes. To all appear- 
ance his power for mischief had gone forever. ' The Bhonsla 

' The negotiations with Daulat Rao Sindia were conducted by Major Malcolm 
and General Wellesley. Sindia's prime minister was a veteran Brahman and 
born diplomatist, with a sour, supercilious, inflexible countenance, which noth- 
ing could disturb. The most startling demand or unexpected concession was 
received without the movement of a muscle. Malcolm said that he never saw a 
man with such a face for a game of brag ; and henceforth the gray -haired Mah- 
ratta went by the name of "Old Brag." Years passed away, and Wellesley re- 
turned to Europe and became Duke of Wellington. Malcolm met him and asked 
him about Talleyrand. Wellington replied that he was very much like "Old 
Brag," but not so clever. 

Negotiations under such circumstances were not easy. Malcolm went to 
Sindia's camp, and foimd the young Maharaja almost as grave as his minister. 
A meeting took place in a large tent amid a storm of rahi. Suddenly a volume 
of water burst in torrents through the canvas, and fell upon an Irish officer 
named Pepper. The Maharaja screamed with laughter at the catastrophe, and 
all present joined in the chorus. All gravity was at an end. The rain was fol- 
lowed by a storm of hail, and the diplomatists and their followers fell to work 
at collecting the hailstones, which are as refreshing as ices m the hot plains of 

But nothing could stop the pertinacity of "Old Brag." On a subsequent 


Raja belonged to a smaller fry. He ceded Cuttack on the 
east and Berar on the west; and was henceforth known a3 
the Raja of Nagpore. But Lord Wellesley was afraid to 
vaunt his conquests in the eyes of the people of England, 
unless he could prove that they were necessary for protection 
against the French. He kept possession of Cuttack because 
it was the only vulnerable tract on the Bay of Bengal that 
was open to invasion from the sea; but he made over the 
territory of Berar proper as a free gift to the Nizam of 

In 1804 Lord Wellesley had completed his political scheme 
for the government of India. The Gaekwar of Baroda ac- 
cepted the situation, and ceded territory for the maintenance 
of a Subsidiary Force. The Rajput princes and the Jat Raja 
of Bhurtpore gladly surrendered their old international life, 
with all its wars and feuds, for the sake of protection against 
the Mahrattas. The cession of Cuttack by the Berar Raja 
removed the only break on the British line of seaboard from 
Calcutta to Comorin. Only one power of the slightest mo- 
ment remained outside the pale of the new political system; 
and that was Jaswant Rao, the Mahratta freebooter who 
had usurped the throne of Holkar. 

In those days the British government had no interest or 
concern in the rightness or wrongness of Jaswant Rao's pre- 
tensions. It was in no way responsible for his usurpation, for 
that had begun before the subsidiary treaties were concluded 
with the other Mahratta powers. The British government 
might have arbitrated, but it could not force the people of 
Indore, nor the Mahratta princes in general, to accept its 
arbitration. It could not conclude any subsidiary or protec- 

occasion he demanded that an article should be inserted in the treaty that out 
of respect for the caste of Brahmans of which the Peishwa was a member, and 
out of friendship for Maharaja Sindia, and for the purpose of increasing its own 
reputation, the British government should prohibit the slaughter of cows through- 
out Hindustan. Such a wholesale demand was perilous to the well-being of 
European soldiers, to say nothing of Englishmen in general, who are supposed 
to owe their superiority to beef. Accordingly the proposition was rejected as 


tive treaty, which would guarantee Jaswant Rao Holkar in 
the dominions of the HolJiar family; because, according to 
the common understanding of the Mahratta states, Jaswant 
Rao Holkar was a rebel against the Peishwa, and an illegit- 
imate son of the late ruler, while the legitimate heir was 
still alive. But Lord Wellesley was willing to leave Jaswant 
Rao alone, provided only that he abstained from all aggres- 
sions upon the territories of the British government, or upon 
those of its allies. 

But Jaswant Rao was a free lance of the old Mahratta 
type; a man of the stamp of Sivaji with the instinct of a 
freebooter running in his blood. He did not aspire to be 
a warrior and hero like the Sindias. He preferred plunder 
to political power; and consequently took more delight in 
commanding loose bodies of predatory horsemen, like another 
Sivaji, than in directing the movements of drilled battalions 
of infantry, like Mahadaji Sindia or Daulat Rao. It was the 
boast of Jaswant Rao Holkar that his home was in the sad- 
dle, and that his dominions extended over every country that 
could be reached by his horsemen. 

In 1803, while English and Mahrattas were engaged in 
wars in the Dekhan and upper Hindustan, Jaswant Rao 
Holkar collected a golden harvest in Malwa and Rajputana. 
Subsequently he was joined by deserters or fugitives from 
Sindia and the Bhonsla; and but for the presence of the 
English in Hindustan might have become the most formid- 
able predatory power in Central India. 

But Jaswant Rao Holkar was ill at ease. He was an 
Esau among the Mahratta powers, without fear or love for 
any one of them. He was alarmed at the victories of the 
English. It was obvious to his mind, molded by Mahratta 
culture, that he had an inherent right to collect chout, which 
the English were bound to respect. As a matter of fact, he 
could not keep his forces together without plunder or chout. 
But he feared that the English were unable or unwilling to 
recognize the sacred rights of the Mahrattas, and were bent 
on putting a stop to his future expeditions. 


Jaswant Rao proceeded to work upon the English with 
all the wariness of a Mahratta. He wrote an arrogant letter 
to General Lake, full of pretensions as regards what he 
called his rights, but still professing much friendship. He 
continued the work of collecting chout and plunder from the 
protected allies in Raj pu tana, and at the same time he urged 
them to throw off their dependence on the British govern- 
ment. He was told by General Lake that the English had 
no desire to interfere with him, but that it was absolutely- 
necessary that he should withdraw to Indore territory, and 
abstain from all aggressions on the British government or 
its allies. 

Jaswant Rao then took a more decided tone. He re- 
quested permission to levy chout according to the customs 
of his ancestors. He offered to conclude a treaty, provided 
the British government would guarantee him in the posses- 
sion of Indore territory. But he refused to withdraw from 
Rajputana until the English complied with his demands. 
He wrote letters still more peremptory to General Wellesley 
in the Dekhan, threatening to burn, sack, and slaughter by 
hundreds of thousands in the event of refusal. He invited 
Daulat Rao Sindia to join him in an attack upon British pos- 
sessions ; but Sindia was already disgusted with his duplicity, 
and not only refused to have anything more to do with such 
a faithless chieftain, but reported Jaswant Rao's proffered 
alliance to the British authorities. 

There was no alternative but to reduce Jaswant Rao to 
submission. General Lake was ordered to move southward 
into Rajputana, while General Wellesley moved northward 
from the Dekhan ; and Jaswant Rao would then have been 
hemmed in between the two armies, and compelled to sur- 
render at discretion. But there was a famine in the Dekhan ; 
the rains had failed, and the country had been ravaged by 
the armies of Sindia and the Bhonsla. General Wellesley 
could not move from the Dekhan, but ordered Colonel Mur- 
ray to march from Guzerat toward Malwa with a sufficient 
force to co-operate with any force which might be sent by 


General Lake. Daulat Rao Sindia also offered to co-operate 
with the English for the reduction of Jaswant Rao, whom 
he declared had forfeited all claim to consideration from his 
treacherous refusal to join the allied Mahratta armies before 
the battle of Assaye. 

In April, 1804, General Lake moved an army into Raj- 
putana, and sent a detachment in advance under Colonel 
Monson. Jaswant Rao beat a hasty retreat through Raj- 
putana toward Indore territory in the south. In May the 
English force captured Holkar's fortress of Rampoora, 
known as Tonk-Rampoora, The rains were now approach- 
ing, and General Lake left Colonel Monson to keep Jaswant 
Rao in check, and then returned to cantonments. 

The force under Colonel Monson consisted of five bat- 
taUons of sepoys, a train of artiUery, and two bodies of 
irregular horse, one under a Lieutenant Lucan, and the 
other under Bapoji Sindia, a kinsman of Daulat Rao. In 
June Monson crossed the river Chambal and reached Kotah, 
and was joined by a body of troops in the service of the Raj- 
put ruler of Kotah, who was anxious for the friendship of 
the British government. Monson was daily expecting to be 
joined by Murray with the force from Guzerat, as weU as 
by a force which Daulat Rao Sindia promised to send from 
Ujain. Accordingly he advanced through the pass of Mo- 
kundra into Holkar's territory, and continued his march 
some fifty miles further to the southward. 

In the beginning of July Colonel Monson was staggered 
by a succession of untoward events. His supplies were run- 
ning very low. Treachery was in his camp of which he was 
ignorant ; Bapoji Sindia was sending secret messages to Jas- 
want Rao to turn back and advance against the English 
brigade. Next Monson heard that Colonel Murray had 
taken fright and was retreating to Guzerat; and that Jas- 
want Rao had stayed his onward flight and turned back, 
and was marching against him with overwhelming forces, 
and a vast train of artillery. 

Colonel Monson ordered a retreat to Mokundra pass, leav- 
INDIA. Vol. II. X— 4 


ing the irregular horse to follow. Shortly afterward Bapoji 
Sindia came up with a story that Jaswant Rao had routed 
the irregular horse, and that Lucan was taken prisoner. 
Monson reached the Mokundra pass ; and Bapoji Sindia filled 
up the measure of his iniquity by deserting the English and 
going over bodily to Jaswant Rao with all his horsemen. 
Shortly afterward Monson was attacked by the whole army 
of Holkar, but succeeded in repulsing the enemy. 

Unfortunately, instead of holding out at the Mokundra 
pass, Colonel Monson continued his retreat to Kotah. The 
ruler of Kotah lost heart at seeing the fugitives, and shut 
his gates against them. The rainy season was at its height. 
Colonel Monson continued his retreat toward the north, but 
his supplies were exhausted, and his guns sank hopelessly 
in the mud. He was obliged to spike his guns and destroy 
his ammunition to prevent their falling into the hands of the 
enemy. Sindia's commander came up to join him with the 
expected detachment from Ujain; but when the Mahratta 
saw the wretched state of the fugitives he turned his guns 
upon the English force and went over to Jaswant Rao. It 
is needless to dwell on further details of disasters in crossing 
rivers, and privations and sufferings beneath the pitiless 
rains. The retreat became a disorderly rout, during which 
the English sepoys were constantly exposed to the charges 
and surprises of Jaswant Rao Holkar. About the end of 
August, 1804, the shattered remains of Monson's brigade 
managed to reach Agra. 

Monson's retreat was one of those disasters which will 
upset the designs of the ablest statesmen. The political sys- 
tem of Lord Wellesley was in imminent danger. For a brief 
interval British prestige vanished from Hindustan. Jaswant 
Rao Holkar was exaggerated into a Mahratta hero, and was 
joined by most of the predatory bands of Central India. Even 
the Rajput and Jat princes, the protected allies of the British 
government, were shaken in their allegiance by the successes 
of the victorious Mahratta. 

Jaswant Rao took possession of Muttra, and then with 


happy audacity hastened to Delhi, to seize Shah Alam, and 
plunder Hindustan in. the name of the Great Moghul. He 
was beaten off from Delhi by a small force under Ochterlony ; 
but meanwhile a new ally had sprung up in his rear. The 
Jat Raja of Bhurtpore threw off his dependence on the Brit- 
ish government, and declared in favor of Jaswant Rao Hol- 
kar. The fortress of Bhurtpore was the strongest in Hindu- 
stan. The huge walls of hardened mud rose round the city 
like a rampart of mountains. They were a godsend to Jas- 
want Rao. He sent his guns and infantry within the walls, 
and began to ravage the Doab with his army of horsemen, 
like a Tartar Khan of the olden time. 

General Lake took the field with his cavalry, and soon 
routed and dispersed the Mahratta horse. The English cap- 
tured the fortress of Deeg, which also belonged to the Bhurt- 
pore Raja. But then, instead of completing the destruction 
of Jaswant Rao, General Lake advanced against Bhurtpore, 
and endeavored to capture the impregnable fortress without 
even a siege-train. For a period of four months, from Janu- 
ary, 1805, to the following April, he wasted the strength of 
the English army in trying to storm these enormous earth- 
works. To make matters worse, Daulat Rao Sindia threw 
off his allegiance to the British government, and declared 
for Jaswant Rao Holkar. 

The fortunes of the English soon began to brighten. The 
Raja of Bhurtpore grew frightened, and was restored to the 
protected alliance on paying a fine of two hundred thousand 
pounds to the British government. Subsequent defeats in- 
flicted on Jaswant Rao brought Daulat Rao Sindia to his 
senses. Difficulties were being removed, and tranquillity 
was about to be restored, when negotiations were upset by 
the home authorities. At the end of July, 1805, Lord Corn- 
wallis landed at Calcutta, and took up the office of Governor- 
General, and the policy of the British government underwent 
an important change. Shortly afterward Lord Wellesley re- 
turned to England. 


Lord Wellesley was a statesman of the highest order, who 
brought the poHtical experiences of western culture to bear 
upon the conditions of Asiatic rule. His genius was untram- 
melled by the narrow ideas which grew out of a trading mo- 
nopoly, and which swayed the better judgment of Robert Olive 
and Warren Hastings. He valued the security and prestige 
of the British empire in India at a higher rate than the com- 
mercial privileges of the East India Company; and conse- 
quently he raised up a host of enemies who could not appre- 
ciate his comprehensive foresight. But, in the teeth of all 
opposition, he established the sovereignty of the British 
government over the greater part of India, and put an end 
forever to the English-born fantasy of a balance of power. 

Lord Wellesley has been compared with Akbar. Con- 
sciously or unconsciously, he sought to build up a British 
empire in India on similar foundations to those of the Mo- 
ghul empire of Akbar. He avoided, however, the spirit of 
Oriental intrigue, which balanced one element of race or 
religion against another ; and he labored to provide for the 
peace and .security of India by establishing the British gov- 
ernment as a paramount power over Moghuls and Mahrattas, 
and protecting the chieftains of Rajputana against the preda- 
tory incursions of Sindia and Holkar. He formed a school of 
political officers, whose aspirations were linked with the well- 
being of the British empire rather than with the maintenance 
of the Company's monopoly; and thus he led to the identifi- 
cation of British interests with those of India, which has been 
the main work of the nineteenth century. Small in stature 
and imperious in will, he was known to his admirers as the 
''glorious httle man"; and as long as the Anglo-Indian em- 
pire retains a place in history, the name of the Marquis of 
Wellesley will rank among its most illustrious founders. 

Lord Wellesley was led into errors, but they were the 
errors of genius — the outcome of a foresight which credits 
enemies with the entertainment of designs beyond their 
power of execution. Wellesley gauged the ambition of the 
first Napoleon, and foreshadowed the dreams which would 


have carried a French army from the Mediterranean to the 
Ganges; but he overrated the resources as well as the pre- 
science of the imperial dreamer, and he underrated the ob- 
structions and difficulties which beset Napoleon in Europe, 
and checked his advance in the footsteps of Alexander. He 
provided for the defence of India against plans which had 
no real existence, excepting in his own imagination, but 
which nevertheless might have proved substantial dangers 
had Napoleon been a Wellesley, or Wellesley a Napoleon. 

Lord Wellesley was the founder of the Indian Civil Ser- 
vice on its existing footing. The old servants of the Com- 
pany were emphatically merchants ; and he rightly consid- 
ered that mercantile training is of small use to civil admin- 
istrators in comparison with a knowledge of history, law, 
political economy, and Indian languages. Moreover, during 
the old commercial period, money-making too often became 
a master passion, and certainly exercised an undue influence 
on the Indian rulers of the eighteenth century. With these 
views Lord Wellesley founded a College on a grand scale 
at Calcutta, with a competent staff of professors, for the 
special education of young civilians fresh from Europe ; and 
although his plans were dwarfed for a while into insignifi- 
cance by the Court of Directors, yet in the end they led to 
the estabhshment of a College at Haileybury, which served 
as a training-school for Indian civil servants until the in- 
troduction of the competitive system in comparatively mod- 
ern times. 




A.D. 1805 TO 1813 

THE second coming of Lord Cornwallis to India was 
the result of a political reaction. The British nation 
was alarmed at Lord Wellesley's conquests, and his 
large assumption of political power. It was always averse 
to territorial aggrandizement except for colonial purposes, 
or to humble France; and it was especially averse to con- 
quests in India, which provided no outlet for the superfluous 
population of England, but only transferred large provinces 
from the government of native princes to that of the servants 
of the East India Company. The Directors themselves were 
equally alarmed at the extension of their dominion and re- 
sponsibilities ; for they had learned by bitter experience that 
wars and conquests only added to the expenditure, without 
increasing the profits of the Company, or otherwise promot- 
ing the interests of trade. Above all, neither the British 
nation nor the Company could understand the new political 
dogma, that India could only be governed in peace by reduc- 
ing her princes to the condition of feudatories, and setting 
up the British government as the paramount power. The 
policy of Lord Wellesley savored too much of that of Napo- 
leon to be acceptable to the people of England ; and it was 
accordingly attacked on all sides tooth and nail. 

The real fact was that the native powers in India were 
not states after the European model. They were for the 
most part new and crude principalities, which had grown 


up within the previous half century.' Rebel Muhammadan 
Viceroys had thrown off their dependence on the Great Mo- 
ghul, and converted their provinces into kingdoms. Mah- 
ratta freebooters had created an empire over feudatory 
princes on the basis of plunder; and their dominions had 
been consolidated by Brahmaus, who played the part of 
ministers, accountants, and collectors of revenue. There 
were no political constitutions or hereditary aristocracies in 
either the Moghul or the Mahratta empires; nothing but 
bodies of officials, organized chiefly for the collection of rev- 
enue, bound by no national ties, and only held together by 
a system of red-tape and routine, which in times of revolution 
or disaster was either broken up or dwindled into hereditary 
names and sinecures. 

The older states of Europe may have been created in a 
similar fashion ; but they have endured for a thousand years, 
and the traditional experiences of a past history have con- 
verted subject populations into nationalities, and rude war- 
rior barons into landed nobilities. The kingdoms of India, 
with the exception of the Rajput principalities, were things 
of yesterday, without national life or organization. The 
kingdoms of Europe had undergone a political training under 
kings and emperors, parliaments, popes, and priests, which 
had molded them inco substantive states, quickened them 
with international hfe, and fitted them for the exercise of 
political power within their respective circles, and the obser- 
vance of their obligations and duties in the European states 

The princes and nobles of India required the same train- 
ing as the old feudal kings and barons of Europe. The 
Great Moghul, the last symbol of imperialism, had shrivelled 
into a feeble pageant. The little vitality that remained in 
the name had died out under a Vizier, or an Amir of Amirs, 
who might be Moghul or Mahratta, Afghan or Arab, accord- 

' The only exceptions of importance were the Rajputs, and they were overrun 
by Mahrattas, and were as shattered as the Nizam after the battle of Kurdla. 


ing to the daily game of revolutions and shuffling of factions 
at the Moghul capital. Lord Wellesley was a generation in 
advance of his age. He saw, with that true genius which 
is rarely understood or recognized by contemporaries, that a 
new paramount power was necessary for the salvation of 
India; and that such a power could be exercised by the 
British government and by that government alone. 

But Lord Wellesley made mistakes, like all other states- 
men who are dealing with a present which is imperfectly- 
known and a future that can only be conjectured. He had 
overrated the strength of the Mahrattas, and the danger of 
Sindia's French battalions. Since then he had underrated 
the powers of mischief which were still left in the hands of 
the Mahratta princes. He was consequently taken aback 
at the outbreak of Jaswant Rao Holkar; especially when 
it was followed up by the defection of Sindia and the pro- 
tected Rajas of Rajputana. 

The result of the imbroglio was that the home authorities 
resolved to reverse the policy of Lord Wellesley, and revert 
to that of Sir John Shore ; to abandon the system of subsidi- 
ary and protective alliances, and return to that of neutrality 
and isolation; and, above all, to conciliate the Mahratta 
princes to British ascendency by the restoration of conquered 
territories, and surrender of captured fortresses. 

That Lord Wellesley was bitterly mortified by this decis- 
ion may well be imagined ; but every statesman who is in 
advance of his generation must be prepared to see his ideas 
ignored, misunderstood, or held up to derision, until popular 
errors are corrected by public disasters, and the foregone 
conclusions of those in power are educated by a larger ex- 
perience to a right understanding of the evils and their cure. 

Lord Cornwallis was prepared to go extravagant lengths 
in the way of concihation and neutrality. He would have 
withdrawn the Great Moghul and all his family to Bengal, 
and made over Delhi to Daulat Rao Sindia, with hberty 
to recover his lost territories between the Ganges and the 
Jumna. He would have abandoned the protective treaties 


with the Rajput and Jat princes, and left them to the tender 
mercies of the Mahrattas. 

Fortunately for the interests of philanthropy, Lord Corn- 
wallis did not live to carry out these reactionary intentions. 
He was sixty-seven years of age; he had landed at Calcutta 
at the end of July to be exposed to the damp heats of a Ben- 
gal August, when everj^ breeze from the south was laden 
with the feverish malaria of the Sunderbunds. In the month 
of September, the most trying month in the plains, he was 
travelling toward the northwest ; and the fatal result might 
have been foreseen. The anxious veteran became weak in 
mind and body, sank into a state of insensibility, and, finally, 
died on the 5th of October, 1805, before he had been ten 
weeks in the country. 

The successor of Lord Cornwallis was a man of a different 
cultui'e. Sir George Barlow was not an independent noble- 
man, educated in European politics; but a civil servant of 
the Company, pHant under superior authority, but self-willed 
in his own sphere of action. He had been a member of 
council in the time of Lord Wellesley, and had steadily sup- 
ported Wellesley's imperial policy. Subsequently, however, 
he accepted the policy of conciliation and neutrality, which 
Lord Cornwallis was preparing to carry out in accordance 
with the will of the home authorities. 

The political apostasy of Barlow has been much con- 
demned, but perhaps without sufficient cause. He adopted 
the imperial system of Lord Wellesley when that nobleman 
was in power; but it was impossible for him to resist the 
reaction in public opinion which had recalled Lord Wellesley 
and placed Lord Cornwallis at the head of affairs. Such 
open rebellion against all the home authorities, including 
both houses of parliament, would have been an unwarrant- 
able assumption, and have ended in a political suicide from 
which nothing was to be gained. 

By the end of 1805, Lord Lake had pursued Jaswant Rao 
Holkar into the Punjab, and forced him to come to terms. 
A half-hearted treaty was concluded bj' Sir John Malcolm 


with the Mahratta adventurer, which satisfied no one. There 
was enough concession to the new policy of conciliation to 
exasperate Lord Lake, and enough spice of Wellesley's policy 
of imperialism to exasperate Sir George Barlow. All Hol- 
kar's territories were restored to Jaswant Rao, except the 
fortress of Tonk Rampoora ; but he was bound over not to 
commit any aggressions on the British government, or on 
any of its allies, including the Rajput Rajas. 

This unexpected liberality revived the audacity of Jas- 
want Rao. He claimed the territories in Hindustan and the 
Dekhan, which he had demanded from Lake and Wellesley 
before the beginning of the war. He claimed a right to col- 
lect contributions from the Raja of Jaipur. Lord Lake was 
so disgusted with these arrogant demands on the part of a 
prostrate foe that he stopped the negotiations ; and then, of 
course, Jaswant Rao Holkar gave in, and withdrew all 
demands, and accepted the proffered terms. 

But Sir George Barlow was not satisfied with this treaty. 
He ordered the fortress of Tonk Rampoora to be restored to 
Jaswant Rao. The recovery of the fortress was most grati- 
fying to the faithless Mahratta, and he naturally thought he 
could do as he pleased. Accordingly he broke all his pledges, 
and exacted enormous sums from the Jaipur Raja; while 
Lord Lake, who had returned to headquarters to save the 
expense of his field force, was prevented from putting a stop 
to his depredations. 

Sir George Barlow next annulled the protective treaties 
which had been concluded with the chiefs of Rajputana. 
He declared that the chiefs had forfeited British protection 
by the countenance they had subsequently given to Jaswant 
Rao Holkar during the retreat of Colonel Monson. The Raj- 
put chiefs had certainly deserted the English and helped 
Holkar when they saw Monson running away. But in like 
manner they deserted Holkar and helped the English when 
they saw Jaswant Rao running away. The question in dis- 
pute, however, became a matter of personal quarrel between 
Lake and Barlow. Lake had promised to restore the Raja 


of Jaipur to the protective alliance provided he resisted the 
advance of Holkar. The Raja performed his part, but 
Barlow annulled the protective treaty with Jaipur, and Lake 
was naturally indignant that his pledges should be ignored. 
But Barlow was deaf to all the protests of Lake, and aban- 
doned the Rajputs to the irregular demands of the Mahrattas, 
with the exception of the Rajput state of Ulwar and the Jat 
state of Bhurtpore, whose claims to protection could not be 
set aside. 

But the violence of the reaction against the policy of Lord 
Wellesley went too far for even Sir George Barlow. The 
home authorities proposed to restore all the territories which 
had been acquired by Lord Wellesley during the Mahratta 
war. Barlow replied that such a restitution would be most 
dangerous. Instead of inducing the Mahrattas to keep the 
peace, it would only tempt them to renewed efforts for 
the subversion of the British power in India, and a return 
to the wars and anarchy of the eighteenth century. Mean- 
while the Mahratta feudatories heard of the proposal, and 
were puzzled by the restoration of territory and fortresses to 
Jaswant Rao Holkar. The Raja of Nagpore especially de- 
manded the restoration of Cuttack and Berar, although 
Cuttack was essential to the maritime defence of British 
India, and Berar had been ceded to the Nizam. The Raja 
of Nagpore, however, was a true Mahratta; and down to 
his death, in 1816, he never ceased to implore the British 
government for compensation on account of Cuttack and 

For a brief interval the policy of non-intervention ap- 
peared to be a success. The predatory powers confined 
their depredations to Malwa and Rajputana, and respected 
the territories of the British government and its allies. There 
were frequent rumors of confederacies against the British 
power, but they were generally discredited. To all outward 
appearance the Peishwa was politically dormant, or too 
much engaged in trying to reduce the smaller refractory 
feudatories within his own dominions, to attempt to carry 


on secret intrigues with other powers outside his frontier. 
At the same time Sindia and Holkar were afraid of each 
other, and chiefly busied themselves with exacting revenue 
and chout for the maintenance of their overgrown armies. 

In 1806 there was a great alarm in the Madras Presi- 
dency. There was a sudden rising of the sepoys at Vellore, 
and the Madras army was said to be disaffected. The fort- 
ress of Vellore, which had been the scene of many tragedies 
in the past history of the Carnatic, had been turned into a 
residence for the Mysore princes of Tippu's family. It was 
held by a garrison of about four hundred European soldiers, 
and fifteen hundred sepoys. The sepoys arose in the night, 
and attacked the European barracks, firing through the 
Venetian windows until half the force were killed or 
wounded. Other parties of sepoys attacked the European 
houses and shot down thirteen English officers, who had 
rushed out to learn the cause of the uproar. All this while 
the Mysore princes and their followers were in active com- 
munication with the mutineers, supplied them with provis- 
ions, and hoisted the flag of Mysore over the fortress. 

Unfortunately the Europeans had no ammunition, but 
the survivors made a sally from the barracks, and managed 
to maintain a position on a gateway under cover of a bastion. 
Every officer was killed, but a gallant resistance was main- 
tained by a Sergeant Brodie, who was the hero of the day. 
Meanwhile news of the outbreak was carried to Arcot, eight 
miles off, where Colonel Gillespie was in command. Relief 
was soon at hand. Colonel Gillepsie galloped to Vellore 
with a troop of European dragoons, and two field guns. 
Gillespie rode far in advance of his men, and reached the 
gateway, amid a furious fire, just as Brodie and his small 
party were burning their last cartridge. A chain of soldiers* 
belts was let down by Brodie, and Gillespie dragged himself 
to the top of the gateway, and placed himself at the head 
of the survivors, who welcomed him as their deliverer. At 
his word of command the soldiers promptly formed, and 
drove back the enemy with the bayonet. Presently the 


dragoons came up with the galloper guns. The gates of 
the fortress were blown open; the soldiers rushed in; four 
hundred mutineers were cut down ; others were taken pris- 
oners ; and a few only escaped by dropping from the walls. 

A searching inquiry was made into the cause of the 
mutiny. It was ascertained that the military authorities at 
Madras had issued orders forbidding the sepoys from appear- 
ing on parade with earrings or caste marks, and requiring 
them to shave their beards and trim their mustaches. 
Above all, an obnoxious headdress had been introduced, 
which was totally unlike the beloved turban, and bore a 
closer resemblance to the European hat, which has always 
been an eyesore to Orientals. 

These innovations had rankled in the hearts of the Madras 
sepoys, and exposed them to taunts and derision. At Vellore 
the disaffection was aggravated by the presence of the Mysore 
princes, and the fact that many of Tippu's old soldiers were 
serving in the English garrison. Moreover, alarming rumors 
were whispered abroad that the new army regulations were 
only a preliminary to the forcible conversion of the sepoys to 
Christianity. The prompt action of Colonel Gillespie put 
a stop to further troubles ; but there were some disturbances 
at Hyderabad, which showed that the disaffection was widely 

The Court of Directors were so alarmed at this sepoy 
mutiny that they recalled Lord William Bentinck, the Gov- 
ernor of Madras, as well as Sir John Craddock, the com- 
mander-in-chief of the Madras army, for having sanctioned 
such dangerous innovations. Lord "William Bentinck pro- 
tested against his removal, but the Directors were inexorable. 
Twenty years afterward he obtained tardy redress by being 
appointed Governor-General of India, 

In 1807 Sir George Barlow was succeeded at Calcutta 
by Lord Minto. The new Governor-General was strongly 
impressed with the wisdom of the policy of non-intervention. 
He was bent on eschewing the errors of Lord Wellesley and 


walking in the ways of Lord Cornwallis, Moreover, Great 
Britain was engaged in wars against Napoleon, and peace in 
India was to be maintained at any price. 

Immediately after Lord Minto's arrival in Bengal, atten- 
tion was called to the state of affairs in Bundelkund ; and he 
discovered to his surprise and disappointment that the policy 
of non-intervention was sometimes not only inexpedient but 
impossible. The territory of Bundelkund stretches to the 
southward of the Jumna from Behar to Malwa. It was 
parcelled out among a number of turbulent chieftains, who 
had been partly conquered by Ali Bahadur, ' but who were 
supposed to acknowledge the suzerainty of the Peishwa. A 
large tract of Bundelkund had been ceded by the Peishwa 
to the British government for the maintenance of the Poena 
Subsidiary Force; but it was found that the country had 
never been completely subjected by the Peishwa, and that 
territory had been ceded which had never acknowledged his 
suzerainty. Bundelkund was overrun with military free- 
booters. A hundred and fifty fortresses were held by as 
many chiefs of banditti, who were permitted on the princi- 
ples of non-intervention to settle their disputes by the sword. 

Sir George Barlow had sacrificed revenue and prestige 
rather than violate the new policy; but Lord Minto resolved 
to take action. Military operations were undertaken with 
the usual success. The result was that peace and order were 
established in Bundelkund ; and the turbulence and anarchy 
which had prevailed in these jungle tracts since the days 
of Aurangzeb were banished out of the land under the pro- 
tective influence of British rule. 

The Punjab next attracted the attention of Lord Minto. 
A Sikh chieftain, named Runjeet Singh, had brought the 
Sikh Sirdars under his authority, and established a sover- 
eignty which kept down rebels and bandits by the iron heel 
of military despotism. The territories of Runjeet Singh 
included the old battle-grounds where Alexander fought 
against Porus; and fears were entertained that Napo- 
' See ante, p. 452. 


leon would march in the steps of the great Macedonian 
and attempt the conquest of Hindustan.' 

In 1807 Runjeet Singh was making aggressions on the 
Sikh principalities of Sirhind, between the Sutlej and the 
Jumna. These Cis-Sutlej Sikhs had paid allegiance to 
the British government ever since the campaign of Lord 
Lake ; and they now applied for British protection against 
Runjeet Singh. The case was a difficult one, for it was 
necessary to conciliate Runjeet Singh as regards French 
invasion, while maintaining British supremacy on the banks 
of the Sutlej. 

In 1808 Lord Minto sent a young civilian, named Charles 
Metcalfe, to conduct the negotiations with Runjeet Singh; 
and by firmness on the part of the envoy, and the advance 
of a military force to the Sutlej, Runjeet Singh was induced 
to give in, and withdraw his troops to the westward of the 
river. Mr. Metcalfe established his reputation for tact and 
discretion by his able conduct of the mission, and lived to 
play an important part in Indian history.* 

Later on, the affairs of Jaswant Rao Holkar fell into dis- 
order. His subjects rebelled against him as a usurper, and 
he sought to retain the throne by murdering his legitimate 
brother and nephew. Next he took to drinking brandy, 
until at last he was pronounced to be insane, and placed in 
confinement; and his wife Tulsi Bai assumed the govern- 
ment of Indore with the help of an Afghan adventurer 
named Amir Khan. 

' According to the latest orthography "Runjeet" is spelled "Ranjit," and 
this spelling has been adopted in dealing with Ranjit Singh, the Jat Raja, who 
is unknown to European readers. But the name of Runjeet Singh, the "Lion 
of Lahore," has become classical. 

^ Besides Metcalfe's mission to the Punjab, Lord Minto sent a mission, under 
Colonel Malcolm, to the court of Persia, and another, under Mr. Mountstuart 
Elphinstone, to the court of Kabul, to counteract the supposed designs of the 
Emperor Napoleon. Neither mission was followed by any practical result, and 
both might be passed over as obsolete. It is, however, curious to note that 
Elphinstone never reached Kabul, but met Shah Shuja, the nominal sovereign 
of Afghanistan, at Peshawar. By this time the Afghan empire, founded by 
Ahmad Shah Abdali, was broken up ; the whole country was distracted by civil 
wars, and Shah Shuja was driven into exile shortly after Elphinstone left 


The career of Amir Khan, the founder of the Tonk prin- 
cipahty, reveals the wretched condition of Rajputana and 
Malwa. Originally Amir Khan was a leader of bandits, 
and as such he had been an associate of Jaswant Rao Hol- 
kar. His banditti grew into an army, maintained by forced 
contributions and robberies. When Jaswant Rao became 
insane, Amir Khan interfered in the affairs of Indore; he 
professed to protect the state of Holkar, while exacting large 
grants of territory and revenue from the weak government 
of Tulsi Bai. 

Amir Khan, like all the predatory powers at this period, 
was constantly in want of means to support his lawless sol- 
diery. Rajputana and Malwa were exhausted, and he was 
compelled to look abroad. He revived some dormant claim 
of Holkar against the Bhonsla Raja of Nagpore, and in- 
vaded Nagpore territory with a large army 

Lord Minto sent a force to protect Nagpore, and the re- 
sult was that Amir Khan was forced to retire to his own 
territories. But Lord Minto felt that this interference was a 
violation of the policy of non-intervention ; and he explained 
to the Court of Directors that he had interfered in behalf of 
the Raja of Nagpore as a measure of self-defence, to prevent 
any alliance between two Muhammadan powers, like Amir 
Khan and the Nizam. By this time, however, the home 
authorities were awakening to the fact that war, brigandage, 
and anarchy were on the increase in Central India; and they 
not only approved of what Lord Minto had done, but ex- 
pressed a wish that he had made an end of Amir Khan. 

One episode will suffice to reveal the horrible state of 
turmoil which prevailed in the fertile regions of Rajputana. 
Every Rajput chieftain was anxious to marry a daughter 
of the Rana of Udaipur. The reigning Rana had only one 
daughter, and she had been betrothed at an early age to the 
Raja of Jodhpur. The Raja died, and was succeeded by a 
prince named Man Singh. Meanwhile the princess had been 
betrothed to the Raja of Jaipur; but Man Singh claimed her 
hand on the ground that she had been betrothed to the 


throne of Jodhpur, and not to the mere occupant for the 
time being. 

From 1806 to 1810, Rajputana was convulsed by this 
domestic struggle between Jodhpur and Jaipur. Nearly all 
the chiefs in Rajputana took a part in the war, just as their 
forefathers had fought on either side in the war of the Maha 

Amir Khan went from one side to the other with his army 
of banditti, as best suited his own interests. Originally he 
was bought over by Jaipur, and helped to defeat Man Singh, 
and shut him up in his fortress of Jodhpur, while ravaging 
the surrounding country. Next he was bought over by Man 
Singh, who offered to pay him a yearly tribute of some half 
a million sterling. Meanwhile Amir Khan was guilty of 
treacheries and wholesale assassinations, which alone would 
suffice to brand his character with infamy. 

All this time the Rana of Udaipur took no part in the 
war; but his territories were exposed to the ravages and 
depredations of Daulat Rao Sindia and Amir Khan. The 
marches of the Mahratta and Afghan armies were to be 
traced by blazing villages and ruined harvests ; and where- 
ever they encamped they turned the garden of Rajputana 
into a desert and desolation. 

In this extremity the Rana of Udaipur claimed the pro- 
tection of the British government as the paramount power. 
He offered to cede half his territories for the defence of the 
other half. The rival princes of Jodhpur and Jaipur joined 
in the solicitation. They declared that there always had 
been a paramount power in India to protect the weak against 
the strong ; and as the East India Company had become the 
paramount power it was bound to fulfil its duties. 

The interference of the British government would have 
put an end to all this frightful anarchy ; but it would have 
been an open and undisguised violation of the policy of non- 
intervention. The Rana of Udaipur was refused all help. 
Driven by despair, he bought the protection of Amir Khan 
by the cession of a quarter of his dominions ; and stooped to 


the ignominy of exchanging turbans with the Afghan free- 

Still the war was raging between Jodhpur and Jaipur, 
Amir Khan proposed to stop it by taking the life of the in- 
nocent cause of the quarrel ; and he threatened to carry off 
the princess, and make her over to Man Singh of Jodhpur, 
unless his advice was followed. The miserable Rana gave 
his consent to the murder of his child; and the Rajput 
maiden accepted her doom, and drank the poison which 
was to put an end to her existence. The terrible tragedy 
filled western India with shame and horror ; and there was 
not a chieftain in Rajputana who did not lament the fate 
of the unhappy princess, and execrate all concerned in the 
heartless atrocity. 

But other causes were at work, besides the policy of non- 
intervention, to prevent Lord Minto from interfering in west- 
ern India. The war between Great Britain and France was 
being fought in eastern waters. The Mauritius was a depot 
for French frigates and privateers, which swept the seas 
from Madagascar to Java. The merchants of Calcutta alone 
estimated their losses at two millions sterling since the be- 
ginning of the war, while, in one year, the East India Com- 
pany estimated their losses at half a million. * 

In 1810 Lord Minto sent an expedition against the Mau- 
ritius and captured the island. In 1811 he sent expeditions 
against the Dutch settlements in India, which had passed 
into the hands of Napoleon. The island of Java was cap- 
tured and occupied by the English down to the end of the 
war with France; but eventually it was restored to the 
Dutch, and irretrievably lost to the British nation. 

Lord Minto accompanied the expedition to Java, but 
returned to Calcutta in 1812. Anarchy still prevailed in 
Malwa and Rajputana. Jaswant Rao Holkar died in 1811, 
and was succeeded by an infant, named Mulhar Rao Hol- 

• The merchants at Calcutta chiefly confined their trading; to the eastern seas, 
and consequently suffered most severely. The East Indiameu from Europe were 
jii incd like meu-of-war. 


kar, who had been adopted by his widow Tulsi Bai. This, 
however, was a matter of small moment in comparison with 
the dark clouds which threatened India in the shape of or- 
ganized battalions of bandits under Amir Khan, and the 
loose bands of marauders who were known by the dreaded 
name of Pindharies, 

The Pindharies were a low class of freebooters, who had 
been attached to the Mahratta armies during the desolating 
wars of the eighteenth century. Their origin is lost in ob- 
scurity, but one body, as already seen, joined the Mahratta 
host that fought at Paniput.' The Mahratta horsemen of 
any respectability affected to look down upon the Pindha- 
ries ; but it was only a difference between regular and irreg- 
ular banditti; between gentlemen highwaymen who were 
ready to fight, and pickpockets and pilferers who were ready 
to run away. 

Before the Mahratta wars of 1803 and 1804 the Pindha- 
ries had been distributed among different Mahratta chief- 
tains. One body was known as Sindia's Pindharies; an- 
other body as Holkar's Pindharies ; and lands were assigned 
by Sindia and Holkar to different Pindhari leaders for the 
maintenance of their respective hordes. When the wars were 
over the Pindharies still formed separate and independent 
bodies, but followed the fortunes of any turbulent chieftain 
or lawless adventurer. They were not divided by differences 
of race and religion, but were the riffraff of Hindus and Mu- 
hammadans bound together by no tie save that of plunder. 

Two notorious Pindhari leaders were known by the names 
of Chetu and Khurim. There was no union between the two ; 
on the contrary, they were jealous of each other, and often 
at open enmity ; and they were entirely wanting in the mili- 
tary strength and organization which characterized the army 
of Amir Khan. 

At first the Pindharies confined their depredations to 
Eajputana and Malwa. Sometimes they made raids on the 

• See ante, p. 392. 


territories of Sindia and Holkar. On one occasion Daulat 
Rao Sindia captured the two Pindhari leaders, and kept 
them in confinement; but was at last induced to liberate 
them on payment of a ransom of a hundred thousand pounds 
sterling. Subsequently, they extended their raids into the 
Dekhan, and invaded the territories of the Peishwa, the 
Nizam, and the Raja of Nagpore. 

In 1809-10, Captain Sydenham, the Resident at Hydera- 
bad, described the proceedings of the Pindharies. Their in- 
cursions, he said, were as regular as the periodical monsoons. 
They seemed to wait with malicious pleasure until the crops 
were ripe upon the ground, and then robbed the unfortunate 
husbandmen of the fruit of their labors at the moment they 
expected to reap them. Every villain who escaped from his 
creditors, or was expelled for flagrant crimes, or was dis- 
gusted with an honest and peaceable life, fled to Central 
India and enrolled himself among the Pindharies. 

The Pindharies generally invaded a country in bands 
varying from one thousand to four thousand men. On 
reaching the frontier they dispersed in small parties of two 
or three hundred. They advanced with such rapidity that 
the story of their depredations was generally the first news 
of their approach. They were not encumbered with tents 
or baggage, but carried only their arms, and slept on their 
saddle-cloths. Both men and horses were accustomed to 
long marches, and they never halted except to refresh them- 
selves, to collect plunder, or to commit the vilest outrages on 
the female population. They subsisted on the grain and 
provisions which they found in the villages; took every- 
thing that was valuable; and wantonly destroyed all that 
they could not carry away. 

Lord Minto left India in 1813, and was succeeded as 
Governor-General by Lord Moira, afterward Marquis of 
Hastings. One of the last acts of Lord Minto 's adminis- 
tration was to impress on the Court of Directors the neces- 
sity for adopting large measures for the purpose of sup- 
pressing the Pindharies ; and thus from an earl}'- period the 


attention of Lord Moira was directed to the annual depreda- 
tions of these organized banditti. 

Lord Moira landed at Calcutta in the fifty-ninth year of 
his age. Before he left England he had denounced the am- 
bitious policy of Lord Wellesley in seeking to establish the 
British government as the paramount power in India. But 
his attention had already been directed to the yearly expe- 
ditions of the Pindharies ; and soon after his arrival in Ben- 
gal he began to modify his political views. He reported to 
the Court of Directors that the battalions of Amir Khan and 
hordes of Pindharies numbered some fifty thousand men; 
that they subsisted by plunder alone, and extended their 
ravages over an area as large as England. He emphatically 
declared that the affairs of the Company would never prosper 
until the British government was placed at the head of a 
league which embraced every native state in India, and was 
enabled to bring tbe whole strength of the league to bear 
upon any single power that disturbed the public peace. 

This sudden conversion of Lord Moira from the policy of 
non-intervention to that of a paramount power had no effect 
upon the home authorities. There was still the same morbid 
dread of the Mahrattas, which misled the British nation at 
the beginning of the century. Daulat Rao Sindia was still 
regarded as a dangerous power like Chenghiz Khan or Timur. 
In reality he was a prince in sore distress, worried by an army 
which was in frequent mutinj- from want of subsistence, and 
paralyzed by a terror of the English which never left him 
after the battle of Assaye. He had been anxious to follow 
the advice of the British Resident, who still accompanied his 
camp ; but the Resident was a victim to the policy of non- 
intervention, and refused to advise Sindia. Thus in India 
and in England every one, save Lord Moira, was a strict 
adherent to the policy of non-intervention. Accordingly, 
Lord Moira was told by the Directors that no league was to 
be formed, or any step taken for the suppression of the Pin- 
dharies, that was likel}^ to embroil the British government 
with the Mahrattas, or to give offence to Daulat Rao Sindia. 


Meanwhile black clouds were gathering over the Hima- 
layas. For years the Ghorka rulers of Nipal had been mak- 
ing systematic encroachments on British territory. The En- 
glish in Bengal remonstrated in vain. They were anxious 
for peace at any price short of abject submission; but the 
Ghorkas were beyond all bearing: appropriating villages 
and districts without a shadow of a claim, and turning a 
deaf ear to all representations, or stubbornly insisting that 
the abstracted territory had always belonged to Nipal. Lord 
Minto sent an ultimatum to Khatmandu before he left Ben- 
gal, and Lord Moira sent another shortly after his arrival. 
The result was the Ghorka war of 1814 and 1815; but before 
describing the military operations it will be as well to review 
the history of the Ghorka conquest of Nipal. 



A.D. 1767 TO 'l814 

NORTHWARD of Hindustan, a square mass of terri- 
tory extends over the Himalayas beyond the British 
frontier toward the great desert of Gobi or Shamo, 
the terror of Marco Polo. ' On the west, this irregular quad- 
rangle is bounded by Kashmir and the upper streams of the 
Sutlej and Ganges; on the east by China proper and the 
courses of rivers which are as yet unfamiliar to modern 
geographers. The southern side of the quadrangle, imme- 
diately to the northward of British territory, is occupied by 
the mountain range of the Himalayas, which includes the 
valley of Nipal and heights of Bhutan. Northward of the 
Himalayas the flat tableland of Thibet stretches over little 
known tracts toward the great desert. Southern Thibet is 
watered by the Brahmaputra- river, which coils like a huge 
serpent round the northern slopes of the Himalayas, and 
finally flows southward through Assam, and helps to form 
the delta of the Ganges. 

A veil of religious mystery hangs over the Himalayan 
mountains and the Thibetan tableland beyond. Buddhism, 
which 'once overshadowed Hindustan, was driven northward 
between the eighth and twelfth centuries of the Christian era 
by the great Brahmanical revival which was associated with 
the reformed worship of Vishnu and Siva. The monasteries 
and the monastic colleges, which once flourished on the banks 

' It was known to Marco Polo as the desert of Lop, and was said to be 
haunted by evil spirits or goblins. 


of the Ganges and Jumna, reappeared amid the mountain 
scenery of the Himalayas and pathless wastes to the north- 
ward. But Hindustan was never forgotten. The memories 
of the holy land of Behar and Gaya, sanctified by the foot- 
steps of Sakya Muni and his disciples, were treasured in the 
hearts of the inmates of every monastery, from the boy neo- 
phyte of twelve or fourteen to the venerable Lama or abbot, 
who ruled as lord and master. To this day pious legends of 
Magadha and Benares are still the subjects of religious 
thought and teaching in those remote regions, which are a 
terra incognita to the European.* 

Buddhism, like Christendom, has its bishops and its here- 
sies. The city of Lhassa, seated on the southern bank of 
the Brahmaputra, forty days' journey from Pekin, is the 
Rome of Thibetan and Chinese Buddhism. At Lhassa a 
succession of Great Lamas, the supposed incarnations of 
Sakya Muni, exercise a spiritual dominion resembling that 
of the Holy See. At Digarchi, ten days' journey to the 
westward of Lhassa, the Teshu Lama is worshipped and 
protected by the emperors of China as their spiritual 

The valley of Nipal is located in the southern slopes of 
the Himalaya range. It is shut out from Hindustan by the 
lower shelves and precipices of the Himalayas; while the 
still lower range of mountains, at the base, is guarded by a 
broad belt of dense forest, from which a low marshy plain 
stretches out toward the south, the whole being known as 
the Terai. Nipal has rarely been invaded by Muhammadans 

' The holy land of Magadha is identical with the modern Behar or Yihar. 
The word Vihar signifies a Buddhist monastery. 

* Both the Great Lama of Lhassa and the Teshu Lama of Digarchi are pon- 
tiffs of the yellow sect, the orthodox and reformed Buddhism of the court of 
Pekin. But the followers of the red sect, who retain much of the old devil- 
worship and incantations in their religious observances, continue to maintain 
monasteries and Lamas of their own in Thibet and Bhutan. 

Thibet is nominally subject to the Chinese emperor, but little is known of the 
extent of Chinese jurisdiction in that quarter. Lhassa is the capital of what is 
called Chinese Thibet, and is the abode of a Chinese viceroy as well as of the 
Great Lama. 


or MoghulSj and to this day the Muhammadans form no part 
of its population.' 

From a remote period this fertile and secluded valley has 
been inhabited by a peaceful and industrious race of Hindu 
Buddhists, known as Newars. Like India, the whole coun- 
try was parcelled out into petty Hindu kingdoms, each hav- 
ing its own Raja; but in the early half of the eighteenth 
century the whole were absorbed in three kingdoms, of which 
Khatmandu was the chief. Indeed, at this period the Newar 
Raja of Khatmandu was always treated by the East India 
Company as the ruler of Nipal. 

In those early times the valley of Nipal might have been 
likened to the happy valley of Rasselas. The Newars were 
devoted to agriculture and trade, and pursued the even tenor 
of their way under the mild influence of Buddhism. The 
East India Company carried on a profitable trade with Nipal ; 
and numerous commodities, including quantities of gold from 
Thibet, were imported into Behar and Bengal. 

About 1767, ten years after Plassy, the Ghorkas of Kash- 
mir, a race of Rajputs and Brahmans, invaded the happy 
valley of Nipal. There was no apparent cause of quarrel. 
The Ghorkas were a military people, hungering after terri- 
tory and revenue ; and the valley of Nipal, with its peaceful 
population of Buddhist Newars, was open to their inroads. 
They preserved the usages of caste, and worshipped the same 
gods as the Rajputs of Hindustan ; and the Ghorka conquest 
may have been a later wave of the great Brahmanical re- 
vival which convulsed India in mediaeval times and drove 
Buddhism out of Hindustan. 

The Newars were as helpless to resist the Ghorkas as 
sheep when attacked by wolves. The Newar Raja of Khat- 
mandu abandoned his territories to the invaders, and shut 
himself up in his capital, and implored the help of his mer- 
cantile friends in Bengal. Strange to say, the English 
rulers responded to his prayers. Their trade was slack, their 

1 Muhammad Tughlak sent an army over the Himalayas in the fourteenth 
century, but it perished miserably. See ante, p. 109. 
India. Vol. II. X— 5 


revenues were falling away, and specie itself was vanishing 
from Bengal. Moreover, the spirit of Clive was still abroad, 
and the Company's servants were burning with military 
glory as well as commercial enterprise. A small force was 
sent to the Himalayas under a Captain Kinloch to deliver 
the IsTewar Raja from the Ghorkas, and reopen the outlets 
of gold from Thibet. Unfortunately Kinloch set out at the 
worst season of the year. He made a desperate effort to 
march through the Terai in the middle of the rains, but was 
beaten back by malaria and want of provisions; and the 
Newars and their Rajas were abandoned to their doom. 

Maharaja Prithi Narain was the hero and sovereign of 
the Ghorkas. He conquered the Nipa] valley by the aid 
of his Bharadars or barons. He made a great slaughter of 
the Newar Rajas, and massacred every Newar of distinction 
throughout the country. The horrors of the Ghorka con- 
quest were beyond all telling. A European eye-witness, 
Father Guiseppe, describes Prithi Narain as a monster of 
inhumanity — as crafty, treacherous, and bloodthirsty as 
any Tartar conqueror of the olden time. Atrocities and 
outrages were committed which must be left to the imagi- 
nation. At one city, six miles from Khatmandu, the whole 
of the inhabitants were deprived of their lips and noses in 
punishment for their long and obstinate resistance to the 

The Ghorka conquest throws valuable light on the an- 
cient constitution of the Rajputs. The valley of Nipal was 
parcelled out among the Ghorka Bharadars, much in the 
same way that England was parcelled out among the Nor- 
man barons under "William the Conqueror. The Maharaja 
reigned at Khatmandu as sovereign and despot; but the 
Bharadars claimed for themselves and families an exclusive 
right to all offices and commands, as well as a voice in the 
national councils. Accordingly the Maharaja selected his 
ministers exclusively from the Bharadar aristocracy ; and in 
times of national emergency all the Bharadars in the king- 
dom were summoned to a council of state at Khatmandu. 


The strength of the Ghorkas lay in their military organi- 
zation. They maintained three armies at the expense of one, 
each army numbering about twelve thousand men. About 
the end of every year the existing army returned to civil life, 
while a new army was enrolled, which generally consisted 
of old soldiers. Thus three trained armies could be brought 
into the field in cases of emergency, while only one army 
was kept on military duty, and drew military pay. 

The old army was disbanded and the new army was en- 
listed at a yearly festival known as the Panjani. At every 
Panjani there was a redistribution of all oflQces and com- 
mands among the Bharadars and their families. Indeed, 
under the old Ghorka constitution the Panjani was the great 
institution of the year, when there was a change of minis- 
ters as well as officers and generals, and nothing remained 
permanent excepting the Maharaja. 

Prithi Narain, the hero founder of the Ghorka dynasty 
in Nipal, died in 1771, leaving two sons. The elder suc- 
ceeded to the throne, but died in 1775, leaving an infant 
son, a babe in arms. Then followed the usual comphca- 
tion. The baby grandson of Prithi Narain was placed upon 
the throne under the name of Run Bahadur. The uncle of 
the infant, the younger son of Prithi Narain, became regent 
and guardian. But the queen-mother also claimed to be re- 
gent and guardian ; and for some years there was a struggle 
for supremacy between the queen-mother and the uncle — a 
struggle which used to be common to every Hindu court in 
India.' In 1786, when the boy Maharaja was eleven years 
of age, the queen-mother died, and the uncle became su- 
preme. Henceforth the uncle surrounded the boy with aU 
the young profligates of the court, and permitted him to in- 
dulge in every species of vice and cruelty, in the hope of 

' Such rivalries and jealousies between a minister and a queen-mother have 
been frequent in all Oriental courts from a remote antiquity. Sometimes the 
quarrel is prevented by a criminal intimacy between the two parties. In India 
the British government arbitrates as the paramount power, and aU quarrels about 
a succession or a regency are thus nipped in the bud. 


thereby perpetuating his own authority as regent. It will 
be seen hereafter that he sowed the wind and reaped the 

Meanwhile the Ghorkas were troublesome and aggressive 
toward all their neighbors — westward toward Kashmir and 
the Punjab, and eastward toward Sikhim and Bhutan. One 
Ghorka army invaded Thibet and plundered the temples at 
Lhassa and Digarchi. The audacity and sacrilege kindled 
the wrath of the Chinese emperor and court of Pekin ; and 
in 1793 a Chinese army of seventy thousand men advanced 
against Nipal. 

The Ghorkas were wild with alarm, and began to make 
advances to the English. Hitherto they had affected to dis- 
dain trade and traders, and had displayed a haughty and 
exclusive spirit in their dealings with the Bengal govern- 
ment. But the victories of the English in the first Mahratta 
war had inspired them with respect, and they hungered for 
the help of British arms and soldiers. ' They hastily offered 
to negotiate a treaty of commerce and friendship with the 
English Resident at Benares ; and a treaty was concluded in 
1792, under which certain privileges were granted to traders 
from British territories, and a fixed duty of two and a half 
per cent was to be charged by either government on all 
commodities imported on either side. 

The commercial treaty was a blind. The Ghorkas amused 
the Bengal government with hopes of a revival of trade, and 
then asked for British help against China. Lord Cornwallis 
replied that the English had no quarrel with the Chinese 
emperor, but would willingly mediate between Nipal and 
China ; and for this purpose he sent Colonel Kirkpatrick on 
a mission to Khatmandu. 

Before Kirkpatrick left Patna the Ghorkas were routed 
by the Chinese and driven back to Nipal through the snows 

^ The old trade between Bengal and Behar had died out under the military- 
despotism of the Ghorkas, and everj' effort to recover it had hitherto proved a 
failure. In 1774 Warren Hastings sent a mission to Thibet under Mr. Bogle; 
and in 1783 he sent another under Mr. Turner; but there was no practical result. 


of the Himalayas. The Chinese army advanced to Naya- 
kote, within a day's march of Khatmandu, and dictated 
their own terms. The Ghorka regency was compelled to 
restore all the plunder that had been carried from the 
temples, and to pay tribute for the future to the court of 

The Ghorkas were now disgusted with their treaty with 
the English, and only anxious to keep the EngUsh out of 
Nipal. Kirkpatrick was met by messengers, who announced 
the peace with China, and tried to induce him to go back. 
But the Bengal government was anxious to establish friendly 
relations with the Ghorka government, and Kirkpatrick 
pushed on to Khatmandu. He was received with every 
show of courtesy and respect, but thwarted in every attempt 
at negotiation. He soon found that his presence at Khat- 
mandu was useless and dangerous, and returned to Bengal. 
Henceforth the treaty was a dead letter. 

In 1795 there was a revolution at Khatmandu. Maharaja 
Run Bahadur had reached his twentieth year. He had been 
nurtured in the worst possible school, and the natural ferocity 
of his temper had been encouraged rather than controlled. 
At last he cunningly worked the destruction of his uncle. 
He suddenly announced in open durbar that he had assumed 
the sovereignty; and the Bharadars hailed the declaration 
with a burst of loyalty. The regent uncle was powerless to 
contend against the voice of the nobles, and compelled to give 
place to his nephew. For a few months he was treated with 
decent respect, but was then arrested, loaded with chains, 
and thrown into a dungeon. Nothing more was heard of 
him. Some said that he was starved to death ; others that 
he was assassinated by his royal nephew. 

Run Bahadur reigned over Nipal Hke another Nero. Day 
by day he took a savage joy in beholding tortures, mutila- 
tions, and executions. His marriages and amours were the 
scandal of Khatmandu. His chief wife was childless. His 
second wife gave birth to a son, and was then neglected. 
Run Bahadur, in spite of his Kshatriya caste, was bent on 


securing a Brahtnani bride. He carried off a young Brah- 
mani widow from her father's house in the plains, and made 
her his queen, in violation of the laws against widow mar- 
riages and the mixture of castes ; and a son was born of the 
Brahmani queen, who was destined to change the fortunes 
of the dynasty. 

Run Bahadur was deeply enamored of his Brahmani 
bride. She was his prime favorite, the idol of his soul. She 
was seized with smallpox, and Run Bahadur was frantic 
with grief and alarm. He spent vast sums on offerings to 
the gods at the different temples. He summoned the ablest 
physicians from Benares to attend the sick lady. But 
prayers and medicines were of no avail, and the Brahmani 
queen was soon numbered with the dead. 

Run Bahadur was driven to madness by the loss of his 
Brahmani queen. He broke out in fits of ungovernable fury, 
which spread a wild terror through the court and capital. 
He flogged the physicians, cut oft' their noses, and sent them 
back to Benares. He wreaked his vengeance on the gods of 
Nipal by firing cannon at the sacred statues in the temple 
of Pusput Nath, the great national shrine of Siva and Par- 
vati in the suburbs of Khatmandu. He threw up the sover- 
eignty, and vowed to spend the remainder of his days in 
religious seclusion at Benares; and he actually placed the 
little son of his dead queen on the throne of Nipal, and called 
on the Bharadars to swear allegiance to the infant. He 
sought to smooth matters by appointing his second wife 
to be regent, and her young son to be prime minister. The 
result was a baby sovereign aged four, a child premier aged 
six, and a regent stepmother. But Run Bahadur remained 
at Khatmandu. He had abdicated the throne, but persisted 
in exercising supreme authority. 

The abdication of Run Bahadur was a mere caprice of 
insanity. He wished to honor his dead queen by placing 
her son upon the throne; but he continued to wreak his 
ferocity on those around him. Some officers of government 
were scourged ; others were hung up by the heels to branches 


of trees. In a word, the sovereign was dangerous to his 
subjects; and neither rank, age, nor caste could protect any 
one from his bUnd anger. 

Meanwhile the Bharadars began to conspire against the 
headstrong Maharaja; and Damodur Pandey, the head of 
the once famous Pandey family, was the moving spirit of the 
conspiracy. The Bharadars urged that their allegiance had 
been solemnlj?- transferred to the infant son, and thej^ called 
on Run Bahadur to complete his abdication of the throne by 
going into exile. Damodur Pandey had already gained over 
the army; indeed, he was a type of those Hindu ministers 
who, at different intervals, have dragged their country and 
its princes at the heels of a military car. A civil war broke 
out, and Run Bahadur was worsted. He saw that his life 
was in sore peril, and suddenly left Khatmandu in the night 
time, and fled to Benares, accompanied by his neglected chief 
queen and a young Bharadar named Bhim Sein Thapa, who 
was the head of the Thapa family, and bitter rival of the 

The flight of Run Bahadur placed Damodur Pandey at 
the head of affairs. He was appointed prime minister to the 
infant Maharaja and regent stepmother; and he filled all 
the ministerial posts with members of the Pandey family. 
Henceforth there were constant plottings at Benares for the 
destruction of the Pandeys and restoration of Run Bahadur 
to the throne of Nipal ; and at the same time constant coun- 
terplots at Khatmandu for the forcible detention of the royal 
exile in British territory, and the destruction of Bhim Sein 

At this period Lord Wellesley was Governor-General of 
India. The sudden appearance of the ex-Maharaja of Nipal 
within British territory stirred up that active nobleman to 
attempt the recovery of the lost trade. Run Bahadur was 
received by the British authorities at Benares with every 
mark of honor and distinction. Money from the Company's 
treasury was advanced for his support. A Captain Knox 
was appointed Political Agent, to carry on all communica- 


tion witli the royal exile, and to open up negotiations in his 
behalf with the regency at Khatmandu. 

The government of the East India Company was con- 
ducted on mercantile principles. It was therefore deemed 
necessary to apply to the Ghorka government for a repay- 
ment of the moneys advanced to the ex-Maharaja, and also 
for a suitable pension for his future maintenance. Accord- 
ingly Captain Knox was sent to Khatmandu in 1802 to make 
the necessary arrangements, and also to establish a cordial 
friendship with the ruling powers, and open up a trade 
through Nipal with Thibet and Bhutan. Knox was wel- 
comed at Khatmandu with respect and courtesy, but soon 
found that he was hedged around with spies, and played 
upon by mendacious intriguers. There was a great show of 
business and much pretended negotiation, but nothing was 
concluded. At heart the Ghorkas were as jealous and ex- 
clusive as ever, and evidently imagined that Lord Wellesley 
was scheming to restore Run Bahadur, overthrow the Ghorka 
dominion, and take possession of Nipal. After much pre- 
varication and vacillation they agreed to pay certain yearly 
allowances to the ex-Maharaja, as long as he was detained 
in British territory. In return, the ex-Maharaja pledged 
himself to devote the remainder of his life to the worship 
of the Supreme Spirit at Benares, under the religious title 
of "Swami." But the money was never sent to Benares, 
and Run Bahadur only professed to be a Swami until a way 
was opened for his restoration to the throne at Khatmandu. 

Suddenly the chief queen left the ex-Maharaja at Benares 
and made her way to Nipal. She was resolved to oust the 
second queen from the regency, and take the government 
into her own hands. Her approach threw the court of Khat- 
mandu into confusion. Cannon were drawn up before the 
city gates; guards were posted in every avenue; ammuni- 
tion was served out; and hurry, noise and disorder prevailed 
in every quarter. Damodur Pandey began to vacillate, and 
went out to make terms with the chief queen. In his absence 
the second queen fled from the palace with the infant Maha- 


raja, and took refuge in the temple of Pusput Nath. Mean- 
while the chief queen was joined by Damodur Pandey, and 
entered Khatmandu in triumph, and assumed the post of 
regent. The infant Maharaja was then brought back from 
the temple, and placed upon the throne; and the second 
queen saved her life by timely submission to her older rival. 

The new government was profuse in promises to Captain 
Knox, but only to cajole and thwart him. The new queen- 
regent evaded the terms which had been accepted by her 
predecessor ; and Knox left Khatmandu in disgust as Kirk- 
patrick had done ten years previously. Accordingly Lord 
Wellesley formally announced to the new government that 
the alliance with Nipal was dissolved, and told the ex-Maha- 
raja that he might leave Benares, and go where he pleased. 

In 1804 Run Bahadur returned to Nipal accompanied by 
Bhim Sein Thapa. Damodur Pandey came out to meet him 
at the head of the Ghorka army, prepared to join him or fight 
him as occasion might arise. But the Ghorka soldiery were 
still loyal at heart toward the ex-Maharaja. Run Bahadur 
fearlessly advanced toward the opposing column, and threw 
his royal bonnet into the air, exclaiming, ' ' Now, my Ghorkas, 
who is for me, and who is for the Pandeys?" 

At once the whole army received their sovereign with 
acclamations. Damodur Pandey was arrested on the spot, 
loaded with chains, and carried off to Khatmandu, and be- 
headed with many of his adherents. The chief queen re- 
signed the government into the hands of her husband; but 
Run Bahadur dared not assume the title of Maharaja. The 
army had sworn fidelity to the son of the Brahmani queen ; 
and Run Bahadur was obliged to be content with the post 
of regent, and to carry on the government in the name of 
his son, with Bhim Sein Thapa for his prime minister. 

The revolution, however, was not j^et over. The air of 
Khatmandu was heavily charged with plots and intrigues. 
Many Bharadars had supported the Pandeys, and they now 
dreaded the resentment of the Thapas. A conspiracy was 
formed under the leadership of the brother of Run Bahadur 


for the overthrow of the new government, and the destruc- 
tion of the Thapas ; but the scheme exploded before it was 
ripe for execution. 

Bhim Sein Thapa discovered the plot, and made his 
arrangements accordingly. By his advice Run Bahadur 
ordered his brother to attend the durbar, and then directed 
him to join the Ghorka army on the western frontier. The 
brother returned an insolent reply, and was ordered off to 
immediate execution. The brother drew his sword before 
he could be arrested, and slaughtered Run Bahadur on the 
spot, but was then cut to pieces on the floor of the hall. 

The bystanders were horror-stricken at the double mur- 
der. Every man was cowed, and thought only of his own 
safety. Bhim Sein Thapa alone was master of himself and 
the situation. By his orders every enemy of the Thapa 
family was put to the sword on the charge of being impli- 
cated in the murder of Run Bahadur. Fifty officers of the 
army are said to have been executed amid the general mas- 
sacre. Meanwhile the remains of the dead sovereign were 
carried off to the place of burning ; and his second queen, 
the deposed regent-mother, v/as forced to immolate herself 
on the funeral pile. 

The deeply laid plot of Bhim Sein Thapa was soon re- 
vealed to the people of Khatmandu. It turned out that he 
was the secret paramour of the chief queen. Accordingly 
the chief queen resumed her post of regent-mother, and Bhim 
Sein Thapa continued to hold the post of prime minister, 
while he was virtually the sole ruler of Nipal. For some 
years there was a lull in the domestic politics of the Ghorkas, 
but meanwhile the Ghorka rulers were forcing the British 
government into a war against Nipal. 



A.D. 1814 TO 1816 

IN 1813, eight years after the elevation of Bhim Sein 
Thapa, Lord Minto resigned the post of Governor- 
General of India into the hands of Lord Moira, Ever 
since the dissolution of the alliance by Lord Wellesley in 
1804, there had been constant wrangling between the two 
governments. The Ghorka authorities had been gradually 
absorbing British territory along the whole line of frontier to 
the north of Hindustan, from the neighborhood of Darjeel- 
ing to the neighborhood of Simla, Sir George Barlow had 
remonstrated, and Lord Minto had remonstrated, but to no 
purpose. Each Governor- General in turn had overlooked 
the aggressions in order to avoid a war; until at last it was 
discovered that within the previous quarter of a century 
more than two hundred British villages had been added 
to Nipal territory ; and it was obvious that the aggressions 
were conducted on a regular system, having for its object 
the extension of Nipal dominion to the banks of the Ganges. 
At last two large districts were annexed by the Ghorka 
authorities, respecting which there could not be a shadow of 
doubt. At this date Lord Minto was still Governor-General, 
and he invited the Nipal government to send a commissioner 
to investigate the claim to the two districts, in association 
with a British commissioner. The investigation lasted over 
a year. In the end it was ascertained that the districts in 
question had always belonged to Oude; and that they formed 

' Lord Moira was not created Marquis of Hastings until after the Nipal war, 
but he is best known to history by the latter title. 


a part of the territory which the Nawab Vizier had ceded to 
the British government in 1801. The Nipal commissioner 
was unable to disprove this fact, or to show that his govern- 
ment had any claim whatever to the disputed territory. 

The Nipal government dealt with the case in character- 
istic fashion. They recalled their commissioner and stoutly 
maintained that the investigation proved their right to the 
two districts. Lord Minto then brought matters to a crisis. 
He sent an ultimatum to the effect that unless the districts 
were restored they would be recovered by force. The an- 
swer was not received until after the arrival of Lord Moira; 
it was to the effect that the districts belonged to Nipal, and 
would not be surrendered. 

Lord Moira followed up the action of his predecessor by 
sending another ultimatum, fixing the day on which the dis- 
tricts were to be restored. The Nipal government allowed 
the time to pass ; and a British detachment took possession 
of the districts without opposition, and set up pohce stations 
for their protection. 

But although the Ghorka government had treated the 
ultimatum with apparent contempt, the letter of Lord Moira 
had nevertheless created a profoimd sensation, and led to a 
division of parties in Nipal. Bhim Sein Thapa foresaw that 
the local dispute about frontier districts was broadening into 
a question of peace or war. He summoned the Bharadars to 
a council of state at Khatmandu, and twenty-two Bharadars 
assembled to discuss the question. 

Amar Singh, the most renowned general in the Ghorka 
army, was opposed to the war. He had faced Runjeet Singh, 
the "lion" of the Punjab; and he knew something of the 
fighting powers of Englishmen, and the resources of the 
British government. "Fighting against the Newars," he 
said, "was like hunting deer; but fighting against English- 
men would be like battling with tigers." Other chiefs joined 
Amar Singh in deprecating a collision with the British gov- 
ernment; but Bhim Sein Thapa held a different opinion. 
"What power," he asked, "can fight against us in Nipal? 




Not even the great Alexander of Macedon could carry his 
rams into our mountains.' Our hills and fastnesses are the 
work of God, and are not to be taken by mortals. As for 
the English, they could not even capture the fortress of 
Bhurtpore, which is the work of men's hands; how then 
shall they reduce our strongholds, which were created by 
the Almighty? There can be no peace between Nipal and 
the English, until the Company have surrendered all their 
provinces to the northward of the Ganges, and made the 
Ganges their boundary against us." 

The council of Bharadars resolved on war; but a war 
after Oriental fashion. They did not make a declaration of 
hostilities, and prepare for a solemn appeal to the God of 
battles ; but they sent a large force into the disputed districts 
which had been recovered by the English, and attacked a 
police station, and slaughtered eighteen police constables. 
The Ghorka army then hastened back to Khatmandu, leav- 
ing the English to make their way through the swamps and 
forests of the Terai and climb the heights of the Himalayas, 
before they could exact retribution for the cowardly crime. 

Lord Moira soon planned a campaign against Nipal. 
Four British divisions, aggregating thirty thousand men 
and sixty guns, proceeded to enter Nipal at four different 
points: the western column on the Sutlej, the eastern col- 
umn on Khatmandu, and the other two columns on inter- 
mediate positions. 

The operations of 1814 proved very nearly a failure. The 
Ghorkas exhibited a pluck and bravery which took the 
English by surprise. General Gillespie, the hero of Vellore, 
who commanded one of the columns, was shot dead while 
recklessly attempting to storm a mountain fortress without 
a siege train. Other generals showed a strange incompe- 
tency, and one of them on setting out was so alarmed at the 

' Alexander the Great is known to Asiatics by the name of Sekunder. Bhim 
Sein Thapa alluded to him as Sekunder, but the name would convey no idea to 
English readers, and has accordingly been modified in the text. 


density of the forests in the Terai that he galloped back to 
Dinapore, leaving his division behind him. 

General David Ochterlony, who commanded the division 
advancing by the way of the Siitlej and Ludhiana, was 
pitted against Amar Singh, the Ghorka general who had 
deprecated the war. Ochterlony was a Company's officer 
of the old heroic type. In liis younger days he had fought 
against Hyder Ali in the Carnatic under Sir Eyre Coote. At 
a later day he had held Delhi against the Mahratta army 
under Jaswant Rao Holkar. His advance up the Hima- 
layas was a marvel of caution and audacity. Those who 
have visited Simla will realize the difficulties of his march 
along shelves and precipices, dragging up eighteen- pounders, 
and opening roads by blasting rocks, and battering down ob- 
structions with his field guns. For five months, at the worst 
season of the year, in the teeth of snowstorms and moun- 
tain blasts, he carried one fortress after another, until not 
a stronghold was left in the hands of the enemy excepting 

The fortress of Maloun was situated on a shelf of the 
Himalayas, with steep declivities of two thousand feet on 
two of its sides. Amar Singh was shut up in Maloun. After 
a desperate attack on the British works, he held out till the 
British batteries were about to open on his stronghold, and 
then came to terms, and was permitted to march out with 
the honors of war. 

The fall of Maloun shook the faith of Bhim Sein Thapa 
in his heaven-built fortresses, and he sent commissioners to 
make terms with the British government. He ceded all the 
conquests of the Ghorkas to the westward of the Kali river, 
together with the whole of the Terai ; and he also agreed to 
receive a British Resident at Khatmandu; but nothing was 
said about a subsidiary force. 

The negotiations were closed ; Lord Moira had even signed 
the treaty; when a question arose as to whether the Terai, 
which had been ceded to the English, included the forest on 
the lower slopes of the Himalayas, or only the marshy plain 


at the foot of the mountain. At this moment Amar Singh 
returned to Khatmandu, and persuaded the Bharadars to 
defend their mountain territory to the last, and if conquered 
to retire toward China, rather than yield to the demands of 
the British government. 

Lord Moira, who had been honored with the title of Mar- 
quis of Hastings, at once prepared to renew the war. In the 
beginning of 1816, General Sir David Ochterlony, who had 
been made a baronet, advanced toward Khatmandu with an 
army of twenty thousand men, and defeated the Ghorka 
army within fifty miles of the capital. The original treaty 
was then concluded in hot haste by the Thapa regent ; the 
red seal was attached; peace was concluded at Segowlie, 
and the British army was withdrawn from Nipal. But the 
difference about the Terai was renewed in other forms with 
a tenacity peculiar to the Ghorka character ; it ended by the 
British government tacitly abandoning its rights rather than 
renew the war. The other mountain territory ceded by the 
treaty has, however, proved a valuable acquisition; it has 
furnished sites for the principal hill stations in India — for 
Simla and Mussoorie, Landour, and Nynee Tal. 




A.D. 1815 TO 1833 

IN 1815-16, whOe Sir David Ochterlony was bringing the 
Nipal war to a close, the Pindharies began to make 
raids on British territories. One horde of eight thou- 
sand horsemen swept the Nizam's territories as far south 
as the Kistna river. Another and a larger horde of twenty- 
five thousand Pindharies entered the Madras Presidency and 
plundered three hundred villages on the coast of Coroman- 
del. A third band of five hundred horsemen rode through 
the Peishwa's dominions, and plundered the villages along 
the coast of Malabar for a distance of two hundred miles, 
and then returned up the valley of the Tapti river to their 
homes in Malwa. 

Lord Hastings determined, in spite of all orders to the 
contrary, to take steps for the extermination of these exe- 
crable miscreants. Other Pindhari raids were carried out 
in the cold weather of 1816 and 1817, and confirmed him in 
this resolution. He tried to form such a league with the 
Mahratta powers as would at least prevent them from in- 
terfering in behalf of the Pindharies. At the same time 
he secretly and silently made his own preparations for a 
campaign on such a large scale against the homes of the 
Pindhari hordes as would insure their destruction once and 

Meanwhile the horrible details of Pindhari atrocities were 


told in England, and created a revulsion of public opinion. 
Even the Mahrattas were forgotten in the stern resolution 
to punish the Pindharies and put an end to their cruel raids. 
Stories were related of villages surrounded by swarms of 
savage banditti; of fire and sword, rapine, murder, torture, 
and outrage, which spread universal alarm, and were proved 
by unquestionable testimony. At the approach of the Pin- 
dharies, fathers were known to pile firewood round their 
dwellings, and perish with all their families in flames kin- 
dled by their own hands; and in some cases the whole 
female population of a village threw themselves into wells 
rather than fall into the hands of such merciless marauders. 
Under such circumstances the home authorities violated their 
own policy of non-intervention, and hastened to sanction the 
most vigorous measures for the protection of British sub- 
jects. The British cabinet concurred with the Court of 
Directors in authorizing hostilities against Sindia, Holkar, 
or any other native power, that should venture to protect 
the Pindharies against the just resentment of the British 

At this moment, and indeed for some years previously, 
the British government was aware that certain secret in- 
trigues were being carried on at Poona by Baji Rao Peishwa, 
and his minister Trimbukji Dainglia, with Sindia and Hol- 
kar's governments, and even with the Pindhari leaders. 
The main object of these intrigues was to re-establish po- 
litical relations with Sindia and Holkar contrary to the 
treaty of Bassein; to restore the Peishwa to the head- 
ship of the Mahratta empire; and to form a general con- 
federacy of native powers for the overthrow of the British 

The objects which the Peishwa and his minister had in 
view might possibly be justified as patriotic efforts to throw 
off a foreign yoke ; but the underhand means employed to 
carry them out were of a nature to provoke the hostility of 
the British government. The Peishwa had certain money 
claims against the Nizam of Hyderabad and the Gaekwar 


of Baroda ; and these claims were to have been settled by 
the arbitration of the British government in accordance with 
the treaty of Bassein. But the Peishwa evaded all such ar- 
bitration, and it was discovered that these claims were used 
as a cover for carrying on secret negotiations with the Nizam 
and the Gaekwar, like those which had been carried on with 
Sindia, Holkar, and the Pindhari leaders. 

In 1815 it was proposed that the Gaekwar should send 
his minister to Poona to settle the claims of the Peishwa 
against Baroda. This minister was a Brahman of high 
caste, named Gungadhur Shastri. His sacred character 
would have insured his safety in any other court in India; 
but the unscrupulous treachery of Baji Rao was notorious, 
and the Shastri would not go to Poona until the British 
government guaranteed his safety. 

Gungadhur Shastri was coldly received at Poona. He 
was suspected of being a friend of the British government, 
and was treated with so much reserve and covert hostility 
that he prepared to return to Baroda. His departure, how- 
ever, would have put an end to all further communications 
with the Gaekwar. Accordingly the Peishwa and his min- 
ister turned round, and won him over by flattery and cajol- 
ery. The Shastri was told that the Peishwa had been so 
much struck by his talents that he was to be appointed min- 
ister at Poona directly the claims against Baroda were set- 
tled. Moreover, a marriage was arranged between the son 
of the Shastri and a sister-in-law of the Peishwa. 

The result of this cajolery was that Gungadhur Shastri 
was brought to agree to a settlement of the claims which 
was more favorable to the Peishwa than to the Gaekwar. 
The proposals were sent to Baroda for ratification, but the 
Gaekwar was very angry and sent no reply. The Shastri 
became alarmed; he was afraid that the Gaekwar would 
think that he had neglected his master's interests in order 
to form a marriage connection with the Peishwa. Accord 
ingly he broke off the marriage. 

The Peishwa was mortally offended at this proceeding, 


but betrayed no sign of anger to the Shastri. On the con- 
trary, the Shastri was treated with more kindness and cor- 
diality than ever. He was invited to accompany the Peishwa 
and his minister on a pilgrimage to the temple of Punderpore. 
He was warned of danger, but was too much puffed up with 
the deference paid to him to take any heed. He went to 
Punderpore, dined with the Peishwa, proceeded to the tem- 
ple, performed his devotions, took leave of the Peishwa and 
minister on the veranda of the temple, and set out to return 
to Poona. He had scarcely gone three hundred yards from 
the temple gateway when he was attacked and cut to pieces 
by assassins who had been hired by the minister, Trimbukji 

There was no doubt of the guilt of Trimbukji DaingHa. 
Mr. Elphinstone, the British Resident at Poona, investigated 
the case, and found that it was Trimbukji who hired the as- 
sassins. The general voice of the country pronounced that 
Trimbukji was the murderer of the Brahman. There was 
no moral doubt that the Peishwa was also implicated, but 
that was allowed to pass. The British government had 
guaranteed the safety of the Shastri, and the Peishwa 
was called upon to surrender the murderer. The Peish- 
wa tried to evade the demand, but was at last terrified 
into compliance; and Trimbukji was placed under confine- 
ment in the fortress of Thanna on the island of Salsette, 
near Bombay. 

Trimbukji Dainglia was confined at Thanna from Sep- 
tember, 1815, to December, 1816. To prevent the possibility 
of escape, his guard was composed entirely of Europeans. 
He felt that his case was hopeless. He admitted to the 
officers of his guard that he had planned the murder of the 
Shastri, but declared that he only acted under the orders of 
the Peishwa. Subsequently Baji Rao managed to commu- 
nicate with his favorite. A Mahratta horsekeeper in the 
service of one of the officers of the garrison passed the win- 
dow of the prisoner every day with his master's horse. He 
carelessly sung a Mahratta song under the window, which 


the European guards neither understood nor suspected, but 
which told the ex-minister how to escape.' A number of 
Mahratta horsemen were lying in wait in the neighborhood, 
and one night Trimbukji Dainglia was missing. He had 
escaped over the wall, joined the party of horsemen, and 
fled northward to the hills and jungles of Kandeish, where 
he found refuge among the Bhils. No one doubted that 
Baji Rao had abetted the escape of his favorite; but 
nothing could be proved, and the matter was allowed to 

All this while, however, the Peishwa was actively but 
secretly negotiating with Sindia, Holkar, Amir Khan, and 
the Pindhari leaders, against the British government. He 
was enhsting troops in all directions, and sending large sums 
of money to Trimbukji Dainglia to enable him to raise a 
force in like manner. Subsequently Mr. Elphinstone dis- 
covered that Trimbukji had assembled an army within 
fifty miles of Poona. The Peishwa denied all knowledge 
of the fact, but continued to aid and abet his exiled 
favorite, and encouraged him to make war on the British 

The conduct of Baji Rao Peishwa at this crisis was as 
provoking to Lord Hastings as the conduct of Jaswant Rao 
Holkar had been to Lord Wellesley. It threatened to inter- 
fere with his plans for the extermination of the Pindharies. 
Lord Hastings had been most anxious to avoid a breach with 
Baji Rao, and had consequently ignored the Peishwa's con- 
nivance at the murder of the Shastri and escape of the min- 

Bishop Heber turned the Mahratta ballad into English verse as follows : 

"Behind the bush the bowmen hide 
The horse beneath the tree. 
Where shall I find the kniglit will ride 
The jungle paths with me? 

"There are flve-and-fifty coursers there, 
And four-and-fifty men ; 
When the fifty -fifth shall mount his steed, 
The Dekhan thrives again." 

— Ilebe/''s Journal. 


ister. But Baji Rao was enlisting large bodies of troops ia 
spite of the Resident's remonstrances; and he was placing 
his forts in a state of preparation, and sending his treasures 
out of Poena. At the same time the number of rebels under 
Trimbukji was increasing daily. It was obvious that the 
Peishwa was engaged in a conspiracy against the British 
government in order to effect the restoration of Trimbukji 
Dainglia to power, and possibly to carry out designs of a 
more serious character. 

At last in April, 1817, Mr. Elphinstone told the Peishwa 
that unless he put a stop to his hostile preparations, active 
measures would be taken against him by the British govern- 
ment. The Peishwa was now alarmed, and made a show of 
disbanding troops; but all this while he was raising fresh 
levies, and re-enlisting the disbanded troops in other quar- 
ters. In May the Resident sent an ultimatum ; and after 
endless evasions and delays the Peishwa came to terms, 
and delivered up three important fortresses as pledges of 
his future good behavior. In June, 1817, a treaty was con- 
cluded at Poena, under which the Peishwa ceded a consider- 
able territory, and pledged himself to hold no further com- 
munication with any power whatever, Mahratta or otherwise, 
excepting the British government. 

Lord Hastings was at this time completing his military 
preparations; he was assembling the largest army that had 
ever appeared in India under British colors. Lord Corn- 
wallis brought thirty thousand men to bear against Tippu. 
Lord Wellesley assembled nearly sixty thousand during the 
second Mahratta war. Lord Hastings called together the 
armies of the three Presidencies, which, together with na- 
tive contingents and irregular troops, numbered nearly a 
hundred and twenty thousand strong. He was resolved 
not only to exterminate the Pindharies, but to take deci- 
sive measures with the three predatory powers — Sindia, 
Holkar, and Amir Khan. 

Lord Hastings planned a campaign for placing the Pin- 
dharies between two fires ; between the Bengal army from 


the north under his own command, and the Madras army 
from the south under Sir Thomas Hislop. On the north 
four Bengal divisions were to march from the Jumna, and 
to close round Malwa from the side of Bundelkund, Agra, 
and Rajputana. At the same time four Madras divisions 
were to move from the south, cross the Nerbudda, and 
drive the Pindharies out of their haunts toward the river 
Chambal, where a Bengal force was lying in wait to receive 

The three predatory powers were aware of the movements 
of the Madras army from the southward, but they had no 
inkling of the decisive operations which Lord Hastings pro- 
posed to carry out on the northward from the side of Ben- 
gal. They imagined that the greater part of the British 
forces on the Madras side were to be employed in defend- 
ing the frontiers of the Nizam, the Raja of Nagpore, and 
the British possessions. They expected that a British de- 
tachment would make a push upon the homes of the Pin- 
dharies to the northward of the Nerbudda ; but they calcu- 
lated that the Pindharies would hide themselves for a while, 
either by enlisting in the predatory armies of the three 
powers, or by refusing to remote villages. Moreover, they 
chuckled over the idea that when the storm had blown 
over, and the British troops had returned to cantonments, 
the Pindharies would revenge the British attack on their 
homes by still more savage and extensive raids on British 

Daulat Rao Sindia was the most decided supporter of 
the Pindharies. As far back as 1816 he engaged to help 
in the expulsion of the Pindharies ; but he hoped to evade 
his promise by some delusive action against the Pindha- 
ries, which might be managed in concert with their chiefs. 
He permitted the British to establish posts in his terri- 
tories for operations against the Pindharies, but made no 
attempt to co-operate with the British officers for the de- 
struction of his old retainers. On the contrary, his officers 
maintained cordial relations with the Pindhari leaders, in 


spite of the remonstrances of Captain Close, the British 

In 1817, at the beginning of the campaign, Daulat Rao 
Sindia was asked to issue orders for the friendly reception of 
the Madras army, which was crossing the Nerbudda into his 
territories in order to dislodge the Pindharies from his do- 
minions. He was thunderstruck at the demand, and said 
that it required time for consideration. He was told by 
Captain Close that deliberation was out of the question; 
that the Madras forces were hastening northward on the 
faith that he was acting in concert with them for the ex- 
tirpation of the Pindharies ; and that these movements were 
combined with those of the Bengal army, which was about 
to cross the Jumna under the command of the Governor- 
General in person. 

Sindia saw that he was outwitted, and in imminent dan- 
ger of being overwhelmed. He was overawed by the threat- 
ened approach of the Bengal army under Lord Hastings. 
Next day he sent to say that he had despatched orders to 
his officers for the friendly reception of the British troops 
within his own territories. 

Lord Hastings was fully alive to the fact that the sym- 
pathies of the three predatory powers were with the Pin- 
dharies ; and that the Pindharies looked to them for refuge 
and protection during the coming storm. Consequently he 
foresaw that the mere expulsion of the Pindharies from their 
haunts would not secure the peace of India, or prevent the 
revival of the predatory system. Accordingly he resolved 
to disarm the three predatory powers before rooting out the 

Daulat Rao Sindia soon felt that his powers for mischief 
were ebbing away. He was told that he had violated ex- 
isting treaties by carrying on secret negotiations with the 
Peishwa, as well as with Runjeet Singh, the ruler of the 
Punjab. Nevertheless Lord Hastings was willing to leave 
him in possession of his territories, but was determined to 
deliver the Rajput states out of the clutches of the preda- 


tory powers by reviving the protective treaties that had been 
annulled by Sir George Barlow. 

At this crisis Daulat Rao Sindia was singularly unlucky. 
While solemnly protesting that he had carried on no negotia- 
tions contrary to treaty, two of his messengers were arrested 
on the road to Nipal conveying letters to the Ghorka govern- 
ment at Khatmandu. Other letters were discovered between 
the leaves of a Sanskrit book, which had been glued together, 
and concealed among the baggage of the messengers. The 
contents proved that Daulat Rao Sindia was making pro- 
posals to the Thapa ministry for a combined attack of 
Ghorkas and Mahrattas on the British government. 

Lord Hastings, however, was not incHned to press mat- 
ters too hardly upon the Mahratta. He directed the British 
Resident to make over the documents to Daulat Rao Sindia 
in open durbar, briefly stating what they were and what 
they contained. Sindia was dumb with astonishment and 
alarm ; he could make no defence whatever. He agreed to 
a new treaty under which the Rajput states, and all other 
native states that desired it, were taken under British pro- 
tection. He also pledged himself to co-operate for the ex- 
pulsion of the Pindharies, and to prevent the future forma- 
tion of any predatory gangs in his dominions. 

Negotiations were next opened with Amir Khan, through 
Mr. Charles Metcalfe, the British Resident at Delhi. The 
Afghan freebooter was growing old, and could not contend 
against the British government. He agreed to a treaty 
which converted a leader of bandits into a prince, and 
turned a predatory power into a native state under the 
guarantee of the British government. In return, Amir 
Khan engaged to abstain from all depredations for the 
future ; to reduce his troops to a specified number ; to sur- 
render his artillery to the British government at a certain 
valuation ; to refrain from all foreign conquest and aggran- 
dizement; to exclude Pindharies and plunderers of every 
kind from his dominions ; and to oppose to the utmost of 
his power the revival of the predatory system. Amir Khan 
India. Vol. II. X— 6 


thus appears in history as the founder of a Muhammadan 
dynasty which is represented to this day by the ISTawab of 
Tonk in Rajputana. 

The territories of Holkar were in a different condition to 
those of Sindia or Amir Khan. The government had been 
rapidly declining ever since the insanity of Jaswant Rao; 
and after his death it had fallen into a state of imbecility, 
and was literally at the mercy of the so-called army of Hol- 
kar. The best provinces were usurped by military chiefs, 
or mutinous bodies of armed men. The regent-mother, 
Tulsi Bai, and the young prince, Mulhar Rao Holkar, had 
sought refuge in a remote fortress from the outrages of the 
turbulent soldiery, who were clamoring for arrears of pay. 
Under such circumstances the regent-mother was naturally 
anxious for British protection against the army. 

In October, 1817, Lord Hastings left Cawnpore and began 
to cross the Jumna ; and the different divisions of his army 
took up the positions assigned them. Meanwhile the Pin- 
dharies had been dislodged from their haunts by the Madras 
army, and fled with their wives and families to the north- 
ward ; and now found themselves checkmated by the Bengal 
forces, and barred out of Rajputana and Bundelkund. They 
were panic-stricken at the open defection of Sindia, and 
knew not where to go. All their anxiety was to avoid a 
conflict with the British troops. One body managed to 
escape in a southerly direction, with the loss of nearly all 
its baggage; the rest were forced to abandon their horses 
and hide themselves in the jungles, where numbers perished 
miserably. The body that escaped toward the south received 
a severe defeat, and suffered so much in smaller encounters 
that in the end it was completely dispersed. Many were 
slain in these actions and the subsequent flight; and many 
fell by the hands of the villagers in revenge for their former 

In this state of misery and despair some of the Pindhari 
leaders threw themselves upon the mercy of the conquerors. 
Khurim was provided with a landed estate in British terri- 


tory, and permitted to reside there with his family. Chetu 
was killed in the jungles by a tiger. Several of the subordi- 
nate chiefs, and some of their followers, were settled in ag- 
ricultural pursuits in the territories of the Nawab of Bhopal, 
and converted into peaceful and profitable subjects. Others 
who survived the conflict mingled with the population and 
melted away, insomuch that after a very few years not a 
trace of the Pindhari gangs remained. 



A.D. 1817 TO 1823 

FROM the very beginning of the Pindhari war the atten- 
tion of Lord Hastings was distracted by untoward 
events. He had hoped to suppress the predatory sys- 
tem in India, without disturbing one of the estabhshed prin- 
cipalities, or adding a rood of land to the British empire. 
This politic intention was thwarted by sheer force of circum- 
stances. While he was advancing against the Pindharies, 
Daulat Rao Sindia and Amir Khan remained true to their 
engagements, but the Peishwa, the Raja of Nagpore, and 
the army of Holkar, broke out in open hostilities to the Brit- 
ish government, and his hopes of maintaining the existing 
political system were at an end. 

Baji Rao Peishwa could no more keep the treaty of Poona 
than he could keep that of Bassein. It was equally opposed 
to his nature as a Mahratta, his culture as a Brahman, and 
his experiences as a Peishwa. It was just as reasonable to 
suppose that he could remain at Poona content with the loss 
of his suzerainty, as to suppose that the first Napoleon would 
have remained at Elba content with the loss of his empire. 

Meantime Baji Rao Peishwa was playing his old game 
of duphcity. He had signed the treaty of Poona in June, 
1817, and he then tried to throw dust in the eyes of the 
British Resident by pretending to disband his army. He 
discharged large bodies of cavalry, but gave the officers 
seven months' pay in advance, and sent them to their re- 
spective villages with orders to return to Poona with their 


friends and followers directly they received his summons. 
In July he left Poona, and went on a pilgrimage to the tem- 
ples of Punderpore, the scene of the murder of Gungadhur 
Shastri. From Punderpore he went to another sacred place, 
named Maholi, which was situated near Satara, the later 
capital of the dynasty of Sivaji. 

At this crisis Sir John Malcolm was at Poona, busied 
with political arrangements connected with the approaching 
Pindhari war. Malcolm knew the Peishwa well, having 
accompanied him on his restoration to Poona in 1803. Ac- 
cordingly Malcolm received a pressing invitation from Baji 
Rao to visit him at Maholi, and readily accepted it in the 
hope of reconciling the Peishwa to his new situation. Baji 
Rao welcomed Malcolm most cordially, spoke of his restora- 
tion in 1803, declared that John Malcolm and Arthur Welles- 
ley were his best friends, and dilated on his lasting gratitude 
to the English. But he was evidently smarting under the 
treaty of Poona. He bitterly complained of his loss of po- 
sition and territory, and especially harped upon the three 
fortresses which he had been forced to surrender as pledges 
of his good faith. 

An oflScer of Malcolm's experience ought to have known 
that Baji Rao was only cajoling him, in the hope of getting 
back the three fortresses before committing himself to a war. 
But Malcolm believed in the sincerity of the Peishwa, and 
tried to soothe him with promises of futiu-e reward and con- 
sideration. He explained the coming operations against the 
Pindharies, and exhorted the Peishwa to co-operate heartily 
with the Enghsh during the campaign. He then returned 
to Poona, so convinced of the good faith of the Peishwa that 
he actually induced Mr. Elphinstone to restore the three 

Elphinstone however had lost all faith in Baji Rao. He 
restored the fortresses because he would not throw cold 
water on Malcolm's hopes; but he was by no means carried 
away by Malcolm's generous enthusiasm, and events soon 
proved that Elphinstone was in the right. 


Baji Rao returned to Poona in September, and took enor- 
mous numbers of horsemen into his pay, declaring that he 
was going to make war on the Pindharies. Elphinstone 
was not deluded, for Baji Rao was enlisting double the num- 
ber of troops that could possibly be required. Moreover, Baji 
Rao evaded sending any troops to the northward, although 
their presence was urgently required on the Nerbudda, At 
the same time he was putting his fortresses into a state of 
defence, strengthening the garrisons, and storing them with 
provisions and treasure. It was also discovered that he was 
trying to seduce the English sepoys from their allegiance by 
bribes and promises; sending secret emissaries to the Raja 
of Nagpore, as well as to Sindia, Holkar, and Amir Khan ; 
and planning to assassinate Elphinstone, either by treacher- 
ously inviting him to an interview, or by surrounding the 
Residency with a rebel force under Trimbukji Dainglia. 

Elphinstone knew pretty well what was going on, but 
was anxious not to precipitate a rupture, and accordingly 
proceeded very cautiously with his preparations for defence. 
The Poona Subsidiary Force under General Smith had gone 
to the northward to join in the operations against the Pin- 
dharies; but a detachment remained at Poona, and Elphin- 
stone obtained the services of a European regiment from 
Bombay. The whole British force at Poona only numbered 
two thousand sepoys and eight hundred European soldiers; 
and it was deemed expedient to remove the troops from 
Poona to Khirki, a village about four miles from the British 

The arrival of the European regiment from Bombay was 
the one thing above all others which disconcerted Baji Rao. 
For more than sixty years the presence of a European regi- 
ment had been regarded with terror by every native prince. 
Accordingly, on the arrival of the Europeans, Baji Rao 
feigned to be alarmed at the intentions of the British govern- 
ment. He threatened to withdraw from Poona unless the 
European regiment was sent back to Bombay. The removal 
of the British force to Khirki reassured him; he ascribed it 


to fear. On tlie 5th of November Elphinstone himself left 
the Residency and joined the force at Khirki. 

Baji Rao was at this time buoyed up by false hopes. He 
beheved that Daulat Rao Sindia and Amir Khan had taken 
the field against the British government. He knew that the 
Raja of Nagpore and the army of Holkar were preparing to 
support him. Accordingly on the afternoon of the day that 
Elphinstone left the Residency, Baji Rao attacked the British 
force at Khirki with an army of eighteen thousand horse, 
eight thousand foot, and fourteen pieces of artillery. Not- 
withstanding these overwhelming numbers, he was repulsed 
with the loss of five hundred killed and wounded. That 
same night the Residency was plundered and burned, and 
Elphinstone lost a magnificent library which no money could 

The Subsidiary Force under General Smith, which had 
been sent to co-operate against the Pindharies, had already 
been recalled to Poona. It soon made its appearance, and 
prepared to attack the Peishwa's army on the morning of 
the 17th of November. But the heart of Baji Rao had 
already failed him. He left Poona on the night of the 16th, 
and thus surrendered his dominions without a blow. The 
British troops occupied Poona, and General Smith set out in 
pursuit of Baji Rao. 

Meanwhile the Raja of Nagpore secretly made common 
cause with the Peishwa. Rughoji Bhonsla died in 1816; his 
son and successor was an idiot, and his nephew Appa Sahib 
became regent. The idiot was murdered by Appa Sahib, and 
the regent became Raja without any discovery of his crime. 
Appa Sahib conciliated the English bj^- concluding a sub- 
sidiary treaty. At the same time he secretly maintained 
an active correspondence with the Peishwa, and played the 
same game as the Peishwa. He was somewhat sobered by 
the treaty of Poona, which Baji Rao had been compelled 
to accept in June ; but he soon renewed his secret negotia- 
tions with the Peishwa, and began to levy troops on a large 
scale. When news arrived of the attack on the British Resi- 


dency at Poona, Appa Sahib talked at great length to Mr. 
Jenkins, the Resident at Nagpore, on the treachery of Baji 
Rao, and the impossibility that he should ever be induced 
to follow so bad an example; yet ail this while Appa 
Sahib was preparing to falsify every protestation by mak- 
ing common cause with the Peishwa against the British 

The story reveals the double-faced duplicity of the Mah- 
ratta. In November, 1817, when Baji Rao was already at 
war with the English, he appointed Appa Sahib to the hon- 
orable but nominal post of commander-in-chief of the army 
of the Peishwa. Such empty dignities had been common 
enough in the palmy days of the Mahratta empire, and often 
served to revive the fading loyalty of a disaffected feuda- 
tory, and bind him in closer allegiance to his suzerain. But 
such an appointment in November, 1817, was a gross viola- 
tion of the treaties of Bassein and Poona, and was obviously 
made for the purpose of drawing Appa Sahib into hostilities 
with the British government. 

On the night of the 24th of November Appa Sahib sent 
word to Mr. Jenkins that he had accepted the post of com- 
mander-in-chief of the army of the Peishwa, and was to be 
invested with the insignia of office on the following morning 
in the presence of all his troops ; and he invited Mr. Jenkina 
to be present on the occasion, and requested that a salute 
might be fired by the English in honor of the investiture. 
Mr. Jenkins declined having anything to do with the cere- 
mony, and warned the Raja that it might lead to dangerous 

Next morning Mr. Jenkins discovered that treachery was 
abroad. All communication between the city of Nagpore 
and the Residency had been interdicted by the Raja; and 
the Raja and his ministers were sending their families and 
valuables out of the city. He foresaw that an attack would 
be made on the Residency; and he ordered up the British 
troops from the neighboring cantonment, and posted them 
on the Sitabuldi hill, between the Residency and the city of 


Nagpore. On the following evening the Raja brought up 
all his forces and began the attack on the hill. 

The battle of Sitabuldi is famous in the annals of British 
India. The English had no European regiment on the spot, 
as they had at Khirki ; they had scarcely fourteen hundred 
sepoys fit for duty, including three troops of Bengal cavalry, 
and only four six-pounders. Appa Sahib had an army of 
eighteen thousand men, including four thousand Arabs, the 
best soldiers in the Dekhan; he had also thirty-six guns. 
The battle lasted from six o'clock in the evening of the 26th 
of November until noon the next day. For many hours the 
English were in sore peril ; their fate seemed to hang upon a 
thread. The Arabs were beginning to close round the Resi- 
dency, when a happy stroke of British daring changed the 
fortunes of the day. 

Captain Fitzgerald, who commanded the Bengal cavalry, 
was posted in the Residency compound and was anxious to 
charge the Arabs ; but he was forbidden by the commander 
of the British forces. Again he implored permission, but 
was told to charge at his peril. "On my peril be it!" cried 
Fitzgerald, and gave the word to charge. Clearing the 
enclosures, the Bengal cavalry bore down upon the enemy's 
horse, captured two guns, and cut up a body of infantry. 
The British sepoys posted on the hill hailed the exploit 
with loud huzzahs, and seeing the explosion of one of the 
enemy's tumbrels, they rushed down the hill, driving the 
Arabs before them like sheep. The victory was won, but 
the English had lost a quarter of their number in killed 
and wounded. 

Foiled in this treacherous attempt, Appa Sahib sent en- 
voys to Mr. Jenkins to express his sorrow, and to deny 
having authorized the attack. Reinforcements were now 
pouring in from all directions ; but Mr. Jenkins affected to 
believe the statement of the Raja, and even promised to be 
reconciled, provided he disbanded his troops. But Appa 
Sahib was still playing his old game. He continued his 
correspondence with the Peishwa, and stirred up his own 


chiefs to rebellious outbreaks, in order to keep his territories 
in a state of alarm and disorder. 

At this juncture it was discovered that Appa Sahib had 
been guilty of the mui-der of his predecessor. Under these 
circumstances he was arrested, and sent as a prisoner to 
Allahabad ; but on the way he managed to bribe his guards 
and make his escape. Henceforth Appa Sahib was a fugi- 
tive ; and after a precarious existence for many years in the 
Vindhya and Satpura mountains, he finally found refuge in 
the territories of the Raja of Jodhpur.' 

An infant grandson of Rughoji Bhonsla, aged nine, was 
then placed upon the throne of Nagpore. He was a son of 
Rughoji's daughter, but was formally adopted by Rughoji*s 
widow in order that he might take the name of Bhonsla. 
The widow was appointed regent, "but her authority was 
nominal, as the whole administration was placed in the 
charge of Mr. Jenkins until the boy Raja attained his 

Affairs in Holkar's state of Indore ran nearly in the 
same groove as at Nagpore, but the circumstances were 
different. The regent-mother, Tulsi Bai, was no longer anx- 
ious to place the infant, Mulhar Rao Holkar, under the pro- 
tection of the British government. The Peishwa had re- 
duced the army of Holkar to obedience by discharging all 
arrears of pay out of his own treasury. The regent-mother 
and her ministers recovered their ascendency over the sol- 
diery, avowed themselves the partisans of the Peishwa, and 
led the army toward the south to make war upon the British 
government in support of the Peishwa. 

At this moment, the Madras army, under Sir Thomas 

1 The Raja of Jodhpur was called upon to surrender Appa Sahib to the Brit- 
ish authorities, but pleaded that he would be disgraced in the eyes of his brother 
chieftains in Eajputana, if he gave up a fugitive who had found an asylum within 
his territories. As Appa Sahib had not committed an offence which placed him 
outside the bar of mercy, and as he was powerless for further mischief, the plea 
was admitted on the Jodhpur Raja becoming responsible for his good behavior. 
In the end a provision was made for the support of the wretched exile, and hia 
latter days were soothed by the medical attendance of the English doctor at the 
Jodhpur Residency. 


Hislop, was moving northward in pursuit of the Pindharies. 
In December, 1817, it met the army of Holkar near Ujain; 
and Sir John Malcolm, who accompanied the Madras army 
in a diplomatic capacity, opened up negotiations with the 
regent-mother and her ministers. The latter seemed inclined 
to come to an arrangement with the British government; 
but the military chiefs were bent on war, and suspected that 
the ministers and regent-mother were making secret terms 
with the British authorities. Accordingly the army rose 
against their rulers, put the ministers under confinement, 
and carried off the regent-mother to a neighboring river and 
cruelly beheaded her on the bank, and threw her remains 
into the stream. 

The barbarous murder of a woman and a princess cut off 
all hope of pacification. An action was inevitable; indeed, 
the army of Holkar began operations by plundering the En- 
glish baggage. The battle was fought at Mehidpore on the 
21st of December, 1817. Sir John Malcolm commanded 
the English troops on that occasion, and gained a complete 
victory. The army of Holkar was utterly routed, and all 
their guns and military stores fell into the hands of the 

The Mahratta powers were thus prostrate, and Lord 
Hastings prepared to construct the new pohtical system, 
which has continued without material change down to the 
present day. The arrangements with Sindia, Amir Khan, 
and the infant Raja of Nagpore, were already completed, or 
were in course of completion. It may, however, be added, 
that Sindia was required to cede the territory of Ajmir in 
Rajputana; as it was deemed essential to the security of the 
public peace in India to shut out all Mahratta influences 
from Rajputana. The only princes remaining to be dealt 
with were Baji Rao Peishwa and Mulhar Rao Holkar. 

The Peishwa had fled from Poena southward toward 
Satara. He sought to strengthen his hereditary claims on 
the allegiance of the Mahratta powers by causing the pag- 
eant Raja of Satara to be brought to Ms camp. His move- 


ments, however, were little more than desperate efforts to 
avoid a collision with the British forces in pursuit; and all 
hope of recovering his position as suzerain of the Mahratta 
empire died out of his restless brain, and reduced him to the 
depths of despair. 

The glorious defence of Korygaum belongs to this inter- 
val ; it was regarded as the most brilliant exploit of the war, 
and is celebrated to this day in Mahratta songs in all parts 
of the Dekhan. A detachment of Bombay sepoys and irreg- 
ular horse, not exceeding eight hundred men, reached the 
village of Korygaum, on the bank of the river Bhima, under 
the command of Captain Staunton. There were only ten 
English officers and twenty-four European artillerymen with 
two six-pounders. Suddenly Staunton saw the whole army 
of the Peishwa drawn up on the opposite bank, to the num- 
ber of twenty-five thousand horsemen and about six thou- 
sand Arab and Gosain infantry. Staunton at once occupied 
the village of Korygaum, and prepared for defence. The 
enemy surrounded the village with horse and foot, while 
three picked bodies of infantry attempted to storm the En- 
glish position with rockets. Then followed a series of charges 
and repulses which lasted till nightfall. Without provisions, 
and without water — for all access to the river was cut off — 
the Bombay sepoys and their European officers fought with 
a pluck and desperation which broke the spirit of the enemy. 
Staunton lost a third of his sepoys, and eight out of his ten 
officers; but the Mahrattas left six hundred killed and 
wounded on the field. Baji Rao witnessed the whole ac- 
tion from a neighboring hill, and was beside himself with 
anger and mortification. Next morning his army refused to 
renew the fight, and rapidly disappeared from the scene. 

For six months longer Baji Rao remained at large, but 
his career was run. There was another battle at Ashti, but 
he cowardly fled at the first shot, leaving his army to be de- 
feated by General Smith, while the pageant Raja of Satara 
fell into the hands of the English. Indeed, from a very 
early period, the defection of Daulat Rao Sindia, the de- 


struction of the Pindharies, the crushing defeat of the army 
of Holkar, and the deposition of Appa Sahib at ISTagpore, had 
combined to deprive Baji Rao of all hope of recovering his 
throne, and to render his capture a mere question of time. 

The Peishwa was doomed to extinction. The treaty of 
Bassein had failed to break up the Mahratta confederacy ; it 
had failed to prevent the Mahratta states from regarding 
the Peishwa as their lawful suzerain, and leaguing under 
his authority against the British government. Nagpore and 
Holkar had waged war against the British government in 
obedience to the call of the Peishwa; and Sindia would 
probably have done the same had he not been taken by sur- 
prise, and bound over to keep the peace before committing 
himself to a suicidal war. 

It was thus obvious to Lord Hastings that the abdication 
of Baji Rao would have proved wholly insufficient to secure 
the peace of India. To have set up another Peishwa in his 
room would only have led to a revival of the old intrigues 
against the British government. To have transferred the 
territories of the Peishwa to a prince bearing another title 
would have proved equally dangerous and delusive. The 
other Mahratta powers would still have deemed it their duty 
to award to the new prince the indefeasible right of the 
Peishwa to command their armies, in spite of the change 
of name ; and Poona would have continued to be the rally- 
ing point for disaffection, not only to every Mahratta feu- 
datory, but possibly to every Hindu prince in India. Ac- 
cordingly, Lord Hastings determined that henceforth the 
Mahrattas should be without a Peishwa. 

It was a question whether the Raja of Satara might not 
have been raised from the condition of a pageant to that of 
sovereign of Poona. But the representative of Sivaji had 
long been shut up as an idol at Satara, and was now a for- 
gotten idol. The traditions of the once famous Bhonsla 
family had lost their hold on the Mahrattas. The dynasty 
of Sivaji had been superseded by the dynasty of Brahmans; 
and the descendant of Sivaji could no more have been re- 


stored to sovereignty than the descendant of the Great Mo- 
ghul. Accordingly, Lord Hastings resolved to abolish the 
Peishwa, annex his territories, and reduce Baji Rao to the 
condition of Napoleon at St. Helena. He delivered the Raja 
of Satara from the thraldom of generations, and assigned a 
territory for his support out of the possessions of the Peishwa. 

In June, 1818, Baji Rao was surrounded by British troops 
under the command of Sir John Malcolm, and had no alter- 
native but to die sword in hand, or throw himself on the 
mercy of the British government. The terms offered by 
Malcolm were so liberal as to excite much controversy. 
While the great Napoleon was condemned to pass his last 
days on a solitary rock in the southern ocean, with a com- 
parative pittance for his maintenance, the ex-Peishwa was 
permitted to live in luxury in the neighborhood of Cawnpore 
on a yearly stipend of eighty thousand pounds. Trimbukji 
Dainglia was captured shortly afterward, and was doomed 
to spend the remainder of his days in close confinement in 
the fortress of Chunar. 

Lord Hastings refused to annex Holkar's territories. The 
hostile action of the army of Holkar had compelled the Brit- 
ish government to treat the shattered principality of Indore 
as an enemy; but Lord Hastings had no desire to annihilate 
the remains of Holkar's government, or to dethrone the fam- 
ily of Jaswant Rao. Accordingly the Holkar state was re- 
quired to cede certain territories, and to confirm the grants 
it had already made to Amir Khan ; it was also required to 
surrender its international life, and become a subsidiary state 
under the guarantee of the British government. But in all 
other respects the infant Mulhar Rao Holkar was treated as 
an independent prince, and the administration was left in 
the hands of the ministers and durbar, aided by the advice 
of the British Resident. 

The policy of Lord Hastings did not meet with the full 
approval of his contemporaries, but its success is proved by 
the after history. From the extinction of the Peishwas in 
1818, and the suppression of the Pindharies, there has been 


no serious attempt at an armed confederation of native states 
against the British government. Possibly had Lord Welles- 
ley extinguished the Great Moghul as thoroughly as Lord 
Hastings extinguished the Mahratta Peishwa, the mutinies 
of 1857 might never have occurred, Delhi might have been 
as loyal as Poona, and any outbreak of deluded sepoys would 
have hurt no one but themselves. 

In other directions the administration of Lord Hastings 
marks a new era in the history of India. He was the first 
Governor-General that countenanced and encouraged the 
education of the native populations. Previous to his time it 
had been the popular idea that the ignorance of the natives 
insured the security of British rule ; but Lord Hastings de- 
nounced this view as treason against British sentiment, and 
promoted the establishment of native schools and native 
journals. In so doing he was in advance of his time, and 
consequently he was condemned in his generation. 

The dealings of Lord Hastings with the Nizam's govern- 
ment have been much criticised. The Nizam profited by the 
extinction of the Peishwa more than any other native prince 
in India, for he was relieved by the British government from 
the Mahratta claims for arrears of chout, which had himg 
like a millstone on the necks of the rulers of Hyderabad for 
the greater part of a century. But the Nizam eschewed aU 
business, and cared only for his pleasures. A Hindu gran- 
dee named Chandu Lai was placed at the head of the admin- 
istration, and found it necessary to keep on good terms with 
both the Nizam and the British government, much in the 
same way that Muhammad Reza Khan in a previous gen- 
eration had tried to secure his hold on the administration 
of Bengal. The result was that nothing flourished but cor- 
ruption. Every public office was put up for sale; judicial 
decrees could only be purchased by bribes ; the revenues of 
the state were farmed out to the highest bidders; and the 
farmers became all-powerful in the districts, and were left 
to practice every species of oppression and extortion without 
control. In the end the people were driven by exactions to 


become rebels and bandits; villages were deserted; lands 
fell out of cultivation, and provisions rose to famine prices. 

In 1820, Mr. Charles Metcalfe was appointed Resident at 
Hyderabad. Having made a tour of the country, he deemed 
it expedient to place his political assistants, and British offi- 
cers of the Nizam's Contingent,* in charge of different dis- 
tricts, in order to superintend a new revenue settlement, 
check oppression, and control the police. There is no ques- 
tion that this measure contributed largely to the improve- 
ment of the country and well being of the people; but it was 
naturally unpalatable to the Nizam and Chandu Lai, and in 
1829 the supervision of British officers was withdrawn. 

Meanwhile as far back as the year 1814, a bank had been 
established at Hyderabad by a firm known as Palmer & Co. 
It received loans from deposits bearing twelve per cent in- 
terest, and lent the money to the Nizam at twenty-four per 
cent on the security of assignments of land revenue. Ac- 
cording to act of parliament all such transactions were pro- 
hibited to British subjects without the express sanction of 
the Governor- General ; but this sanction had been obtained 
from Lord Hastings, who believed that such dealings were 
better in the hands of European bankers than in those of 
native money-lenders. Moreover, one of the partners had 
married a ward of Lord Hastings ; and thus, under a variety 
of circumstances, the Governor-General was enabled to throw 
the veil of his authority over the transactions of Palmer & Co. 

Mr. Metcalfe reported that this bank had become a source 
of corruption. In 1820, Chandu Lai had obtained the sanc- 
tion of the British government to a new loan of sixty lakhs 
of rupees, or six hundred thousand pounds sterling, nomi- 
nally to pay off and reduce public establishments, to make 

' The Nizam's Contingent was a body altogether different from the Nizanrs 
Subsidiary Force. By the treaty of 1800 the Nizam was bound to furnish a 
Contingent of lifteen thousand troops in time of war, but those which he sup- 
plied during the Mahratta war of 1803 were little better than a rabble. Subse- 
quently the force was reduced in numbers, and its efficiency was increased by 
the employment of British officers ; and it was retained by the Nizam as a per- 
manent force in time of peace for tlie reduction of refractory Zemindars and otlier 
domestic purposes. 


advances to the ryots, and to clear off certain debts due to 
native bankers. Mr. Metcalfe, however, discovered that 
the new loan was a sham. Eight lakhs of the money was 
transferred as a bonus to the partners in Palmer & Co. ; 
while the remainder was appropriated to paying off money 
lent to the Nizam, or said to have been lent to him, without 
the knowledge of the British government. In a word, the 
new loan of sixty lakhs was a deception, which filled the 
pockets of interested parties without liquidating the real 
claims; while, in consequence of the sanction inconsider- 
ately given by Lord Hastings, the British government was 
more or less compromised in the matter. Accordingly it 
was resolved to pay off all debts due by the Nizam to the 
bank, and put an end to the relations between the Nizam's 
government and Palmer & Co. The matter ended in the 
insolvency of the firm. 

The money for paying off the Nizam's debts was provided 
for in a peculiar fashion. Some half a century previously the 
East India Company had agreed to pay the Nizam a yearly 
rent of seventy thousand pounds sterling for the Northern 
Circars; and in spite of political changes this yearly sum 
had been regularly paid down to the time of Lord Hast- 
ings. Accordingly the rent was capitalized, and the money 
was devoted to the payment of the Nizam's debt to Palmer 

The error of judgment committed by Lord Hastings in 
sanctioning the money dealings of Palmer & Co. blotted 
his reputation in the eyes of his contemporaries, and is only 
worthy of record as containing a useful political lesson for 
all time. 

Lord Hastings left India on the 1st of January, 1823, at 
the advanced age of sixty-eight. His last years were embit- 
tered by the reproaches of the Court of Directors ; but he will 
live in history as the Governor-General who carried the im- 
perial policy of Lord Wellesley to its legitimate conclusion, 
and established the British government as the paramount 
power in India. 


Lord Amherst was appointed Governor-General in suc- 
cession to Lord Hastings, but he did not reach India until 
August, 1823. During the interval Mr. Adam, a civil ser- 
vant of the Company, acted as Governor-General; but his 
short administration is only remarkable for his sharp treat- 
ment of the public press. An obnoxious editor named Buck- 
ingham had written unfavorably of government officials in 
a Calcutta newspaper, and was forthwith deprived of his 
license, and sent to England.' Nothing further is known 
of Mr. Adam ; he perished at sea on his return voyage to 

The all-important event in Lord Amherst's administra- 
tion was the first Burmese war of 1834-35 ; but before de- 
scribing the military operations, it may be as well to bring 
the country and people of Burma under review. 

' Before the year 1833 no European was permitted to reside in India unless 
he was in the service of the late East India ComiDany, or had obtained a license 
from the Court of Directors. These restrictions were removed on the renewal 
of the charter of the late East India Company in 1833. 



A.D. 1540 TO 1833 

BURMA is an irregular oblong, lying west and east 
between Bengal and China, and between the Bay 
of Bengal and the kingdom of Siam. On the north 
it touches Assam and Thibet. On the south it runs down- 
ward in a long narrow strip of seaboard, like the tail of an 
animal, and terminates at the Siamese frontier on the river 
Pak Chan. 

Burma includes the valley of the Irawadi, which is des- 
tined at no distant period to play as important a part in the 
eastern world as the valley of the Ganges. Burma proper, 
or Ava, comprises only the upper valley. The lower valley, 
although included in the general term of Burma, is better 
known as Pegu. ' 

The people of Burma belong to the Indo-Chinese race, 
having Mongolian features, with tolerably fair complexions, 
varying from a dusky yellow to a clear whiteness. They 

' Ava, or Burma proper, is an inland country entirely cut off from the sea 
by the territory of Pegu. It has no outlet to the sea excepting by the river Ira- 
wadi, which runs through Pegu, and forms a Delta toward the G-ulf of Martaban. 
In ancient times, and down to the middle of the last century, Ava and Pegu were 
separated into different kingdoms, and were often at war with each other. In- 
deed, there was some obscure antagonism of race, the people of Ava being known 
as Burmans, and the people of Pegu as Talains. Besides Ava and Pegu there 
are two long strips of coast territory facing the Bay of Bengal, which are re- 
spectively known as Arakan and Tenasserim ; l^ut they also formed independent 
kingdoms, and had no political connection with either Ava or Pegu until a recent 
period. Arakan runs northward from the Delta of the Irawadi toward the fron- 
tier of Bengal on the river Naf. Tenasserim runs southward toward the frontier 
of Siam, on the river Pah Chan. Tenasserim is the "territorial tail" indicated 
in the opening paragraph to the present chapter. 


are Buddhists in religion ; converts from the old Vedic wor- 
ship of Indra, Brahma, and other gods, which still lingers 
in the land. They are without caste, without hereditary- 
rank save in the royal family, without nobility save what 
is official and personal, and without any of the prejudices 
which prevail in India as regards early marriages and the 
seclusion of females. They are a joyous race in comparison 
with the grave and self -constrained Hindus ; taking pleasure 
in dramatic performances, singing, music, dancing, buffoon- 
ery, boat-racing, and gambling. They revel in shows and 
processions on gala days, at which young and old of both 
sexes mingle freely together. They indulge in much mirth 
and practical joking at the water festival and other feasts 
which have been handed down from the old nature worship 
of "Vedic times. They are imbued with military sentiments 
akin to those of Rajputs ; and leave all menial appointments 
to slaves and captives. 

Burma is a land of sun and rain. There are no cold 
blasts from the Himalayas like those which sweep over 
Hindustan during the winter season; and the southwest 
monsoon, which begins early in May and lasts till Septem- 
ber, empties its torrents on the soil far more abundantly 
than on the plains of India. The villages are generally on 
the banks of rivers. They consist of wooden huts built on 
piles, so as to be raised above the floods during the rainy 
season. The ordinary villagers seem to saunter through 
life, caring only for their cattle and harvests, their fields, 
fisheries, and fruit-trees; knowing nothing of the outer 
world, and caring for nothing, except as regards famous 
pagodas or renowned places of pilgrimage. All real busi- 
ness is generally transacted by wives and daughters, who 
attend to the cares of the household, and often carry on a 
traffic in the bazar, and are most exemplary in the discharge 
of their religious duties. 

In every village throughout Burma there is at least one 
Buddhist monastery built of wood or brick, with a separate 
building for a monastery school. There are no endowments 


of money or land of any sort or kind. Every morning the 
monks go their rounds tlirough the village, clad in yellow 
robes, and carrj^ing bowls to receive the alms of the villagers 
in cooked food, after the manner of Gotama Buddha and his 
disciples. The daily alms are never wanting, for every Bur- 
mese man and woman is imbued with the faith that by such 
acts of benevolence and loving-kindness they secure a higher 
and better life in the next existence in the chain of transmi- 
grations. When the monks return to the monastery, they 
take their breakfast, which with them is the chief, if not the 
only, meal of the day. The younger monks then engage in 
teaching reading, writing, and arithmetic to a daily gather- 
ing of village boys; while the older monks are teaching the 
sacred language of Pali to more advanced neophytes, or 
studying Pali scriptures, or pondering over the mysteries of 
life and transmigrations of the soul. 

In Burma the pagodas of Buddhists are to be seen every- 
where, and are sometimes substantial buildings of masonry. 
Statues of Buddha are to be found in all parts of the build- 
ing, or in neighboring chapels. There are figures squatting 
on the ground, representing Gotama about to become a 
Buddha; and there are horizontal figures representing Go- 
tama in the act of dying, or entering into the sleep of Nir- 
vana. Sometimes miniature figures are placed in small 
niches ; sometimes there is a colossal statue many feet high. 
The images are covered with gilding, or are painted red, or 
are made of white alabaster, with the features tinted in gold 
and colors. On festival days the pagodas are decked with 
fiags and garlands, and thronged with people of both sexes 
and all ages, who prostrate themselves before some great 
statue of Gotama Buddha, and chant his praises in sacred 
verses. Fathers and mothers go with all their families. 
Infants are carried about, sometimes in arms, but gen- 
erally in baskets yoked to the shoulders like milk-pails. 
Old men and matrons march along with grave counte- 
nances, mingled with swaggering young men in gay at- 
tire, and demure damsels with graceful forms, radiant in 


divers colors and bright adornments, with flowers of every 
hue lighting up their coal-black hair. All go trooping up 
the aisles of the pagoda, to make their prostration to Bud- 
dha; and then they go out into the temple enclosure to ham- 
mer at the pagoda bells with antelopes' horns, as part of 
some mystic rite of which the meaning is forgotten. 

There is one institution in Burma which reveals the 
marked contrast between Hindus and Burmese. In India 
marriages are contracted by the parents between boys and 
girls of a tender age, when the children themselves can have 
no voice in the matter. In Burma marriages are brought 
about by mutual liking, which is developed by an innocent 
custom of pastoral simplicity. The interval between sunset 
and retiring to rest is known as courting-time. Any young 
daughter of a house who is desirous of receiving visitors, 
attires herself in her best, adorns her hair, takes a seat on 
a mat, and places a lamp in her window as a hint that she 
is at home. Meantime all the young fnen of the village 
array themselves in like manner, and pass the hours of 
courting-time in a round of visits, at which there is always 
much talking and laughing. Sometimes the hour may be 
a little late; sometimes there may be a little quarrelling 
between jealous rivals; but as a rule the party breaks up 
at a suitable time without any serious incident to mar the 
pleasure of the evening. In this way young men and maid- 
ens meet and exchange their sentiments in a perfectly inno- 
cent and natural manner, until partners are selected for life, 
marriages are celebrated, and for them the courting time is 

This richly favored country has been exposed from a re- 
mote period to cruel oppressions and bloody wars. It was 
anciently parcelled out, like India, among petty kings, who 
waged frequent wars on each other. There was constant 
rivalry between the Burmese people of Ava on the upper 
valley of the Irawadi and the Talains of Pegu on the lower 
valley. * Other kings warred against each other in like man- 
' See ante, p. 575, note. 


ner; while ever and anon an invading army from China or 
Siam swept over the whole country, and deluged the land 
with blood. Sometimes there were insurrections under a 
rebel prince or schismatic monk, followed by sack and mas- 
sacre without a parallel in recorded history, except among 
Tartar nations. To this day the whole region of Pegu and 
Ava bears the marks of these desolating contests ; and vast 
tracts of culturable lands lie utterly waste from sheer want 
of population. 

In the sixteenth century many Portuguese adventurers 
and desperadoes found a career in Burma. They were for 
the most part the skum of Goa and Malacca: renegade 
priests or runaway soldiers, who had thrown off the re- 
straints of church or army to plunge in the wild license of 
Oriental life, and to reappear as pirates, bravos, or princes 
in the remoter eastern seas. One Portuguese deserter got 
possession of the island of Sundiva at the entrance to the 
Sunderbunds, and created a fleet of pirate-galleys, which 
was the terror of Arakan and eastern Bengal. He was 
followed by an Augustine monk known as Fra Joan. An- 
other scoundrel got possession of a fort at Syriam, over 
against Rangoon, and was the terror of the Burmese kings 
on the Irawadi. Others entered the service of different kings 
of Burma, and often changed the fortunes of war by their 
superior physique and firearms. 

About 1540 a Burmese warrior, named Byeen-noung, I'ose 
to the front, and became a conqueror of renown. ' Originally 
he was governor of Toungoo f then he made himself king of 
the country ; and subsequently he marched an army of Bur- 

' Byeeu-noung is so named in Burmese annals. He was known to the Portu- 
guese as Branginoco. See Faria y Sousa's Portuguese Asia. 

'■' Toungoo, the Portuguese Tangu, lies in the interior of Burma, between 
Pegu and Ava. In the present day it is the frontier district of British Burma. 
In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries it was sometimes a province of Ava, 
sonK'times an independent kingdom, and sometimes the seat of a Burmese em- 
pire ; indeed, at one time the city of Toungoo is said to have been tlie capital 
of Upper Burma or Ava. Such shifting of provinces, kingdoms, empires, and 
capitals is one of the conditions of old Burmese history. 


mans toward the south, and conquered the Talain kingdom 
of Pegu and slew the Talain king. 

Byeen-noung next resolved on the conquest of Martaban. 
This kingdom lay to the eastward of Pegu, between Pegu 
and Tenasserim; it was separated from Pegu by an arm of 
the sea, known as the Gulf of Martaban. Byeen-noung 
raised a large army of all nations, in addition to his army 
of Burmans, by promising them the sack of Martaban, and 
with these united forces he invested Martaban by land and 

The siege lasted six months. The king of Martaban had 
married the daughter of the slaughtered king of Pegu and 
the queen and all her ladies spurred on the king and his 
generals to resist Byeen-noung to the uttermost. The people 
of Martaban were starved out and driven to eat their ele- 
phants. The king had taken several hundred Portuguese 
into his service, but they had all deserted him, and entered 
the service of Byeen-noung. The king was reduced to such 
extremities that at last he offered to make over his kingdom 
to Byeen-noung, provided he might retire from Martaban 
with his queen and children ; but Byeen-noung was furious 
at the obstinate resistance he had encountered, and burning 
to be revenged not only on the king, but on the queen and 
all her ladies, and he demanded an unconditional surrender. 

The king of Martaban was in despair. He called his 
generals to a council of war, and one and all pledged them- 
selves to die like warriors ; to slaughter all their women and 
children, throw their treasures into the sea, set the city on 
fire, and rush out and perish sword in hand. But when the 
council broke up, one of the chief commanders turned traitor 
or coward, and fled away to the camp of Byeen-noung. 
Then the rest of the generals lost heart, and threatened to 
open the gates of the city to Byeen-noung, unless the king 
gave himself up without further parley. 

Accordingly the king of Martaban held out a white flag 
on the city wall. He then sent a venerable Buddhist priest 
to Byeen-noung to request that he might be allowed to turn 


monk, and spend the rest of his days in a monastery. Byeen- 
noung was very reverential toward the priest, and promised 
to forget the past, and provide an estate for the king of Mar- 
taban, but no one could trust his word. 

Next morning there was a great parade of soldiers and 
elephants, music and banners, throughout the camp of Byeen- 
noung. A street was formed of two lines of foreiga soldiers 
from the tent of Byeen-noung to the gate of the city ; and 
all the Portuguese soldiers were posted outside the gate, with 
their captain, Joano Cayeyro, in their midst ; and many of 
the Burmese princes and nobles of Byeen-noung went into 
the city, with a host of Burmese guards, to bring the king 
of Martaban in a great procession to the feet of his con- 

The scene is thus described by an eye-witness:' "At one 
o'clock in the day a cannon was fired as a signal. After 
a while the procession from the palace inside Martaban 
approached the gate of the city. First came a strong guard 
of Burmese soldiers, armed with harquebuses, halberts, and 
pikes. Next appeared the Burmese grandees mounted on 
elephants, with golden chains on their backs, and collars 
of precious stones round their necks. Then at a distance of 
nine or ten paces came the Roolim of Mounay, the sovereign 
pontiff of Burma, who was going to mediate between the 
king of Martaban and the high and might}" conqueror Byeen- 
noung. After him the queen of Martaban was carried in a 
chair on men's shoulders, together with her four children — 
two boys and two girls — of whom the eldest was scarcely 

' Fernara Mendez Pinto. Modern writers liave doubted the veracity of Pinto, 
but his trutMuhiess was never doubted by his contemporaries, and the author 
has resided long enough in Burma to voucli from his own personal knowledge 
for the credibility of Pinto's accounts of that country. In fact, Pinto, like 
Herodotus and Marco Polo, is trustworthy about what he saw, but he was sim- 
ple enough to believe any absurd fable that he was told. His stories of Byeen- 
noung are confirmed by Burmese annals and Portuguese historians. It should 
be added that the passages in the text marked with inverted commas are not 
taken from Pinto's originaVnarrative, which is tedious and prolix to the last degree; 
they are extracted from a' reproduction of Pinto's travels and adventures, with 
notes and commentaries. 
India. Vol. II. X— 7 


seven. Round about the queen were thirty or forty young 
ladies of noble birth, who were wonderfully fair, with cast- 
down looks and tears in their eyes, leaning on other women. 
After them walked certain priests, like the capuchins in 
Europe, with bare feet and bare heads, praying as they 
went, with beads in their hands, and ever and anon com- 
forting the ladies, and throwing water upon them when they 
fainted, which they did very often. Presently the king 
appeared, mounted on a little elephant, in token of poverty 
and contempt of life. He wore a cassock of black velvet; 
and his head, beard, and eyebrows were all shaven; and 
there was an old cord round about his neck by which to ren- 
der himself to Byeen-noung. He was about sixty-two years 
of age, and tall in stature; and although his countenance 
was worn and troubled, he had all the bearing of a generous 

"A great throng of women and children and old men 
were gathered round the city gate; and when they beheld 
their king in his garb of woe, they set up a terrible cry, and 
struck their faces with stones until the blood ran down. 
The spectacle was so horrible and mournful that even the 
Burmese guards were moved to tears, although they were 
men of war and the enemies of Martaban. 

"Meanwhile the queen fainted twice, and her ladies 
fainted around her; and the guards were fain to let the 
king alight, and go and comfort her. Whereupon, seeing 
the queen upon the ground in a swoon, with her children in 
her arms, the king kneeled down upon both his knees, and 
cried aloud, looking up to heaven, 'O mighty power of God, 
why is thy divine wrath spent upon these innocent creatures?' 
This said, he threw water on the queen and brought her 

"After a while the king was remounted on his elephant, 
and the procession moved through the gate. Then the king 
saw the Portuguese deserters dressed in their buff coats, 
with feathers in their caps, and harquebuses in their hands; 
while their captain, Cayeyro, stood in front apparelled in 


carnation satin, making room for the procession with a gilt 
partisan. The king withdrew his face from the Portuguese 
deserters, and exclaimed against their base ingratitude; and 
the Burmese guards fell foul of the Portuguese, and drove 
them away with shame and contumely. 

"After this the king of Martaban went through the street 
of soldiers until he came to the tent where the conqueror, 
Byeen-noung, was sitting in great pomp surrounded by his 
lords. The king threw himself upon the ground, but spake 
never a word. The Roolim of Mounay stood close by, and 
said to Byeen-noung, 'Sire, remember that God shows his 
mere}'- to those who submit to his will. Do you show 
mercy likewise, and in the hour of death you will clear off 
a load of sins.' Byeen-noung then promised to pardou 
the king; and all present were greatly contented; and 
Byeen-noung gave the king and queen in charge of two 
of his lords. 

"Now Byeen-noung was a warrior of great craft; and 
he posted Burmese captains at all the twenty-four gates of 
the city of Martaban, and bade them let no one in or out 
on pain of death, as he had promised to give the sacking 
of the city to his foreign mercenaries. Meanwhile, and for 
the space of two days, he brought away all the treasures of 
the king of Martaban, including very many wedges of gold, 
and strings of precious stones of inestimable value. "When 
he had carried away all that he wanted, he abandoned the 
city to the soldiery. A cannon was fired as a signal, and 
they all rushed in pell-mell, so that many were stifled to 
death at the gates ; and for three days such horrible murders 
and wickedness were committed that no man can imagine 
or describe. 

"While the city of Martaban was being sacked, Byeen- 
noung left his quarters in the Burmese camp, and pitched 
his tent on the hill Beidao, which was close by. One morn- 
ing, when the work of plunder and destruction was nearly 
over, twenty-one gibbets were set up in stone pillars on the 
hill, and guarded with a hundred Burmese horsemen. Pres- 


ently there was a great uproar in tha Burmese camp, and 
troops of horsemen came out with lances in their hands, 
and formed a street from the camp to the hill, crying aloud, 
'Let no man approach with arms, or speak aloud what he 
thinks in his heart, on pain of death 1' 

' ' Then the marshal of the camp came up with a hundred 
elephants and a host of foot soldiers. Next followed bodies 
of cavalry and infantrj^, and in their midst were a hundred 
and forty ladies bound together four and four, accompanied 
by many priests, who sought to comfort them. After them 
marched twelve ushers with maces, followed by horsemen, 
who carried the queen of Martaban and her four children on 
their horses. 

"The hundred and forty ladies were the wives and daugh- 
ters of the chief captains of Martaban, on whom the tyrant 
Byeen-noung was wreaking his spite because they had per- 
suaded their husbands and fathers to hold out against him. 
They were for the most part between seventeen and twenty- 
five years of age, and were all very white and fair, with 
bright auburn hair, but so weak in the body that oftentimes 
they fell down in a swoon; and certain women on whom 
they leaned endeavored to bring them to, presenting them 
with comfits and other things, but they would take nothing. 
Indeed, the poor wretches were so feeble and benumbed that 
they could scarcely hear what the priests said to them, only 
now and then they lifted up their hands to heaven. 

"Sixty priests followed the queen in two files, praying 
with their looks fixed on the ground, and their eyes watered 
with tears ; some ever and anon saying one prayer in doleful 
tones, while others answered weeping in like manner. Last 
of all three or four hundred children walked in procession, 
with white wax hghts in their hands, and cords about their 
necks, praying aloud with sad and lamentable voices, saying, 
'We most humbly beseech thee, O Lord, to give ear unto our 
cries and groans, and show mercy to these thy captives, that 
with a full rejoicing they may have a part of the graces and 
blessings of thy rich treasures. ' Behind this procession was 


another guard of foot soldiers, all Burmans, armed with 
lances and arrows, and some with harquebuses. 

' ' When the poor sufferers had been led in this fashion to 
the place of execution, six ushers stood forth and proclaimed 
with loud voices that the ladies were condemned to death by 
the king of Burma, because they had incited their husbands 
and fathers to resist him, and had caused the death of twelve 
thousand Burmans of the city of Toungoo. 

"Then at the ringing of a bell all the officers and minis- 
ters of justice, pell-mell together with the guards, raised up 
a dreadful outcry. Whereupon, the cruel hangman being 
ready to put the sentence of death into execution, these poor 
women sobbed and embraced each other, and addressed 
themselves to the queen, who lay at that time almost dead 
in the lap of an old lady. One of them spoke to the queen 
in the name of all the others, and begged her to comfort 
them with her presence while they entered the mournful 
mansions of death, where they would present themselves 
before the Almighty Judge, and pray for vengeance on their 
wrongs. To this the queen, more dead than alive, answered 
with a feeble voice, 'Go not away so soon, my sisters, but 
help me to sustain these little children.' This said, she 
leaned down again on the bosom of the old lady, without 
speaking another word. 

' ' Then the ministers of the arm of vengeance — for so they 
term the hangmen — laid hold of those poor women, and 
hung them all up by the feet with their heads downward 
upon twenty gibbets, namely, seven on each gibbet. l^Tow, 
this death was so painful that it made them give strange 
and fearful groans and sobs, until at length in less than an 
hour the blood had stifled them all. 

' ' Meantime the queen was conducted by the four women 
on whom she leaned to the remaining gibbet ; and there the 
Roolim of Mounay made some speeches to her to encourage 
her the better to suffer death. Then, turning to the hang- 
man, who was going to bind her two little boys, she said, 
*Good friend, be not, I pray you, so void of pity as to make 


nie see my children die; wherefore put ine first to death, and 
refuse me not this boon for God's sake.' She then took her 
children in her arms, and kissing them over and over in giv- 
ing them her last farewell, she yielded up the ghost in the 
lady's lap upon whom she leaned, and never stirred after- 
ward. On this the hangman ran to her, and hanged her as 
he had done the rest, together with her four little children, 
two on each side of her, and she in the middle. 

"At this cruel and pitiful spectacle the whole multitude 
set up a hideous yell ; all the soldiers of the army that' be- 
longed to Pegu broke out in mutiny; and Byeen-noung 
would have been murdered had he not surrounded himself 
with the Burman soldiers he had brought from Toungoo. 
Even then the tumult was very great and dangerous through- 
out the day, but at last night set in and quieted the fury of 
the men of Pegu. 

"That same night the king of Martaban was thrown into 
the river with a great stone tied about his neck, together 
with sixty of his male captives, whose wives and daughters 
had been executed a few hours before on the hill Beidao." 

The remaining adventures of Byeen-noung may be told in 
a few words. After the desolation of Martaban, he returned 
to Pegu, and advanced up the river Irawadi and conquered 
Prome, and attempted the conquest of Ava.' Two years 
later he invaded Siam with a large army, but was suddenly 
called back by rebellion in Pegu. 

Here it should be explained that when the king of Pegu 
was put to death by Byeen-noung, his brother turned monk 
and became the most famous preacher in all that country. 
Accordingly, while Byeen-noung was gone away to Siam, 
this royal monk ascended the pulpit in the great pagoda at 
Pegu, and harangued a vast audience on the sufferings of 
the Talains, and the crimes committed by the Burmans from 

' Some sickening tragedies were perpetrated at Prome, but enough has been 
said about such horrors. 


Toungoo on the royal house of Pegu. The sermon threw the 
whole congregation into an uproar. The people seized their 
arms and rose as one man against the Burmese yoke. They 
slaughtered every Burman in Pegu, and carried the monk to 
the palace, and placed him in possession of all the treasures, 
and hailed him as their king, 

Byeen-noung was furious at the tidings. He hurried 
back his .army with all speed to Pegu, and put down the 
revolt with his Burmese soldiers, and secured possession of 
the city; while the royal monk fled from Pegu to the king- 
dom of Henzada. But the spirit of insurrection could not 
be quenched by force of arms. At Pegu Byeen-noung was 
assassinated, and his foster-brother was deserted by the 
mercenaries, and compelled to fly back to Toungoo. At 
Martaban the people rose up against the Burmese garri- 
son, slaughtered them to a man, and declared for the royal 
monk. ' Finally the royal monk was joined by many nobles 
and great men in the kingdom of Henzada. He raised a 
mighty host, and returned to Pegu in triumph and was 
again crowned king. 

Meanwhile the foster-brother of Byeen-noung enlisted a 
large army among the barbarous hillmen round about Toun- 
goo, and promised to give them the plunder of Pegu if they 
would help him to recover the city. He marched his army 
toward the south, as Byeen-noung had done before him, and 
scattered the army of the monk; and he entered Pegu in 
triumph, while the monk fled for his life to the mountains 
between Pegu and Arakan. But his successes led to great 
perplexities. He had promised to give the plunder of Pegu 
to his mercenary army; but the people of Pegu had sub- 
mitted to his yoke, and he was horrified at the idea of aban- 
doning them to the tender mercies of the barbarians from 
the hills. The mercenaries demanded the fulfilment of his 

' The resuscitation of a town in Burma in the course of a few weeks or days 
is by no means surprising. The houses are built of wood, and can be set up 
very quickly. 


pledge, and when he explained why he would not bear the 
burden of the crime, they broke out into mutiny. He 
fled from the camp and took refuge in a pagoda, and 
protected himself for a while with his Burmese soldiers. 
At last he held a parley with the ringleaders from 
the walls of the pagoda; and after much debating, it 
was agreed that he should distribute among the mer- 
cenaries a large sum from his own treasures as ransom 
for the city of Pegu. 

After a while the fugitive monk was taken prisoner. He 
had thrown off his monastic vows, and married the daugh- 
ter of a mountaineer; but he had discovered his rank to his 
wife, and her parents betrayed him to the Toungoo king, 
for the sake of the reward offered for his capture. 

The execution of the royal monk was a piteous spectacle. 
He was taken out of his dungeon ; dressed in rags and tat- 
ters ; crowned with a diadem of straw garnished with mus- 
sel-shells, and decorated with a necklace of onions. In this 
guise he was carried through the streets of Pegu, mounted 
on a sorry jade, with his executioner sitting behind him. 
Fifteen horsemen with black ensigns proclaimed his guilt, 
while fifteen others in red garments were ringing bells. He 
was strongly guarded in front and behind by a long array of 
horse and foot and elephants. He was led to the scaffold; 
his sentence was read aloud to the multitude ; and his head 
was severed from his body by a single blow. 

During the revolt at Pegu, one of the Portuguese sol- 
diers who had been in the service of Byeen-noung met 
with a fearful doom. His name was Diego Suarez. When 
Byeen-noung was alive and at the height of his prosperity 
and power, he took a great liking to Diego Suarez, and 
appointed him governor of Pegu. The man thus became 
puffed up with pride and insolence, and did what he pleased 
without regard to right or wrong, keeping a bodyguard of 
Turks to protect him in his evil ways. One day there was 
a marriage procession in the streets of Pegu, and Diego 
Suarez ordered his Turks to bring away the bride. A great 


tumult arose, and the bridegroom was slain by the Turks, 
while the bride strangled herself with her girdle to save her 
honor; but the father escaped with his life, and swore to be 
revenged upon the wicked foreigner who had brought such 
woe upon his household. 

Years passed away, but the wretched father could do 
nothing but weep. Diego Suarez rose into still higher favor 
with Byeen-noung, and was honored with the title of 
"brother of the king." At last the people of Pegu broke 
out in revolt, and the father saw that the time had come 
for wreaking his vengeance on the wicked man from Portu- 
gal. He rushed into a pagoda, carried away the idol, and 
harangued the multitude, telling aloud the story of his 
wrongs. The people of Pegu rose up in a wild outbreak 
of fury. The ofl&cers of justice were forced to arrest Diego 
Suarez, and, in spite of prayers and bribes, to deliver him 
up to the mob; and he was then stoned to death in the 
market-place of Pegu, while his house was demolished so 
that not a tile remained. 

The story of Byeen-noung is typical. It tells of a forgot- 
ten conqueror who flourished in the sixteenth centur}- ; but 
it also reveals the general conditions of hfe in Burma, from 
a remote antiquity down to our own times. Byeen-noung 
was but the type of Burmese warriors who have arisen at 
intervals in that remote peninsula ; played the part of heroes ; 
conquered kingdoms and founded dynasties; crushed out 
rebellions by wholesale massacres; and have been followed 
in their turn by other kings of smaller genius, but equally 
cruel and tyrannical. 

In the middle of the eighteenth century, more than two 
hundred years after Byeen-noung, there was a warrior of 
the same stamp who founded the dynasty of Burmese kings 
still reigning at Mandalay. During the earlier years of that 
century the Talain kings of Pegu gained the mastery of the 
kings of Ava, and the people of upper Burma groaned under 
Talain domination. But about 17o0 a deliverer appeared in 
the person of a man of low origin, known as Alompra the 


hunter.' He headed a popular insurrection, which at first 
only numbered a hundred men, but was soon joined by- 
multitudes. Alompra and his newly created army threw off 
the Talain yoke, and swept down the Irawadi, subverted the 
Talain dynasty in Pegu, and founded a maritime capital at 
Rangoon. The English at that time had a factory at Ne- 
grais, off the coast; and the merchants were weak enough 
to court the friendship of Alompra, while selling powder and 
ammunition to the Talains. A French adventurer informed 
Alompra of their misdeeds, and the result was that nearly 
every Englishman at Negrais was massacred by the Burmese. 

The successors of Alompra followed in his steps. Bhodau 
Phra, his third son, was the sixth sovereign of the dynasty. 
He reigned from 1779 to 1819, and is regarded by the Bur- 
mese as the hero of the hne next to his illustrious father. 
He conquered Arakan as far as the boundary of Bengal, and 
Martaban and Tenasserim as far as the frontiers of Siam. 
His cruelties were boundless, and were the outcome of the 
same savage ferocity as those of Byeen-noung. He not only 
put his predecessor to death, but ordered all the women and 
children of his victim to be burned alive. On another occa- 
sion, on discovering that a plot had been hatched against 
him in a particular village, he collected together the whole 
population of the village, including women, children, and 
Buddhist monks, and burned them all alive in one vast holo- 
caust. Father Sangermano, a Cathohc missionary who was 
in Burma about the same time, has left authentic details of 
the horrible cruelties perpetrated by Bhodau Phra. 

The successor of Bhodau Phra was Phagyi-dau, who 
brought on the Burmese war of 1824-25; but the story of 
his reign belongs to the after history. 

The kings of Burma from Alompra downward were rude 
despots of the old Moghul type. They generally maintained 
large harems; and every high official was anxious to place a 
sister or a daughter in the royal household, to watch over 

' Alompra is the most familiar name to English readers : properly it should 
be Alompara, or Alom Phra. 


his interests and report all that was going on. Kings and 
queens dwelt in palaces of brick and stucco painted white 
and red; with roofs, walls, and pinnacles of carved timber 
covered with gilding and dazzling as picture-frames; with 
durbars, reception halls, thrones, canopies, and insignia of 
all kinds, radiant with bits of looking-glass and gilding. 
Sometimes they went on water excursions in large vessels 
shaped like huge fishes, and covered with gilding; and they 
were accompanied by long war- boats, each one covered with 
gilding, and rowed or paddled by fifty or sixty men. Some- 
times a king went on a royal progress through his domin- 
ions, like the old Moghul sovereigns of Hindustan, carrying 
his queens, ministers and law courts with him. Each king 
in turn was constantly exposed to insurrection or revolution, 
in which he might be murdered, and all his queens and chil- 
dren massacred without regard to age or sex ; while a new 
king ascended the throne, and removed the court and capi- 
tal to some other locality, in order to blot out the memory 
of his predecessor. Thus during the present century the 
capital has been removed from Ava to Amarapura and 
back again; and at this present moment it is fixed in the 
comparatively new city of Mandalay. The kings of Burma 
have always been utterly ignorant of foreign nations; re- 
garding Burma as the centre of the universe, and all people 
outside the Burman pale as savages and barbarians. 

The despotic power of the sovereign, however, was kept 
in check by an old Moghul constitution, which seems to 
have been a relic of the remote past. The aristocracj- of 
Bm-ma consists only of ofiicials, who have spread a network 
of officialism over the whole kingdom. There are heads of 
tens and hundreds; heads of villages, districts, and prov- 
inces; and all are appointed, punished, or dismissed at the 
mere will of the sovereign. But the ministers and officials 
at court exercise a power in their collective capacity, to 
which a king is sometimes obliged to bend ; for there have 
been critical moments when a king has been deposed by the 
ministers, and another sovereign enthroned in his room. 


Four chief ministers, with the king or crown prince as 
president, sit in a great hall of state within the palace en- 
closure, known as the Hlot-dau. This collective body forms 
a supreme legislative assembly, a supreme council of the ex- 
ecutive, and a supreme court of justice and appeal. There 
are also four under-ministers, and a host of secretaries and 
minor officials, who conduct the administration at the cap- 
ital in the name of the king, but under the orders of the 

Besides the Hlot-dau, or public council of state, there, is 
a privy council, sitting within the palace itself, and known 
as the Byadeit. This council is supposed to advise the king 
privately and personal! 3', and to issue orders in his name, 
whenever it is deemed inexpedient to discuss the matter in 
the Hlot-dau. 

The real working of these councils has always been ob- 
scured by Oriental intrigues. It is, however, obvious that 
they lack the authority of a hereditary assembly, such as 
the council of Bharadars at Khatmandu; while the bare 
fact that they are exclusively composed of officials, nomi- 
nated by the king, and depending for their very existence 
on the king's favor, deprives them of any authority they 
might otherwise have exercised as popular or representative 




A.r. 1823 TO 1828 

THE difficulties of the British government with Burma 
began about the end of the eighteenth century. 
Bhodau Phra had conquered Arakan, but the peo- 
ple rebelled against him, and some of the rebels fled into 
eastern Bengal. The Burmese governor of Arakan de- 
manded the surrender of the fugitives. Sir John Shore 
was weak enough to comply rather than hazard a collis- 
ion ; but his successor, Lord Wellesley, refused to deliver up 
poUtical refugees who had sought an asylum in British ter- 
ritory, and who would probably be tortured and executed in 
Burmese fashion the moment they were surrendered to their 

Meanwhile every effort was made to come to a friendly 
understanding with the Burmese government. Colonel 
Symes was sent on a mission to Ava; and after him a 
Captain Canning and a Captain Cox, But the Burmese 
court was impracticable. Bhodau Phra and his ministers 
were puffed up with pride and bombast. They despised 
the natives of India, and had been ignorantly led to be- 
lieve that the English were traders without military capac- 
ity, who paid the black sepoj^s to fight their battles. 

At last the Burmese authorities grew vdolent as well as 
insolent. They repeated their demands for the surrender 
of political refugees who had escaped into British territory; 
claimed possession of an island on the English side of the 


frontier at the Naf river; and threatened to invade Bengal 
unless their demands were promptly conceded. 

The wars of Lord Hastings had secured the peace of In- 
dia, but had been vehemently denounced in England. Lord 
Amherst was therefore most reluctant to engage in a war 
with Burma; he was ready to make any concession, short 
of acknowledgment of inferiority, to avert the threatened 
hostilities. But the Burmese refused to listen to reason, 
and were resolutely bent on a rupture. In 1822 their gen- 
eral Bundula invaded the countries between Burma and 
Bengal ; conquered the independent principalities of Assam 
and Munipore, and threatened Cachar. Subsequently Bun- 
dula invaded British territory, and cut off a detachment of 
British sepoys. Lord Amherst was thus forced into hostili- 
ties, and in 1824 an expedition was sent against Rangoon 
under the command of Sir Archibald Campbell. 

Meanwhile the Burmese were inflated by the successes 
of Bundula, and looked forward with confidence to the con- 
quest of Bengal. Bundula was ordered to bind the Gov- 
ernor-General in golden fetters, and send him as a prisoner 
to Ava. But the British expedition to Rangoon took the 
Burmese by surprise. They purposed invading Bengal, 
and they may have expected to encounter a force on the 
frontier; but they never reckoned on an invading army 
coming to Rangoon bj'' sea. At the same time the English 
invaders were almost as much surprised as the Burmese. 
They had been led to expect a foe worthy of their steel ; but 
they soon discovered that the Burmese army was the most 
despicable enemy that the British had ever encountered. It 
was composed of raw levies, miserably armed, without either 
discipline or courage. Their chief defence consisted in stock- 
ades, which were, however, constructed with considerable 
skill and rapidity. 

In May, 1824, the English expedition arrived at Ran- 
goon. The Burmese had constructed some strong stock- 
ades, but they were soon demolished by British artillery. 
The troops were then landed, and found that Rangoon was 


empty of population and provisions. The Burmese governor 
had ordered the whole of the inhabitants — men, women, and 
children — to retire to the jungle with all their flocks and 
herds and stores of grain. As for the Burmese soldiery, 
they had fled in terror at the first discharge of British guns. 
Shortly after the landing the rains began; and the British 
army was forced to remain at Rangoon, and to depend for 
its subsistence on the suppUes that arrived from Madras and 

In December, 1824, Bundula approached Rangoon from 
the land side with an army of sixty thousand men. Within 
a few hours the Burmese soldiery had surrounded the Brit- 
ish camp with stockades, and then burrowed themselves in 
the earth behind. But Bundula was attacked and defeated; 
his stockades were carried by storm ; and he fled in a panic 
with the remains of his army to Donabew, a place further 
up the river Irawadi, about forty miles from Rangoon. 

Bundula was resolved to make a stand at Donabew. He 
constructed field-works and stockades for the space of a mile 
along the face of the river. He sought to maintain disci- 
pline by the severity of his punishments; and one of his 
commanders was sawn asunder between two planks for 
disobedience of orders. 

Early in 1825 the British force advanced up the river 
Irawadi toward Ava, leaving a detachment to capture Dona- 
bew. The detachment, however, was repulsed by the Bur- 
mese, and the main army returned to Donabew and began 
a regular siege. A few shells were discharged to ascertain 
the range of the British mortars, and next morning the heavy 
artillery began to play upon the works, but there was no re- 
sponse. It turned out that one of the shells on the preceding 
evening had killed Bundula. The brother of Bundula was 
offered the command of the army, but was too frightened to 
accept it ; and he then made his way with aU speed to Ava, 
where he was beheaded within half an hour of his arrival. 
Meanwhile the Burmese army at Donabew had dispersed in 
all directions. 


The British expedition next proceeded to Prome. All the 
mad women in Ava, who were supposed to be witches or to 
have familiar spirits, were collected and sent to Prome to 
unman the British soldiers by their magic arts. Another 
Burmese army was sent to attack Prome, but was utterly 
defeated. The court of Ava was frantic at its losses, but 
could not realize its position, and showed itself as arrogant 
as ever. A brother of the king, named Tharawadi, bragged 
that he would drive the English to the sea, and left Ava for 
the purpose, but soon returned in the greatest terror. 

The British expedition left Prome, and advanced toward 
Ava; and the court of Ava, and indeed the Burmese gen- 
erally, were panic-stricken at the invaders. It was noised 
abroad that the white foreigners were demons, invincible 
and bloodthirsty; that European soldiers kept on fighting 
in spite of ghastly wounds; and that European doctors 
picked up arms and legs after an action and replaced them 
on then- rightful owners.' 

Early in 1826 a treaty of peace was concluded at Yan- 
dabo. The whole country from Rangoon to Ava was at 
the mercy of the British army. Phagyi-dau, king of Ava, 
engaged to pay a crore of rupees, about a million sterling, 
toward the expenses of the war; and the territories of As- 
sam, Arakan, and Tenasserim, were ceded to the British 
government. The king was left in possession of the whole 
of Pegu and Upper Burma, and was even permitted to re- 
tain the maritime city of Rangoon ; while the British head- 
quarters were fixed at Moulmein in Tena.serim. 

Later on Mr. John Crawf urd was sent to Ava to conclude 
a commercial treaty with the king. But the Burmese had 
already forgotten the lessons of the war, and entertained but 
little respect for an English envoy after the British army had 
retired from the scene. Accordingly Crawf urd could effect 
nothing of any substantial importance to either government. 

' Fytche's Burma, Pasl and Present, (reueral Albert Pytclie's work con- 
tains many interesting facts in connection with Burmese history. 


He found the Burmese officials ignorant, unprincipled, and 
childish, and in no instance endowed with the artifice and 
cleverness of Hindus and other Asiatics. Some of them had 
risen from the lowest ranks of life by the favor of the king; 
one had been a buffoon in a company of play-actors, while 
another had got a living by selling fish in the bazar. They 
did not want any treaty whatever. They evaded every propo- 
sition for a reciprocity of trade, and only sought to cajole the 
envoy into restoring the ceded territories and remitting the 
balance still due of the money payment. The country was 
only sparsely cultivated, and there were few if any indica- 
tions of prosperity. Phagyi-dau was in the hands of his 
queen, the daughter of a jailer, who was older than her 
husband, and far from handsome. She was known as the 
sorceress, as she was supposed to have rendered the king 
subservient to her will by the power of magical arts and 

The first Biu-mese war is forgotten now by the princes 
and chiefs of India; but in 1824 and 1825 the current of 
events was watched with interest and anxiety by every na- 
tive court. The different chiefs and princes of India had 
not quite settled clown under the suzerainty of the British 
government; and many restless spirits among the warriors 
and freebooters of a previous generation would gladly have 
hailed the defeat of the British troops in Burma, the over- 
throw of order in India, and the revival of the predatory 
system of the eighteenth century. 

Suddenly, in the crisis of the campaign in Burma, there 
was a fiasco in the Jat state of Bhurtpore on the British 
frontier near Agra, which had been under the protective 
alliance of the British government ever since the days of 
Lord WeUesley. The Raja of Bhurtpore died in 1825, leav- 
ing a son aged seven, named Bulwant Singh. The British 
government recognized the succession of Bulwant Singh un- 
der the guardianship of his uncle ; but a cousin of the infant 
Raja, named Durjan Sal, corrupted the army of Bhurtpore, 


put the guardian to death, imprisoned the little prince, and 
took possession of the principality. 

Sir David Ochterlony, the Resident at Delhi, was agent 
of the Governor-General for Rajputana and Malwa. He be- 
longed to the once famous school of soldier-statesmen, which 
began with Robert Olive, and boasted of men like Sir Arthur 
Wellesley and Sir John Malcolm, His Indian experiences 
were perhaps larger than those of any living English officer. 
He had fought against Hyder Ali in the old days of Warren 
Hastings and Sir Eyre Coote ; and ten years previous to the 
fiasco at Bhurtpore he had gained his crowning laurels in 
the Nipal war. He saw that a conflagration was beginning 
in Bhurtpore that might spread over Central India; and he 
ordered a force to advance on his own authority to maintain 
the peace of Hindustan, support the rights of the infant Raja, 
and vindicate the offended suzerainty of the British govern- 

Lord Amherst considered that the military preparations 
were premature. He doubted the right of the British gov- 
ernment to interfere in the Bhurtpore succession; and he 
was alarmed at the strength of the great fortress of clay, 
which had resisted the assaults of Lord Lake, and had long 
been deemed impregnable by every native court in India. 
Accordingly he countermanded the movement of the troops. 

Sir David Ochterlon}^ was much mortified at this rebuff. 
In the bitterness of his soul he resigned his appointment, and 
died within two months, feeling that an illustrious career of 
half a century had been brought to an inglorious close. 

The vacillation of the British government induced the 
usurper to proclaim that he would hold the fortress of Bhurt- 
pore, and maintain his hold on the Bhurtpore throne, in de- 
fiance of the Governor- General. The dangerous character 
of the revolution was now imminent, for Rajputs, Mahrat- 
tas, Pindharies, and Jats were fiocking to Bhurtpore to rally 
round the venturous usurper. 

Lord Amherst saw his error and hastened to retrieve it; 
indeed his council were unanimous for war. An arm}^ was 


assembled under Lord Combermere and began the siege of 
Bhurtpore. The British artillery failed to make any impres- 
sion on the heavy mud walls. At last the fortifications were 
mined with ten thousand pounds of powder. A terrific ex- 
plosion threw vast masses of hardened clay into the air ; and 
the British troops rushed into the breach, and captured tka 
fortress which had hitherto been deemed impregnable. The 
usurper was confined as a state prisoner, and the infant Raja 
was restored to the throne under the guardianship of the Brit- 
ish government. The political ferment died away at the fall 
of Bhurtpore, and all danger of any disturbance of the public 
peace disappeared from Hindustan. 

Lord Amherst embarked for England in February, 1828, 
leaving no mark in history beyond what is remembered of 
Burma and Bhurtpore. He was the first Governor-General 
who estabUshed a viceregal sanatorium at Simla. 



A.D. 1828 TO 1835 

LORD WILLIAM BENTINCK succeeded to the post 
of Governor- General, and held the reins of govern- 
ment for seven years, namely, from 1828 to 1835. 
Twenty-two years had passed away since 1806, when he 
had been recalled from the government of Madras amid the 
panic which followed the mutiny at Vellore. During the 
interval he had protested in vain against the injustice of 
his recall; and his nomination to the high office was re- 
garded as an atonement for the wrong he had suffered.* 
The government of Lord William Bentinck covers a 
peaceful era. He remodelled the judicial sj^stem; intro- 
duced the village revenue settlement into the northwest 
provinces; reduced the allowances of civil and military 
officers; and employed natives in the public service far 
more largely than had been done by his predecessors. He 
promoted English education among the natives, and founded 
a medical college at Calcutta. He labored hard to introduce 
steam navigation between England and India via the Red 
Sea. He took active measures for suppressing the gangs of 
Thugs, who had strangled and plundered unsuspecting trav- 
ellers in different quarters of India ever since the days of 
Aurangzeb. Above all he abolished the horrible rite of Sati, 
or burning widows with the remains of their deceased hus- 

' Lord Amherst left India in February, 1828. Lord William Bentinck did 
not arrive until the following July. During the interval Mr. Buttervs^orth Bayley, 
the senior member of council, was provisional Grovernor-General. 


bands, which had been the curse of India from the earhest 
dawn of history. Lord William Bentinck thus established a 
gi'eat reputation for prudence, integrity, and active benevo- 
lence, which has endured down to our own times. 

The state of affairs in Malwa and Rajputana was soon 
forced on the attention of Lord William Bentinck. Lord 
Hastings had established closer political relations with the 
Mahrattas and Rajputs, and his measures were beginning 
to bear fruit during the administration of Lord Amherst. 
British officers were appointed Residents at native courts 
for the purpose of mediating between conflicting native 
rulers, and otherwise keeping the peace. They were 
strictly prohibited from all interference in the internal 
administration; and each native state was left to deal 
with faction, rebellion, or disputed succession, after its 
own manner. Closer acquaintance, however, showed that 
such extremes of non-intervention were incompatible with 
the duties of the paramount power; and the subsequent his- 
tory of India betrays a necessary conflict between the prin- 
ciple and practice, which has continued till the present day. 

At first there was little difficulty as regards the Mahratta 
states. The policy of non-interference was preached by the 
British government; but the British Residents at Gwalior 
and Indore were occasionally driven to employ detachments 
of the Subsidiary Force, or other British troops, to suppress 
mutiny or rebellion, or to root out some dangerous outlaw. 
Daulat Rao Sindia was weak and impoverished, and anxious 
to meet the wishes of the British government. Mulhar Rao 
Holkar was a minor, and the provisional administration was 
equally as subservient to the British Resident as that of 
Sindia. In Nagpore the Resident, Mr. Jenkins, was virtually 
sovereign ; and during the minority of the Raja, Mr. Jenkins 
conducted the administration through the agency of native 
officials in a highly successful fashion. Meanwhile the sub- 
jects of both Sindia and Holkar regarded the British govern- 
ment as the supreme authority, to whom alone they could 
look for redress or security against the maladministration 


of their rulers; and a Resident often found it necessary to 
use his own discretion in the way of remonstrance or expost- 
ulation, without infringing the non-intervention poHcy. 

In Rajputana circumstances were different. Captain 
James Tod, one of the earUest political officers in that quar- 
ter,' has left a picture of the country which recalls the plots, 
assassinations, treacheries and superstitions revealed in 
Shakespeare's tragedy of "Macbeth." There was the same 
blind belief in witches and wise women; the same single 
combats, bloody murders, and flights into foreign territory. 
Every Raj was distracted by feuds ; and the princes and 
chiefs of Rajputana had been impoverished by Mahrattas or 
Pindharies just as the old kings of Britain were harassed 
and plundered by the Danes. The Thakurs, or feudatory 
nobles, were as turbulent, lawless, and disaffected as the 
Thanes of Scotland, and often took the field against their 
sovereign, like the Thane of Cawdor, with bands of kerns 
and gallowglasses. Many a kinsman of a Maharaja has 
played the part of Macbeth; while Lady Macbeths were 
plentiful in every state in Rajputana. The hill tribes, in- 
cluding Bhils, Minas, and Mhairs, were as troublesome as 
the Highland clans; they made frequent raids on peaceful 
villages, plundered and murdered travellers, and found a 
sure refuge in inaccessible and malarious jungles. 

Captain Tod was endowed with warm sj^mpathies and an 
active imagination. He was distressed at the sight of de- 
populated towns, ruined villages, and pauper courts; and 
he could not resist the appeals for his personal interference 
which met him on every side. He was charmed with the 
relics of the feudal system which he found in Rajputana. 
To him they recalled a picture of Europe during the Middle 
Ages. One usage especially delighted him. Occasionally a 
princess of Rajputana sent him her bracelet as a token that 
she looked to him for protection. In other words she claimed 

' Afterward Lieut. -Colonel Tod, and author of Annals and Antiquities of 


his interference as her chosen knight, on whom she might 
rely for succor, but whom she was never destined to see. 

The condition of the three leading Rajput principalities 
at this period proves the necessity for the interference of 
British authorities. In Meywar (Udaipur), the reigning 
Rana, the acknowledged suzerain of Rajputana, was depen- 
dent for his subsistence on the bounty of the ruler of Kotah. 
In Marwar (Jodhpur), the Maharaja had for years been 
feigning insanity, and had abdicated the throne, out of ter- 
ror of Amir Khan of Tonk; but, on the extension of British 
protection to the states of Rajputana, he once more ascended 
the throne and resumed the administration of the Raj. Sub- 
sequently he quarrelled with his ministers and feudatory 
nobles; treating them with savage violence, putting many 
to death, and seeking the help of the British government to 
support him in these barbarous proceedings. Indeed the 
endless broils between the rulers of Rajputana and their 
refractory Thakurs have at different intervals compelled 
the British government to interfere for the maintenance of 
the public peace; and it has often been difficult to decide 
whether to interfere in behalf of a tyrannical Raja or in 
support of oppressed Thakurs. 

In Jaipur, which is much nearer British territory, mat- 
ters were even worse than in Marwar. The Raja of Jaipur 
had died in 1818, and was succeeded by a posthumous in- 
fant son, under the regency of the mother, assisted by the 
minister of the deceased Raja. Then followed a series of 
complications not infrequent in Oriental courts. The regent- 
mother had a Jain banker for her paramour, as well as other 
worthless favorites. She squandered the revenues of the 
state on these parasites, and especially on a Guru, who was 
her religious teacher or adviser. She set the minister at 
defiance, quarrelled with him on all occasions, and tried 
to oust him from his office; and on one occasion there was 
a bloody conflict within the palace, which ended in the 
slaughter of thirty men. Next she prevailed on the Jaipur 
army to break out in mutiny and march to the capital ; and 


there she distributed money among the rebel soldiery, while 
the minister fled for refuge to his jaghir or estate in the 

The British government was compelled to interfere by 
ordering the Jaipur army to retire from the capital, and 
sending a British oflficer to effect a settlement of affairs. A 
great council of Thakurs was summoned to court, and after 
much debate and uproar decided on deposing the regent- 
mother, and recalling the absent minister to fill the post of 
regent. Such a measure would have been the best possible 
solution of the existing difficulty, and would consequently 
have been most satisfactory to the British government. But 
such off-hand debates and resolutions, however right in their 
conclusions, and however much in accordance with the un- 
written traditions of Rajputs, were not in keeping with that 
passion for order and formality which is a deeply rooted in- 
stinct in EngHshmen. Accordingly Sir Charles Metcalfe, 
the Resident at Delhi, proceeded to Jaipur, and convened 
a second and more formal council, and subjected the votes 
to a careful scrutiny. Then it appeared that a small major- 
ity had been won over to consider the regent-mother as the 
rightful ruler of Jaipur. To make matters worse, the regent- 
mother insisted upon appointing her paramour to be minister 
of Jaipur, to the scandal of the whole country; and Lord 
Amherst's government was so pledged to the policy of non- 
intervention that he dechned to interfere, and thus left a 
legacy of difficulties to his successor. 

Such was the state of affairs in Malwa and Rajputana 
when Lord William Bentinck assumed the post of Governor- 
General. Like other Anglo-Indian statesmen, before and 
since, he landed in India with a determination to carry out 
a large and liberal scheme of imperial government, which 
was based more on the visionary ideal of home philanthro- 
pists than on a practical acquaintance with the people and 
princes of India. The result was that his conduct of political 
relations with native states was the outcome, not of fixed 
political views, but of a conflict between sentiment and 


reality, during which his romantic aspirations died out, 
and he was gradually awakened to a sense of the actual 
wants and needs of native feudatories. The political ad- 
ministration of Lord William Bentinck was thus a period 
of probation and enlightenment; and it might be said of 
him, and perhaps of nearly all his successors, that he was 
never so well fitted for the post of Governor- General of India 
as when he was quitting its shores forever. 

It should however be borne in mind that at this period 
the policy of the British government toward native states 
was purely experimental. Non-interference was strongly 
advocated by the home authorities, and strictly pursued by 
the new Governor-General; but at this stage of political 
development native rulers required counsel and discipline 
rather than license. Before the British government became 
the paramount power, native rulers were afraid lest their 
subjects should rebel, and were thus kept to their duties 
by the law of self-preservation. After the establishment of 
British suzerainty, native rulers found themselves deprived 
of their old occupation of predatory war or foreign intrigue, 
and sought consolation in unrestrained self-indulgences. 
They neglected their legitimate duties, and looked to the 
British government for protection from rebellion. On tlie 
death of a native ruler, disorders often reached a climax, 
especially if there was a disputed succession, or the heir was 
a minor; for then queens and ministers intrigued against 
each other for power, and the country was torn by faction 
and civil war. In the end the British government was com- 
pelled to interfere in almost every case to save the state from 
anarchy and ruin ; whereas, if it had only interfered in the 
first instance, there would have been no disorders at all. 

The progress of affairs in Gwalior, the most important of 
the Mahratta states, is a case in point. Daulat Rao Sindia, 
the same who had been defeated by Wellesley at Assaye, 
died in 1827, leaving no son to succeed him. He had been 
repeatedly advised by the British Resident to adopt a son, 
but he had persistently refused. Latterly he had been in- 
INDIA. Vol. II. X— 8 


clined to give way, but nothing was concluded ; and when 
he was dying he sent for the Resident, and told him to set- 
tle the future government of the Gwalior principality as 
he might think proper. After his death, his widow, Baiza 
Bai, proposed to adopt a son, and carry on the government 
as queen regent during the minority. But Baiza Bai wanted 
to adopt a boy out of her own family, instead of out of 
Sindia's family; and as this would have been odious to the 
court and camp at Gwalior, and would have probably led 
to serious commotions, the British government refused to 
sanction the measure. Accordingly Baiza Bai adopted a son 
out of Sindia's family, known as Jankoji Rao Sindia. 

In course of time it appeared that Baiza Bai was bent on 
becoming queen regent for life, and continuing to govern the 
state after the young ^ \aharaja had attained his majority. 
In 1833 Lord William Bentinck proceeded to Gwalior, and 
both the queen regent and the young Maharaja were pre- 
pared to abide by his decision; but he declined to interfere. 
The result was that a civil war broke out in Gwalior and the 
army took different sides. The young Maharaja at the head 
of one body of troops besieged the queen regent in the palace 
at Gwalior. The queen regent escaped from the palace, 
placed herself at the head of another body of troops, and 
marched toward the British Residency. On the way the 
two armies met, and there would have been a deadly col- 
lision had not the British Resident hastened to the spot and 
prevented the conflict by his personal influence. Lord Wil- 
liam Bentinck was then forced to interfere, and recognize 
the accession of the young Maharaja to the throne, while 
the queen regent was obliged to retire from the scene. Had 
the Governor-General ordered this arrangement during his 
visit at Gwalior all these disorders would have been averted. 

In 1833 there was another complication at Indore. Mul- 
har Rao Holkar died, and left no son to succeed him. His 
widow adopted a son, and proposed, as in the case of Sindia, 
to carry on the administration as queen regent during the 
minority ; and the British government recognized the arrange- 


ment. Another claimant next appeared in the person of a 
collateral kinsman of matm-e years, named Hari Rao Holkar, 
who was supported by the general voice of the country. Lord 
William Bentinck might have settled the dispute by a word, 
but again he declined to interfere. A civil war broke out in 
Indore, and at last Lord William Bentinck was forced to put 
an end to the anarchy by persuading the queen regent to 
retire from the contest with her adopted son, and sending a 
British force to the capital to place Hari Rao on the throne 
of Holkar. 

Matters were even worse in the petty states of Bundel- 
kund, to the eastward of Malwa. A Raja of Sumpthur died, 
leaving two queens or Ranis; the elder was childless, but 
the younger had an infant son. The son was placed upon 
the throne, and the younger Rani became regent-mother. 
Then followed a fierce contest as to who should be appointed 
manager. The minister of the deceased Raja would have 
been the best man for the post, but other candidates were 
put forward by the rival queens, and the British govern- 
ment declined to interfere. The ex-minister fled to his 
estate, but was attacked by a body of troops belonging to 
the regent-mother. Finding his affairs desperate, he placed 
his women and children on a funeral pile built over a mine 
of gunpowder; he then destroyed them all in a terrific ex- 
plosion, and rushed out and perished with his adherents, 
sword in hand. Lord William Bentinck decided that the 
regent-mother was responsible for the catastrophe, and still 
declined to interfere. 

In Rajputana the policy of non-intervention brought forth 
equally bitter fruits. Meywar and Marwar were distracted 
by broils between the rulers and their feudatory nobles. In 
1828 the Rana of Meywar died, and seven queens and a con- 
cubine perished on his funeral pile. 

In Jaipur, where the regent-mother had appointed her 
paramour to be minister, there was another tragedy. ' The 

' See ante, p. 603. 


young Maharaja reached his majority, but the regent-mother, 
and her paramour Jhota Ram, still remained in power, and 
the country was in a state of anarchy. In spite of appeals 
from the natives, Lord William Bentinck refused to inter- 
pose the authority of the British government for the preven- 
tion of disorders. In 1832 Lord "William Bentinck went on 
a tour to the upper provinces, and had an interview with 
Jhota Ram at Agra ; but he was persuaded by the artful 
minister that it was the British authorities that were to 
blame, and not the Jaipur government, and accordingly he 
still declined to interfere. 

In 1834 the regent-mother died, after keeping Jaipur in 
a state of turmoil for sixteen years. Shortly after her death 
the young Maharaja died under most suspicious circum- 
stances, and all the leading people in Jaipur were convinced 
that the prince had been poisoned by Jhota Ram. Indeed 
Jhota Ram found the minds of the Thakurs so inflamed 
against him that he was forced to tender his resignation. 

At this crisis Major Alves, agent for the Governor-Gen- 
eral in Rajputana, and his assistant, Mr. Blake, proceeded 
to Jaipur, and were only just in time to prevent a bloody 
contest between Jhota Ram and the Thakurs. The ex-min- 
ister was ordered to remove to a distance from the capital ; 
and there he concocted a scheme of revenge. In June, 1835, 
after a morning attendance at the durbar, the two English 
officers were attacked in the streets of Jaipur by assassins 
who had been hired by Jhota Ram. Major Alves was se- 
verely wounded, and Mr. Blake was barbarously murdered. 
A judicial inquiry was held, and the offenders were con- 
victed and suitably punished. An infant son of the deceased 
Maharaja was placed upon the throne, and a British officer 
was appointed to conduct the administration; and the coun- 
try was rapidly brought to a state of peace and prosperity. 

But while Lord William Bentinck was so lenient toward 
Mahratta and Rajput states, he felt deeply the serious re- 
sponsibilities incurred by the British government in perpetu- 
atmg misrule in Oude. He could not shut his eyes to the 


growing anarchy of the Talukdars;' the abominable oppres- 
sions practiced on the Ryots; the lawlessness of the Oude 
soldiery ; and the weakness and debaucheries of successive 
rulers, who chose to call themselves kings. He felt that so 
long as the British government continued to maintain a help- 
less and depraved king upon the throne, it was morally re- 
sponsible for the evils of the maladministration. In 1831 
Lord Wilham Bentinck threatened the king of Oude that 
the British government would take over the management 
of the country unless he reformed the administration. Sub- 
sequently the Court of Directors authorized the Governor- 
General to assume the government of Oude; but by this 
time Lord William Bentinck was about to leave India, and 
he contented himself with giving the king a parting warning. 

In two other territories, Coorg and Mysore, Lord "William 
Bentinck was compelled to interfere ; but in order to appre- 
hend the force of his measures it will be necessary to review 
the history of the two countries. 

Coorg is a Uttle alpine region between Mysore and Mala- 
bar ; a land of hills, forests, ravines, and heavy rains ; abound- 
ing in wild elephants and different kinds of game, and enclos- 
ing valleys covered with cultivation. On three sides it is 
walled off from its neighbors by stupendous mountains; on 
the fom-th side by dense and tangled jungles. 

The people of Coorg are hardy, athletic, and warlike; 
clinging to their homes of mist and mountain with the de- 
votion of highlanders. One-fourth of the population are 
Coorgs properly so-called — a warrior caste, the lords of the 
soil. The remaining three-fourths are low castes, who were 
serfs or slaves under Hindu rule, but have since become free 

The Coorg Raj was founded in the sixteenth century by 
a holy man, who migrated from Ikkeri during the breaking 
up of the Hindu empire of Vijayanagar, and established a 
spiritual ascendency in Coorg which grew into a temporal 

' See ante, p. 465, note. 


sovereignty. * He collected shares of grain from the villages 
round about, and founded a dynasty known as the Vira Rajas. 

For nearly two centuries nothing is known of the Vira 
Rajas. In the eighteenth century Hyder Ali became sov- 
ereign of Mysore, conquered Malabar, and demanded tribute 
from the reigning Vira Raja of Coorg. Payment was re- 
fused ; Mysore troops marched into the country ; mountains, 
ravines, and forests presented insurmountable difficulties; 
and the Coorgs offered a brave and bloody resistance. Hy- 
der Ali achieved a partial success by capturing two or three 
fortresses ; by deporting some of the inhabitants, and giving 
their lands to Muhammadans ; and also by imprisoning and 
murdering several members of the reigning family. 

After the death of Hyder Ali his son Tippu tried to de- 
stroy the independence of Coorg, and bring it under the Mu- 
hammadan yoke ; but in every case the invaders were slaugh- 
tered or driven back; and whenever a Raja was slain, the 
Coorgs set up the eldest surviving prince as their Raja. The 
new Vira Raja was then carried away captive into Mysore; 
but after four years he escaped back to Coorg and renewed 
the old struggle. During the wars against Tippu he was the 
stanch ally of the English, but plundered the Mysore villages 
with much cruelty and barbarity. After the downfall of 
Seringapatam in 1799, he was relieved from tribute, but 
sent an elephant every year to the British authorities in 
acknowledgment of fealty. 

For many years the British government abstained from 
all interference in Coorg. The country was remote, inac- 
cessible, and uninviting. The Raja was loud in professions 
of loyalty and gratitude; anxious to stand well with the 
British authorities, and hospitable to the few officials who 
visited his country, entertaining them with field sports, ani- 
mal fights, and other amusements of a like character. 

In 1807 the Vira Raja lost his favorite wife. She left no 

' A pict\ire of Ikkeri about this period is furnished by Delia Valle. See ante, 
p. 188. The foundation of cities and kingdonas by holy men is a common inci- 
dent in Hindu tradition. 


son, but several daughters ; and the Vira Raja was anxious 
that a daughter should succeed him on the throne of Coorg, 
to the exclusion of his two brothers. Accordingly he begged 
the British authorities to sanction the arrangement. The 
English at Madras had no objection; they cared nothing 
about the Coorg succession; they supposed that the Raja 
might do as he liked, and that he only asked their permis- 
sion out of loyal subserviency to the British government. 
Accordingly the Madras government acquiesced as a matter 
of course. Years afterward it was discovered that the suc- 
cession of a daughter to the exclusion of a brother was con- 
trary to the laws and usages of Coorg; and that the Vira 
Raja had requested the sanction of the British government 
in order that he might violate the long-established customs 
of his own country. 

Meanwhile the Raja had fits of insanity. He was sus- 
picious, morose and bloodthirsty. He was in constant dread 
of assassination, and ordered frequent executions during his 
furious outbreaks. He beheaded his elder brother to secure 
the succession of his daughter ; and he would have beheaded 
his younger brother Lingaraja in like manner, but the latter 
abjured the throne, and devoted himself to a life of sanctity, 
and was generally regarded as stupid and imbecile.' 

In 1809 the Vira Raja died, and was succeeded by his 
daughter, while her husband became minister. Subse- 
quently his younger brother, Lingaraja, appeared upon 
the scene, and showed himself in his true colors. The 
dullwitted devotee turned out to be an extremely crafty 
and cruel individual. He forced the husband to retire from 
the post of minister, and took the government of Coorg into 
his hands ; and he then placed his niece in prison and gave 

1 Sir Lewin Bowring, the late Chief Commissioner of Mysore, states thai the 
Coorg Raja put hundreds of liis subjects to death in his mad fits of passion. 
He expresses an opinion, in which most students in Asiatic history will concur, 
that a brave people, like the Coorgs, would never have submitted to the tyranny 
and barbarity of the Yira Rajas, but for a belief in their divine right or origin. 
Bowling's Eastern Experiences. 


out that she had abdicated the throne. There was no one 
to interfere, and Lingaraja became ruler of Coorg. 

But Lingaraja was in morbid fear of the British authori- 
ties. He was guilty of the most cold-blooded cruelties, but 
took every precaution to prevent their getting wind. He 
allowed none of his subjects to leave Coorg; he surrounded 
every British officer who visited his territories with guards 
and spies; and constructed stockades and defences in the 
passes leading into his country in order to shut out any 
force that might be sent to coerce or dethrone him. He 
died in 1820, and was succeeded by a son named Chikka 
Vira Raja. 

For the space of fourteen years the reign of Chikka Vira 
Raja was a series of frightful barbarities. He murdered all 
who had offended him, including all his relatives, old and 
young, male and female. None were saved excepting his 
own wives and children, and a married sister who fled from 
his violence into British territory. Many were shot with his 
own hands in the courtyard of the palace. Others were 
dragged out of the palace at night and beheaded in the 
jungle. His depravity was worse than his butchery; but 
that was confined to the recesses of his zenana. 

At last the atrocities of the Coorg Raja were noised 
abroad, and the Raja was told that the British government 
would no longer permit him to perpetrate such merciless 
massacres. In reply he asserted that he was an independ- 
ent Raja, and demanded the surrender of his sister and her 
husband ; and when this was refused he declared war against 
the British government. 

In 1834 the career of Chikka Vira Raja was brought to 
a close. A British force was marched into Coorg. The 
country was difficult of access, and the Coorgs fought with 
all the valor of their race; but the Raja was as cowardly as 
he was cruel, and fled to the jungle and committed more 
murders. The dead body of his minister was found hang- 
ing from a tree; but whether he was hanged by the Raja, 
or hanged himself to escape punishment, is unknown to this 


day. The Raja surrendered to the British authorities, and 
laid all the murders at the door of his dead minister. 

Lord William Bentinck, with his characteristic predilec- 
tion for Hindu rulers, was anxious that the leading men of 
Coorg should choose a Raja for themselves. The people 
of Coorg, without a dissentient voice, declared their prefer- 
ence for the government of the East India Company ; but 
they stipulated that the Raja should be sent away from 
Coorg, and never allowed to return, as otherwise they would 
feel bound to obey him.' Accordingly Chikka Vira Raja 
was removed to Benares, and afterward allowed to visit 
England; and Lord "William Bentinck was reluctantly 
obliged to annex the territory of Coorg to the British do- 
minions, "in consideration of the unanimous wish of the 

Mysore was a more important country than Coorg. After 
the downfall of Tippu in 1799, a child of the extinct Hindu 
dynasty was placed on the throne of Mysore ; while a Brah- 
man named Purnea conducted the administration under the 
supervision of an English Resident." The boy was named 
Krishnaraj. He was not heir to the Raj, but only a child 
of the family; and he owed his elevation entirely to the 
favor or policy of the British government. Accordingly, in 

' The people of Coorg insisted on another condition, namely, that no cows 
should be killed in Coorg. Indeed, all Hindus, whose feelings have not been 
blunted by association with Muhammadans or Europeans, regard the slaughter 
of a cow with the same horror tliat they would the murder of a mother. Some 
authorities have cavilled at this stipulation as a concession to Hindu prejudices ; 
and Sir John Malcolm refused to concede it to Daulat Rao Smdia after the \ic- 
tories of Assaye and Argaum. But the two cases were altogether different. 
Sindia was not in a position to demand such a concession; and setting aside all 
other considerations, it would have been most impolitic to have admitted it. 
Moreover, the people of Hindustan had been subjected for ages to Muhammadan 
dominion. On the other hand, the acquisition of Coorg by the English was of 
the nature of a compact. The concession was restricted to a little secluded ter- 
ritory sixty miles long and forty broad, which had never been conquered by 
the Muhammadans. Above all, the stipulation is no breach of morahty or 
decency, although it maybe inconvenient to Europeans. If the Hindus of Coorg 
had claimed the right to burn living widows, or to display obscene symbols on 
idol cars, the case would have been different. 

« See ante, pp. 471, 479. 


order to give him a show of right, he was formally adopted 
by the widows of the last two Rajas of the dynasty. 

Purnea was a Brahman of experience and capacity. For 
years he had been the minister of Tippu, and he soon won 
the confidence of the English Resident at Mysore. He was 
courteous, dignified, industrious, and careful to keep every- 
thing unpleasant out of sight. Successive English Residents 
— Barry Close, Mark Wilks, and John Malcolm — were more 
Orientalized than political officers of the modern school, more 
isolated from Europeans, and more dependent on natives. 
They were well versed in native character, and more con- 
siderate as regards native ways. They did not expect too 
much from Brahman administrators; judging them by 
Oriental rather than by European standards; and content 
to let things alone so long as there were no outbreaks, no 
brigands, and a good surplus in the public treasury. Ac- 
cordingly things went on smoothly between the Resident 
and the Brahman ; and as Purnea accumulated large sums 
in the public treasury, he was lauded to the skies as a min- 
ister worthy of Akbar. 

But Purnea was a Mahratta Brahman of the old Peishwa 
type, who considered that Brahmans should govern kingdoms 
while Rajas enjoyed themselves. He was wilhng that Krish- 
naraj should be a symbol of sovereignty, and show himself 
on state occasions to receive the homage of his subjects ; but 
he was bent on making the Raja of Mysore a puppet like the 
first Maharaja of Satara, while he perpetuated his own power 
as minister and sole ruler. 

In 1811 Krishnaraj attained his sixteenth year, and pro- 
posed to undertake the government of Mysore. The British 
authorities had no objection; but Purnea was exasperated 
at the threatened loss of power, and so far forgot himself as 
to use strong language. Resistance, however, was out of 
the question. The Raja was placed at the head of affairs, 
and Purnea resigned himself to his fate, retired from his 
post, and died shortly afterward. 

The government of Mysore ought never to have been in- 


trusted to a boj'', without some controlling authority. Krish- 
naraj was a polished young prince of courtly manners, but 
he had less knowledge of the world than an English charity 
boy. He was imbued with a strong taste for Oriental pleas- 
ures and vices, and there was no one to say him nay. From 
his infancy he had been surrounded by obsequious flatterers, 
who were his willing slaves. The result might have been 
foreseen. Within three years the English Resident reported 
that the accumulations of Purnea, estimated at seven mil- 
lions sterling, had already been squandered on priests and 
parasites. Later on he reported that the finances were in 
utter disorder. The pay of the army was in arrears, and the 
Raja was raising money by the sale of offices and monopo- 
lies. Worst of all, the public revenues were alienated; the 
lands were let to the highest bidders, and the lessees were 
left to extort what they could from the cultivators, while 
the Raja continued his wasteful expenditure on vicious in- 
dulgences and riotous living. 

Had the Raja been seriously warned in time that he 
would be deposed from his sovereignty unless he mended 
his ways, he would probably have turned over a new leaf. 
But non-intervention proved his ruin. The English Resi- 
dent advised him to reform his administration, but he used 
soft and conciliatory tones, which were lost upon the Raja. 
Matters grew worse and rebukes became louder, until at last 
the Raja was case-hardened. The once famous Sir Thomas 
Munro, the governor of Madras, solemnly pointed out the 
coming danger to the Raja; but he might as well have 
preached to the winds. Nothing was done, and the warn- 
ings became a farce. The Raja promised everything while 
the Resident was present; but when the Resident's back 
was turned, he thrust his tongue into his cheek for the 
amusement of his courtiers. 

In 1830 the people of Mysore broke out in rebellion, and 
the British government was compelled to send a force to 
suppress it. It would be tedious to dwell on the military 
operations, or the political controversies that followed. In 


the end the administration of Mysore was transferred to 
English officers under the supervision of the English Resi- 
dent; while the Raja was removed from the government, 
and pensioned off, like the Tanjore Raja, on an annual sti- 
pend of thirty-five thousand pounds, and a fifth share of 
the net revenues of Mysore. 

But Lord William Bentinck was still anxious to perpet- 
uate Hindu rule in Mysore. He proposed to restore the 
government to the Raja under a new set of restrictions ; but 
the home authorities negatived the proposal ; and indeed it 
would probably have ended in the same kind of explosion as 
that which extinguished the Mahratta Peishwa. He also 
contemplated a restoration of the old status of an English 
Resident and a Brahman minister; but Purnea's adminis- 
tration would not bear investigation. It had been cruel and 
oppressive; and the native officials under him had exacted 
revenue by methods which were revolting to civilized ideas.' 
Accordingly Lord William Bentinck left matters to drift on; 
and a few years afterward the English Resident was turned 
into a Commissioner, and Mysore became a British province 
in everything except the name. Meanwhile Mysore rose to 
a high pitch of prosperity; the people were contented and 
happy ; and the yearly revenues of the province rose from 
four hundred thousand pounds to more than a million 

In one other direction the administration of Lord Wil- 
liam Bentinck is an epoch in the history of India. It saw 
the renewal of the charter of the late East India Company 
in 1833. Henceforth the Company withdrew from all com- 
mercial transactions ; and the right of Europeans to reside 
in India, and acquire possession of lands, was estabHshed 
by law. 

Lord William Bentinck retired from the post of Gov- 
ernor-General, and embarked for England in March, 1835, 
after having held the reins of government for nearly eight 
years. Whatever may have been his shortcomings in Ms 

' See ante, p. 479. 


dealing with native states, there can be no question as to 
the purity of Ms motives, his sincere anxiety for the welfare 
of the princes and people of India, and the general success 
of his administration of the British Indian empire. His 
financial and judicial reforms are forgotten now, although 
their results have largely contributed to the well-being of 
the masses; but, in other respects, the material prosperity 
of the empire dates from the administration of Lord Wil- 
liam Bentinck. The acquisition of Cachar and Assam, be- 
tween Bengal and Burma, during the first Burmese war, 
was followed by the cultivation of tea, which has already 
assumed proportions which would have appeared incredible 
in a past generation, and ought to increase the domestic 
comfort of every cottage throughout the British dominion. 
But the most memorable act in his administration was the 
abohtion of suttee. This horrible rite, which had been prac- 
ticed in India from a remote antiquity, and had been known 
to Europe ever since the days of Alexander, was prohibited 
by law throughout British territories in the teeth of dismal 
forebodings and prejudiced posterity; and not only has the 
abolition been carried out with comparative ease,- but it has 
recommended itself to the moral sense of the whole Hindu 
community of India. In the present day, while the educa- 
tion of females is still looked upon with distrust, and the 
attempts to put an end to female infanticide are distasteful 
in many quarters, every Hindu of ordinary education and 
intelligence rejoices in his heart that the burning of living 
widows with their deceased husbands is an abomination that 
has passed away. 

In 1835 Lord William Bentinck was succeeded by Sir 
Charles Metcalfe as Governor-General of India. Sir Charles, 
afterward Lord, Metcalfe, was one of the ablest and most 
experienced civil servants of the late Company ; but his ad- 
ministration was only provisional, and, beyond repealing the 
regulations which fettered the liberty of the press, it occu- 
pies but a small space in history. It was brought to a close 
in March, 18-36, by the arrival of Lord Auckland. 


The present chapter brings a decade of peace to a close. 
It began at the end of the Burmese war in 1826, and ended 
in 1836, when dark clouds were beginning to gather on the 
northwest. The war decade begins with the outbreak of 
hostilities beyond the Indus in 1839, and ends with the con- 
quest of the Sikhs and annexation of the Punjab in 1849. 

The administration of Lord Auckland opens up a new 
era in the history of India. In the beginning of the century 
the Marquis of Wellesley had deemed it a peremptory duty 
to guard India against the approaches of France and the 
first Napoleon. In the second quarter of the same century 
Lord Auckland's government took alarm at the extension 
of Russian power and influence in Central Asia; and this 
alarm found expression in the first Afghan war. Before, 
however, dealing with the preliminary operations in Kan- 
dahar and Kabul, it may be as well to devote a preliminary 
chapter to the current of events in Central Asia and the 
previous history of the Afghans. 



A.D. 1747 TO 1838 

DURING the eighteenth century and first quarter of 
the nineteenth, Central Asia was a neutral and little 
known region; the homes of Usbegs and Afghans; 
isolated from the outer world by desert and mountain ; but 
environed more and more closely, as time went on, by the 
four great Asiatic empires of Persia, Russia, China, and 
British India. 

Roughly speaking, the country northward of the river 
Oxus is occupied by Usbegs ; while that to the south is oc- 
cupied by Afghans. The Usbegs to the northward of the 
Oxus may be divided into the dwellers in towns, or Usbegs 
proper, and the nomads of the desert, better known as Tur- 
komans. In modern times the Usbeg dominion has been 
parcelled out into the three kingdoms of Khiva, Bokhara 
and Khokand, which may be described as three semi-civil- 
ized oases in the barbarous desert of Turkomans. 

Ever since the reign of Peter the Great in the beginning 
of the eighteenth century, Russia has been extending her 
empire southward over the Kirghiz steppes which separate 
her from the Usbegs. These steppes are occupied by the 
three great tribes of nomads, known as the little horde, the 
middle horde, and the great horde. Gradually, by a policy 
of protection followed by that of incorporation, these rude 
hordes of nomads were brought under Russian subjection; 
and when Lord Auckland landed in India the tide of Rus- 


sian influence appeared to be approaching the three Usbeg 
kingdoms of Khiva, Bokhara, and Khokand. 

Meanwhile the British government had not been unmind- 
ful of the progress of affairs in Afghanistan to the southward 
of the Ox us. This region is distributed into four provinces, 
each having a city of the same name, corresponding to the 
four points of the compass. Kabul is on the north, Kan- 
dahar on the south, Peshawar on the east, and Herat on 
the west. Sometimes, but very rarely, these provinces have 
been formed into a single empire having its capital at Kabul. 
At all other times they have been parcelled out under differ- 
ent rulers — sons, brothers, or other kinsmen of the suzerain 
at Kabul, but often independent of his authority. In the 
centre is the ancient city of Ghazni, the halfway house be- 
tween Kandahar and Kabul, and the frontier fortress to 
Kabul proper on the side of Kandahar. 

Afghanistan is a region of rugged mountains and ele- 
vated valleys. The Hindu Kush, which forms the western 
end of the Himalayas, throws off toward the southwest a 
series of mountain ranges, which bound Kabul on the north, 
and then run in a westerly direction toward Herat, under 
the names of Koh-i-Baba and Siah Koh. Indeed, the whole 
region may be described as a star of valleys, radiating round 
the stupendous peaks of Koh-i-Baba in the centre of the 
Afghan country, which are clad with pines and capped with 
snow. The valleys and glens are watered by numberless 
mountain streams, and are profusely rich in vegetable pro- 
ductions, especially fruits and cereals.' The lower slopes 
throw out spurs which are bleak and bare, and have an 
outer margin of barren or desert territory." The population 

* Afghanistan produces wheat, barley, maize, millet and rice; also cotton, 
tobacco, and castor-oil. It is famous for the culture of fruits, including apples, 
pears, almonds, apricots, quinces, plums, cherries, pomegranates, limes, citrons, 
grapes, tigs and mulberries. All of these fruits, both fresh and dried, are ex- 
ported to Hindustan in immense quantities, and are the main staple of the coun- 
try. Horses and wool are also exported to Bombay. 

^ The heights of Koh-i-Baba bear traces of a remote antiquity. They include 
the rock fortress of Zohak, the demon king of Arabia, who is celebrated in the 
Shah Namah. They also include the valley of Bameau on the north of Kabul, 


of Afghanistan is about five millions, but only about half 
can be reckoned as Afghans. 

In 1836 the Afghans were separated from British territo- 
ries by the empire of Runjeet Singh in the Punjab; and also 
by the dominions of the Amirs of Sinde on the lower Indus. 
But Afghanistan had always been the highway for armies 
invading India ; for Assyrian, Persian, and Greek in ancient 
times, and for Turk, Afghan, and Moghul in a later age. 
In the earlier years of the present century, as already re- 
lated, missions were sent by the British government to form 
defensive alliances with the Amir of Kabul and the Shah of 
Persia against the supposed designs of the first Napoleon. 

The Afghans are Muhammadans of the Sunni faith ; they 
reverence the first four Khahfs, and have no particular ven- 
eration for the prophet Ali. They are spHt up into tribes, 
clans, and families, each under its own head, commander, 
or Sirdar ; and they are often at war or feud, and often en- 
gaged in conspiracies, rebellions, and assassinations. They 
are tall, burly, active men, with oHve complexions, dark 
Jewish features, black eyes, and long black hair hanging 
down in curls. Their countenances are calm, and they 
affect a frankness and bon-hommie; they will sometimes 
indulge in a rude jocularity ; but their expression is savage, 
and evil passions are often raging in their hearts like hidden 
fires. They are bloodthirsty, deceitful, and depraved ; ready 
to seU their country, their honor, and their very souls for 
lucre. They care for nothing but fighting and loot ; delight- 
ing in the din of arms, the turmoil of battle, and the plimder 
of the killed and wounded ; without any rehsh for home life 
or domestic ties; without a sting of remorse or a sense of 
shame. There are no people on earth that have a finer 

with huge colossal statues and temple caves ; the relics of the old Buddhist faith 
which was driven out of Kabul by the advance of Islam under the Khalifs of 
Damascus and Bagdad. 

The Siah Koh includes the mountain fortress of G-hor, which gave its name 
to a dynasty of Afghan conquerors of Hindustan, whicli was founded in the 
twelfth century of the Christian era. The same name reappears in Gour, the 
ancient capital of Bengal, which is now a heap of ruins. See ante, pp. 97-102. 


physique or a viler morale. They are the relics of a nation 
who have played out their parts in history. In bygone ages 
they conquered Hindustan on the one side and Persia on the 
other; but the conquering instinct has died away amid the 
incessant discord of family feuds and domestic broils. 

In olden time there were fierce contentions between Ab- 
dalis and Ghilzais. The Abdalis were descended from the 
sons of a wife, and the Ghilzais from the sons of a concu- 
bine. Accordingly the Abdalis declared that they alone 
were the true Afghans, and that the Ghilzais were an ille- 
gitimate offspring. It was a later version of the old feud 
between Sarah and Hagar, between the children of Isaac 
and the children of Ishmael. Ultimately the Abdalis got the 
uppermost, and the Ghilzais took refuge in the mountains. 

The Abdahs are pure Afghans ; legitimate and orthodox. 
In ancient times there was a distinguished offshoot, known 
as the tribe of Barukzais. In modern times the Abdalis 
have been known as Duranis; and a distinction has grown 
up between the Duranis and the Barukzais. The origin of 
this distinction is unknown, but the rivalry between the two 
is the key to Afghan history. The dynasty of Ahmad Shah 
Abdali was known as the Durani Shahs;' their hereditary 
ministers were heads of the Barukzai tribe; and Afghan 
history has culminated in modern times in the transfer of 
the sovereignty from the Shah to the minister, from the 
Durani to the Barukzai.* 

The modern history of the Afghans begins with the assas- 
sination of ISTadir Shah in 1747. This catastrophe convulsed 
Asia like the sudden death of Alexander the Great at Baby- 
lon twenty-two centuries ago. The overgrown Persian 

' Ferrier says that the name of Durani was given to the Abdalis by Ahmad 
Shah Abdali on his accession to the throne in 1747 ; but the name may have had 
a still earlier origin. Both Duranis and Barukzais were originally included under 
the name of Abdalis. 

^ Tliere are more intricacies of clans and tribes, which would only bewilder 
general readers. Thus the hereditary ministers, described hereafter as Barukzais, 
were, properly speaking, Moliamedzais, the most distinguished branch of the 
Barukzais. The Mohamedzais comprised about four or live thousand families, 
while the Barukzais numbered fifty thousand families. 


empire was broken up, and there were bloody wars for the 
fragments. The Afghan Sirdars and their several contin- 
gents left the Persian army, and went to Kandahar to choose 
a, Shah for themselves, who should be a king in his own 
right, and owe no allegiance to the Persian or the Moghul. 

The Afghans could not agree about a Shah. The Sirdars 
quarrelled and wi^angled according to their wont. Some 
called out for Ahmad Khan,'the chief of the Duranis; others 
called out for Jemal Khan, the chief of the Barukzais; but 
in their hearts every Sirdar wanted to be the Shah. At last 
a holy Dervish called out amid the uproar, ' ' God has made 
Ahmad Khan the greatest man among you!" And he 
twisted barley stalks into a ^vreath and placed it on the head 
of Ahmad Khan. Then Jemal Khan hailed Ahmad Khan 
as Shah;' and the people carried Ahmad Khan to the great 
mosque at Kandahar; and the chief Mulla poured a meas- 
ure of wheat upon his head, and proclaimed that he was the 
chosen of God and the Afghans. So Ahmad Khan Diu-ani 
became Shah of Kandahar, and Jemal Khan Barukzai was 
the greatest man in the kingdom next the Shah. 

All this while Kabul was held by certain Persian fami- 
lies, who were known as Kuzzilbashes, or "Red-caps"; for 
when Nadir Shah was alive he placed the Persian "Red- 
caps" in the fortress of Bala Hissar,* to hold the city of 
Kabul against the Afghans. The Kuzzilbashes are Shiahs, 
while the Afghans are Sunnis; nevertheless, Ahmad Shah 
made a league with the "Red-caps," and they opened their 
gates to him, and he became Shah of Kabul as well as of 
Kandahar. Henceforth Ahmad Khan spent the spring and 
summer at the city of Kabul, and the autumn and winter at 
the city of Kandahar. 

Ahmad Shah treated his Sirdars as friends and equals, 
but he showed the greatest kindness to Jemal Khan. He 

' Shah signifies "king," and Mirza signifies "prince," or son of the Shah. 

* The Bala Hissar, or "palace of kings," has been the scene of many a revo- 
lution and massacre. At this moment (November, 1879) it is being destroyed 
by the British army. 


kept the Afghans constantly at war so that no one cared to 
conspire against him. He conquered all Afghanistan to the 
banks of the Oxus; all Herat and Khorassan; all Kashmir 
and the Punjab as far as the Himalayas; and all Sinde and 
Beluchistan to the shores of the Indian Ocean. He invaded 
Hindustan, captured Delhi, and re-established the sovereign- 
ty of the Great Moghul. ' He gave his Sirdars governments 
and commands in the countries he conquered ; and they lived 
in great wealth and honor and were faithful to him all his 
days. He died in 1773, being the year after Warren Hastings 
was made Governor of Bengal. 

Ahmad Shah left eight sons, but he set aside his first- 
born, and named his second son, Timur Mirza, to be his suc- 
cessor on the throne. The first-born was proclaimed Shah 
at Kandahar, but Timur marched an army against him; 
and all the chief men on the side of the first-born deserted 
his cause and went over to Timur, but Timur beheaded 
them on the spot lest they should prove to be spies. Then 
the first-born fled into exile, and Timur Shah sat on the 
throne of his father, Ahmad Shah. 

Timur Shah gave commands and honors to his Sirdars, 
and heaped rewards on the head of Payendah Khan, the son 
of Jemal Khan, who succeeded his father as hereditary chief 
of the Barukzais. But the Sirdars thwarted the new Shah, 
and wanted to be his masters ; and he abandoned himself to 
his pleasures and put his trust in the Kuzzilbashes. 

At this time the people of Balkh to the northward of 
Kabul were insolent and unruly. ° They affronted every 
governor that Timur Shah put over them, and refused to 
pay taxes; and at last no Sirdar would accept the govern- 
ment. So the matter became a jest among the Afghans; 
and monkeys were taught to howl with grief, and throw 

' See ante, pp. 392, 402. 

^ Balkh is a fertile but little known territory to the northward of Kabul, be- 
tween the so-called Himalayas (Koh-i-Baba) and the Oxus. It was the Baktria 
of Herodotus. The beautiful Roxana, whom Alexander loved and married, was 
a daughter of the king of Baktria. 


dust upon their heads, whenever one of them was offered 
the government of Balkh. 

Meanwhile there were troubles in the Punjab and Sinde; 
and Timur Shah went to Peshawar with his army of Kuz- 
zilbashes to put them down. One afternoon the Shah was 
taking his siesta in the fortress at Peshawar, and the Kuz- 
zilbashes were slumbering outside the walls, when a com- 
pany of armed conspirators got in by treachery, and sought 
to murder him, Timur Shah heard the tumult, and ran 
into a tower and barred the gateway. He then hastened to 
the top of the tower, and shouted to the Kuzzilbashes below, 
and unfolded his long Kashmir turban, and waved it from 
the battlements. The Red-caps awoke just in time. The 
conspirators were breaking into the tower when they were 
assailed and cut to pieces. The leader of the conspiracy 
escaped to the mountains, but was cajoled into surrender 
by solemn oaths of pardon and promises of reward, and 
was then put to death without scruple. Timur Shah was 
so furious at the outbreak that he wreaked his vengeance 
upon the inhabitants of Peshawar, and put a third of the 
people to the sword. 

After this massacre Timur Shah was stricken with re- 
morse and terror, and grew melancholy mad. He died in 
1793, leaving twentj-three sons to fight against each other 
for the throne of Afghanistan. 

The princes were preparing for war when Payendah 
Khan, the new chief of the Barukzais, averted the blood- 
shed. He had resolved that the fifth son of Timur Shah, 
named Zeman, should succeed to the throne; but he called 
all the sons of Timur Shah, and all the Sirdars, together in 
one building in order that they might choose a Shah. After 
long debate Zeman quietly left the assembly followed by 
Payendah Khan; and all those who remained behind found 
that the doors and windows were locked and barred, and 
that the place was surrounded by soldiers. For the space 
of five days no one could get out, and no one could break 
in. Every day a small morsel of bread was given to each 


prisoner, which suflBced to keep him alive; and when they 
were all reduced to skin and bone, they yielded to their fate 
and swore allegiance to Zeman Shah. 

After this Zeman Shah resolved to cripple the power of 
the Sirdars. He would not seek to conciliate them as his 
father and grandfather had done; but he deprived them of 
their commands and emoluments. He grew jealous of Pay- 
endah Khan to whom he owed his throne, and removed him 
from his posts and reduced him to poverty. The flames of 
discontent began to spread abroad among the Sirdars, but 
were quenched by treachery and massacre. Many were 
tempted to court by oaths and promises, and were then put 
to death. In this manner Zeman Shah established a reign 
of terror at Kabul. 

At this time the brothers of Zeman Shah were dispersed 
over the provinces, and breaking out in plots and insurrec- 
tions. The Sikhs were rebelling in the Punjab. Zeman 
Shah set out from Kabul to repress the revolt; but he was 
called back by the news that his eldest brother had been 
proclaimed Shah at Kandahar, and that another brother, 
named Mahmud Mirza, had rebelled at Herat. After a 
while his eldest brother was taken prisoner and deprived 
of eyesight; and Mahmud Mirza was bribed to quietness 
by being appointed governor of Herat. 

Zeman Shah next marched to Lahore, and quieted the 
Sikh rebels in like manner. He cajoled the head rebel, 
Runjeet Singh, into a show of obedience, and appointed 
him Viceroy of the Punjab ; but from that day the Punjab 
was lost to the Afghans, and passed into the hands of the 
Sikhs. Runjeet Singh proved himself to be a warrior of 
mark, who laid the foundations of a Sikh empire. His later 
relations with the British government have already been told 
in dealing with the administration of Lord Minto. 

When Zeman Shah had settled Lahore, he placed his 
brother Shah Shuja m the government of Peshawar, 
which was the gate of the Punjab, and then returned to 


"While Zeman Shah was at Lahore, he threatened to in- 
vade Hindustan, and invited Lord Wellesley to join him 
in the conquest of the Malirattas. Had Lord Wellesley 
been acquainted with the surroundings of Zeman Shah, 
he would have scoffed at the idea of an Afghan in- 

No sooner had Zeman Shah returned to Kabul than tid- 
ings reached him that the Barukzais were plotting against 
him at Kandahar, to avenge the disgrace of Payendah Khan, 
the chief of their tribe. Accordingly Zeman Shah hurried 
away to Kandahar, and thought to crush the Barukzais by 
confiscating their wealth, and executing all who were dis- 
affected. The Barukzais grew desperate, and plotted to set 
up Shah Shuja of Peshawar in the room of Zeman Shah ; but 
the plot was betrayed by one of the conspirators. Accord- 
ingly Payendah Khan, and every Sirdar who had leagued 
with him, were summoned to the fortress at Kandahar un- 
der the pretence of being consulted by the Shah on public 
affairs. One by one they were conducted into the presence 
of Zeman Shah and butchered on the spot, and their bodies 
were exposed in the public square. In this way Zeman 
Shah established his authority at Kandahar, and then re- 
turned to Kabul. 

Payendah Khan, chief of the Barukzais, left nineteen 
sons by six different mothers, and the eldest was named 
Futih Khan. When the unfortunate father was murdered 
at Kandahar, Futih Khan fled to Herat, and began to plot 
with Mahmud Mirza, the governor of Herat, to dethrone 
Zeman Shah and set up Mahmud in his room. When their 
plans were all ready, Futih Khan conducted Mahmud to 
Kandahar, and raised an army of Barukzais, and marched 
toward Kabul. Zeman Shah came out against them, but 
was defeated utterly, and taken prisoner and deprived of 
sight. Mahmud thus became Shah of Afghanistan, while 
his blinded brother Zeman fled through many countries, and 
suffered many pangs and privations, and at last found an 
asylum at Ludhiana in British territory. Thus the once 


famous Afghan ruler, who threatened to conquer Hindu- 
stan, and excited the alarm of Lord "Wellesley, was sup- 
ported to the end of his days on a pension granted him ^y 
the East India Company. 

Mahmud was Shah only in name ; the real sovereign was 
Futih Khan, the Vizier, who had succeeded his father as 
chief of the Barukzais. Mahmud the Durani Shah was a 
puppet like the Mahratta Sahu; while Futih Khan, the 
Barukzai Vizier, was a Peishwa like Balaji Rao. 

In 1801-2 there were risings of the Ghilzais, the chil- 
dren of the concubine, the Ishmaels of the Afghans; but 
Futih Khan attacked them in the mountains and routed 
them with great slaughter ; and he then built up a pyramid 
with their heads and returned in triumph to Kabul, 

After a while there was a bloody strife at Kabul between 
the Sunnis and the Shiahs; in other words, between the Af- 
ghans and the Red-caps. The Red-caps thought to spite the 
Sunnis by tormenting an Afghan boy; and the parents of 
the lad went to the palace for justice, and were told to go 
to the mosque.* The parents ran into the great mosque at 
Kabul while a Saiyid was preaching, and rent their clothes 
and filled the air with their cries. The Saiyid stopped the 
sermon to hear their story, and then issued a fatwa* for the 
slaughter of all the Shiahs in Kabul. The Sunni congrega- 
tion armed themselves and rushed to the quarter of the Kuz- 
zilbashes, slaughtered every Red-cap they met in the streets, 
and then broke into the houses, carried oif the plunder, and 
set the buildings on fire. The storm raged throughout four 
days. At last the Barukzai Vizier interposed with a troop 
of horsemen, and put a stop to the riot, but not before four 
hundred Kuzzilbashes had been slain. 

The Sunnis had been scattered b}^ matchlock and sabre, 

' The Durani Shahs had always trimmed between the Afghans and the Kuz- 
zilbashes, or Red-caps, and stood aloof from cver_y conflicl between the two. 
Accordingly both the Durani Shah and the Barukzai Vizier got rid of the petition 
of the parents by referring the complainants to a religious tiibunal. 

* A fatwa was a religious command bearing some resemblance to a papal bull. 


but their Wrath was not appeased, and they swore to be re- 
venged on the friends of the Shiahs. In 1803, when the 
Barukzai Vizier was putting down revolts among the moun- 
tain tribes at a distance from Kabul, Shah Shuja was per- 
suaded to come from Peshawar, and was hailed by the Sunni 
multitude at Kabul with shouts and acclamations. Mahmud 
Shah fled in alarm to the Bala Hissar, but soon found him- 
self a close prisoner in one of the dungeons. Shortly after- 
ward the Barukzai Vizier returned to Kabul and became 
minister to Shah Shuja.' 

In 1809 there were other plots and other explosions. Shah 
Shuja had grown impatient of the dictation of his Barukzai 
Vizier and removed him from office; and then went to 
Peshawar to receive Mr. Elphinstone, and make an alli- 
ance with the English against France and Napoleon. Mean- 
while the deposed Vizier leagued with the Kuzzilbashes, and 
delivered his old master, Mahmud Shah, from his prison, 
and placed him on the throne at Kabul. Shah Shuja com- 
pleted his negotiations with Mr. Elphinstone, and then turned 
back to go to Kabul, but was routed by the Barukzais and 
Kuzzilbashes; and he fled through the Punjab to British ter- 
ritory, and became a pensioner at Ludhiana like his brother 
Zeman Shah. 

Mahmud Shah was thus restored to the throne of Af- 
ghanistan, but he was still feeble and effeminate, and a 
mere tool in the hands of his Barukzai Vizier, Futih Khan. 
He abandoned himself to his pleasures, and left the govern- 
ment to his Vizier. But Afghanistan prospered under the 
rule of the Barukzai. Futih Khan was a conqueror as weU 
as an administrator. He reduced Sinde and Beluchistan to 
obedience, but he could do nothing in the Punjab, for he 
was constantly baffled and defeated by the Sikh ruler, 
Runjeet Singh. 

About this time Herat became a bone of contention be- 

' The Barukzai Vizier'3 acceptance of office under Shah Shuja, while his old 
master Mahmud was pining in the dungeons of the Bala Hissar, is one of those 
typical data which serve to bring out the real character of the Afghans. 
India. Vol. II. X— 9 


tween the Afghans and the Persians.* It has already been 
seen that when Zeman was Shah, his brother Mahmud be- 
came governor of Herat. When Mahmud became Shah, 
another brother, named Firuz, became governor of Herat. 
Firuz coined money in the name of Mahmud Shah, and his 
son married a daughter of Mahmud Shah; but Firuz ruled 
Herat as an independent sovereign, and refused to send any 
tribute to Kabul. 

In 1816 Firuz was between two fires. On one side Kabul 
demanded tribute ; on the other side Persia demanded pos- 
session. At last Persia sent an army to take possession of 
Herat, and Firuz was forced to send for help to Kabul. The 
Barukzai Vizier rejoiced over the request. He marched an 
army to Herat before the Persians reached the place; and 
he entered the fortress and declared that Firuz was a rebel, 
and took him prisoner and sent him to Kabul. At the same 
time the Vizier's younger brother. Dost Muhammad Khan, 
broke into the zenana and robbed the ladies of their jewels, 
and carried away a girdle set with precious stones that was 
worn by the daughter of Mahmud Shah. Futih Khan was 
angry at this outrage, and ordered his brother to restore the 
girdle ; but Dost Muhammad Khan refused to give it back, 
and fled away to Kashmir.'* 

All this while Kamran Mirza, the son of Mahmud Shah, 
had been very jealous of the Vizier; and when he heard that 
his sister at Herat had been robbed of her girdle, he com- 
plained to his father very bitterly. So Mahmud Shah was 
persuaded to avenge the insult by destroying the Vizier's 
eyesight, and Kamran hastened to Herat to carry out the 

' The Shah of Persia claimed Herat on the ground that it had been conquered 
by Nadir Shah. The claim, however, was a mere sham. Persia might just as 
well have claimed Kabul and Kandahar, since both provinces had been conquered 
by Nadir Shah. The plain fact was that Ahmad Shah Durani had conquered 
Herat, but his successors could not hold it, as it was too remote from Kabul ; and 
Herat became an independent sovereignty in the hands of any Afghan prince 
who obtained the government. 

'■* This is the first appearance of Dost Muhammad Khan, the founder of the 
Barukzai dynasty, upon the page of history. At a later period he was a leading 
character in the Afghan war of 1839-42. 


sentence. Futih Khan was surprised and bound, and his 
eyes were pierced with red-hot needles in the presence of 

When Dost Muhammad Khan heard what had been done, 
he raised an army in Kashmir and marched against Kabul 
to avenge the atrocity committed on his eldest brother. 
Mahmud Shah was seized with terror at the approach of 
the avenging army, and fled awa}'' to Ghazni, the half-way 
fortress between Kabul and Kandahar. At Ghazni he was 
joined by his son, Kamran, and the blind Barukzai Vizier 
from Herat. But his kingdom had passed out of his hands, 
and his troops deserted him in large numbers, and went over 
to Dost Muhammad Khan. In his wrath he sent for the 
blind Vizier, and ordered his Sirdars to put him to death 
before his eyes. Kamran struck the first blow. All the 
Sirdars then began to torment the blind Vizier with their 
daggers; and after enduring excruciating agony, Futih 
Khan expired without a groan. 

The plots and broils which f olloAved are tedious and be- 
wildering. Mahmud Shah and his son, Kamran, fled to 
Herat, and became independent rulers of that remote ter- 
ritory. The surviving sons of Payendah Shah, known as 
the Barukzai brothers, assumed different commands in 
Kabul, Kandahar, Kashmir, and Beluchistan, But Af- 
ghanistan was without a sovereign, N"ot one of the 
Barukzai brothers ventured at this period to usurp the 
Durani sovereignty. They were willing to set up Shah 
Shuja as a puppet and to rule Afghanistan in his name; 
but Shah Shuja refused to accept their terms, and insisted 
upon being absolute and uncontrolled sovereign of the Af- 

' Tho following table of Durani Shahs and Barukzai Tiziers may be found 
a convenient aid to the memory: 

Ahmad Shah Durani 
Timur Shah " 
Zeman Shah " 
Mahmud Shah " 
Shah Shuja " 
Mahmud Shah (restored) 

1747 Jemal Khan Barukzai . . 1747 

1773 Payendah Khan " . , 1773 

1793 Futih Khan " . . 1800 

1800 " " . . 1803 

1803 Dost Muhammad Klian Ba- 

1809 rukzai, Amir of Kabul . 1826 


ghans. Under such circumstances the Barukzai brothers 
abandoned Shah Shuja, and he was forced to return to 
Ludhiana. They then tried to set up another prince of the 
family ; but soon found that their new Durani puppet was 
plotting against them with Shah Shuja on one side at Lu- 
dhiana, and with Mahmud Shah on the other side at Herat. 
The result was that the puppet was dethroned, and the 
Barukzai brothers quarrelled among themselves, while Run- 
jeet Singh occupied Peshawar and Persia threatened Herat. 

At last, in 1826, Dost Muhammad Khan became master 
of Kabul. Subsequently he was formally elected king by an 
assembly of Sirdars, and proclaimed Amir by the chief Mulla, 
with all the ceremonies that had been observed at the corona- 
tion of Ahmad Shah. But he was environed by dangers. On 
the north there were revolts in Balkh ; on the south one of his 
brothers was holding out against him at Kandahar; on the 
east he was harassed by Runjeet Singh at Peshawar, with 
Shah Shuja and the British government in the background; 
on the west there was Mahmud Shah and Kamran at Herat, 
with Persia plotting behind and Russia looming in the dis- 
tance. Amid such perplexities Dost Muhammad Khan was 
willing and anxious to conclude an alliance with the British 
government, provided only he could be assured that the En- 
glish were not plotting to restore Shah Shuja, and would help 
him to recover Peshawar from Runjeet Singh. 

In the midst of these turmoils, Great Britain and Russia 
were at variance in Central Asia. The bone of contention 
was Herat. From a remote antiquity Herat has been the 
key to India; the first turnpike on the great highway from 
Persia to Hindustan. ' In 1836 Russia was making a cat's- 
paw of Persia and urging the Shah to seize Herat. Great 
Britain was anxious to keep Persia out of Herat, lest the 

' The fortified city of Herat is a quadrangle about four miles on each side. 
It was surrounded by a rampart of earth about ninety feet high which appeared 
to environ the city like a long hill. The rampart was supported on the inside 
by buttresses of masonrj'- ; and was surmounted by a wall thirty feet high flanked 
with rouad towers and loop-holed for musketry. 


place should "become a gateway through which Russia might 
advance toward India. But the British government did not 
tell Persia plainly that war would be declared if she attempted 
to occupy Herat. Had tliis been done, Persia would never 
have besieged Herat, and an English army wovdd never have 
invaded Afghanistan. 

The result of all this underplotting and hesitation was 
that in 1837 the Shah of Persia marched an army against 
Herat. By this time the government of Herat had changed 
hands. Mahmud Shah had been murdered in 1829, and his 
son Kamran was sovereign of Herat; but Kamran was a 
slave to opium-eating, and other enervating pleasures, and 
his Vizier, Yar Muhammad Khan, was the real ruler. Yar 
Muhammad Khan was a cruel and extortionate despot; he 
has been described as the most accomplished villain in Cen- 
tral Asia; but at this period he hated Persia with all his 
heart and soul. On one occasion he had been entrapped into 
a meeting with a Persian prince on the frontier, under pre- 
tence of settling all differences between Herat and Persia; 
and two of his teeth had been forcibly extracted to induce 
him to comply with the demands of the Shah.* Kamran 
would have submitted to the Shah of Persia at the first 
summons; but Yar Muhammad Khan swore that he would 
never surrender Herat until his teeth were restored to his 
gums; and that as long as he had a sabre to draw or a 
cartridge to fire, he would never bow his head to the Kajar 

The siege of Herat was one of the most memorable events 
of the time. It lasted from November, 1837, to September, 
1838. The Afghans fought manfully, harassing the Persian 
army with repeated sorties. Even the women and children 

' The Persian prince was Abbas MLrza, eldest son of Futili Ali Shah, the sec- 
ond sovereign of the Kajar dynasty. Abbas Mirza died a few months afterward, 
and Yar Muhammad Khan escaped to Herat. Futih Ali Shah died in 1834, and 
was succeeded on the throne of Persia by his son, Muhammad Shah, who be- 
sieged Herat in 1837. Futih AH Shah, sovereign of Persia, must not be con- 
founded with Futih Khan, the Barukzai minister at Kabul, who was murdered 
in the year 1817. 


mounted the walls and threw down bricks and stones on the 
Persian soldiers. But the canals which supplied the city with 
water were cut off by the enemy ; the inhabitants were starv- 
ing; and Kamran was treacherously plotting the surrender 
of the city to the Persians. Indeed, Herat would have been 
lost to the Afghans but for the heroic exertions of a young 
lieutenant, named Eldred Pottinger, who was present in the 
city during the siege. Pottinger animated the Afghan sol- 
diery by his gallant exploits, and cheered the drooping spirits 
of Yar Muhammad Khan by his energy and counsel. At 
last the siege was brought to a close by diplomacy. The 
British government threatened Persia with war, and the 
Shah raised the siege of Herat, and returned to his own 

All this while Dost Muhammad Khan was most anxious 
to recover Peshawar from Runjeet Singh. He implored 
Lord Auckland to call on Runjeet Singh to restore Pesha- 
war. But the British government had no desire to pick a 
quarrel with Runjeet Singh, and declined to interfere. The 
result was that Dost Muhammad Khan made advances to 
Russia, and received a Russian mission at Kabul; and the 
British government in return resolved to dethrone Dost 
Muhammad Khan, and restore Shah Shuja to the throne 
of Kabul. 




A.D. 1839 TO 1842 

ON the 1st of October, 1838, Lord Auckland published 
a declaration of war at Simla ; and shortly afterward 
the British forces were on the move for Kabul. They 
could not march through the Punjab, because Runjeet Singh 
refused permission. Accordinglj'' they marched through Sinde 
to Quetta; and there the Bombay column joined the Bengal 
column. At Quetta Sir John Keane took the command of 
the united armies, and then set out for Kabul. 

Kandahar was captured in April, 1839. A British force 
was left at Kandahar under the command of General Nott ; 
while Major (now Sir Henry) Rawlinson was placed in po- 
litical charge of the province in the name of Shah Shuja. 
In July Ghazni was taken by storm,' and Dost Muhammad 
Khan fled over the Oxus into Bokhara. In August the Brit- 
ish army entered Kabul, and Shah Shuja was restored to the 
throne of Afghanistan, Henceforth he was supposed to gov- 
ern the country under the advice and help of the Enghsh 
minister and envoy. Sir WilUam Macnaghten. 

In November, 1839, the Russian government sent a coun- 
ter expedition from Orenberg toward Khiva, with the view 
of establishing Russian influence over the three Usbeg Khan- 
ates to the northward of the Oxus. The time of year, how- 
ever, was most unfortunate. Winter snows and waterless 

* At the storming of Ghazni the late Sir Heniy Durand distinguished himself 
as a young subaltern in the Engineers by blowing up the Kashmir gate. 


wastes forbade the Russian force to reach Khiva ; and after 
heroically fighting against the severest privations and dis- 
asters, it was compelled to return to Orenberg. 

Meanwhile the Afghans seemed perfectly satisfied with 
British occupation. Large subsidies were paid by the En- 
glish envoy to Afghan chiefs, as well as to the mountain 
tribes who guarded the passes ; while the presence of the 
English troops was a godsend to all the shopkeepers and 
provision-dealers in the bazars. The British army remained 
at Kabul during 1840. Toward the end of the year, Dost 
Muhammad Khan surrendered to the English envoy, and 
was sent to Calcutta, where he was detained as a prisoner, 
but treated as a guest. The old Barukzai warrior was in- 
deed often entertained at Government House, where he is 
said to have played at chess with Miss Eden, the sister of 
the Governor-General. 

Meanwhile there were complications at Herat. After the 
retreat of the Shah of Persia in 1838, the revenues of Herat 
were exhausted, the troops were without pay, the inhabi- 
tants were starving, and the Vizier, Yar Muhammad Khan, 
was trying to raise money and get rid of the surplus popu- 
lation, by selling the people as slaves to the Usbegs. The 
British government averted these evils by advancing large 
sums of money for the payment of the troops, the repair of 
the fortifications, and the relief of Kamran and his Vizier; 
no doubt with the view of establishing a permanent influence 
at Herat. 

Kamran and his Vizier were in no way grateful for these 
subsidies. They suspected that the British government had 
sinister designs on Herat, and accordingly opened up a treach- 
erous correspondence with the Shah of Persia. Major D' Arcy 
Todd, who had been appointed English envoy at Herat, with- 
held the money payments on his own authority, unless the 
Vizier agreed to receive a contingent of British troops into 
Herat. The result was that the Vizier grew furious at the 
stoppage of the subsidies, and called on Major Todd either 
to pay up the money or to leave Herat. Major Todd was so 


disgusted with the perfidy and greediness of the Herat rulers 
that he threw up his post and returned to British territory. 
Lord Auckland was naturally exasperated at the abandon- 
ment of Herat. Matters had been squared with Persia, and 
the continued presence of Major Todd would have sufficed 
to maintain British influence at Herat. Major Todd was 
dismissed from political employ, but found a soldier's death 
four years afterward on the field of Ferozeshahar. 

The British occupation of Afghanistan continued through 
the year 1841, for it was not deemed safe to leave Shah Shuja 
unprotected at Kabul. Meanwhile, the double government 
satisfied no one. Shah Shuja was smarting under the dic- 
tation of Sir William Macnaghten. The English envoy and 
minister was in his turn impatient of Afghan ways and preju- 
dices. The Afghan officials were disgusted with the order 
and regularity of English administration, which was intro- 
duced under the new regime. The Mullas refused to offer 
up public prayers for Shah Shuja, declaring that he was not 
an independent sovereign. Even the rise of prices, which 
filled the pockets of the bazar dealers, lessened the value of 
money and excited the discontent of the masses. 

So long, however, as subsidies and money allowances 
were lavished among turbulent Sirdars and refractory moun- 
tain tribes, there was no lack of loyalty toward Shah Shuja 
and his English allies. But the flow of gold could not last 
forever. The revenues of Afghanistan had been overrated. 
The British authorities had put their trust in the estimates 
of Shah Shuja when at Ludhiana; forgetting the Machiavel- 
lian maxim that it is dangerous to rely upon the representa- 
tions and hopes of exiles. The expenses of the British oc- 
cupation were so enormous that economy was imperative. 
Accordingly Sir William Macnaghten began to cut down 
the subsidies and money allowances. From that moment 
the loyalty which had sprung up in a single night like the 
prophet's gourd began to sicken and die away. The Af- 
ghans grew weary of the English and their puppet ruler, 
Shah Shuja. Conspiracies were formed; petty outbreaks 


became frequent; while the Ghilzais, and other mountain 
tribes at the passes, being no longer bribed into acquiescence, 
became most troublesome and disorderly. 

At this period there were no alarms for the safety of the 
British army in Kabul. On the contrary, English officers 
had been induced to bring up their wives and families from 
the depressing heats of Bengal to the cool climate of Kabul ; 
and no precautions were taken against a possible rising of 
the whole people. The British cantonment was three miles 
from the city, with only a mud wall round it that could be 
easily ridden over. Sir William Macnaghten and his fam- 
ily lived in a house close by the cantonments; he had been 
appointed Governor of Bombay, and was about to be suc- 
ceeded by Sir Alexander Burnes as envoy and minister at 
Kabul. Burnes himself was as much at home at Kabul as 
at Calcutta; he occupied a house near the centre of the city, 
surrounded by bazars, and above all by a turbulent popula- 
tion of Afghans and Kuzzilbashes, who were ever and anon 
endeavoring to settle the knotty disputes between Sunnis 
and Shiahs by force of arms. 

Meantime there had been some changes in the command 
of the British army of occupation. General Elphinstone, 
an aged and infirm officer, unfit for the post, had taken the 
place of Sir John Keane. Next to General Elphinstone were 
Sir Robert Sale and Brigadier Shelton. 

The British army of occupation was exposed to danger 
from another cause. It had been originally quartered in the 
fortress known as the Bala Hissar, which commanded the 
whole city and suburbs of Kabul. So long as the British 
kept possession of the Bala Hissar, they could hold out 
against any insurrection. But Shah Shuja quartered his 
harem in the Bala Hissar, and objected to the presence of 
the English soldiers; and Sir William Macnaghten was 
weak enough to remove the troops from the fortress, and 
quarter them in an unprotected cantonment about three 
miles from the city. 

The catastrophe that followed may be told in a few 


words. In October, 1841, Sir Robert Sale left Kabul with 
a brigade to reopen communications between Kabul and 
Jellalabad, which had been closed by the disaffected moun- 
taineers. Sale effected his task after a long struggle and 
considerable loss. His subsequent defence of Jellalabad 
against the repeated assaults of a large Afghan army is 
one of the heroic events in the war. 

On the 2d of November, 1841, an insurrection broke out 
in the streets of Kabul, Sir Alexander Burnes thought of 
escaping to the English cantonment in the disguise of an 
Afghan ; but he changed his mind, and resolved to hold out 
to the last in his English uniform. He barricaded his house, 
and sent to Macnaghten for a battalion of infantry and two 
field-pieces. Such a force at the beginning of the outbreak 
would have saved the life of Burnes. Its appearance in the 
streets of Kabul would have led the Kuzzil bashes to rally 
round Burnes, and raise the war-cry against the Sunnis. 
But Macnaghten was doubtful, and General Elphinstone 
was afraid that Shah Shuja might object, and the two to- 
gether agreed to wait for further information. Meanwhile 
the mob of Kabul, the most dangerous in Central Asia, was 
surging round the house of the Englishman. Burnes held 
out with thirty-two others from eight o'clock in the morning 
until two in the afternoon, when the mob burned down the 
gate, and rushed in, and all was over. Burnes and twenty- 
three others were killed; the remaining nine escaped by a 

At three o'clock that same afternoon. Brigadier Shelton 
made a lame attempt to enter the city with a couple of bat- 
talions of infantry; but by this time the suburban popula- 
tion had joined the rioters. It was impossible to cut- a way 
through the narrow streets and crowded bazars, and Shelton 
was compelled to return to the cantonment. Meanwhile 
the uproar was increasing in the city. Thousands of Af- 
ghans flocked to Kabul in hopes of plunder; and it soon 
appeared that the whole Afghan nation had risen against 
the rule of the foreigner. 


At this crisis the British commanders appear to have 
been paralyzed. General Elphinstone and Sir William 
Macnaghten were planning a retreat to Jellalabad, the 
half-way house between Kabul and Peshawar. Provisions 
were running short; the people of Kabul kept back all 
supplies from the British cantonment, and the army of 
occupation was becoming demoralized. 

At last Macnaghten began to negotiate with the leaders 
of the insurrection, and especially with Akbar Khan, the eld- 
est son of Dost Muhammad Khan, This man had fled from 
Kabul about the same time that his father had made his way 
to Bokhara; but, on hearing of the revolt, he had hastened 
back to Kabul, and was bent on seizing the government of 
the countrj\ Shah Shuja was shut up in the Bala Hissar, 
but could do nothing; he was already ignored, and his end 
was drawing nigh. 

Akbar Khan and other Afghan Sirdars solemnly engaged 
to supply the British army with carriage and provisions. In 
return they received from Macnaghten promises of large 
sums of money and hostages for the payment. But instead 
of keeping to their engagement, the Afghans demanded more 
money and more hostages. Winter had set in, and snow was 
falling ; and it was even proposed that the British army should 
remain at Kabul till the spring. At length, after many de- 
lays and evasions, there was a final meeting between Mac- 
naghten and the Afghan chiefs on the 23d of December, 
1841. But the English envoy had given mortal offence to 
the Afghans, and when he appeared at the meeting he was 
suddenly attacked and murdered by Akbar Khan. 

Subsequently the Afghan chiefs tried to explain away the 
murder. Akbar Khan vowed that he had acted on the mad 
impulse of the moment, and not with any deUberate intention 
of committing murder. Negotiations were renewed, and in 
January, 1842, the British forces began their retreat from 
Kabul, followed by Akbar Khan and a large army of Af- 
ghans. Then followed a horrible series of treacheries and 
massacres. Akbar Khan demanded more hostages, includ- 


ing English ladies and children. The Ghilzai mountaineers 
covered the heights on either side of the Khaiber Pass, and 
poured a murderous fire on the retreating force. Akbar 
Khan declared that he could not restrain the Ghilzais, but 
at the same time he permitted his own forces to share in 
the massacre and plunder. Thousands of British troops 
and camp-followers were carried off by successive volleys, 
or died of hunger and privations, or fell down in the snow 
from wounds or fatigue and were butchered by the Afghans. 
Thus perished a force which left Kabul with four thousand 
fighting men, and twelve thousand followers. Out of all 
this number, only a sohtary individual, an English surgeon 
named Brydon, managed to escape to Jellalabad, He was 
brought in by Sale's garrison half dead from hunger and 
woiuids ; but he lived to tell the tale for more than thirty 
years afterward. 

Such was the state of affairs in February, 1842, when 
Lord Ellenborough landed at Calcutta and succeeded Lord 
Auckland as Governor-General. Men's hearts were burst- 
ing with shame and indignation as they heard of the murder 
of the British envoy, and the destruction of sixteen thousand 
men. Englishmen in India were burning to retrieve the dis- 
grace which had befallen British arms, and to avenge the 
slaughter which cast a gloom over the whole country. But 
Lord Auckland had been too much oppressed by the disaster 
to respond to the call ; while Lord Ellenborough, who suc- 
ceeded him, was too much alarmed at the danger to which 
the British garrisons were exposed at Jellalabad and Kanda- 
har to plan such a scheme of vengeance as should vindicate 
the honor of England, and restore the prestige of British arms. 

A force was assembled under General Pollock to march 
through the Punjab, and relieve Sale's garrison at Jellala- 
bad. Runjeet Singh died in June, 1839, and the Sikh rul- 
ers who came after him did not resist the passage of British 
troops. In due course Pollock marched his army through 
the Punjab and reached Peshawar, but halted there for 


some weeks to reassure the sepoys who were reluctant to 
enter the Khaiber Pass. 

In April, 1842, Pollock crowned the heights of the Khai- 
ber with British infantry, and engaged hotly with the moun- 
taineers ; and within a short space of time the white dresses 
of the Ghilzais were to be seen flying off in all directions. 
He then pursued his victorious march through the Khaiber to 
Jellalabad, and reached the place at a critical moment. Sale 
had been closely beleaguered by a large army of Afghans 
under the command of Akbar Khan; and he had just in- 
flicted a heavy defeat on the enemy, and compelled Akbar 
Khan to raise the siege and return to Kabul. 

Meanwhile the city of Kabul was distracted by the strug- 
gle between the factions of Barukzais and Duranis. A 
Barukzai chief, named Zeman Khan, had taken possession 
of the city;' while the Durani sovereign. Shah Shuja, shut 
himself up in the Bala Hissar. Indeed Shah Shuja was in 
sore peril and perplexity. He sent letters to Jellalabad, 
swearing eternal devotion to the British government; and 
he sent messages to the Barukzai leaders, swearing to drive 
the British out of Afghanistan. At last the Barukzais called 
upon him to lead the Afghan army against the British gar- 
rison at Jellalabad, and bound themselves by solemn oaths 
to protect him from all harm. The old Durani left the fort- 
ress of the Bala Hissar decked out in all his robes and jew- 
els; and was then shot dead by an ambush of matchlock 
men, and rifled of all his precious things. 

The Barukzais, however, failed for the moment to get 
the mastery. The Bala Hissar was still in the hands of the 
Duranis, and a son of Shah Shuja was proclaimed sovereign 
within the walls of the fortress. The civil war continued to 
rage between the two parties. There was fighting in the 
streets from house to house, while the guns of the Bala 
Hissar were playing upon the city. 

At this juncture Akbar Khan returned from his defeat 

' Zeman Khan was a nephew of Dosl Muhammad Khan. He had been 
elected king by the Barukzais in the absence of Akbar Elhan. 


at Jellalabad. Both Barukzais and Duranis were dreading 
the return of the Enghsh ; and Akbar Khan commanded the 
respect of all parties of Afghans by declaring that he was 
negotiating with General Sale. But Akbar Khan had his 
own game to play. He joined the Barukzais and captured 
the Bala Hissar. Then he went over to the Duranis, paid 
his homage to the son of Shah Shuja, and began to rule as 
minister. The boy sovereign, however, was in mortal fear 
of being murdered by his self -constituted minister; and he 
at last escaped to the British camp, and placed himself under 
the protection of General Pollock. 

Akbar Khan thus became ruler of Kabul, and the fate of 
the prisoners and hostages was- in his hands. He had not 
treated them unkindly, but he was determined to use them 
for his own purposes. He wrote to General Pollock offering 
to dehver them up, provided the English departed from 
Jellalabad and Kandahar without advancing to Kabul. 
Pollock rejected the proposals. Akbar Khan then sent the 
captives to a hill fortress far away to the northward; and 
marched out of Kabul with a large army to prevent Pollock 
from advancing on the Afghan capital. 

Meanwhile Lord Ellenborough was hesitating whether to 
withdraw the garrisons from Jellalabad and Kandahar, or 
permit them to march to Kabul. Secret instructions were 
sent to the two generals to withdraw; but the secret got 
wind and raised a storm of indignation, as it was imagined 
that the captives were to be abandoned to the tender mercies 
of the Afghans. Accordingly Lord Ellenborough modified 
his instructions, and ordered the two generals to use their 
own discretion as regards an advance to Kabul. 

General Nott was a hot-tempered officer, and when he 
received the orders to withdraw he was furious with rage. 
Both Nott and Rawlinson knew that a retreat from Kan- 
dahar would raise the whole country against them, and end 
in disaster like the retreat from Kabul. Rawlinson had 
already tried to stir up the neighboring Durani chiefs to 
rally round Shah Shuja, but found that they were as bit- 


terly opposed to the British occupation as the Barukzais. 
Accordingly there was no alternative but to wait for rein- 
forcements; and for months the force at Kandahar was ex- 
posed to desperate assaults, which were met by still more 
desperate repulses ; while Nott and Rawlinson continued to 
hope for a change of orders. 

General Pollock was the mildest of men, but even he 
was moved with shame and anger at the order to withdraw. 
He wrote to Nott begging him not to leave Kandahar until 
he heard more; and reported to headquarters that he could 
not leave Jellalabad for want of transport. Subsequently, 
he received the modified instructions; and in August, 1842, 
he heard that Nott had set his face toward Kabul. Accord- 
ingly he left Jellalabad accompanied by Sale, and entered 
the Tezeen valley. 

At Tezeen the British soldiers beheld a sight which could 
never be forgotten. The valley was the scene of one of the 
bloodiest massacres during the ill-starred retreat from Kabul. 
The remains of their murdered comrades were still lying on 
the ground, and the sight exasperated the avenging army. 
At that moment the army of Akbar Khan appeared upon 
the scene ; and the heights around bristled with matchlock 
men from Kabul. Pollock's force advanced in the face of a 
murderous fire, and gave no quarter. The enemy was utterly 
routed ; indeed the victory at Tezeen was the crowning event 
of the war. Akbar Khan fled to the northern mountains, never 
to return until the English left Afghanistan ; and in Septem- 
ber, 1842, the British flag was floating over the Bala Hissar. 

Nott soon arrived at Kabul bringing with him the sandal- 
wood gates of Somnath, which Mahmud of Ghazni had 
brought away from Guzerat in the eleventh century, and 
had since then adorned his tomb at Ghazni. This was a 
whim of Lord Ellenborough's, who had ordered the gates 
to be brought away as trophies of the war.* 

' Sir Henry Rawlinson was of opinion that the gates were not genuine, but 
fac-similes of the originals, which must have perished long ago. The author has 
seen the gates at Agra, and lias no doubt of the correctness of Sir Henry Rawlin- 
son 's conclusions. 


All this while the probable fate of the prisoners and hos- 
tages caused the utmost anxiety, Suddenlj^ all fears were 
allayed. The captives managed to bribe their keepers, and 
were brought into the British camp at Kabul amid general 

The glory of the avenging army was marred by acts of 
barbarity. The great bazar at Kabul was blown up by gun- 
powder. It was one of the finest stone buildings in Central 
Asia, but it was the place where Macnaghten's remains had 
been exposed, and it was destroyed as a fitting punishment 
for the crime. Amid the confusion, tlie two armies broke 
into the city and perpetrated deeds in revenge for the 
slaughter of their comrades in the Khaiber, over which 
history would fain draw a veil. 

The proceedings of Lord Ellenborough at the close of 
the Afghan war were much condemned by his contempo- 
raries. He issued a bombastic proclamation respecting the 
gates of Somnath which exposed him to much ridicule. The 
gates had been carried away from an idol temple by a fol- 
lower of the prophet; consequently their recovery could not 
delight the Muhammadan princes of India. Again the gates 
had adorned the tomb of Mahmud of Ghazni; consequently 
they were impure in the eyes of Hindus. Lord Ellenborough 
also received the avenging army, on its return from Kabul, 
with a show of painted elephants, and other displaj's of Ori- 
ental pomp, which jarred against English tastes. But these 
eccentricities are forgotten by the present generation, and 
can hardly be treated as history. 

One episode in the history of the Afghan war conveys a 
useful lesson. In the heyday of success, when Afghanistan 
was first occupied by a British army, it was proposed to es- 
tablish British influence in the Usbeg Khanates to the north- 
v>^ard of the Oxus. Colonel Stoddart was sent to Bokhara to 
form friendly relations with the Amir; and Captain ConoUy, 
who had been sent on a like mission to the ruler of Khokand, 
joined Colonel Stoddart at Bokhara. The Amir of Bokhara 
regarded both officers with suspicion, and kept them under 


close surveillance ; but lie hesitated to proceed to extremities ; 
for aught he knew, the British army at Kabul might be 
moved across Balkh and the Oxus into Bokhara. But suc- 
cessive disasters in Kabul sealed the doom of the two officers. 
"When the news of the insurrection at Kabul and murder of 
Sir Alexander Burnes reached Bokhara, both officers were 
imprisoned in loathsome dungeons ; but when it was known 
that the British army had perished in the Khaiber Pass they 
were taken out of their dungeons and publicly beheaded in 
the market-place of Bokhara. 



A.D. 1843 TO 1844 

THE first act of Lord Ellenborough after the Kabul 
war was the conquest of Sinde. This territory occu- 
pied the lower valley of the Indus. In the middle of 
the eighteenth century it formed a province of the Afghan 
empire of Ahmad Shah Abdali. Subsequently the Amirs or 
rulers of Sinde established a certain kind of independence, 
or only paid tribute to Kabul when compelled by force of 

During the early part of the British occupation of Af- 
ghanistan, the Sinde Amirs had rendered good service to 
the British government; but after the disastrous retreat 
from Kabul some of the Amirs swerved from their treaty 
obligations. The result was a war which was triumphantly 
carried to a close by Sir Charles Napier. In February, 
1843, Napier won the battle of Meanee; and in the follow- 
ing March he won the battle of Hyderabad in the neigh- 
borhood of the Sinde capital of that name. The war was 
brought to an end by the annexation of Sinde to the British 

It would be useless, in the present day, to attempt to 
review the Sinde question. Sir Charles Napier, who com- 
manded the army, considered that the Amirs were guilty of 
disaffection and deception; while Major Outram, who was 
political agent in Sinde, considered that their guilt was not 
sufficiently proved. One Amir, who professed the utmost 
loyalty to the British government, and who convinced Sir 


Charles Napier of the guilt of the others, was subsequently 
convicted of perjury and forgery, which was punished at 
the time, but since then has been more or less condoned. 
The difficulty of proof among a people who cannot be 
bound by oaths, and who have always been accustomed 
to the forgery of seals and fabrication of documents, has 
often enabled the guilty to escape, and may sometimes have 
led to the punishment of the innocent. The question, how- 
ever, of whether the Sinde Amirs were guilty or otherwise 
of treacherous designs against the British government has 
long since died out of pohtical controversy. 

During the administration of Lord EUenborough there 
was a change of policy in dealing with the Mahratta states 
of Sindia and Holkar. Lord EUenborough remodelled the 
government of Gwalior, and contemplated the annexation 
of Indore. Such strong proceedings were direct violations 
of the non-intervention policy of Lord William Bentinck; 
but in order to decide how far they were expedient, it will 
be necessary to bring the following facts under review. 

The condition of Gwalior under Daulat Rao Sindia has 
already been indicated.' It will be remembered that, at his 
death in 1827, his widow Baiza Bai became queen regent and 
adopted a boy to succeed her deceased husband as Maharaja. 
In 1833 the boy attained his majority, but disputes arose 
which ended in civil war. At last Lord "William Bentinck 
was forced to interfere against his will, and the war was at 
an end. Baiza Bai retired from Gwalior, and Maharaja 
Jankoji Rao ascended the throne of Sindia, 

Justice was satisfied by the elevation of the young Maha- 
raja, but the queen regent was revenged. Baiza Bai had 
proved herseK to be an able administrator; and as long as 
she was sole ruler, the government of Gwalior worked 
smoothly. On the other hand, Jankoji Rao Sindia was a 
do-nothing Maharaja. He was content with the pride and 

» See ante, pp. 606-7. 


pomp of power; he was assured of the protection of the 
British government; and he cared nothing for his country 
or people. Accordingly the government was weak and dis- 
tracted. The administration was carried on by a council of 
ministers, but there was a rankling rivalry for the post of 
premier between an uncle of the Maharaja, named Mama 
Sahib, and the hereditary keeper of the crown jewels, named 
Dada Khasji. In the end the uncle of the Maharaja got 
the better of the jewel-keeper, and Mama Sahib became 
chief minister. 

Meanwhile the army of Gwalior had grown turbulent 
and disaffected. It numbered thirty thousand infantry, ten 
thousand cavalry, and two hundred guns. It was not re- 
quired for defence, as Gwalior was protected against foreign 
invasion by the subsidiary alliance with the British govern- 
ment ; but it absorbed two-thirds of the revenues of Gwalior, 
and resisted all attempts at disbandment or reduction. 

The British government had no concern with the army 
of Gwalior so long as it kept within Sindia's territories. 
But the Punjab had become a political volcano. Ever since 
the death of Runjeet Singh, in 1839, the Sikh army of the 
Khalsa, numbering seventy thousand soldiers and three hun- 
dred guns, had been a menace to Hindustan. Lord Ellen- 
borough foresaw that sooner or later the Sikh army would 
cross the Sutlej into British territory. A spark would have 
kindled a flame in the army of Gwalior ; and if its move- 
ments were combined with those of the Sikh army, they 
would have raised such a storm in Hindustan as had not 
been witnessed since the days of Nadir Shah.' 

Jankoji Rao Sindia died in February, 1843, leaving no 
children real or adopted. His widow, named Tara Bai, was 
a girl of twelve years of age. This girl adopted a boy, who 

' It was this consideration which induced Lord Ellenborough to pause before 
sending the avenging army under General Pollock into Kabul. Meanwhile any 
attempt at explanation would have precipitated a Sikh invasion. Consequently 
Lord Ellenborough, while proving himself a statesman of forecast, was for some 
time one of the best abused Governors-General that ever landed in India. 


was a distant relative of her husband's family. The boy 
was only eight years of age, but he was enthroned as Maha- 
raja under the name of Jyaji Rao Sindia.' The adoption 
was approved by the durbar and the army, and was recog- 
nized by the British government. 

The next question was the appointment of a regent. The 
Gwalior durbar wished the administration to be carried on 
as before by a council of ministers ; but Lord EUenborough 
urged the appointment of one individual as regent. The 
girl queen was anxious that the Dada should be regent; 
but Lord EUenborough was in favor of Mama Sahib. Ac- 
cordingly the Gwalior durbar was told that the Governor- 
General preferred Mama Sahib, and Mama Sahib was ap- 
pointed regent of Gwalior. 

Then followed a feminine intrigue.* Tara Bai, in spite 
of her youth, set to work with the other palace ladies to 
thwart and harass Mama Sahib. The vexed and baffled 
regent sought to strengthen himself against this female con- 
federacy, by betrothing the boy Maharaja to his own niece; 
but this step proved his ruin. Tara Bai feared that the 
marriage would ultimately destroy her own influence over 
the Maharaja; and in spite of the remonstrances of the Brit- 
ish Resident, this young girl dismissed Mama Sahib on her 
own authority, and assumed the name of regent, leaving all 
real power in the hands of the Dada. 

Lord EUenborough was excessively angry at this move- 
ment, and well he might be. He had interfered in behalf of 
a minister whom he would not support; and he had been 
defied by a Mahratta girl of twelve. The restoration of 
Mama Sahib was out of the question ; the Governor-General 
could not reinstate a regent minister who had been outwitted 
by a girl. He could, however, insist on the removal of Dada 
Khasji ; and accordingly he ordered the British Resident to 
withdraw from Gwalior, and not to return until the Dada 
had been dismissed from office. The Gwalior durbar was 

' In the present year (1880) Jyaji Rao Siudia is still Maharaja of G-walior. 


greatly alarmed, and entreated the Resident to return, but 
he was immovable. 

Meanwhile the Dada had gained over the army of Gwahor 
by his largesses, and disturbances broke out in which fifty or 
sixty persons were killed. Accordingly Lord Ellenborough 
determined to take active measures for restoring tranquillity 
to Gwalior, and disbanding the army. In December, 1843, 
he arrived at Agra, but there were no signs of submission at 
Gwahor. He ordered the British army to advance to Gwalior 
under Sir Hugh Gough. The Dada now made his submis- 
sion, but Lord Ellenborough was bent on the disbandment 
of the dangerous army. 

The chiefs and soldiers of Sindia saw that the independ- 
ence of the state, and the existence of the army, were threat- 
ened by the British government. Accordingly they made 
common cause against the Governor-General, and were de- 
feated in the battles of Maharajpore and Punniar, both of 
which were fought on the 29th of December, 1843. 

In January, 1844, a treaty was concluded at Gwahor 
which placed the future relations of the British government 
with that state on an improved footing. The administration 
was intrusted to a council of six nobles, which was called 
the council of regency, and was required to act implicitly on 
the advice of the Resident whenever he might think fit to 
offer it. The new government was required to cede enough 
territory to maintain a contingent trained and disciphned by 
British officers, henceforth known as the Gwalior Contin- 
gent. At the same time the overgrown army of Gwalior 
was reduced to six thousand cavalry, three thousand in- 
fantry, and thirty-two guns. 

In February, 1844, there was a crisis in Holkar's state of 
Indore. Hari Rao Holkar died in 1843, and was succeeded 
by an adopted son, who died in 1844, leaving no son, real or 
adopted. There was not only no heir, but no person having 
the right to adopt an heir. The Indore state was of modern 
origin ; it owed its existence to predatory conquest ; and it 
was maintained for the sole benefit of the followers of the 


court. Lord EUenborough ordered steps to be taken to 
ascertain the national feeling on the subject. 

Meanwhile the government of Indore was left under the 
regency of the mother of Hari Rao Holkar, who died in 1843; 
and this lady proposed to nominate a fitting successor to the 
boy who died in 1844. Before, however, Lord EUenborough 
could decide the question, the British Resident at Indore de- 
clared, on his own authority, that the British government 
would perpetuate the state of Holkar; and he enthroned the 
nominee of the queen mother, with all the formality of a 
hereditary chieftain, under the name of Tukaji Rao Holkar. * 
Lord EUenborough was exceedingly wroth at this unauthor- 
ized proceeding, and severely censured the Resident, but, 
under the circumstances, he declined to interfere with the 
succession of Twkaji Rao Holkar. 

In June, 1844, Lord EUenborough was recalled from the 
post of Governor-General. This arbitrary measure took 
India by surprise. There had, however, been angry con- 
troversies between Lord EUenborough and the Court of 
Directors, and the former had not been always discreet; 
but the abihty, industry, and energy of the noble earl had 
deeply impressed the public mind, and there were many who 
regretted his recall. 

Lord EUenborough was succeeded by Sir Henry Hardiuge 
in the post of Governor-General. During the remainder of 
1844, and nearly the whole of 1845, the new Governor-Gen- 
eral was chiefly occupied in watching the progress of events 
in the Punjab imtil the breaking out of the first Sikh war. 
Before, however, treating of those important transactions, it 
will be necessary to glance at the current of affairs in other 

' In the present year (1880) Tukaji Rao Holkar is still Maharaja of Indore. 



A.D. 1839 TO 1849 

DURING the administration of Lords Auckland and 
Ellenborough, there were strange troubles in Burma, 
Nipal, and the Punjab. The native courts at Ava, 
Khatmandu, and Lahore, were in a state of ferment, more 
or less excited by the Kabul war; and the political workings 
are all the more important from the pictures which they pre- 
sent of Oriental Hfe outside the area of British suzerainty. 

This ferment was not visible within the British pale. The 
Mahratta governments of Sindia and Holkar were too weak 
and distracted to indulge in hopes or fears as regards the 
possible downfall of the British empire. The Rajput states 
were a prey to the maladministration of their rulers and the 
disaffection of their respective feudatories. In Marwar es- 
pecially, the growing anarchy and disorder compelled the 
British government to send a force to keep the peiace be- 
tween the Maharaja and his Thakurs during the very year 
that the colimins from Bengal and Bombay were advancing 
on Kabul. Neither Rajput nor Mahratta troubled about 
disasters in Central Asia, or imagined the possibility of a 
renewal of the old wars in Hindustan. 

But public feeling was different in the three courts out- 
side the frontier. Rumors were rife that the Governor- 
General had sent the flower of the British army into the 
remote regions of Central Asia to fight against the Amir, 
the Shah, and the Czar ; and the air was clouded with pre- 
dictions that British power would be shattered in the coming 
India. Vol. II. X— lO 


storm, and that Brahma and Muhammad, Gotama Buddha 
and Guru Govind would be avenged on the followers of the 

In Burma and Nipal there was marked hostility toward 
the British government. Indeed in 1840 it seemed likely 
that while one corps d'armee was occupying Kabul, and a 
second was keeping the peace in Rajputana, a third would 
be threading the valley of the Irawadi, while a fourth 
would be climbing the slopes and shelves of the Hima- 
layas. At Lahore there was less hostile display, but the 
war spirit was burning beneath the surface like the hidden 
fires of a volcano, and was destined at no distant period to 
burst into flames. 

Burma was essentially a weak government, and its army 
was beneath contempt; but the heavy cost of the Burmese 
war of 1824-26, and the terrible loss of life from fever and 
malaria, had rendered the British government most anxious 
to keep on friendly terms with the Court of Ava. In 1830 
Colonel Burney was sent as a permanent Resident to Ava, 
in accordance with the treaty of Yandabo; but he was 
treated by the barbarous court more as a spy to be watched 
and guarded, than as an envoy anxious only for the main- 
tenance of friendly relations. 

In 1837 there was a revolution in the palace at Ava. The 
king, Phagyi-dau, had become hypochondriacal and insane, 
and was dethroned hj his brother Tharawadi, and placed in 
confinement. Then followed the inevitable massacre. The 
sorceress queen, the heir-apparent, and the ministers of the 
deposed sovereign, were all put to death, together with their 
dependents. Tharawadi became king of Burma, and sought 
to blot out the memory of his predecessor by removing his 
capital from Ava to Amarapura. 

Colonel Burney was alarmed at this revolution. He 
knew that Tharawadi was a bitter enemy of the English, 
and had heard him express contempt for the British gov- 
ernment. Accordingly he deemed it prudent to retire from 


the scene, and thus escape an insult which might provoke a 

Lord Auckland was angry at the withdrawal of Colonel 
Burney, and sent another Resident to take his place. But 
Tharawadi was intolerable; he was not only cruel and de- 
praved, but arrogant and insolent to the last degree. No 
English officer would remain long in the depressing climate 
of Upper Burma, to be treated with scorn and contumely by 
an ignorant barbarian. One Resident after another retired 
to Rangoon on the plea of ill-health. At last in 1840 Tharar 
wadi drove the Residency out of the capital, in violation 
of the treaty of Yandabo. Lord Auckland's government 
ignored the outrage rather than resent it, and abstained from 
all further attempts to maintain a Resident at Amarapura. 

Tharawadi was puffed up beyond measure at the success 
of his efforts to throw off the EngHsh alhance. In 1841 he 
marched a large army to Rangoon, threatening to drive the 
English out of Arakan and Tenasserim. But his warlike 
ardor cooled down as he approached Rangoon, for he re- 
membered how the Burmese fled from before the EngHsh in 
1824. Accordingly he put aside all thoughts of war, and 
amused his subjects by casting a great bell for the golden 
pagoda at Rangoon. After a few months he returned to his 
remote capital in the upper valley of the Irawadi with all 
the barbaric pomp of gilded barges, while nothing more was 
heard of war. 

In 1845 the reign of Tharawadi was brought to a close. 
He had degenerated into a tyrant of the worst type ; drink- 
ing himself into such paroxysms of fury that it was danger- 
ous to approach him. In these mad fits he would shoot a 
minister or stab a queen; and courtiers and ladies plotted 
together for their own protection. Suddenly Tharawadi 
passed away from the palace, and was never seen again. 
"Whether strangled, smothered, or poisoned, is a palace mys- 
tery, like the suicide with scissors in the palace at Stamboul. 
It is sufficient to know that in 1845 Tharawadi ceased to 
reign, and his eldest son ascended the throne of Burma. 


Pagan Meng, the new sovereign, was of a different stamp 
to his father. Tharawadi, with all his faults, had a majestic 
presence, and spoke and looked like a king. Pagan Meng, 
on the contrary, was a man of low tastes and vulgar pleas- 
ures. He moved his capital from Amarapura to Ava, and 
there he devoted himself to cock-fighting, ram-fighting, gam- 
bling, and other mean pursuits. Meanwhile, like Macbeth, 
he was in constant terror. He would not trust his own Bur- 
mese courtiers, but preferred a Muhammadan for his minis- 
ter. He condemned all suspected persons to the most horri- 
ble deaths ; and stifled all complaints by throwing the blame 
upon the minister. Two of his own brothers were butchered 
in this horrid fashion, together with their wives, children, 
servants, and dependents of every kind. 

At last the people of Ava rose in revolt against such 
detestable cruelty. The minister was given up to the popu- 
lace to secure the safety of the king. For three days this 
unfortunate Muhammadan was tortured by the mob, and 
was then beheaded at the place of execution with numbers 
of his creatures. 

All this while there was no British Resident at Ava to 
act as a check upon the king or his people. Rangoon was 
near the sea, and was consequently free from such atroci- 
ties ; but petty acts of tyranny were practiced by the local 
governor toward European and American strangers, who 
were fined, imprisoned, or put in the stocks on the most 
frivolous charges. No civilized man will endure such bar- 
baric insolence without appealing to his government for 
redress; and no government can ignore such appeals with- 
out loss of prestige and national honor. It was not, how- 
ever, until the Punjab had been brought under British 
administration that Lord Dalhousie saw the necessity for 
remonstrating with the king of Burma. The sequel will be 
told hereafter in dealing with Lord Dalhousie's administration. 

The progress of affairs in Nipal during the war decade 
was more serious than in Burma. There was some bond 


of common interest between the Ghorka and British govern- 
ments; while the court of Khatmandu was more respectable 
and intelligent than the court of Ava, and had a much better 
army at its command. 

Here it should be explained that from a remote period in 
history the sacred city of Benares has been the resort, not 
only of pilgrims and devotees, but of Hindu political refu- 
gees of every class and kind. Dethroned sovereigns, child- 
less queens, disgraced ministers, and forlorn princes and 
princesses have taken up their abode at Benares, and gen- 
erally to intrigue and plot, as well as to sacrifice and pray. 

Ever since the rise of the Ghorka dynasty in Nipal, revo- 
lutions have been frequent in the court of Khatmandu. Some- 
times an able minister of the stamp of Bhim Sein Thapa and 
Jung Bahadur has kept the peace for a number of years; but 
such intervals of tranquillity are always sooner or later 
brought to a close by revolutions. Such revolutions were 
common enough in every Hindu court in India before the 
British government became the paramount power; and one 
and all have been accompanied by a massacre, together with 
a stampede to Benares of all the survivors of a fallen dynasty 
or ministry. Consequently throughout the present century 
Benares has been a hot-bed of intrigues and plots for restor- 
ing some roj^al exile to Nipal. 

From 1804 to 1837 Bhim Sein Thapa was the sole ruler 
of Nipal ; not only as prime minister, but for a long period 
as the paramour of the regent-mother ; and for thirty -three 
years he filled up all superior posts and commands at the 
annual Panjani with members of the Thapa clan ; and 
rigidly excluded all others, whether Bharadars or Brah- 
mans, from oflSce or power. 

The Nipal war of 1814-16 did not weaken the authority 
of Bhim Sein Thapa. The young Maharaja attained his 
majority in 1816, but died shortly afterward, and was suc- 
ceeded in his turn by an infant son. In 1832 the old regent- 
mother died, but Bhim Sein Thapa was still supreme. The 
infant attained his majority, and was placed upon the throne; 


but he proved a weak and vacillating prince, and for a long 
time was a mere puppet in the hands of Bhim Sein Thapa. 

But Bhim Sein Thapa was thwarted by an unexpected 
enemy. He had selected the daughter of a Hindu farmer 
in British territory to be the bride of the young Maharaja.' 
The girl grew into an ambitious and scheming woman, and 
was constantly stirring up her husband to throw off the yoke 
of the minister. Bhim Sein Thapa thought to neutralize or 
divide her influence by introducing a second bride into the 
palace. The step, however, proved fatal to his power. The 
elder queen became more bitter than ever ; she soon behaved 
like a female fiend bent on the destruction of Bhim Sein 
Thapa and his family. 

The restless activity of this extraordinary woman is a 
remarkable feature in Nipal history. She formed a close 
intimacy with Runjung Pandey, the son of the prime min- 
ister who had been disgraced and ruined in 1803. She per- 
suaded the Maharaja to restore the estates of the Pandey 
family, which had been confiscated on that occasion. She 
won over the Guru, or spiritual teacher of the Maharaja, 
known as the Misr Guru ;'' and this religious intriguer soon 
proved a most formidable opponent to the British government 
as well as to the Thapa ministry. 

Mr. Hodgson, the British Resident at Khatmandu, was 
in danger of being entangled in this web of intrigue. Ever 
since the war of 1814-16, Bhim Sein Thapa had been as 
friendly toward the English as a Ghorka nobleman of those 
times could allow himself to be. At the conclusion of the 
war the enemies of the prime minister wanted the British 
government to deliver the young Maharaja out of his hands ; 
but the predecessor of Mr, Hodgson had declared emphatic- 
ally that the British government would not interfere in the 

' The duty of the minister to choose a bride for the boy Maharaja is as old 
as the Maha Bharata. It will be remembered that Bhishma provided wives for 
his half-brother and nephews. 

- If a Brahman is addressed as a learned man he is called Pundit ; if other- 
wise he is called Misr, or Mitter; i.e., Mithra, or the sun. 


affairs of Nipal. This very refusal to interfere led the whole 
court to regard that British Resident as the friend of Bhim 
Sein Thapa; and Mr. Hodgson was thus hated by all the 
enemies of the prime minister; by the elder queen, the Pan- 
deys, and the Misr Guru. 

In 1837 there was an explosion. The youngest son of the 
elder queen died suddenly. It was widely rumored that the 
infant had taken poison intended for the mother; and Bhim 
Sein Thapa was charged with having instigated the court 
physicians to administer poison to the elder queen. Amid 
the commotion, Runjung Pandey, the head of the Paudey 
clan, was appointed prime minister by the Maharaja. Bhim 
Sein Thapa was arrested, put in irons, and thrown into prison, 
together mth a nephew named Matabar Singh. The family 
of Bhim Sein Thapa was placed under a guard, and all the 
family property was confiscated. The physician who attended 
the child was put to the torture until he implicated Bhim Sein 
Thapa, and then he was put to death. 

This revolution, however, only went half way, and was 
then met by a reaction. There was a moderate party at 
Khatmandu, represented by a Brahman named Rughonath 
Pundit,' and a Bharadar named Futteh Jung Chountria. 
This moderate party was willing that Bhim Sein should be 
brought under some control, but was opposed to the destruc- 
tion of the Thapas and elevation of the Pandeys. Again the 
younger queen was a stanch friend of Bhim Sein Thapa : she 
had been given in marriage to the Maharaja in order that 
she might act as a counterpoise to the elder queen ; and she 
perpetually urged the Maharaja to restore Bhim Sein Thapa 
to the post of prime minister. 

The working of these jarring influences ended in a polit- 
ical compromise. The Pandeys were removed from the min- 
istry. Rughonath Pandit, the leader of the moderate party, 
was made premier, and moderate councils prevailed. The 
Thapas were not restored to power, but Bhim Sein and his 

' See last note ou previous page. 


nephew, Matabar Singh, were relea,sed, pardoned, and ro'- 
ceived by the Maharaja in pubhc durbar. They were then 
each presented with a dress of honor and a caparisoned horse, 
and returned to their respective homes amid the cheers and 
acclamations of soldiers and citizens. The family estates 
were still under confiscation, but a garden house was re- 
stored to Bhim Sein Thapa, and a yearly pension was as- 
signed for his support. Thus for a brief space matters 
seemed to quiet down at Khatmandu. 

These moderate measures would not satisfy either of the 
two queens. In 1838 there were violent dissensions in the 
palace. The elder queen insisted on the restoration of 
the Pandeys to the ministry, while the j'ounger queen in- 
sisted on the restoration of the Thapas. Suddenly the elder 
queen left the palace in a fury, and proceeded to the temple 
of Pusput Nath, accompanied by Ruhjung Pandey, declar- 
ing that she would never return to the palace until the 
Maharaja appointed her favorite to be prime minister. 

The temple of Pusput Nath is about three miles from 
Khatmandu. It is well worthy of description, for it is the 
most celebrated fane in all Nipal. It is approached by a 
road through the suburbs of the city, beautifully paved with 
brick and granite. Hard by the temple precinct are the 
houses of priests, three or four stories high, built of bricks, 
which are hidden by woodwork curiously carved; with 
wooden balconies supported by carved rafters, and railed 
in by wood carvings. Intricate tracery hangs down from 
the balconies in brOad wooden fringes; while other tracery 
surrounds the grotesque windows. The temple precinct is 
enclosed by a wall. Massive folding doors open into a hand- 
some courtyard, filled with images, shrines, a kneeling fig- 
ure of Siva, a huge bell, and other sacred objects in pict- 
uresque confusion. The temple building stands in the centre 
of the court facing the folding doors. It is a quaint struc- 
ture roofed with lead, with silver doors, carved windows, 
and large eaves covered with gilding. It is ascended by a 
double fiight of steps, guarded by four scidptured lions, and 


a large copper figure of a bull kneeling, superbly covered 
with gilding. 

In this sacred place the elder queen took up her abode; 
and during her stay there the Maharaja attended on her 
daily with all his court. This flight to Pusput Nath was 
the first of a series of vagaries by which the elder queen tor- 
mented the whole court and forced the Maharaja to do her 
bidding. In the present case she was appeased by the retire- 
ment of Rughonath Pundit, and the appointment of Runjung 
Pandey to the post of premier. 

In 1839 the elder queen succeeded in wreaking her ven- 
geance on the Thapa family. The charge of poisoning was 
revived. The execution of the phj'sician who attended her 
infant son would not satisfy her thirst for vengeance. The 
other court physicians were thrown into prison, and only 
escaped torture by committing suicide. The brother of 
Bhim Sein, named Runbir Singh, turned fakir, Bhim 
Sein saw that he was doomed, and appealed to the Resi- 
dent for protection; but the Resident could do nothing, for 
he had been strictly forbidden to interfere in the affairs of 

At last Bhim Sein Thapa was brought before the durbar, 
and the so-called confessions of the dead physicians were pro- 
duced against him, charging him with wholesale poisonings 
at intervals during a long series of years. He manfully de- 
fended himself, denounced the confessions as forgeries, and 
demanded to be confronted with his accusers. Not a single 
chieftain, however, dared to say a word in his behalf. The 
Maharaja gave waj^to a burst of indignation, real or feigned, 
and ordered him to be chained and imprisoned as a traitor. 

The fate of Bhim Sein Thapa has man}' parallels in Orien- 
tal history. He was threatened with torture, with dishonor 
in his zenana, with torment and shame unknown to Europe, 
until he killed himself in despair. His remains were dismem- 
bered and thrown to the dogs and vultures. His family was 
reduced to penury, and banished to the snows of the Hima- 
layas; and a decree was issued declaring that the Thapas 


were outcasts, and that no one of the Thapa clan should 
be emploj^ed in the public service for the space of seven 

All this while the elder queen and the Pandey ministry 
had been intriguing against the British government. Mata- 
bar Singh had been sent to the court of Runjeet Singh at 
Lahore, and thus escaped the doom which had befallen his 
uncle. A second emissary was sent to Burma to report on 
the growing rupture between the Burmese court and the 
British government. A third had gone to Lhassa to per- 
suade the Chinese authorities that some recent conquests of 
the Sikhs in Ladakh had been made at the instigation of the 
British government. A fourth had been sent to Herat to 
report on the prospects of a war between the English and 
Persia. Meanwhile prophecies were disseminated through 
British provinces predicting the speedy downfall of the Brit- 
ish supremacy, and preparations were being made for war 
throughout Nipal. It was thus evident that the Ghorka 
court was only waiting for some disaster to the British arms 
to declare war against the British government. 

In 1840 Lord Auckland addressed a letter of remonstrance 
to the Maharaja, and moved a corps of observation to the 
frontier. This measure had a wholesome effect upon the 
Maharaja. He dismissed the Pandey ministry in a panic, 
and appointed Futteh Jung Chountria to be premier. This 
latter chieftain belonged to the moderate party, and was 
well disposed toward the British government. In 1841 the 
Maharaja dismissed the Misr Guru, and the latter was forced 
to go on pilgrimage to Benares. 

The elder queen was driven frantic by this reversal of her 
designs. She was not content with leaving the palace and 
going to Pusput Nath ; she separated herself altogether from 
the Maharaja, assumed the dress of a female ascetic, and 
threatened to go on pilgrimage to Benares. She tried to 
terrify the Maharaja into abdicating the throne in favor of 
her eldest son, the heir-apparent. On one occasion she in- 
duced the soldiery at Khatmandu to break out in mutiny. 


She encouraged the heir-apparent to commit the most ex- 
travagant and cruel acts in order to alarm the Maharaja. 
All this while she was constantly urging the Maharaja to 
reinstate the Pandeys, dismiss the British Resident, and 
declare war against the British government. 

The weak and vacillating Maharaja was moved to and 
fro like a pendulum by alternate hopes and fears. At one 
time he expatiated in durbar on the rumored disasters of the 
English in Burma and China. At another time he was 
assuring the Resident of his friendship toward the British 
government, and offering to send his forces in support of the 
British army in Afghanistan. 

In 1841 the elder queen was indisposed, and the Maharaja 
was anxious for a reconciliation. She became softened b}^ 
her sickness, and threw off her ascetic dress, and talked 
of restoring the Thapas to their caste and estates. Toward 
the end of the year she died suddenly, not without suspicions 
of poison. After her death there was no more talk of hos- 
tility with the British government, and the corps of observa- 
tion was soon withdrawn from the frontier. All difficulties 
in the relations between the two states were thus removed ; 
and all signs of secret agents from other native states passed 
away from Khatmandu. 

In 18 4 2 a curious incident occurred which reveals some- 
thing of the working of English journalism on Oriental 
minds. A report appeared in a Calcutta newspaper that 
the elder queen had been poisoned. The Maharaja was 
wild with rage, and called on the British Resident to sur- 
render the editor. He was determined, he said, to flay the 
journahst alive, and rub him to death with salt and lemon- 
juice; and he threatened to declare war if the Governor- 
General refused to accede to his demand. After a suitable 
explanation of British law and usage, the Maharaja cooled 
down, and subsequently sent an apology to the Resident for 
the warmth of his language. 

At this period the mad freaks of the heir-apparent caused 
great excitement in Nipal. He engaged elephants to fight 


in the streets of Khatmandu, and caused the death of several 
persons. He wounded Bharadars and their sons with a 
sword or knife. He was only a boy of twelve, but he would 
often beat his wives, who were girls of nine or ten. Some- 
times he threw them into the river; and he kept one poor 
girl so long in a tank that she died in consequence. A 
female attendant interfered and he set her clothes on fire. 
He was brutally jealous of his stepmother, the younger 
queen and her two sons, and they ultimately fled from his 
cruelty into the plains.^ In these acts of insane violence 
he had been originally encouraged by his deceased mother 
in the hope of terrifying his father into abdication ; and after 
her death they became more frequent than ever. 

When the news of the destruction of the British army in 
the Khaiber Pass reached Khatmandu, the heir-apparent 
indulged in still more dangerous freaks. He threatened 
to murder the British Resident, or drive him out of the 
country. He displayed a special spite against Jung Baha- 
dur, the same chief who afterward became celebrated in 
Europe. He commanded Jung Bahadur and other chiefs 
at court to jump down wells at the hazard of their lives; 
and no one seems to have ventured to disobey him.'' Many 
of the common soldiers were maimed for life by being com- 
pelled at his orders to jump down wells or off the roofs of 
houses. Strange to say, the Maharaja made no attempt 
to restrain his son in these eccentric cruelties, because the 
astrologers had declared that the young prince was an in- 
carnation of deitj^, and foretold that at no distant period 
he would extirpate the English foreigners. The consequence 
was that on more than one occasion the prince assaulted his 
own father, and once inflicted severe wounds. 

' Major, afterward Sir Henry, Lawrence succeeded Hodgson as Resident at 
Khatmandu. He refers to these strange scenes, and gives the leading actors 
the names of Mr. Nipal, Mrs. Nipal, and Master Nipal. See Memoirs of Law- 
rence, by Edwardes and Merivale. 

"^ In after years Jung Bahadur boasted that he liad practiced the art of jump- 
ing down wells as the best means of saving his life on these occasions. See 
Oliphant's Journey to Khatmandu. 


Meanwhile the disasters in Kabul induced the Maharaja 
to recall the Pandeys to court, and the Misr Guru from 
Benares. One of the Pandeys, named Kubraj, amused the 
heir-apparent by getting up mock fights between Ghorkas 
and English. The English were represented by natives of 
low caste painted white, and dressed in British uniforms; 
and they were of course defeated, and dragged about the 
streets in most ignominious fashion. 

At this juncture, however, the Pandeys made a false 
step. A number of libels, reviving the old scandal that the 
elder queen had died from poison, were traced to Kubraj 
Pandey, and he and other Pandeys were arrested and put 
in irons. A State trial was held by the Bharada Sobah, 
or council of chieftains, at which the Maharaja sat as Presi- 
dent. The trial lasted several days, during which there was 
a general stoppage of business. At last Kubraj Pandey 
was convicted ; his right hand was cut off, his property was 
confiscated, and he was sent into banishment. 

Toward the close of 1842 the cruelties and insults of the 
heir-apparent toward all classes, and the cowardly apathy of 
the Maharaja, brought Nipal to the brink of a revolution. 
The chiefs and people complained that they did not know 
who was the Maharaja, the son or the father. The ferment 
spread through the whole valley ; public meetings were held 
on the parade ground at Khatmandu ; and at one large meet- 
ing, said to number eight thousand people, a committee was 
appointed for drawing up a petition of advice and remon- 
strance to the Maharaja. Finally the soldiery made com- 
mon cause with the chiefs and people. They demanded that 
the Misr Guru should be sent back to Benares, and that the 
surviving queen should be recalled from her voluntary exile 
in the plains, and appointed regent of Nipal. 

On the 2d of December, 1842, there was a meeting of the 
chiefs and officers, at which the Maharaja unexpectedly made 
his appearance. His presence prevented any allusion to the 
regency of the queen. He sought by arguments, entreaties, 
and threats, to induce the assembly to let things remain as 


they were. In reply, he was told that the people could not 
obey two masters; that he must either keep his son under 
control, or abdicate the throne in his son's favor. Many 
instances were quoted in which the soldiers had been pun- 
ished by the heir-apparent for obeying the commands of the 
Maharaja. The Maharaja promised to abdicate by and by, 
and begged that during the interval his son might be ad- 
dressed b}^ his title ; but the assembly raised a groan of dis- 
sent. The Maharaja ordered the ofificers of the army to leave 
the meeting, but they refused. Next he ordered the Bhara- 
dars to leave, but they also refused. He then retired, and 
the assembly broke up, convinced that the Maharaja and 
his son were infatuated beyond redemption. 

There was evidently something behind the scenes. It 
was said that the Maharaja had solemnly promised the 
deceased queen that he would abdicate the throne in favor 
of her son, and that he was equally afraid of breaking his 
oath and retiring from the sovereignty. The Chountria 
ministry vacillated between father and son. They were 
anxious to know who was to be Maharaja, but they were 
jealous of the movement for the regency of the surviving 

On the 5th of December the draft petition was submitted 
by the committee to a- vast assembly of all the Bharadars, 
municipal authorities, merchants, and officers and soldiers 
of every grade. It was unanimously approved and ordered 
for presentation on the 7 th, as the intermediate day was un- 
lucky. The Maharaja was present with the heir-apparent, 
and tried to browbeat the assembly, but all his wrath was 
expended in vain. 

On the night of the intermediate day there was an out- 
break in the city of Khatmandu. The bugles were sounded, 
and three hundred soldiers tried to arrest the Bharadars 
under the orders of the Maharaja. The attempt failed, and 
kindled the popular indignation to the highest pitch. Next 
day the Maharaja yielded to the petition, and a deputation 
was despatched to bring in the young queen. 


Next day the queen was conducted into Khatmandu, and 
invested with the authority of regent. The Bharadars and 
oflficers presented their honorary gifts and congratulations. 
But the ferment soon died out, and her authority ebbed 
away. The Chountrias vacillated between the Maharaja, 
the heir-apparent, and the regent queen; and the counsels 
and commands of the queen were unheeded by the durbar. 

In 184:3 the Chountria ministers were again in trouble. 
They implored the queen to stand forth as the head of the 
country, to insist on the December pact, or to retire to 
the plains; and they promised to accompany her with all 
the leaders of her party. But she said that they had let the 
occasion slip, and the country was not ripe for another revo- 
lution. In reality she was plotting to set aside the heir- 
apparent on the plea of insanity, and to set up the elder of 
her two sons in his room ; and she suspected that the Choun- 
trias were secret supporters of the heir-apparent. 

About this time all parties at Khatmandu were inviting 
Matabar Singh to return to Nipal. This man was as able 
and brave as his famous uncle Bhim Sein Thapa. He spent 
some time feeling his way, but at last entered Khatmandu, 
and had an interview with the Maharaja. 

A few days afterward there was a council of Bharadars 
at the palace. The written confessions of the Pandeys were 
produced, admitting that the charges of poisoning originally 
brought against the Thapas were all false. Five Pandeys 
were then beheaded. Kubraj Pandey was dragged to the 
place of execution with a hook through his breast. Others 
were flogged and their noses cut off. Runjung Pandey, the 
head of the family, was on his death-bed, and was merci- 
fully permitted to die in peace. In this way Matabar Singh 
wreaked his vengeance on the murderers of Bhim Sein 

Before the end of 1843, the decree against the Thapas 
was annulled, and Matabar Singh was appointed premier 
in the room of Futteh Jung Chountria; but he soon found 
that it was impossible to please the conflicting parties. He 


tried to support the heir-apparent in the hope of procuring 
the restoration of the confiscated estates of his family ; but 
bj^ so doing he excited the bitter resentment of the queen; 
and from this time she was apparently" bent upon working 
his destruction. 

In 1844 Nipal seemed to be again on the eve of a revolu- 
tion. The violent acts of the heir-apparent, the vacillations 
of the Maharaja, the rash and* overbearing conduct of Mata- 
bar Singh, and the absurd and contradictor^'' orders which 
daily issued from the palace, were exhausting the patience 
of the Bharadars. These chiefs were anxious that there 
should be but one ruler in Nipal, but they were unwilling 
that Matabar Singh should be that ruler. Matabar Singh 
would probably have cut his way to suj)reme power by a 
wholesale massacre of Bharadars, as his uncle Bhim Sein 
had done at the beginning of the century ; but he was re- 
strained by the wholesome counsels of Major, afterward Sir 
Henry Lawrence, who about this time succeeded Mr. Hodg- 
son as British Resident at Khatmandu. 

All this while Matabar Singh was plotting to drive the 
Maharaja to abdicate the throne in favor of the heir-appa- 
rent ; while the Maharaja and the queen were secretly plot- 
ting to destroy Matabar Singh. The Maharaja, however, 
continued to heap honors on the head of the minister he had 
resolved to destroy. In the beginning of 1845, Matabar 
Singh was appointed premier for life. Later on, the Maha- 
raja bestowed other marks of favor on the premier. At last, 
on the night of the 18th of May, 1845, Matabar Singh was 
murdered in the palace. 

The story was horrible. Late at night the minister had 
been summoned to the palace, under the pretence that the 
queen had seriously hurt herself. He hurried off unarmed 
to obey the summons, accompanied by two kinsmen. The 
kinsmen were stopped at the foot of the palace stairs, and 
Matabar Singh was conducted alone to a room next the 
queen's where the Maharaja was standing. As he advanced 
toward the Maharaja a rapid fire was opened upon him from 


behind the trellised screen. He begged for mercy for his 
wife and children, and then expired. His mangled remains 
were lowered into the street, and carried off for cremation 
to the temple of Pusput Nath; and the paved road to the 
sanctuary was trickled with his blood. Many chiefs were 
suspected of being implicated in the murder. Jung Bahadur 
boasted that he had fired the fatal shot ; but the prime mover 
in the plot is said to have been Guggun Singh, the paramour 
of the relentless queen. 

The murder of Matabar Singh was followed by a min- 
isterial crisis which lasted many months. Meanwhile all 
India was watching the Sikh war on the northwest. The 
war was brought to a close early in 1846, and the j^ear 
was approaching its fourth quarter when Khatmandu was 
aroused by a story of a massacre which sent a thrill of 
horror through Hindustan. 

Ever since the murder of Matabar Singh, there had been 
bitter quarrels in the palace. A ministry had been formed 
hj Futteh Jung Chountria ; and the queen had procured the 
appointment of her favorite Guggun Singh, as a member of 
the ministry.' At this period the queen exercised a com- 
manding influence in the government of Nipal, and plotted 
to secure the succession of her elder son to the throne in the 
room of the heir-apparent. 

The heir-apparent was filled with wrath at the aspect of 
affairs. He swore to be revenged on the murderers of Mata- 
bar Singh, and he publicly threatened Guggun Singh. He 
abused his father for not abdicating the throne in his favor, 
and declared that he would seize the government ; while the 
Maharaja vacillated as usual, or played one party against 
another to suit his own purposes. 

On the night of the 14th of September, 1846, Guggun 
Singh was murdered in his own house. The queen heard 
of the catastrophe, and hastened to the place on foot, and 
filled the air with her lamentations. She despatched a mes- 

' The ministry comprised Futteh Jung Chountria as premier, three other 
members as his colleagues and deputies, and Jung Bahadur as military member. 


senger to tell the Maharaja of the murder; and she summoned 
all the civil and military officers to the spot. The council as- 
sembled in such hot haste that many appeared without arms. 
The queen demanded the immediate execution of one of the 
Pandeys, whom she charged with the murder ; but the Ma- 
haraja refused to have the man put to death unless it was 
proved that he was guilty. Altercations arose ; shots were 
fired; and the premier and others fell dead, A party of sol- 
diers, armed with double-barrelled rifles, poured in a mur- 
derous fire, and more than thirty chiefs were slaughtered.* 
Jung Bahadur was appointed premier on the spot, and un- 
dertook the sole management of affairs. 

The queen next called on Jung Bahadur to destroy the 
heir-apparent and his brother ; but the new premier declared 
for the heir-apparent, and carried out more executions. Sub- 
sequently, the Maharaja proceeded on pilgrimage to Benares, 
accompanied by the queen, leaving the heir-apparent to cany 
on the government until his return to Khatmandu. 

In 1847 the Maharaja left Benares to return to his capi- 
tal, but he loitered so long on the way, and displayed so 
many aberrations of mind, that the Bharadars installed the 
heir-apparent on the throne, and declared that the Maharaja 
had abdicated the sovereignty. 

Meanwhile, Jung Bahadur was appointed prime minister 
for life, and tranquillity returned to the court of Nipal. In 
1850 Jung Bahadur paid a visit to England, and after his 
return in 1851 an abortive plot was formed to destroy him. 
Since then the Ghorkas have engaged in wars on the side 
of Thibet, but nothing of permanent interest has transpired 
in Nipal. Jung Bahadur died early in 1877. 

' It is impossible to say how iiiMuy persons fell in this horrible butchery. 
Reports vary from thirty to a hundred and twenty. 



Ante 1845 

THE history of the Punjab is one of the most impor- 
tant episodes in Indian history. The Sikh govern- 
ment was a theocratic commonwealth hke that of 
the Hebrews under the Judges ; but they were a sect rather 
than a nationaHty, animated with a stern mihtary enthu- 
siasm like Cromwell's Ironsides. Nanuk Guru founded the 
Sikh communitj'" in the fifteenth century, but great reforms 
were carried out in the seventeenth century by Guru Govind. 
The essence of the Sikh faith was that there was only one 
God; that the Guru for the time being was his prophet; 
that all Sikhs were equal in the eyes of God and the Guru; 
and that all were bound together in a holj'- brotherhood 
known as the Khaisa. Guru Govind abolished all social 
distinctions among the Khaisa. He sprinkled holy water 
upon five faithful disciples, namely, a Brahman, a Ksha- 
triya, and three Sudras. He hailed them as Singhs or lion 
warriors ; he declared that they were the Khaisa, ' or brother- 
hood of faith in God and the Guru;^ and he promised that 
whenev^er five Sikhs were gathered together he would be in 
the midst of them. This idea of five Sikhs forming a Khaisa 
will be found to have a strange meaning in the later historj". 
Henceforth a representative of Nanuk Guru and Guru 
Govind was the spiritual teacher of the Sikhs. He was em- 

' According to Cunningham, the Khaisa signifies "the saved or liberated." 
"^ G-od, as taught by G-uru Grovind, was a spirit invisible to ordinarj' eyes, and 
only to be seen by the eye of faith in the general body of the Klhalsa. 


phatically known as the Guru, and the watchword of the 
Sikhs was "Hail, Guru!" ' He combined the functions of 
a prince with those of a prophet. The city of Umritsir, the 
".pool of immortality," became the religious centre of the 
Sikhs; and every year there was a grand gathering at 
the sacred city, like the Hebrew gatherings at Shiloh. 

The Sikhs originally had no nationality. They were a 
close religious community formed out of Hindus, Muham- 
madans, and others. They were all soldiers of the Khalsa. 
They were divided into twelve fraternities, known as Misls, 
or "equals." The Misls were not tribes in the Hebrew sense 
of the word. They were not descended from the twelve sons 
of a common ancestor; there was no division of the land 
among the twelve Misls as there was among the twelve 
tribes. The Misls were fraternities, increasing and dimin- 
ishing according to circumstances. Indeed, the number 
"twelve" was more traditional than real; some gave birth 
to other Misls, while some died out altogether. 

The leader of a Misl was known as the Sirdar ; he was 
the arbiter in time of peace, and the leader in time of war. 
The Sirdar might be fervent in his devotion to God and the 
Guru, and at the same time he might be nothing more than 
a freebooter. Irrespective of the Misls, any Sikh warrior 
who gained distinction by killing a tiger, or shooting an 
arr.jw through a tree, would soon be joined by a band of 
lawless followers, and call himself a Sirdar. There was no 
question of pay. Every man provided himself with a horse 
and matchlock, and perhaps other weapons, and then fought 
and plundered under the banner of his chosen Sirdar, in the 
name of God and the Guru. 

The Sirdars were warriors and judges, like Joshua or 
Jephthah, and they differed just as widely. There were 
Sirdars of the Puritan type, who took the field at the head 
of their sons and vassals ; tall wiry men, with eagle eye, sol- 
dier-like bearing, unshorn locks, and flowing beards; armed 
to the teeth with matchlock, pistol, blunderbuss, sword, and 

' The cry "Hail, Guru!" implies "Hail to the state or church of the Gurul" 


spear; and attended with all the showy accompaniments of 
stately camels, prancing steeds, and tinkling bells. There 
were also Sirdars of the Pindhari type, whose followers were 
low caste men, turned into Sikhs by twisting up the hair, 
combing out the beard, assuming a tall turban and yellow 
girdle, and mounting a strong bony horse with a sword at 
their side and a spear in their hand. 

Besides these regular and irregular Sikhs, there was a 
set of fierce fanatics known as Akalis. They were a stern 
and sombre brotherhood of military devotees — soldiers of 
God — instituted by Guru Govind, and distinguished by steel 
bracelets and blue di-esses and turbans. The Akahs were 
not lazy drones like Fakirs, for when not engaged in arms 
they would find other work to do for the good of the com- 
munity at large.' 

Toward the close of the eighteenth century, the Sikh 
Misls were dying out. The fraternities had been broken up 
by assaults from Afghan and Moghul, by internal feuds, 
and by the freebooting habits of irregular Sirdars. The 
old religious fervor was still burning in the breasts of the 
Khalsa, but there was no one to direct it or control it. 

About 1800 the young warrior Runjeet Singh came to 
the front. Born in 1780, he was appointed viceroy of La- 
hore by the Afghan sovereign at Kabul before he was 
twenty. His career was now before him. He stirred up 
the enthusiasm of the Khalsa to throw off the yoke of the 
Afghans. He engaged in conquests on all sides, and brought 
new countries and peoples under the dominion of the Khalsa. 
He never suffered the Khalsa to be at rest ; and he thus pre- 
vented the Sirdars from revolting against his authority, or 
fighting one another. His ambition was boundless except 

' The late Captain Cuuiiiugham states in his History of the Sikhs that he 
once found an Akali repan-ing, or rallier making, a road among precipitous 
ravines. On the other hand, a Sikh fakir has been lying on a large stone outside 
Allahabad for the last thirty or forty years, absorbed in religious contemplations, 
and supported by voluutarj- subscriptions. He is said to have lain there during 
the mutiny, regardless of shot or shell. The author saw him in 1878, when he 
appeared to be a robust devotee of seventy, or perhaps older. 


on the side of the Sutlej. Had he flourished a generation 
earlier he might have conquered Hindustan; but while he 
was still a young man, the British empire in India was an 
established fact ; and the victories of Lord Lake had inspired 
him with a wholesome respect for the British power. He 
refused to protect Jaswant Rao Holkar in 1805; and he 
yielded to the demands of the British government in 1809 
as regards the Cis- Sutlej states. Henceforth he proved as 
faithful to his alliance with the British government as Herod, 
king of the Jews, was faithful to his alliance with Rome. 

Meanwhile Runjeet Singh knew how to deal with the 
Khalsa. The Sikh army was drilled by successive French 
adventurers, named Allard, Ventura, Avitable and Court; 
but Runjeet Singh would not needlessly excite the jealousy 
of the Sirdars by treating the Europeans as trusted advis- 
ers. Again, Runjeet Singh was known as the Maharaja of 
the Punjab, but he only styled himself the commander of the 
army of the Khalsa, and he ascribed all the glory of his vic- 
tories to God and the Guru Govind. 

Runjeet Singh was short in stature, and disfigured with 
smallpox which had deprived him of his left eye. He could 
neither read nor write. Yet this stunted and illiterate being 
was gifted with a genius, tact, and audacity, which enabled 
him to keep both the Punjab and army of the Khalsa under 
perfect control. He shrank from inflicting capital punish- 
ments, but he was remorseless in cutting off noses, ears, and 
hands ; and for years after his death there were many poor 
wretches at Lahore who complained of the mutilations they 
had suffered under the iron rule of Runjeet Singh. 

The religion of Guru Govind may have piu-ified the forms 
of public worship, and reformed the morals of the lower 
classes, but many abominations lingered in the land down 
to the end of the Sikh government. Widows were burned 
alive with their deceased husbands. Murders were frequent 
in the provinces. The court of Lahore was a sink of iniquity; 
rampant with all the vices that brought down fire and brim- 
stone on the cities of the plain. 


Runjeet Singh died in 1839, and five favorite queens and 
seven female slaves were burned alive with his remains. 
Then began a series of revolutions which shook the Sikh 
dominion to its foundations, and left it prostrate at the feet 
of the British power. 

At this period the court of Lahore was split into two fac- 
tions, the Sikhs and the Rajputs. The Sikhs had been jeal- 
ous of the rapid rise of two Rajput brothers in the favor of 
Runjeet Singh. The brothers were originally common sol- 
diers, but had been raised to the rank of Rajas, and were 
known as the Jamu Rajas. Gholab Singh, the elder, was 
appointed viceroy of Jamu, between Lahore and Kashmir. 
Dhian Singh, the younger, was prime minister at Lahore. 

In 1839, Kharak Singh, eldest son of Runjeet Singh, suc- 
ceeded to the throne of Lahore. He was an imbecile, but 
he had a son of great promise, named Nao Nihal Singh. 
Both father and son were bent on the destruction of the 
Jamu Rajas. They began by the removal of Dhian Singh, 
the younger of the two Rajas, from his post as head of the 
administration at Lahore; and they appointed a wretched 
parasite in his room, who was regarded with contempt by 
the whole court. But the Rajput blood of Dhian Singh 
boiled at the indignity, and he cut his successor to pieces in 
the presence of his royal master. Kharak Singh took fright 
at the murder, and shut himself up in his palace, where he 
perished within a year of his accession. 

In 1840, Nao Nihal Singh became Maharaja, but was 
killed at his father's funeral by the fall of an archway.' 
This sudden and tragic event led to the general belief that 
both father and son were murdered by the exasperated ex- 

Dhian Singh was an intriguer of the common Asiatic 

' Strange to say, tliere is a plot in an ancient Hindu drama for the destruc- 
tion of Chandra-gupta, the Sandrokottos of the G-reeks, by the very same artifice 
of a falHng archway. The drama is known as "Mudra Rakshasa, " or the "Sig- 
net of the Minister. " An EngHsli translation will be found in Wilson's Theatre of 
the Hindus. For the story of Chandra-gupta, see ante, p. 67. 


type. He thought to set up a son of Runjeet Singh as a 
puppet Maharaja, and to rule in his name under the title 
of minister. But he was checkmated for a while by the old 
dowager queen, the widow of Kharak Singh. This lady 
declared that the widowed queen of the young Nao Nihal 
Singh was about to become a mother ; and on the strength 
of this assertion she assumed the post of queen regent in be- 
half of the unborn infant. The story was a farce, for the 
alleged mother was a girl of eight; but the Sikh court at 
Lahore held Dhian Singh in such hatred that all the chief 
Sirdars affected to believe the story, and recognized the 
regency of the dowager queen. 

In 1841, the Sirdars were disgusted with the queen regent. 
Her private life was detestable; and she was compelled to re- 
sign the regency and retire into the country. Subsequently, 
she was beaten to death at the instigation of Dhian Singh, 
by four of her own slave girls, who dashed out her brains 
with a heavy stone while engaged in dressing her hair. 

Meanwhile Dhian Singh was triumphant. He placed 
Sher Singh, a reputed son of Runjeet Singh, on the throne 
at Lahore, and ruled the kingdom as minister. But a new 
power had risen in the body politic, which within a few 
short years was destined to work the ruin of the dynasty. 

Ever since the death of Runjeet Singh in 1839, the army 
of the Khalsa had grown more and more turbulent and un- 
ruly. They rose against their French generals, and com- 
pelled them to fly for their lives.' They clamored for in- 
crease of pay, and committed the most frightful excesses 
and outrages. Sher Singh and his minister were compelled 
to yield to the demands of the troops ; and henceforth the 
army of the Khalsa was absolute master of the state. The 
soldiers continued to obey their own officers, but the officers 
themselves were subject to the dictation of punchayets, or 
committees of five, which were elected from the ranks. 
Guru Govind had promised that whenever five Sikhs were 

' At this period there were only two French generals in the Sikh army, 
Avitable and Court. 


assembled in his name, he would be in the midst of them. 
Accordingly, punchayets were formed in every regiment, 
and were supposed to be under the guidance of the unseen 
Guru; and their united action controlled the whole army. 
Sher Singh and his minister saw that no power, save that 
of the English, could deliver the Sikh government from the 
dictation of the Khalsa. In 1841, they opened the Punjab 
to troops passing between British territory and Kabul, and 
they begged the British government to interfere and sup- 
press the growing disorders of the Khalsa. 

In 1843 there was an explosion at Lahore. Maharaja 
Sher Singh had been plotting the murder of the minister, 
and the minister had been plotting the murder of the Maha- 
raja. Both plots were successful, and recoiled on the heads 
of the authors. One morning Sher Singh was shot dead on 
parade, and his son was assassinated, while Dhian Singh 
was murdered about the same hour. 

Amid these commotions, a son of Dhian Singh, named 
Hira Singh, appealed to the army of the Khalsa, and prom- 
ised large money rewards. With the aid of these Pretorian 
bands, he placed an infant son of Runjeet Singh upon the 
throne, under the name of Maharaja Dhulip Singh. The 
mother of the boy was then appointed queen regent, and 
Hira Singh succeeded his murdered father in the post of 
minister. It was at this crisis that Lord Ellenborough fore- 
saw that the army of the Khalsa would one day threaten 
Hindustan ; and he marched a British force toward Gwalior 
with the view of disbanding Sindia's unruly army as de- 
scribed in a previous chapter. 

During 1844 affairs at Lahore reached a crisis. The new 
minister tried in vain to break up the army of the Khalsa ; 
the punchayets were all-powerful, and would not allow a 
company to be disbanded, or even removed from Lahore, 
without their consent. The result was that Hira Singh was 
murdered, and the government of Lahore was left in the 
hands of a boy Maharaja, a regent-mother, and a disaffected 
India. Vol. II. X— 11 


The regent- mother was as depraved as the widow of 
Kharak Singh, who was deposed in 1841. She appointed 
two ministers ; one was her own brother, and the other was 
a paramour, named Lai Singh. The army of the Khalsa 
grew more and more clamorous for largesses and increase 
of pay; and were only prevented from plundering Lahore 
by being moved away under the sanction of the punchayets 
to exact money contributions from the viceroys of outlj'ing 
provinces, such as Kashmir and Multan. At the same time 
the two ministers, the brother and the paramour, were in- 
triguing against each other. The brother gave mortal offence 
to the army of the Khalsa, and was tried and condemned hy 
the punchayets as a traitor to the commonwealth, and was 
finally shot dead by a party of soldiers outside Lahore. 

The regent-mother and her paramour were now in sore 
peril. The paramour, Lai Singh, became sole minister, but 
another Sirdar, named Tej Singh, was appointed to the 
nominal command of the army of the Khalsa. But Tej 
Singh was the slave as well as the commander-in-chief of 
the army of the Khalsa; and was compelled to act accord- 
ing to the dictation of the punchayets. In a word, the new 
government was at the mercy of the army, and saw no way 
of saving themselves, except by launching the Sikh battal- 
ions on British territories, and no way of averting the sack 
of Lahore, except by sending the Sikh soldiery to sack Delhi 
and Benares. 




A.D. 1845 TO 1849 

IN November, 1845, the Sikh army of the Khalsa crossed 
the Sutlej, to the number of sixty thousand soldiers, 
forty thousand armed followers, and one hundred and 
fifty large guns. The Sikh army had been strangely under- 
rated by the British government. It was as superior to all 
other native armies, excepting perhaps the Ghorkas, as 
Cromwell's Ironsides were to the rabble following of the 
other parhamentary leaders. Its marked strength, how- 
ever, was neutrahzed by the duplicity of its leaders — Lai 
Singh, the paramour, and Tej Singh, the nominal com- 
mander-in-chief. Both men were traitors of the deepest 
dye ; both at heart were willing to see the Sikh battalions 
mowed down by British artillery in order that thej'^ might 
secure their own personal safety and the continuance of 
their own government at Lahore. All this crafty and un- 
scrupulous villtoy was conspicuous throughout the sub- 
sequent war. 

The British government, under Sir Henry Hardinge, the 
new Governor- General, was scarcely prepared for the storm 
that was gathering on the line of the Sutlej. Sir John Lit- 
tler held the fortress of Ferozepore with ten thousand troops 
and thirty-one guns; but if the Sikh generals had only been 
true to the Khalsa, they might have environed Ferozepore, 
overwhelmed Littler 's force, and pushed on to the heart of 
Hindustan. As it was, Littler marched out of Ferozepore 


and offered the enemy battle; but the Sikh generals de- 
clined it, and divided their forces. Lai Singh moved with 
one corps d'armee toward Ferozeshahar, about ten miles 
off, and began to build formidable intrenchments, leaving 
Tej Singh to watch Littler at Ferozepore. 

Meanwhile Sir Hugh Gough, Commander-in-Chief, and 
Sir Henry Hardinge, the new Governor- General, were hurry- 
ing toward the frontier with a large force to relieve Littler. 
On the 18th of December they met the army of Lai Singh at 
Moodkee, and gained a doubtful victory. The British sepoys 
reeled before the Khalsa battalions, and even a European 
regiment was staggered for a few moments by the rapidity 
and precision of the Sikh fire. But Lai Singh fled at the 
beginning of jfche action, and thus brought about the defeat 
of the Sikh army. 

Two days after the battle of Moodkee, the British army 
advanced against the Sikh intrenchments at Ferozeshahar, 
and was joined there by the force under Littler. The assault 
was made on the 21st of December, but the Sikhs defended 
their position with the obstinacy and desperation of fanatics. 
Such resistance was terrific and unexpected, Gough charged 
up to the muzzle of the Sikh guns, and carried the batteries 
by cold steel ; but it was in the face of an overwhelming fire. 
British cannon were dismounted and the ammunition blown 
into the air. Squadrons were checked in mid career ; battal- 
ion after battalion was hurled back with shattered ranks; 
and it was not until after sunset that portions of the enemy's 
positions were finally carried by the British army. ' 

After a night of horrors the battle was renewed, but 
meanwhile there had been mutiny and desertion in the 
enemy's camp. The treasury of Lai Singh had been plun- 
dered by his own soldiers. The British troops met with 
feeble opposition; and it was soon discovered that, owing 
to the cowardice or treachery of Lai Singh, the Sikh army 
was in full flight to the Sutlej. Tej Singh marched up at 

' Cunningham's History of the Sikhs. 


this crisis, and found the intrenchments at Ferozeshahar 
in the hands of the British. Accordingly, after a brief can- 
nonade, he fled precipitately to the Sutlej, leaving his forces 
without orders, to fight or follow at their pleasure. 

In January, 1846, both sides were reinforced; the Sikhs 
recrossed the Sutlej into British territory, and hostilities 
were renewed. On the 2Gth of the month, Sir Harry Smith 
defeated a Sikh force at Ahwal. 

At this time Gholab Singh of Jamu had arrived at La- 
hore, and offered to make terms with the Governor-General. 
Sir Henry Hardinge replied that he was ready to acknowl- 
edge a Sikh sovereignty at Lahore, but not until the army 
of the Khalsa had been disbanded. The Sikh generals were 
utterly unable to fulfil such a condition ; they were literally 
at the mercy of the Khalsa army. It is said, however, that 
they offered to abandon the Khalsa army to its fate, and to 
leave the road open to the march of the British army to 
Lahore, provided the Governor-General acknowledged the 
sovereignty of Maharaja Dhulip Singh, and accepted the 
government of the regency. 

Meanwhile the main body of the Khalsa army had thrown 
up a formidable series of intrenchments at Sobraon. Early 
in February, 1846, the British army advanced to the attack 
under Gough and Hardinge. Sobraon proved to be the hard- 
est fought battle in the history of British India. The Sikh 
soldiers, unlike their treacherous commander Tej Singh, were 
prepared to conquer or die for the glory of the Khalsa. The 
British brought up their heavy guns, and prepared to pour 
in a continuous storm of shot and shell, and then to carry 
the intrenchments by storm. 

Shortly after midnight on the 10th of February, the Brit- 
ish planted their guns in the desired positions. At early 
morning, amid darkness and fog, the English batteries 
opened upon the enemy. At seven o'clock the fog rolled 
up like a curtain, and the soldiers of the Khalsa, nothing 
daunted, returned flash for flash, and fire for fire. As the 
sun rose higher, two British divisions of infantry in close 


order prepared for the assault. The left division advanced 
in line instead of column, and the greater part was driven 
back by the deadly fire of muskets and swivels and enfilad- 
ing artillery. The right division formed instinctively into 
wedges and masses, and rushed forward in wrath, leaped 
the ditch with a shout, and then mounted the rampart and 
stood victorious amid captured cannon. Tej Singh fled to 
the Sutlej at the first assault, and broke the bridge over the 
river; but whether this was done by accident or treachery 
is a problem to this da3\ Meanwhile the soldiers of the 
Khalsa fought with the valor of heroes, the enthusiasm of 
crusaders, and the desperation of zealots sworn to conquer 
the enemy or die sword in hand. At last they gave way; 
they were driven by the fire of batteries and battalions into 
the waters of the Sutlej, and the battle of Sobraon was won. 
But the victory was dearly purchased. More than two thou- 
sand British troops were killed or wounded before the day 
was brought to a close; but the Sikhs are said to have lost 
eight thousand men. 

Thus ended the first Sikh war. The British army crossed 
the Sutlej in a bridge of boats, and pushed on to Lahore, and 
dictated their own terms at the old capital of Runjeet Singh. 
The reduction of the Sikh army of the Khalsa was carried 
out without further parley, and its numbers were limited 
for the future to twenty thousand infantry and twelve thou- 
sand cavalry. The JuUunder Doab was taken over by the 
British government, and the British frontier was extended 
from the Sutlej to the Ravi. Meanwhile Sir Henry Har- 
dinge was raised to the peerage. 

Lord Hardinge called on the Lahore government to pay 
one million and a half sterling toward the expenses of the 
war. But the treasures of Runjeet Singh, estimated at 
the time of his death at twelve millions sterling, had been 
squandered during the anarchy which followed his decease, 
and only half a million remained to meet the demands of 
the British government at this crisis. Gholab Singh, vice- 
roy of Kashmir and Jamu, offered to paj' the million to the 


British government, provided he was recognized as Maha- 
raja of those territories. The bargain was concluded, and 
henceforth Gholab Singh was an ally of the British govern- 
ment, and independent of the Sikh government of Lahore. 

Lord Hardinge was next called upon to decide on the 
future settlement of the Punjab. He would not annex the 
country, or take over the internal administration. He pre- 
ferred accepting the existing government of the infant Ma- 
haraja, Dhulip Singh, and the regency of the queen mother 
and her paramour. But he would not create a subsidiary 
army for the protection of the native government, as had 
been done in the case of the Nizam of Hyderabad and the 
Mahrattas. On the contrary he was resolved to withdraw 
the British troops from the Punjab at the earliest possible 
opportunity ; for experience had taught the bitter lesson that 
a subsidiary force only demoralized native rulers, and ren- 
dered the British government responsible for the mainte- 
nance of oppression and misrule. 

But Lord Hardinge was thwarted by circumstances. 
The Lahore durbar loudly declared that unless a British 
force remained to keep the peace in the Punjab, the army 
of the Khalsa would recover its strength and overturn the 
regency. Accordingly, much against his inclination. Lord 
Hardinge deferred withdrawing the British force until the 
close of the year; but he solemnly assured the Lahore dur- 
bar that at the end of 1846 every British soldier and sepoy 
must return to British territory. The Sirdars bent to their 
fate, but many declared that annexation had become a neces- 
sity ; and that so long as a Sikh government was maintained 
at Lahore, with or without British troops, so long the dis- 
banded army of the Khalsa would cherish hopes of a return 
to independent power. 

Major Henry Lawrence was appointed British Resident 
at Lahore, and Lai Singh, the paramour of the queen mother, 
filled the post of prime minister. ' Shortly afterward a fla- 

' In dealing with the modem history of British India, the distinction between 
the three Lawrence brothers must always be borne in mind. G-eorge was one 


grant act of treachery was proved against Lai Singh. A 
rebellion broke out in Kashmir and Jamu against the sover- 
eign authority of Maharaja Gholab Singh. Major Lawrence 
hastened to the spot with a body of Sikh troops, and effect- 
ually suppressed it ; and the leader of the rebellion then pro- 
duced the written orders of Lai Singh, urging him to resist 
Gholab Singh by every means in his power. Such a breach 
of faith was unpardonable. Lai Singh was removed from 
his office, and deported to British territory, where he passed 
the remainder of his days in confinement. 

The year 1846 drew to a close. Again the Lahore durbar 
assured Lord Hardinge that the Khalsa army would regain 
its old ascendency if the British force was withdrawn. Ac- 
cordingly a compromise was effected. Eight leading Sirdars 
were formed into a council of regency under the express 
stipulation that the entire control and guidance of affairs 
should be vested in the British Resident. Having thus 
guarded against oppression or misrule, Lord Hardinge de- 
cided that the British force should remain in the Punjab 
for a period of eight years, by which time Maharaja Dhulip 
Singh would attain his majority, and might be intrusted 
with the supreme authority. 

This settlement of the Punjab continued, without material 
change, until the departure of Lord Hardinge from India in 
1848, During the interval many useful measures were car- 
ried out. The British army in India was reorganized ; the 
finances were restored; and efforts were made to induce 
the native states to follow the example of the British gov- 
ernment, in forbidding widow burning, female infanticide, 
slavery, and other abominations, throughout their respective 
territories. In 1848 Lord Hardinge returned to England 
with the pleasant conviction that he had secured the peace 
of India for some years to come. 

of the hostages in the first Aighan war, and had a narrow escape with his life 
at the time when Macnaghten was murdered. Henry had been Resident in 
Nipal, and was now transferred to Lahore. John was Commissioner of the 
Julluuder Doab, and afterward became successively Chief Commissioner and 
Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab, and finally Governor-G-eneral and Viceroy 
of India. 


Lord Dalhousie, the new Governor-General, landed at 
Calcutta in January, 1848. The history of his administra- 
tion will be told in the next chapter, but it may be as well 
in the present place to review the current of Punjab affairs, 
which ended in the second Sikh war, and permanent annexa- 
tion of the kingdom of Runjeet Singh. 

Major Henry Lawrence, the Resident at Lahore, was an 
officer in the Bengal artillery, of large political experience. 
About this time he was obliged to proceed to England on 
account of his health, and was succeeded by Sir Frederic 
Currie, a Bengal civilian. New systems of finance and rev- 
enue were subsequently introduced into the Punjab, which 
guarded against undue exactions, and secured a greater 
regularity in the collection of revenue, but gave great um- 
brage to Sikh Sirdars. Discontent and disaffection began to 
seethe beneath the surface, and it was soon evident that the 
spirit of the Khalsa was still burning in the breasts of the 
disbanded soldiery. 

A spark sufficed to set the Punjab in a conflagration. 
Mulraj, viceroy of Multan, had succeeded his father in the 
government of the province as far back as 1844; but the 
Lahore durbar had required him to pay a million sterling 
as a fine on succession. He took advantage of the struggles 
between the regency and the soldiery to delay payment. 
He then managed to get his claim reduced to less than one- 
fifth, and finally refused to pay the fraction. When, how- 
ever, the Sikh war was over, and a British Resident was 
posted to Lahore, Mulraj found that further resistance was 
useless, and that he must pay up. But he was irritated at 
the new order of things. He complained that the new sys- 
tem of finance and revenue about to be introduced by the 
British Resident would diminish his income. Finally he 
resigned the government of Multan on the plea that there 
were dissensions in his family. 

Sir Frederic Currie and the council of regency took Mul- 
raj at his word. A succesor, named Khan Singh, was ap- 
pointed to the government of Multan. Mr. Vans Agnew, 


a Bengal civilian, was appointed to accompany Khan Singh, 
and introduce the new fiscal system into Multan. In April, 
1848, Khan Singh, Mr. Vans Agnew, and Lieutenant An- 
derson, arrived at Multan with an escort of three hundred 
and fifty Sikh troops and a few guns, and encamped at a 
fortified mosque in the suburbs, known as the Edgah. 

Mulraj paid a visit to Mr. Vans Agnew at the Edgah, 
and declared himself ready to deliver up the town and 
citadel. He then produced the accounts of the previous 
year, and asked for a deed of acquittance. Mr. Vans Ag- 
new, however, called for the accounts of the previous six 
years. Mulraj was affronted at the demand, but neverthe- 
less agreed to furnish the documents. Mr. Vans Agnew 
and Lieutenant Anderson next proceeded with Mulraj to 
inspect the establishments in the citadel, and at his request 
they dismissed a portion of their escort. On leaving the 
citadel the two Englishmen were felled from their horses 
and dangerously wounded. Mulraj was riding by the side 
of Mr. Vans Agnew, but at once galloped off to his country 
residence. The wounded officers were carried off by their 
attendants to the Edgah, but the guns of the citadel began 
to open fire upon the mosque. In spite, however, of their 
wounds the two officers made a manful resistance, and 
returned the fire with the guns of the Sikh escort; but the 
escort proved treacherous, and went over to the enemy ; and 
a mob of savages rushed into the mosque, and cut the two 
Englishmen to pieces. Immediately afterward Mulraj re- 
moved his family and treasure into the citadel, and issued 
a proclamation calling upon the people of every creed to rise 
against the English. 

These atrocious murders were committed after the setting 
in of the hot weather. Lord Gough was anxious to postpone 
military operations for some months until the beginning of 
the cold weather; and there was consequently much delay 
in putting down the revolt. A young lieutenant, named 
Herbert Edwardes, who was employed in the revenue settle- 
ment of Bunnu, beyond the Indus, marched a force to Multan 


on his own responsibility ; and being joined by other levies, 
he defeated Mulraj on the 18th of June, and ultimately shut 
him up in the citadel at Multan. 

Meanwhile there was treachery in the Sikh government 
at Lahore. The queen mother of Dhulip Singh was exas- 
perated at the loss of her paramour, and was secretly cor- 
rupting the troops. At the same time she was organizing 
a confederacy of Sirdars against the British government, 
and carrying on intrigues with the Amir of Kabul, the 
Maharaja of Kashmir, and the princes of Rajputana. Fort- 
unately these proceedings were discovered in time, and the 
dangerous lady was removed from Lahore to the sacred city 
of Benares, and provided with a suitable pension. 

Subsequently, an influential Sirdar, named Sher Singh, 
was sent at the head of a Sikh force to co-operate with Lieu- 
tenant Edwardes against Mulraj. But Sher Singh played 
a double game. While swearing eternal fidelity to the Brit- 
ish government he was secretly corresponding with the 
rebels. A force of seven thousand British troops under 
General Whish was sent against Multan, and it was confi- 
dently expected that the town and fortress would be speedily 
taken, and that Mulraj would then receive the just punish- 
ment of his crimes. The guns had already begun to open 
on Multan, when Sher Singh ordered the drums of religion 
to be beaten, and went over to the enemy with five thousand 
Sikhs, and proclaimed a religious war against the English. 
General Whish was obliged to retire from Multan and throw 
up intrenchments. It was soon evident that the whole of 
the Punjab was in a state of revolt ; and that the veterans 
of Runjeet Singh's army were assembling to renew the con- 
test with the British government, retrieve their lost honor, 
and revive the glory and supremacy of the army of the 
Khalsa. In a word, the delay in crushing the paltry out- 
break of Mulraj had aroused the military enthusiasm of the 
Sikhs throughout the Punjab, and necessitated a second 
Sikh war. 

Lord Dalhousie rose to the occasion. Being new to India 


he had deferred to the opinion of the Commander-in-Chief 
as regards the postponement of mihtary operations, but he 
soon apprehended the dangerous significance of the revolt. 
He saw that the work of his predecessor had to be done over 
again ; and he was resolved that this time there should be no 
half measures; no bolstering up of an effete and treacherous 
government, but a restoration of order and law under British 
administration. In October, 1848, he proceeded from Bengal 
to the Punjab. Before he went he made a declaration in a 
pubhc speech, which is at once characteristic and historical 
— "Unwarned by precedent, uninfluenced by example, the 
Sikh nation has called for war, and on my word, sirs, they 
shall have it with a vengeance. ' ' 

All this while Slier Singh had been coldly and suspi- 
ciously received by Mulraj. Both had revolted against a 
common enemy, but each one was jealous of the other, and 
had his own ends to pursue. Accordingly, Sher Singh left 
Multan, and marched boldly toward Lahore. About the 
same time his father, Chutter Singh, had been tempting 
Dost Muhammad Khan, Amir of Kabul, to join in the gen- 
eral rising against the British government, by promising to 
make over the coveted province of Peshawar. Major George 
Lawrence, a brother of Henry, was in charge of Peshawar, 
which was held by a garrison of eight thousand Sikhs; but 
the Sikh garrison went over to the Afghans and attacked 
the Residency, and George Lawrence and others were car- 
ried off prisoners. Captain Herbert held out for a while in 
the fort of Attock, near the junction of the Kabul river and 
the Indus to the eastward of Peshawar, but was forced in 
like manner to succumb to the Afghans. 

In October, 1848, the British army under Lord Gough 
was assembled at Ferozepore, In November it crossed the 
Ravi, and engaged Sher Singh in an indecisive action at 
Ramnuggur. On the 13th of January, 1849, Lord Gough 
approached Sher Singh's intrenchments at Chilianwallah, 
which were held by thirty thousand Sikhs and sixty guns. 
Nothing was known of the disposition of the Sikhs, for their 


camp was covered by a thick jungle, and Lord Gough 
resolved to defer the attack till the following morning. At 
that moment the Sikhs opened fire with some guns in ad- 
vance. The indignation of Lord Gough was kindled at the 
challenge, and he rashly ordered a general charge. Then 
followed the most sanguinary encounter in the history of 
British India, which ended in a doubtful victory on the part 
of the English. The Sikhs were driven from their position, 
but they took up another three miles off. Both sides fired 
salutes in honor of victory, but the Enghsh had lost more 
than two thousand four hundred officers and men. 

The fatal field of Chilian wallah is already half forgotten, 
but the tidings of the disaster were received in England with 
an outburst of alarm and indignation. Sir Charles Napier 
was hastily sent to India to supersede Lord Gough as Com- 
mander-in-Chief. Meanwhile General "Whish captured the 
town of Multan, and opened a terrible cannonade on the 
citadel. Mulraj offered a desperate resistance, but was at 
last compelled to surrender the fortress, and gave himself 
up to the English. General Whish then left Multan in 
charge of Lieutenant Edwardes, and proceeded to join Lord 
Gough in a final struggle with Sher Singh. 

The crowning victory at Guzerat was gained by Lord 
Gough on the 22d of February, 1849. It was essentially an 
artillery action, and is known as the battle of the guns. The 
Sikhs opened a cannonade with sixty guns and fired with 
singular rapidity, but their resistance was in vain. For two 
hours and a half they were exposed to a storm of shot and 
shell, which was eventually followed by a charge of bayo- 
nets, and rush of cavalry. The Sikh army became hterally 
a wreck ; its camp, its standards, and nearly all its cannon, 
fell into the hands of the conquerors. The battle of Guzerat 
decided the fate of the Punjab, and the hopes of the Khalsa 
were quenched forever. 

Lord Dalhousie was fully prepared for this result. He 
had resolved on the annexation of the Punjab, and had 
already drawn up a programme for the civil administration 


of the province, and the appointment of British officials to 
the several grades. All old errors in former settlements 
were rectified in dealing with the Punjab; all known abuses 
were guarded against ; and the government of the Punjab, 
instead of struggling into existence like the government of 
Bengal, seemed to spring, like another Minerva, full armed 
from the brain of Zeus. To this day the administration of 
the Punjab is one of the greatest triumphs of British rule, 
and a model for Asiatic statesmen throughout all time. 

The minor details connected with the conclusion of the 
war may be dismissed in a few words. Dost Muhammad 
Khan and his Afghans were driven out of Peshawar, and 
narrowly escaped to Kabul. Mulraj was imprisoned for life 
on account of the part he played in the murder of the two 
Englishmen. The young Maharaja Dhulip Singh was pro- 
vided with a yearly annuity of fifty thousand pounds, and 
ultimately settled in England. "Within a few short years 
the memory of Runjeet Singh died away from the land. 
The soldiers of the Khalsa enlisted under British banners, 
and during the sepoy revolt of 1857 were the foremost among 
those who wrested Delhi from the sepoy mutineers, and 
avenged the insulted sovereignty of British rule. 



A.D. 1848 TO 1856 

LORD DALHOUSIE was a man of energy and power. 
Short in stature, like the once famous Marquis of 
Wellesley, there was a fire and determination in his 
eye which revealed a genius for command. ' So long as he 
held the reins of government his administrative ability and 
intellectual vigor commanded general respect and admira- 
tion ; but his imperious temper, impatience of opposition, and 
alleged lack of sympathy for native rulers, stirred up an 
antagonism to his policy which is only slowly fading away. 
Lord Dalhousie was Governor- General of India at the 
age of thirty-six. He was a stanch believer in moral and 
material progress, and he had already served an apprentice- 
ship to the work as President of the Board of Trade under 
the premiership of Sir Robert Peel. "Within two years of 
his arrival in India he had perfected his knowledge of the 
country and people. The Sikh uprising of 1848 familiarized 
him with those convulsions on the frontier to which Hin- 
dustan has always been exposed ; while the newly conquered 
territory of the Punjab opened out a virgin field to his ad- 
ministrative energies. 

The Punjab is nearly as large as England. It covers 
fifty thousand square miles, and contains a population of 
four millions. One-fourth of the people are Sikhs ; the re- 

' De Quincey talks of the foppery of the eye, and quotes the cases of Lord 
Wellesley, Dr. Parr, and Augustus Caesar; but there was no foppery about the 
eye of Lord Dalhousie. 


mainder are Hindus and Muhammadans. The Sikh gov- 
ernment and the army of the Khalsa had been scattered to 
the winds. Accordingly Lord Dalhousie was called upon 
to create a new administration out of chaos, which should 
adapt itself to a mixed population who knew nothing of 
order or law; and he brought to bear upon his task the 
experiences which had been gained during a century of 
British rule in India, and which enabled him to avoid the 
mistakes which had been committed by his predecessors in 
Bengal and elsewhere. 

The new province was divided by Lord Dalhousie into 
seven divisions, and each division into as many districts as 
were necessary. Each division was placed under a commis- 
sioner and each district under a deputy-commissioner. Fifty- 
six officers were employed in these two grades ; one-half being 
selected from the civil service, and the other half from the 
army. Below these were the subordinate grades of assistant 
and extra-assistant commissioners, who were selected from 
what is known as the uncovenanted service, and comprised 
Europeans, East Indians, and natives. 

The management of the new administration was intrusted 
to a Board of Administration, consisting of three members, 
namely, Henry Lawrence, John Lawrence, and Robert 
Montgomery.' Henrj- Lawrence presided at the Board, 
and carried on the political work, namely, the disarming 
of the country, the negotiations with Sikh Sirdars, and the 
organization of new Punjabi regiments. John Lawrence 
took charge of the civil administration, especially the settle- 
ment of the land revenue. Robert Montgomery superin- 
tended the administration of justice throughout the province, 
and compiled a short manual for the guidance of the officials 
and people, which contained all that was necessary in a few 

' Colonel, afterward Sir Henry, Lawrence, belonged to the Bengal Artillery. 
John Lawrence, afterward Viceroy of India and a peer of the realm, belonged to 
the Civil Service. Mr. Charles Grenville Mansel was originally third member of the 
Board, but he was subsequently succeeded by Sir Robert Montgomery. Both 
Mansel and Montgomery belonged to the Civil Service. 


The working of the Board of Administration was not 
satisfactory. The sympathies of Henry Lawrence were all 
on the side of the Sikh Sirdars, who were regarded with 
disfavor by Lord Dalhousie, and whose antecedents were 
certainly as bad as they well could be. The result was that 
in 1853 the Board of Administration was broken up, and 
John Lawrence was placed in the sole charge of the govern- 
ment as Chief Commissioner. 

The British administration of the Punjab was in every 
way a new creation. The government of Runjeet Singh 
had been the rude work of an unlettered warrior, without 
constitutional forms of any sort or kind, and without any 
law except the will of the one great despot at the head. The 
only officers of state were soldiers and tax-collectors; the 
only punishments were fines and mutilations ; and there was 
not a single civil court in the Punjab excepting at Lahore. 
The local authorities were little despots who oppressed the 
people and defrauded the state, like the underlings of Tippu 
Sultan in Mysore; but sooner or later the majority were 
compelled to disgorge their ill-gotten wealth, and were often 
condemned to poverty and mutilation at the arbitrary will 
of Runjeet Singh. 

The officers of the new Punjab commission were required 
to fulfil every kind of administrative duty. They were 
magistrates and judges, revenue collectors and head police- 
men, diplomatists and conservancj'' officers. For many 
months of the year their homes were in camp, with their 
tents open to all comers, from the lowest class of petitioners 
to the wealthiest Sirdars. ' 

One of the first measures of Lord Dalhousie was to pro- 
vide for the military defence of the province. The British 
frontier had been advanced from the Sutlej westward to the 

' The general confidence of the natives of the Punjab in British officers was, 
sometimes carried to an amusing excess. On one occasion, when the late Lord 
Lawrence was Viceroy of India, a number of Punjab people travelled to Calcutta, 
a distance of some fifteen hundred miles, to speak to "Jan Larrens Sahib" about 
a cow. The writer saw the men himself. Unfortunately "Jan Larrens Sahib" 
was at Simla. 


range of mountains beyond the Indus. The mountains were 
inhabited by brave and lawless tribes, who numbered a hun- 
dred thousand men at arms, and had been the pest of the 
plains ever since the days of Akbar. Lord Dalhousie tried 
to bar out these barbarians b}^ a series of fortifications, con- 
nected by a line of roads, along the whole frontier; and he 
organized a special force of five regiments of infantry and 
four of cavalry for the protection of the marches. ' Mean- 
while he disarmed the whole of the population of the Punjab, 
excepting the inhabitants on the British side of the border. 
A hundred and twenty thousand weapons were surrendered 
to British olficers; and the manufacture, sale, or possession 
of arms was strictly prohibited. 

The land revenue was settled on easy terms. Runjeet 
Singh had collected half the produce. Lord Dalhousie re- 
duced it to an average of one-fourth, and ordered a further" 
reduction of ten per cent, to reconcile the renters to the pay- 
ment of coin instead of kind. The consequence was that 
cultivation largely increased, and thirty thousand of the old 
Khalsa soldiery exchanged the sword for the plow. 

Transit duties were abolished altogether. Runjeet Singh 
had covered the Punjab with a network of custom-houses 
for the collection of these duties on goods and merchandise ; 
but all were swept away by a stroke of the pen from Lord 

Meanwhile slavery and thuggee were rooted out of the 
Punjab; and infanticide, that bane of Oriental life, was 
suppressed as far as might be. Bands of outlaws and dacoits, 
who had been accustomed under Sikh rule to plunder villages 
and travellers with impunity, were attacked, captured and 
punished by sheer force of arms. The Punjab was inter- 
sected with roads as if it had been a Roman province.^ In 

' This is the line of frontier which has recentiy been abandoned (1880). 
Furlher particulars respecting it will be found in the stor_y of the Sitana cam- 
paign of 186:?, which is told in the concluding chapter of the present volumes. 

* The most important road constructed in the Punjab was that which united 
Lahore with Peshawar. It extended very nearly 300 miles, passed over 100 
great bridges and 450 smaller ones, penetrated six mountain chains, and was 


a word, within seven years of the battle of Guzerat, the 
Punjab presented more traces of British civilization and 
dominion than any other province in British India. 

Three years after the conquest of the Punjab the British 
government was drawn into a second war with the king of 
Burma. Never was a war begun with greater reluctance. 
To all appearance there was nothing to gain ; for the terri- 
tories of Arakan and Tenasserim, which had been acquired 
after the first war, had never paid their expenses. But Lord 
Dalhousie had no alternative. By the treaty of Yandabo 
both the British and Burmese governments were pledged 
to. afford protection and security to all merchants trading at 
their respective ports or residing \vithin their respective terri- 
tories. This treaty, however, had been repeatedly broken; 
and Englishmen trading at Rangoon were oppressed and 
maltreated by the Burmese officials, while every effort to 
obtain redress was treated with contempt and scorn. 

In 1851 the European merchants at Rangoon laid their 
complaints before the British government at Calcutta. En- 
ghsh sea-captains had been condemned on false charges to 
pay heavy fines, and were then subjected to imprisonment 
and insult. British merchants, who had been living at Ran- 
goon under the provisions of the treaty of Yandabo, were 
driven to declare that unless they were protected by their 
own government they must abandon their property and leave 
Burmese territory. 

Ever since 1840 the British government had ceased to 
maintain an accredited agent at Ava. Accordingly Lord 
Dalhousie sent Commodore Lambert to Rangoon in Her 
Majesty's ship the Fox, to investigate the complaints; and 

carried by embankments over the marshes of two great rivers. Every obstacle 
was overcome by Colonel Robert Napier of the Bengal Engineers, whose work 
in the Punjab would have won him the highest honors in Europe, and who has 
become famous in later days as Lord Xapier of Magdala. Canals and irrigation 
works were not forgotten. Among others the great canal of the Bari Doab was 
constructed between the Ravi and the Chenab, under the direction of Colonel 
Napier. It was equal to the noblest canal in Europe, and extended with its 
three branches to the length of 465 miles. 


also intrusted him with a letter of remonstrance to the king 
of Bm-ma, which he was to forward to Ava or withhold as 
might seem expedient. When the Fox reached Rangoon, 
the Burmese governor threatened to put any one to death 
who dared to communicate with the ship. Some Europeans, 
however, escaped to the frigate, and the Commodore sent on 
the letter from Lord Dalhousie to the king at Ava. After 
some weeks a reply was received to the effect that the offend- 
ing governor would be removed from Rangoon, and that 
strict inquiries would be made into the complaints brought 
against him. 

Commodore Lambert was delighted with the letter from 
Ava. He thought everything was settled, but he was soon 
undeceived. The governor was certainly recalled from Ran- 
goon, but he went away in triumph, with all the pomp of 
music and war boats. A new governor arrived, but he was 
bent on treating the English with the same contempt and 
arrogance as had been displayed by his predecessor. He 
took no notice whatever of the Commodore. At last he 
was asked to fix a day for receiving a deputation of English 
officers, and he replied that any day would do. Accordingly 
early one morning he was told that a deputation would wait 
upon him at noon. At the time appointed the English offi- 
cers reached the governor's house, but were not allowed to 
enter. They were kept out in the sun by the menial ser- 
vants, and told that the governor was asleep ; while the gov- 
ernor himself was looking insolently out of the window, and 
seeing them exposed to the insults and jeers of the mob. 
At last the patience of the officers was exhausted, and they 
returned to the frigate. 

Commodore Lambert then took possession of one of the 
king's ships lying in the river, but promised to restore it, 
and to salute the Burmese flag, on receipt of ten thousand 
rupees, as compensation for the injured merchants, and a 
suitable apology from the governor of Rangoon. In reply, 
the Burmese opened fire on the Fox from some stockades on 
both sides of the river ; but the guns of the Fox soon demol- 


ished the stockades, and the Burmese ports were declared in 
a state of blockade. 

Lord Dalhousie made another appeal to the king of 
Burma, and meanwhile prepared for war. A land force 
of five thousand eight hundred men was sent to Rangoon 
under General Godwin, together with nineteen steamers 
manned with two thousand three hundred sailors and ma- 
rines. A steamer was sent up the river Irawadi with a flag 
of truce to receive a reply from the king, but it was fired 
upon by the Burmese. Accordingly the troops were landed; 
Rangoon was captured in the face of a heavy cannonade, 
the three terraces of the great Shive Dagon pagoda were 
carried by storm, and the British ensign was fixed on the 
golden dome. 

The capture of Rangoon was followed by that of Bassein 
and Prome.' The Burmese soldiery fled to Upper Burma, 
and the people flocked to Rangoon and hailed the British as 
their deliverers. Meanwhile there had been a revolution in 
Ava. The Pagan Meng had been deposed, and his half- 
brother, the Meng-don Meng, was taken from a Buddhist 
monastery and placed upon the throne. The new sovereign 
was anxious for peace, but refused to conclude any treaty. 
Lord Dalhousie steamed to Rangoon the following Septem- 
ber and decided on annexing Pegu to the British empire, 
and leaving the king in possession of Upper Burma. 

The same administrative changes were carried out at 
Pegu as had been begun in the Punjab, but with limited 
resources and on a less brilliant scale. Major, the present 
Sir Arthur Phayre, was appointed Commissioner of Pegu, 
and introduced British administration with a strong sub- 
stratum of Burmese officials. "With the assistance of Cap- 
tain, now General Fytche, and other distinguished officers, 
Major Phayre succeeded in clearing the new province of 

' There are two places named Bassein. There is Bassein, near Bombay, 
where the Peishwa concluded a treaty with Lord Wellesley ; and the Bassein 
named in the text, which is situated on the southwest corner of the delta of the 


robbers and outlaws and establishing order and law. Ulti- 
mately in 1862 the three territories of Arakan, Pegu, and 
Tenasserim were formed into the province of British Burma, 
with Major Phayre as Chief Commissioner, The conse- 
quence has been that British Burma not only pays the whole 
expense of the local administration, but contributes a large 
yearly surplus to the imperial treasury. Since 1852 the pop- 
ulation of Rangoon alone has increased tenfold, and prom- 
ises to become another Calcutta ; and when the population 
of Pegu has increased in a like ratio, the province will prove 
as productive as Bengal. Already the Irawadi is beginning 
to pour down as much wealth to the sea as the Ganges and 
Jumna before the introduction of the railways; and within 
another generation, when existing obstructions are removed, 
new fields of commerce will be opened out in Western China, 
and restore the fabled glories of the Golden Chersonese to 
the Malacca peninsula.' 

The Punjab and Pegu were the favorite, but not the only 
fields of Lord Dalhousie's labors. His influence was felt in 
every province of the empire, every department of govern- 
ment, and every native state under British protection. His 
reforms extended to every branch of the administration — 
army, public works, education, revenue, finance, justice, and 
general legislation. He promoted canals and steam naviga- 
tion, and he introduced railways and cheap postage. He 
constructed four thousand miles of electric telegraph wires, 
and two thousand miles of road, bridged and metalled. He 
opened the Ganges canal, the longest in the world. In a 
word. Lord Dalhousie was emphatically the pioneer of west- 
ern civilization in India ; the first of that modern dynasty of 
rulers, under whom India has ceased to be a remote and out- 
lying region, and has become part and parcel of the British 
empire, sharing in all the blessings of European science and 

' Should the frontier of British India ever be conterminous with Persia, 
Russia, and China, new markets will be opened to British manufactures of which 
the present generation can form no conception, while the resources of the new 
countries, which at present are undeveloped, will serve to enrich haK Asia.' 


The administrative successes of Lord Dalhousie naturally 
impressed him with a strong sense of the vast superiority of 
British administration over Oriental rule. He would not 
interfere with the treaty rights of native allies, but he was 
resolute in putting down widow burning, witch torturing, 
self-immolation, mutilation, and other barbarous usages, in 
the territories of native princes, as much as in those under 
British administration. Any prince, Rajput or Mahratta, 
who hesitated to punish such atrocities within his own ter- 
ritories to the entire satisfaction of the British government, 
was visited with the marked displeasure of Lord Dalhousie, 
threatened with the loss of his salute, refused admittance to 
the Governor-General's durbar, or deprived of one or other 
of those tokens of the consideration of the British govern- 
ment which are valued by the princes and nobles of India. 
At the same time Lord Dalhousie was never wanting in 
paternal regard for native states during a minority. He 
duly provided for the education and administrative training 
of Sindia and Holkar ; and was anxious that they should be 
fitted for the duties of government before they attained their 
majority and were placed in charge of their respective 

The administration of native states was no doubt wretched 
in the extreme. Indeed it is only of late years that native 
officials have received an Enghsh education, and profited bj'' 
the example set in British territories, to carry out some meas- 
ures of reform. Both Lord Dalhousie, and his predecessor, 
Lord Hardinge, were deeply impressed with the responsibil- 
ity incurred by the British government in perpetuating native 
misrule. Both agreed that no rightful opportunity should be 
lost of acquiring territory and revenue ; in other words, of 
bringing native territory under British administration. The 
•motives of both rulers were unquestionably pm'e; neither 
Hardinge nor Dalhousie could have any personal object in 
adding to the territories of the late East India Company, 
beyond the promotion of the moral and material welfare of 
the native populations. But their sentiments were open to 


misconstruction, and might be interpreted to mean that the 
appropriation of native territory would be always justifiable, 
provided a decent excuse could be found for the transfer. 

No one seems to have doubted that the British govern- 
ment was bound to maintain the integrity of native states 
so long as a native ruler did not forfeit his rights by some 
public crime. Again, no one doubted the right of a son, or 
other male heir, to inherit a Raj. But a question was raised 
as to the rights of an adopted son ; and as this question has 
been much distorted by controversy, it may be as well to 
explain it from a Hindu point of view. Practically, the 
law of adoption has ceased to have any political importance. 
The British government has conceded the right of adopting 
an heir to the Raj to native princes in general. But a right 
understanding of the law of adoption is absolutely necessary 
to a right understanding of the policy of Lord Dalhousie, 

Among all orthodox Hindus a son is regarded as a relig- 
ious necessity. A son is required to offer cakes and water to 
the soul of a deceased father, and indeed to the souls of all 
deceased ancestors up to a certain generation. Moreover, in 
the belief of modern Hindus, the world of shades is a kind 
of temporary hell or purgatory, where the soul of the father 
is supposed to dwell until all its sins have been wiped away 
by the sacrifices and other good works of the son. When 
this end has been attained, the soul either returns to earth 
to resume its existence through successive transmigrations, 
or it ascends to eternal life in some superior heaven, or is 
absorbed in the Supreme Spirit — Vishnu, Siva, or Brahma. 

It is this religious necessity which has brought about the 
early marriage of Hindu boys. Should, however, the hus- 
band fail to become the father of a son, he may either marry 
a second wife, or he may adopt a son ; and a son in either 
case, whether natural or adopted, inherits the property at 
the father's death, and becomes the head of the household. 

The question of adoption in the case of a Hindu princi- 
pality stands on a difi'erent footing. The adopted son may 
succeed to the property of his nominal father, and perform 


all his religious duties ; but the question of inheriting a Raj 
is of a political character, and depends on the will of the par- 
amount power. In either case, whether the inheritance to a 
Raj is granted or refused, the adopted son is still expected to 
perform all the religious duties necessary for the well-being 
of the deceased father.' 

The question of the right of adoption in the case of a 
Hindu principality was never raised in India before the rise 
of- British power. There was no public law in the matter; 
the question of might alone made the right. If a Hindu 
principality was conveniently near, it was brought under 
Moghul rule by treachery, chicanery, or force of arms, with- 
out the slightest regard to the rights of a reigning Raja, or 
the rights of his heirs or representatives. ^ If a principality 
was remote and strong, every effort was made to seduce or 
threaten the native ruler into paying tribute ; or at any rate 
into rendering homage and presenting nuzzers, or honorary 
gifts, as an acknowledgment of the suzerainty of the Mo- 
ghul. Whatever, however, might be the circumstances of 
the case, no succession was deemed valid unless it received 
the formal approval and sanction of the paramount power ; 
and this end could only be obtained by a Hindu prince in 
the same way that a Muhammadan officer obtained the 
government of a province, namely, by sending presents 
and tribute to the Moghul court, and receiving letters and 
insignia of investiture in return. 

The British government, however, professed from the 
very first to adhere to the policy of non-intervention, and 

1 The present Maharaja Holkar has more than once taken over the estate of 
a feudatory on the ground that he had left no natural heirs, and that the adopted 
son had no claim to inherit landed property. 

"^ Akbar was anxious to maintain the Rajput principalities as a counterpoise 
against Afghans and Moghuls, and his policy was to give a daughter in marriage 
to a Rajput prince, and insist upon her son being the heir to the principality. 
But Aurangzeb was only anxious to convert the Hindus to Islam, and a Rajput 
prince who turned Muhammadan would have been recognized as heir to the 
principality in the same way that an Irishman of a Roman Catholic family 
secured the family estate in the last century by becoming a Protestant. Neither 
Akbar nor Aurangzeb were likely to trouble themselves about the law of adoption. 
India. Vol. II. X— 12 


cared not who succeeded to the throne so long as there 
were no civil wars.' Accordingly in the case of Sindia, as 
already seen, the dying ruler was advised by the British 
government to adopt a son in order to prevent any broils 
as regards a successor. At the same time the queen or 
mi-iister was generally anxious for an adoption, as if it 
could be established it might set aside the claim of a brother 
or other collateral heir, and would enable the queen or min- 
ister to exercise sovereign authority during the minorit3^ It 
thus became customary for a native prince to apply for the 
consent of the British government before adopting a son who 
should be heir to the Raj ; and at every succession, whether 
the son was natural or adopted, the recognition of the Brit- 
ish government was deemed necessary to its validity. The 
youthful heir was formally invested with a dress of honor 
by the British representative, and in return he publicly ac- 
knowledged his fealty to the British government. 

The policy of Lord Dalhousie will be rendered intelligible 
by dealing with matters of fact. The first native principality 
brought to his notice was that of Satara. The story of Sa- 
tara has already been told. The representative of Sivaji 
reigned as a puppet Raja in a state prison at Satara, while 
successive Peishwas, or ministers, reigned as real sovereigns 
at Poona. After the extinction of the Peishwas in 1818, 
Lord Hastings resuscitated the Raja of Satara for reasons 
of state; took him out of a prison, and invested him with 
a small principahty. He thought by so doing to reconcile 
Sindia and Holkar to the extinction of the Peishwas. But 
the generosity, whether real or apparent, was thrown away. 
•The Mahrattas had long forgotten to care for the Raja of 
Satara, and they soon forgot the ex-Peishwa. 

But the elevation of the Raja of Satara from a prison 
to a principality turned the young man's head. Instead of 
being grateful for his change of fortune, he was incensed 
with his benefactors for not restoring him to the throne and 

> See aute, p. 601. 


empire of Sivaji. He fondly imagined that if he could only- 
get rid of the British government he might recover the old 
Mahratta sovereignty which had been usurped by the Peish- 
was for more than seventy years, and which, as far as 
Satara was concerned, had never been anything more than 
a shadow and a sham. Accordingly, in spite of his treaty 
obligations to abstain from all correspondence with states 
or individuals outside his jurisdiction, the Raja of Satara 
opened up commiuiications with the Portuguese authorities 
at Goa, and even with the exiled Appa Sahib of Nagpore; 
and to crown his misdoings, he employed certain Brahmans 
to tamper with some sepoy officers in the Bombay army. 

It was impossible to overlook these proceedings, and 
there was some talk of punishing the Raja; but Sir James 
Camac, the Governor of Bombay, took a lenient view of the 
case, and told the Raja that all would be forgiven if he 
would only promise to keep the treaty more faithfully for 
the future. But by this time the Raja was too far gone to 
listen to reason. He spurned all interference, asserted his 
sovereignty, and was accordingly deposed and sent to Be- 
nares, and his brother was enthroned in his room. 

The new Raja of Satara took warning bj^ the fate of his 
predecessor, and gave no trouble to the British authorities. 
But he had no son or male heir, and he repeatedly requested 
the British government to permit him to adopt a son who 
should inherit the Raj. Every application, however, was 
refused. Under such circumstances he might possibly have 
adopted a son who would have inherited his private property, 
and performed all the religious ceremonies necessary for de- 
livering his soul from a Hindu purgatory. But he appears 
to have hoped on to the last; and in 1848, two hours before 
his death, he adopted an heir on his own responsibility, and 
left the result in the hands of the British government. 

Lord Dalhousie decided that the adopted son might in- 
herit the private property of the deceased Raja, but that the 
principality of Satara had lapsed to the British government. 
This decision was confirmed by the Court of Directors. The 


result was that the Raj of Satara was incorporated with the 
Bombay Presidency, and brought under British admin- 

Shortly afterward, the Kerauli succession was taken into 
consideration. Kerauli was a Rajput principality, which 
had paid a yearly tribute to the Peishwa ; but it was taken 
under British protection in 1818, and relieved from the 
further payment of tribute. The Raja showed his gratitude 
by joining in the outbreak of Durjan Sal of Bhurtpore in 
1826; but he subsequently expressed his attachment to the 
British government, and his offence was condoned. 

The Raja of Kerauli died in 1848 without a na^tural heir, 
but, like the Satara Raja, he adopted a son just before his 
death. Lord Dalhousie was inclined to think that Kerauli, 
like Satara, had lapsed to the British government ; but the 
Court of Directors decided that Kerauli was a "protected 
ally," and not a "dependent principality," and accordingly 
the government of Lord Dalhousie recognized the adopted 
son as the heir to the Raj. 

In 1853 the Nagpore succession was brought under dis- 
cussion. The fortunes of this Raj are of peculiar interest. 
The story begins with Lord Hastings and ends with Lord 
Dalhousie; but it may be told in the present place as an 

In 1818 the territory of the Bhonsla Rajas was placed at 
the disposal of the British government. The treacherous 
Appa Sahib had fled into exile, leaving no son, real or 
adopted, to succeed him on the throne of Nagpore. Accord- 
ingly the ladies of the family were permitted to adopt a boy, 
who assumed the name of Bhonsla, and was accepted as an 
infant Raja; and Mr. Richard Jenkins, the Resident at Nag- 
pore, was intrusted with the management of affairs during 
the minority, and exercised something like uncontrolled 

The management of Mr. Jenkins was denounced in Eng- 
land as a departure from the ruling doctrine of non-inter- 
vention; but nevertheless it was attended with singular 


success. Mr. Jenkins organized a native administration 
under British management, and did not commit the fatal 
error of expecting too much.' The consequence was that 
in Nagpore, and in Nagpore alone, outside British territory, 
disorders were repressed, vexatious taxes abolished, debts 
liquidated, and expenditure reduced; while crime dimin- 
ished, revenue improved, and a large surplus accumulated 
in the public treasury." 

In 1826 the young Raja attained his majority, and the 
British management was withdrawn from Nagpore. In 
1837 the Raja had grown utterly demoralized; he cared 
nothing for his people, but spent his whole time, like a little 
Sardanapalus, in the female apartments of his palace. In 
spite of this adverse circumstance, the people of Nagpore 
were less oppressed than those of any other native state in 
India. The system organized by Mr. Jenkins was much 

' There is a well-known couplet by Mat Prior, which English officials in high 
position would do well to bear iu mind in dealing with native subordinates : 
"Be to their virtues very kind, 
Be to their faults a httle blind." 

^ The exponents of the policy of non-intervention had much to say in its 
favor. The subsidiary system which secured native princes on their thrones 
was supposed to have aggravated the evils of native rule by stripping the state 
of all responsibility, aud thus stifling all desire for the improvement of the coun- 
try and people. Tlie princes of India lost their accustomed stimulants of war 
and plunder, and sank into apathy, or sought consolation in vicious self-indul- 
gence. Under such circumstances there were grounds for hoping that non- 
intervention would revive the sense of responsibility, and enable every native 
principality to recover its lost vitahty. 

But this lost vitality is a myth. It may have existed in some remote era, 
some golden age of Eajput romance; but it is as unknown to history as the ex- 
ploits of King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table. It was the dream 
of the Brahmanical compilers of the Hindu epics, and is as unreal as the fabled 
stories in the Arabian Nights of the golden reign of Haroun Alraschid. Ever 
since Europeans became acquainted with India the vitality of native rule has 
only found expression in predatory wars and administrative extortions; and 
when at last the princes of India were bound over by the subsidiary alliances 
to keep the peace, the native states were moribund, and nothing but new blood 
would impart life or energy to native administrations. 

What was really wanted was a guiding influence to open the eyes of native 
rulers to their duties toward their subjects, and to inspire them with that spirit 
of emulation which is necessary to awaken them to a higher ambition and loftier 
aims. After the wars of 1817-18 the princes of India were peculiarly amenable 
to such influences, and hence the administrative successes of Mr. Jenkins in 


deteriorated, especially in the administration of justice. But 
the people spoke of "Dunkin Sahib" with affection, and all the 
middle and lower classes were heartily desirous of British rule. 

In 1853 the Raja of Nagpore died, leaving no son or heir, 
natural or adopted. Nagpore had been a "dependent prin- 
cipality" ever since 1818, and Lord Dalhousie had to deter- 
mine whether to permit the widows to adopt a son, and thus 
make over Nagpore to a Mahratta lad who might have turned 
out no better than his successor;' or to bring Nagpore under 
a similar administration to that which had proved so suc- 
cessful in the Punjab. Lord Dalhousie decided on the latter 
course, and his view was accepted by the Court of Directors. 
Accordingly'' Nagpore was incorporated with British terri- 
tory, and now forms a part of the Central Provinces. 

Besides the annexation of territories, Lord Dalhousie 
abolished certain expensive pageants, which had long ceased 
to exercise any authority or influence, and only proved a 
dead weight on the public treasury. In 1853 the titular 
Nawab of the Carnatic died without an heir; and Lord 
Dalhousie declared the dignity extinct, and withdrew the 
heavy share of the revenue which had been made over by 
Lord Wellesley for the maintenance of the pageantry. At 
the same time pensions were assigned to the different mem- 
bers of the Carnatic family. Shortly afterward the titular 
Raja of Tanjore died without heirs, and the family were 
treated in like fashion. Since then the home government 
have placed the different pensions on a more liberal footing.^ 

In 1853, Baji Rao, the ex-Peishwa, was gathered to his 
fathers. He was the last relic of the old Mahratta empire. 
He was born in 1775, when Warren Hastings was being 

' The widows of the deceased Raja are said to have adopted a son immedi- 
ately after his demise, but this was a religions ceremony having nothing to do 
with the Raj. Indeed the widows were aware at the time that such an adop- 
tion was invahd as regards the Raj without the previous sanction of the British 

- Besides the foregoing annexations the little principality of Jhansi, in Bun- 
delkund, lapsed to the British government in like manner from want of natural 
heirs. The matter is only of moment from the terrible revenge exacted by the 
ex-queen during the sepoy revolt of 1857. 


dragged into the first Maliratta war. In 1795, at the age 
of twenty, he became Peishwa of Poona. In 1802 he ran 
away from Jaswant Rao HolJs:ar, and threw himself into 
the arms of the EngUsh at Bassein, near Bombay. He was 
restored to Poona by the British army, but forfeited his 
throne in 1817 by his treacherous outbreak against the Brit- 
ish government. From 1818 to 1853, from the age of forty- 
three to that of seventy-seven, he dreamed away his Hfe in 
Oriental indulgences at Bithoor, on the liberal pension of 
eighty thousand pounds a year. 

Baji Rao left no natural heir. He had adopted a son, 
who was afterward known as Nana Sahib. He must have 
saved a large sum out of his yearly allowance. Nana Sahib 
acknowledged that the accumulations amounted to nearly 
three hundred thousand pounds sterling; but it was sub- 
sequently discovered that they aggregated half a million. 
Nevertheless, Nana Sahib prayed for the continuation of 
the pension, and pretended that it had been granted, not 
by way of grace or favor, but as compensation to the ex- 
Peishwa for his loss of territory. Such a preposterous claim 
was beneath discussion ; but it was taken into consideration 
by Lord Dalhousie and the Court of Directors, and was only 
rejected after the fullest inquiry. 

The deahngs of Lord Dalhousie with the Nizam of Hy- 
derabad demand a passing notice. By ths treaty of 1801 the 
Nizam was bound to furnish a military contingent in time 
of war of six thousand infantry and nine thousand horse. 
But the rabble soldiery which he supplied during the sub- 
sequent wars proved to be worse than useless in the field. 
Accordingly it was agreed by mutual consent that a per- 
manent force should be maintamed by the Nizam, reduced 
to half the number of native troops, but to be disciplined 
and commanded by British officers. This new body of troops 
was known as the Nizam's Contingent, as distinguished 
from the Hyderabad Subsidiary Force.' 

' The Nizam's Contingent on the new footing consisted of 5,000 infantry, 
2,000 cavalry, and four field batteries. 


From a very early period the Nizam had failed to provide 
the necessary funds for the maintenance of the Contingent. 
From time to time large advances were made by the British 
government to meet the current expenditure, until a debt 
accumulated of half a million sterling. The Nizam might 
have escaped this obligation by disbanding the Contingent; 
but this he repeatedly and obstinately refused to do, and 
indeed the force was necessary for the maintenance of peace 
and order in his own territories. Again, he might have dis- 
banded the hordes of foreign mercenaries, Arabs and Ro- 
hillas, which he kept up under the name of an army, and 
which were a burden upon his treasury, a terror to his sub- 
jects, and useless for all military purposes. But he was as 
obstinate upon this point as upon the other. At last, in 1843, 
he was told by Lord EUenborough that unless the debt was 
liquidated and the necessary funds were provided regularly 
for the future, the British government would take over terri- 
tory and revenue as security for the payment. 

This threat seems to have created some alarm in Hyder- 
abad. Chandu Lai resigned the post of minister, and the 
Nizam attempted to carry on the administration alone, but 
his efforts were fitful and desultory. Meanwhile mere drib- 
blets of the debt were paid off, and the Resident was amused 
with excuses and promises; and in this fashion matters 
drifted on. 

At last Lord Dalhousie insisted on a cession of sufficient 
territory to provide for the maintenance of the Nizam's 
Contingent. He would not touch the hereditary dominions 
of the Nizam ; he merely took over the territory of Berar, 
which Lord Wellesley had given to the Nizam in 1803, after 
the conquest of the Raja of Nagpore. Accordingly Berar 
was brought under British administration; and since then 
all surplus revenue accruing from the improvements in the 
revenue system has been made over to the Nizam's treasury. 

The last important measure in the career of Lord Dal- 
housie was the annexation of Oude. The story of Oude is 
an unpleasant episode in the history of British India. In 


1764 the English conquered Oude, but Lord Clive gave it 
back to the Nawab Vizier. In 1801 Lord Wellesley took 
over one-half of the territory to provide for the defence of 
Hindustan against Afghans, French, and Mahrattas. From 
the days of Lord "Wellesley to those of Lord Dalhousie Oude 
was a millstone round the neck of the British government. 
Every Governor-General in turn condemned the administra- 
tion of Oude as tyrannical, extortionate, and corrupt to the 
last degree; each in turn denounced the reigning Nawab 
Vizier, and yet shrank from the distasteful task of taking 
the necessary steps for carrying out a radical reform. Lord 
Hastings tried polite remonstrance; he wished, he said, to 
treat the Nawab Vizier like a gentleman; and the result 
was that the Nawab Vizier assumed the title of "king," in 
order to place himself on a par with the so-called king of 
Delhi. In 1831 Lord William Bentinck, the friend of native 
princes, threatened to assume the direct administration of 
Oude, but ultimately left India without doing it. From the 
day of his departure the introduction of British rule in Oude 
was a mere question of time. It was one of those painful 
operations which no Governor- General liked to perform ; but 
it was absolutely necessary to the well-being, not only of the 
people of Oude, but of the British empire in India. In 1847 
Lord Hardinge, who had labored to save the Sikh govern- 
ment in the Punjab, was so aghast at the desolation of Oude 
that he solemnly warned the king that the British govern- 
ment would assume the management of his country within 
two years unless he employed the interval in carrying out a 
complete reform in his administration. 

In 1851 Colonel Sleeman, the British Resident at Lukh- 
now, made a tour through Oude, and reported on the state 
of the country. The people were at the mercy of the sol- 
diery and landholders. While Oude was protected by Brit- 
ish troops from every possible foe, a standing army of sev- 
enty thousand men was kept up by the king; and as the 
pay of the troops was very small, and nearly always in 
arrears, they were driven to prey upon the helpless vil- 


lagers. It is needless to dwell on the plunder, outrage and 
crime that were the natural consequence. The wretched in- 
habitants complained that brigands and outlaws were some- 
times merciful, but that the king's troops never knew how 
to pity or how to spare. The Talukdars, or landholders, 
built forts throughout the country, and levied revenue and 
blackmail, like the Afghan chiefs who preyed on Hindustan 
before the days of Akbar. All this while the king was shut 
up in his palace ; he was seen by no one except women, mu- 
sicians, and buffoons. The government was a monstrous 
system of corruption, under which every office was bought 
with money, and every official was left to reimburse him- 
self as fast as he could by oppression and extortion. Reform 
was out of the question ; every evil had been festering in the 
body politic for the greater part of a century, and nothing 
but new blood could save the country from destruction. 

Lord Dalhousie was anxious to deal gently with the king 
of Oude. The family had always been loyal to the British 
government, and had always done their best to help it in 
the hour of need. Lord Dalhousie would have left the king 
in the possession of the sovereignty while taking over the 
direct management of his territories. But the patience of 
the Court of Directors was worn out ; they were determined 
to annex the country and abolish the throne; and in 1856, 
being the last year of Lord Dalhousie's administration, the 
sovereignty of the kings of Oude was brought to a close. 

During the administration of Lord Dalhousie the hill 
tribes of Bengal forced themselves on the attention of the 
British government. As far back as 1832 there had been a 
strange rising of the Koles, an aboriginal tribe of Western 
Bengal, who at some remote period had been driven into the 
hills by the Hindu settlers, and there maintained their prim- 
itive language, habits, and superstitions, down to modern 
times. The Koles had been troubled by British laws and 
exasperated by encroaching Zemindars. Accordingly they 
broke out in rebellion, and committed many outrages before 
they were repressed. Lord "William Bentinck withdrew the 


Koles from the operation of the ordinary laws, and placed 
their country in charge of a special commissioner. Since 
then the Koles had advanced in civilization and prosperity, 
and large numbers had been converted to Christianity. In 
1855 there was an insurrection of another aboriginal tribe, 
known as the Santals, who inhabit the hill ranges of Raj- 
mahal on the northwest frontier of Bengal proper. They 
had been harassed by the civil suits of Bengali money- 
lenders, and they advanced into the plains, to the number 
of thirty thousand men, to make war upon the British gov- 
ernment with pickaxes and poisoned arrows. The British 
authorities were taken by surprise. The Santals began the 
work of pillage and murder, and spread abroad a wild alarm 
before a British force could be marched against them. The 
outbreak, however, was soon suppressed, and Lord Dalhousie 
dealt with the Santals in the same way that Lord William 
Bentinck had dealt with the Koles, namely, by placing them 
in charge of a special commissioner. 



A.D. 1856 TO 1858 

ORD CANNING was forty-four years of age when 
he succeeded Lord Dalhousie as Governor- General 
of India. He had seen something of official life ; he 
had been Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs under Sir 
Robert Peel, and Postmaster-General under Lord Aberdeen 
and Lord Palmerston. He was a good administrator — ^mod- 
erate, cautious, conscientious, and "safe"; and as such he 
was well fitted to carry on, slowly but surely, the great work 
of moral and material progress begun by Lord Dalhousie. 

In 1856 the political atmosphere of India was without a 
cloud. A few events occurred, but they were of small his- 
torical interest, and cannot be regarded as in any way fore- 
shadowing the storm which was about to burst upon the 
plains of Hindustan. 

The annexation of Oude had been carried out with more 
harshness than Lord Dalhousie had intended. The king 
removed from Lukhnow to Calcutta, and settled down with 
his women and dependents in the suburbs at Garden Reach, 
while the queen-mother and heir-apparent went on a boot- 
less mission to England. Meanwhile an administration, like 
that which had proved so successful in the Punjab, was 
introduced into Oude; but it did not work smoothly. The 
new rulers forgot that Oude was not a conquered country 
like the Punjab; and that the Oude Talukdars, bad as they 
may have been, were not rebels and traitors against the 
British government. Consequently the leading officers dis- 


puted among themselves ; and there were many complaints 
of severity toward native officials and landholders. At last, 
early in 1857, Sir Henry Lawrence was appointed Chief 
Commissioner of Oude, and it was believed that all would 
soon be well. 

The status of the so-called kings of Delhi was placed 
upon a new footing. Ever since 1803, when Shah Alam 
was taken under British protection by Lord Wellesley, the 
kings had been without a history. The family dwelt in the 
old Moghul palace at Delhi, and multiphed in Muhammadan 
fashion. Palace life was made up of vain attempts to revive 
the dignity and pomp of a bygone age, or to obtain an in- 
crease of pension from the British government. All political 
vitaUty had died out of the family. Deaths, marriages, and 
births followed in dreary monotony, varied by quarrels and 
intrigues, which had little meaning or interest outside the 
palace walls. 

The continued residence of the Moghul family at Delhi 
infected the whole capital. The Muhammadan population 
was more disaffected toward the British rule than in any 
other city in India. Lord Wellesley would have removed 
the family to Bengal at the beginning of the century ; but 
the poor old pageant of that day clung to Delhi with the 
pertinacity of second childhood, and it seemed cruel to re- 
move him in his old age. Since then two generations had 
passed away ; the Moghul court had become an antiquated 
nuisance, and Lord Dalhousie determined to banish it for- 

The reigning king at Delhi was an infirm old man named 
Bahadur Shah. The heir-apparent was his grandson ; and 
Lord Dalhousie agreed to recognize the grandson as the suc- 
cessor to the pageant throne, and to make some addition to 
his pension, on the condition that he should clear out of 
Delhi on the death of his grandfather, and take up his abode 
at the Kutub — an old royal residence near Delhi which had 
been founded in the thirteenth century. ' But Bahadur Shah 
» See ante, p. 100. 


married a young wife in his old age, and she gave birth to 
a son ; and henceforth the young queen strained every nerve 
to secure the pageant throne for her boy, after the manner 
of younger wives since patriarchal times. 

In July, 1856, the heir-apparent died suddenly in the 
palace. There is no moral doubt that he was poisoned, and 
that the young queen was implicated in the crime. The 
catastrophe was suspiciously followed by applications from 
old Bahadur Shah that the son of his favorite wife might be 
recognized by the Governor-General as the heir and succes- 
sor to the throne. But the request was refused. An elder 
brother stood in the way, and Lord Canning recognized this 
elder brother as heir-apparent, but without any bargaining 
or agreement. When Bahadur Shah died the new king was 
to remove to the Kutub by the simple decree of the British 

The wrath of the favorite queen may be left to the im- 
agination. She is said to have been a daughter of the house 
of Nadir Shah, and the hereditary ambition of the family 
was burning in her brain. She intrigued in all directions 
against the British government; possibly with the Shah of 
Persia, with whom Great Britain was at war ; possibly with 
Kuzzilbash chiefs at Kabul ; but the extent and character of 
her plots must be left to conjecture. No one dreamed that 
the mortified princess could in any way work mischief to the 
British government ; and to this day it is difficult to believe 
that she was in any way the originator of the sepoy mutin}-. 

Meantime there were more difficulties with Persia re- 
specting Herat. The death of Yar Muhammad Khan, in 
1852, was followed by troubles in Herat; and the province 
became a bone of contention between the Shah of Persia and 
old Dost Muhammad Khan, of Kabul. At last the Shah 
moved an army to Herat and captured the fortress, con- 
trary to his treaty with the British government. Accord- 
ingly England declared war against Persia. An expedition 
was sent from Bombay to the Persian Gulf under the com- 
mand of Sir James Outram. The alliance with Kabul was 


strengthened;' four thousand stand of arms were presented 
to Dost Muhammad Khan, and he was promised a subsidy 
of ten thousand pounds a month so long as the Persian war 
lasted. The capture of Bushire by the English and the vic- 
tory at Mohamrah brought the Shah to his senses. He 
withdrew from Afghanistan, and renounced all pretensions 
to Herat; and in March, 1857, peace was concluded between 
Great Britain and Persia. 

About this time there is said to have been rumors of a 
coming danger to British rule in India. In some parts of 
the country chupaties, or cakes, were circulated in a myste- 
rious manner from village to village. Prophecies were also 
rife that in 1857 the Company's Raj would come to an end. 
Lord Canning has been blamed for not taking alarm at 
these proceedings; but something of the kind has always 
been going on in India.* Cakes or cocoanuts are given 
away in solemn fashion ; and as the villagers are afraid to 
keep them or eat them, the circulation goes on to the end 
of the chapter. Then again holy men and prophets have 
always been common in India. They foretell pestilence and 
famine, the downfall of British rule, or the destruction of 
the whole world. They are often supposed to be endowed 
with supernatural powers, and to be impervious to bullets; 
but these phenomena invariably disappear whenever they 

' The hostility of Dost Muhammad Khan during the second Sikh war had 
been condoned ; and a treaty of friendship was concluded by Lord DaUiousie 
with the Kabul ruler in 1855. 

* A great deal of alarm has been written and spoken as regards native in- 
trigues. As a matter of fact, plots and intrigues of one sort or another are the 
daily life of the natives of India. There are more plots and intrigues in a single 
establishment of native servants than in a hundred English households. An 
Englishman in India, who chooses to study the character of his servants, will 
know more in a few months of native thoughts and ways than he can learn in 
books from the study of a lifetime. A stiU better insight into native character 
may be obtained in government schools. The author is conscious that during 
the three or four years that he held the post of Professor of Moral Philosophy 
and Logic in the Madras Presidency College, he gained a larger knowledge of 
Hindu life, and a greater respect for Hindu character, than during the many 
years he has since spent in oiBcial and hterary duties. The warm friendships 
among young Hindus, their devotion to the wishes of their parents, and the un- 
reserved trust which they place in their English instructors who take the trouble 
to win their confidence, have never perhaps been sufficiently appreciated. 


come in contact with Europeans, especially as all such char- 
acters are liable to be treated as vagrants without visible 
means of subsistence.' 

One dangerous story, however, got abroad in the early 
part of 1857, which ought to have been stopped at once, and 
for which the military authorities were wholly and solely to 
blame. The Enfield rifle was being introduced ; it required 
new cartridges, which in England were greased with the 
fat of beef or pork. The military authorities in India, with 
strange indifference to the prejudices of sepoys, ordered the 
cartridges to be prepared at Calcutta in like manner ; forget- 
ting that the fat of pigs was hateful to the Muhammadans, 
while the fat of cows was still more horrible in the eyes of 
the Hindus. 

The excitement began at Barrackpore, sixteen miles from 
Calcutta. At this station there were four regiments of se- 
poys, and no Europeans except the regimental officers.* One 

' There are few human beings so helpless or so ignorant that they cannot 
prophesy the end of all things. Prophecies, however, are not confined to Orien- 
tals. The great German traveller, Carsten Niebiihr, who visited Bombay in 
1763, two years after the battle of Paniput, was guilty of the following oracular 
utterance, which reads somewhat strangely by the light of later history : *'The 
power of the Muhammadans indeed becomes daily less ; and there are at present 
some Hindu princes who may restore the nation to its ancient splendor. The 
Mahrattas have successfull}'^ begun a project which has this aspect. It is the 
exorbitant power of the English that at present retards the progressive improve- 
ment of the Hindus. But when this colossal statue, whose feet are of clay, and 
which has been raised by conquering merchants, shall be broken in jMeces, an 
event which may fall out sooner than is supposed, then shall Hindustan become 
again a flourishing country. "" The learned German must have been utterly igno- 
rant of Mahratta rule, and seems to have formed an idea out of his moral con- 

'^ A sepoy regiment of infantry in the Bengal army was at this time composed 
of 1,000 privates, 120 non-commissioned officers, and 20 commissioned officers, 
all natives. It was divided into ten companies, each containing 100 privates, 12 
non- commissioned officers, and 2 commissioned officers. The non-commissioned 
officers were known as naiks and havildars, corresponding to corporals and ser- 
geants. The commissioned officers were known as jemadars and subahdars, cor- 
responding to lieutenants and captains. The European officers corresponded to 
those in PJnglish regiments. 

The sepoy regiment was never quartered in barracks, but in Hues. Every 
regiment occupied ten rows of thatched huts, a company to each row. In front 
of each row was a small circular building for storing arms and accoutrements 
after they had been cleaned. 

The European officers lived in bungalows, or thatched houses near the lines, 


day a low caste native, known as a Laskar, asked a Brah- 
man sepoy for a drink of water from his brass pot. The 
Brahman refused, as it would defile his pot. The Laskar 
retorted that the Brahman was already defiled by biting 
cartridges which had been greased with cow's fat. This 
vindictive taunt was based on truth. Laskars had been 
employed at Calcutta in preparing the new cartridges, and 
the man was possibly one of them. The taunt created a 
wild panic at Barrackpore. Strange, however, to say, none 
of the new cartridges had been issued to the sepoys; and 
had this been promptly explained to the men, and the sepoys 
left to grease their own cartridges, the alarm might have 
died out. But the explanation was delayed until the whole 
of the Bengal army was smitten with the groundless fear; 
and then, when it was too late, the authorities protested too 
much, and the terror-stricken sepoys refused to believe them.* 
The sepoys have proved themselves brave under fire, and 
loj'^al to their salt in sharp extremities ; but they are the most 
credulous and excitable soldiery in the world. They re- 
garded steam and electricity as so much magic ;* and they 
fondly believed that the British government was binding 
India with chains, when it was only laying down railway 
lines and telegraph wires. The Enfield rifle was a new mys- 
tery ; and the busy brains of the sepoys were soon at work 

but too far ofE to control the movements of the men during the heat of the day. 
In order, however, to maintain continuous European supervision, two European 
sergeants were allowed to every regiment to live within the lines, and report day 
by day all that was going on to the European adjutant. 

' There is, however, some excuse for the military authorities even in the 
matter of greased cartridges. Bazar rumors are often flying about in India, and 
causing the utmost alarm, while any attempt at authoritative contradiction on 
the part of government only gives further currency to the fable, and increases 
the panic. If a bridge is about to be built, it is noised abroad that children's 
heads are wanted for the foundations, and theu not a child is to be seen in the 
streets for weeks. This has been of common occurrence, even within the last 
twenty years. Again, in Lord Auckland's time, a rumor got abroad that the 
blood of hill-men was required to restore the Govern or -General to pristine youth; 
and all the coolies and hill-men at Simla suddenly ran away. Contradiction 
would have been useless in such extreme cases; but stiU, if undertaken in time, 
it might have quieted the minds of the sepoys. 

^ To this day the Asiatic Museum at Calcutta is only known to natives as the 
'*magic house. " 


to divine the motive of the English in greasing cartridge's 
with cow's fat. They had always taken to themselves the 
sole credit of having conquered India for the Company ; and 
they now imagined that the English wanted them to conquer 
Persia and China. Accordingly, they suspected that Lord 
Canning was going to make them as strong as Europeans 
by destrojdng caste, forcing them to become Christians, and 
making them eat beef and drink beer. 

The story of the greased cartridges, with all its absurd 
embellishments, ran up the Ganges and Jumna to Benares, 
Allahabad, Agra, Delhi, and the great cantonment at Meerut; 
while another current of lies ran back again from Meerut to 
Barrackpore. It was noised abroad that the bones of cows 
and pigs had been ground into powder, and thrown into 
wells and mingled with flour and butter, in order to destroy 
the caste of the masses and convert them to Christianity.' 

The stories of sinister designs on the part of the English 
were sharpened by sepoy grievances. Very much had been 
done for the well-being of the native army; the sepoys had 
become puffed up and unmanageable; and they complained 
of wrongs, or what appeared in their eyes to be wrongs, 
which Englishmen cannot easily understand. "When quar- 
tered in foreign countries, such as Sinde and the Punjab, 
they had been granted an extra allowance, known as batta; 
but when Sinde and the Punjab became British territory the 
batta was withdrawn. Numbers, again, had been recruited 
in Oude, and they had another secret grievance. So long as 
Oude was under Muhammadan rule, every complaint from 
an Oude sepoy, that his family or kindred were oppressed, was 
forwarded to the British Resident at Lukhnow, and promptly 
redressed. When, however, the country was brought under 
British administration the complainants were referred to the 

' There was some excuse for this credulity. Forced conversious had been 
common enough under Muhammadan rule. Aurangzeb destroyed pagodas and 
idols, and compelled all servants of government to become Muhammadans. Tippu 
Sultan converted crowds of Brahmans to Islam bj' compelling them to swallow 
cow's flesh. The Hindu sepoys, who had been taken prisoners by the Afghans 
during the Kabul war, were forced to become Muhammadans. 


civil courts. This was resented by the sepoy as a grave in- 
dignity. He was no longer the great man of the family or 
village ; he could no longer demand the special interference 
of the British Resident in their behalf. Accordingly he was 
exasperated at the introduction of British rule in Oude ; at 
the same time he never manifested the slightest desire for 
the restoration of the ex-king. 

In January, 1857, there were incendiary fires at Barrack- 
pore. In February, General Hearsey, who commanded the 
Presidency division, expostulated with the sepoys on the ab- 
surdity of their fears as regarded their religion; but his 
words were without authority, and no one heeded them. 

Toward the end of February a detachment of the Thirty- 
fourth Native Infantry at Barrackpore arrived at Berhampore, 
a hundred and twenty miles up country, near Murshedabad. 
Accordingly the sepoys from Barrackpore told the story of 
the cartridges to their comrades of the Nineteenth Native 
Infantry, which was stationed at Berhampore. A day or 
two afterward the sepoys of the Nineteenth refused to re- 
ceive the cartridges that were served out to them ; and at 
night-time they seized their arms, shouted defiance, and cre- 
ated a disturbance. Unfortunately there were no European 
soldiers at Berhampore; indeed there was only one Euro- 
pean regiment in the whole line of country from Barrackpore 
to Patna, a distance of four hundred miles ; and half of that 
was quartered at Fort William at Calcutta, and the other 
half at Dumdum, six miles from Calcutta. ' Colonel Mitchell, 
the ofl&cer in command at Berhampore, had no force to bring 
to bear upon the mutinous infantry except a detachment of 
native cavalry and a battery of native artillery ; and it was 
exceedingly doubtful whether they would act against their 
fellow-countrymen. However, the Nineteenth was not ripe 

' There was also one European regiment at Dinapore, near Patna, and an- 
other at Agra. Beyond these there was nothing but a handful of European 
artillerymen and a few invalided soldiers of the Company's European army. 
The largest European force in Hindustan was stationed at Meerut, forty miles 
from Delhi. 


for revolt; and after some remonstrances the sepoys laid 
down their ai*ms and returned to the hnes. 

In March, the Eighty-fourth Europeans was brought 
away from Rangoon to the river Hughh. With this addi- 
tional strength, Lord Canning resolved to take action. Ac- 
cordingly the Nineteenth was marched from Berhampore to 
Barrackpore to be disbanded. Before it reached its destina- 
tion there was much excitement in the lines of the Thirty- 
fourth, which probably originated in the sympathies of the 
sepoys for their comrades who were coming from Berham- 
pore. A sepoy, named Mungal Pandy, walked about the 
lines with a loaded pistol, calling upon his comrades to rise, 
and threatening to shoot the first European that appeared. 
Lieutenant Baugh, the adj utant of the regiment, rode to the 
parade-ground, followed by the European sergeant and a Mu- 
hammadan orderly. Mungal Pandy fired at him, wounded 
his horse, and brought Lieutenant Baugh to the ground. A 
scuffle ensued; Baugh received a severe blow from a sword; 
while a guard of sepoys under a jemadar stood by aud did 
nothing. The sergeant came up breathless, called on the 
jemadar for help, and tried to seize Mungal Pandy; but he 
too was struck down. To crown all, the jemadar came up 
with his twenty sepoys and began to beat the heads of the 
two Europeans with the butt-ends of their muskets. At this 
moment Mungal Pandy was arrested hy the Muhammadan 
orderly; and General Hearsey galloped up, pistol in hand, 
and ordered the sepoy guard back to their posts, threatening 
to shoot the first man who disobeyed orders. The sepoys 
were overawed by the general, and the disaffection was 
stayed. Mungal Pandy saw that his game was up, and 
tried to shoot himself, but failed. A day or two afterward 
the European regiment from Rangoon was marched to Bar- 
rackpore; and the Nineteenth Native Infantry arrived from 
Berhampore, and was disbanded without further trouble. 
In the following April Mungal Pandy and the mutinous 
jemadar were brought to trial, convicted, and hanged. 

For a brief interval it was hoped that the disaffection 


was suppressed. Excitement manifested itself in various 
ways at different stations throughout the length of Hin- 
dustan and the Punjab — at Benares, Lukhnow, Agra, Um- 
balla, and Sealkote. In some stations there were incendiary 
fires ; in others the sepoys were wanting in their usual re- 
spect to their European officers. But it was . believed that 
the storm was spending itself, and that the dark clouds were 
passing away. 

Suddenly, on the 3d of May, there was an explosion at 
Lukhnow. A regiment of Oude Irregular Infantry, pre- 
viously in the service of the king, broke out in mutiny and 
began to threaten their European officers. Sir Henry Law- 
rence, the new Chief Commissioner, had a European regi- 
ment at his disposal, namely, the Thirty-second Foot. That 
same evening he ordered out the regiment, and a battery of 
eight guns manned by Europeans, together with four sepoy 
regiments, three of infantry and one of cavalry. With this 
force he proceeded to the lines of the mutineers, about seven 
miles off. The Oude Irregulars were taken by surprise; 
they saw infantry and cavalry on either side, and the Eu- 
ropean guns in front. They were ordered to lay down their 
arms, and they obeyed. At this moment the artillery lighted 
their port fires. The mutineers were seized with a panic, 
and rushed away in the darkness ; but the ringleaders and 
most of their followers were pursued and arrested by the na- 
tive infantry and cavalry, and confined pending trial. Sub- 
sequently it transpired that the native regiments sympa- 
thized with the mutineers, and would have shown it but for 
their dread of Henry Lawrence and the Europeans. The 
energetic action of Lawrence sufficed to maintain order for 
another month in Oude. Meanwhile the Thirty-fourth Na- 
tive Infantry was disbanded at Barrackpore, and again it 
was hoped that the disaffection was stayed. 

The demon of mutiny was only scotched. Within a week 
of the outbreak at Lukhnow, the great military station of 
Meerut was in a blaze. Meerut was only forty miles from 
Delhi, and the largest cantonment in India. There were 


three regiments of sepoys — two of infantry and one of cav- 
alry ; but there were enough Europeans to scatter four times 
the number; namely, a battaHon of the Sixtieth Rifles, a 
regiment of Dragoon Guards known as the Carabineers, 
two troops of horse artillery, and a light field battery. 

In spite of the presence of Europeans there were more 
indications of excitement at Meerut than at any other sta- 
tion in the northwest. At Meerut the story of the greased 
cartridges had been capped by the story of the bone-dust; 
and there were the same kind of incendiary fires, the same 
lack of respect toward European officers, and the same whis- 
pered resolve not to touch the cartridges, as at Barrackpore. 
The station was commanded by General Hewitt, whose ad- 
vancing years unfitted him to cope with the storm which was 
bursting upon Hindustan. 

The regiment of sepoy cavalry at Meerut was strongly 
suspected of disaffection ; accordingly it was resolved to put 
the men to the test. On the 6th of May it was paraded in 
the presence of the European force, and cartridges were 
served out; not the greased abominations from Calcutta, 
but the old ones which had been used times innumerable 
by the sepoys and their fathers. But the men were terrified 
and obstinate, and eighty-five stood out and refused to take 
the cartridges. The offenders were at once arrested, and 
tried by a court-martial of native officers; they were found 
guilt}'-, and sentenced to various periods of imprisonment, but 
recommended for mercy. General Hewitt saw no grounds 
for mercy, excepting in the case of eleven young troopers; 
and on Saturday, the 9th of May, the sentences were carried 
out. The men were brought on parade, stripped of their 
uniforms, and loaded with irons. They implored the gen- 
eral for mercy, and finding it hopeless, began to reproach 
their comrades; but no one dared to strike a blow in the 
presence of loaded cannon and rifles. At last the prisoners 
were carried off and placed in a jail, not in charge of Euro- 
pean soldiers, but under a native guard. 

The military authorities at Meerut seem to have been 


under a spell. The next day was Sunday, the 10th of May, 
and the hot sun rose with its usual glare in the Indian sky. 
The European barracks were at a considerable distance from 
the native lines, and the intervening space was covered with 
shops and houses surrounded by trees iind gardens. Conse- 
quently the Europeans in the barracks knew nothing of what 
was going on in the native quarter. Meanwhile there were 
commotions in the sepoy lines and neighboring bazars. The 
sepoys were taunted by the loose women of the place with 
permitting their comrades to be imprisoned and fettered. 
At the same time they were smitten with a mad fear that 
the European soldiers were to be let loose upon them. The 
Europeans at Meerut saw nothing and heard nothing. Noth- 
ing was noted on that Sunday morning, excepting the ab- 
sence of native servants from many of the houses, and that 
was supposed to be accidental. Morning service was fol- 
lowed by the midday heats, and at five o'clock in the after- 
noon the Europeans were again preparing for church. Sud- 
denly there was an alarm of fire, followed by a volley of 
musketry, discordant yells, the clattering of cavalry, and 
the bugle sounding an alarm. The sepoys had worked 
themselves up to a frenzy of excitement ; the prisoners were 
released with a host of jail birds; the native infantry joined 
the native cavalry, and the colonel of one of the regiments 
was shot by the sepoys of the other. Inspired by a wild 
fear and fury, the sepoys ran about murdering or wounding 
every European they met, and setting houses on fire, amid 
deafening shouts and uproar. 

Meanwhile there were fatal dela3's in turning out the 
Europeans. The Rifles were paraded for church, and time 
was lost in getting arms and serving out ball cartridges. 
The Carabineers were absurdly put through a roll call, and 
then lost their way among the shops and gardens. Mean- 
while European oflScers were being butchered by the infuri- 
ated sepoys. Gentlemen and ladies were fired at or sabred 
while hurrying back in a panic from church. Flaming 
houses and crashing timbers were filling all hearts with 


terror, and the shades of evening were falling upon the gen- 
eral havoc and turmoil, when the Europeans reached the 
native lines and found that the sepoys had gone, no one 
knew whither. 

The truth was soon told. The mutiny had become a 
revolt ; the sepoys were on the way to Delhi to proclaim the 
old Moghul as sovereign of Hindustan; and there was no 
Gillespie to gallop after them and crush the revolt at its out- 
set, as had been done at Vellore half a century before. One 
thing, however, was done. There were no European regi- 
ments at Delhi; nothing but three regiments of sepoy in- 
fantry, and a battery of native artillery. The station was 
commanded by Brigadier Graves; and there were no Eu- 
ropeans under his orders excepting the officers and sergeants 
attached to the three native corps. Accordingly telegrams 
were sent to Brigadier Graves to tell him that the mutineers 
were on their way to Delhi. 

Monday at Delhi was worse than the Sunday at Meerut. 
The British cantonment was situated on a rising ground 
about two miles from the city, which was known as the 
Ridge. The great magazine, containing immense stores of 
ammunition, was situated in the heart of the city. One 
of the three sepoy regiments was on duty in the city; the 
other two remained in the cantonment on the Ridge. 

The approach to Delhi from Meerut was defended by the 
little river Hindun, which was traversed by a small bridge. 
It was proposed to procure a couple of cannon from the 
magazine and place them on the bridge; but before this 
could be done the rebel cavahy from Meerut were seen cross- 
ing the river, and were subsequently followed by the rebel 
infantry. The magazine remained in charge of Lieutenant 
Willoughby of the Bengal Artillery. He was associated 
with two other officers, and six conductors and sergeants; 
the rest of the establishment was composed entirely of natives. 

Brigadier Graves did his best to protect the city and can- 
tonment until the arrival of the expected Europeans from 
Meerut. Indeed, throughout the morning and greater part 


of the afternoon every one in Delhi was expecting the arrival 
of the Europeans. Brigadier Graves ordered all the non- 
mihtarj residents, including ladies and children, to repair 
to Flagstaff Tower — a round building of solid brickwork at 
some distance from the city. Large detachments of sepoys 
were sent from the Ridge to the Kashmir gate, under the 
command of their European officers, to help the sepoy regi- 
ment on duty to maintain order in the city. 

Presently the rebel troops from Meerut came up, accom- 
panied by the insurgent rabble of Delhi. The English officers 
prepared to charge them, and gave the order to fire, but 
some of the sepoys refused to obey, or only fired into the air. 
The English officers held on, expecting the European soldiers 
from Meerut. The sepoys hesitated to join the rebels, out 
of dread of the coming Europeans. At last the Delhi sepoys 
threw in their lot with the rebels, and shot down their own 
officers. The revolt spread throughout the whole city; and 
the suspense of the English on the Ridge, and at Flagstaff 
Tower, began to give way to the agony of despair. 

Suddenly, at four o'clock in the afternoon, a column of 
white smoke arose from the city, and an explosion was heard 
far and wide. Willoughby and his eight associates had held 
out to the last, waiting and hoping for the coming of the 
Europeans. They had closed and barricaded the gates of 
the magazine ; and they had posted six-pounders at the gates, 
loaded with double charges of grape, and laid a train to the 
powder magazine. Messengers came in the name of Baha- 
dur Shah to demand the surrender of the magazine, but 
no answer was returned. The enemy approached and raised 
ladders against the walls; while the native estabhshment 
escaped over some sheds and joined the rebels. At this 
crisis the guns opened fire. Round after round of grape 
made fearful havoc on the mass of humanity that was heav- 
ing and surging round the gates. At last the ammunition 
was exhausted. No one could leave the guns to bring up 
more shot. The mutineers were pouring in on all sides. 
Lieutenant Willoughby gave the signal j Conductor Scully 
India. Vol. II. X— 13 


fired the train; and with one tremendous upheaval the 
magazine was blown into the air, together with fifteen hun- 
dred rebels. Not one of the gallant nine had expected to 
escape. Willoughby and three others got away, scorched, 
maimed, bruised, and nearly insensible ; but Scully and his 
comrades were never seen again. Willoughby died of his 
injuries six weeks afterward, while India and Europe were 
ringing with his name. 

All this while bloody tragedies were taking place within 
the palace at Delhi. The rebels from Meerut were quarter- 
ing themselves in the royal precincts, and murdering every 
European they could find. Mr. Eraser the commissioner, 
Mr. Hutchinson the collector, and Captain Douglas, who 
commanded the palace guards, were all slaughtered within 
the palace walls. So was an English chaplain, with his 
wife, daughter, and another young lady, all of whom had 
been residing as guests with Captain Douglas. Fifty Chris- 
tian people — men, women, and children — who had been cap- 
tured by the rebels and thrown as prisoners in the palace 
dungeons, were butchered in cold blood by the order of the 
king. ' 

On the evening of that terrible Monday all was lost. 
The city of Delhi was in the hands of the rebels. The so- 
called royal family, which had been maintained by the gen- 
erosity of the British government for more than half a 
century, had joined the rebel sepoys. Brigadier Graves 
and the surviving officers on the Ridge, and all the anxious 
fugitives in Flagstaff Tower, were compelled to fly for their 
lives. Their subsequent trials and sufferings were among the 
most touching episodes in the story of the great convulsion. 
Meanwhile the European regiments which might have saved 
them, and saved Delhi, were kept at Meerut to guard the 
barracks and treasury. The greased cartridges had created 
the panic and brought about the mutiny; but it was the 

1 The old king, Bahadur Shah, has been held responsible for these murders, 
but his vindictive queen was probably more to blame. Her son, a mere lad at 
the time, was appointed vizier to his father. 



incapacity of the military authorities at Meerut that raised 
the revolt in Hindustan. 

The revolution at Delhi opened the eyes of Lord Canning 
to the gravity of the crisis. Hitherto his sympathies had 
been with the sepoys. An ignorant and credulous soldiery 
had been thrown into a panic, and had been worked into a 
state of perilous excitement by intriguing Brahmans and 
fanatical Mullas, as well as by secret agents and alarmists 
of all kinds. But now the excitement had culminated in 
intoxication and madness; the sepoys were thirsting for the 
blood of Europeans; and pity was changed to indignation 
and horror. Accordingly Lord Canning telegraphed for 
European regiments from every quarter — from Bombay and 
Burma, from Madras and Ceylon — ^to crush a rebellion which 
was establishing a reign of terror in Hindustan. 

The sepoy mutiny at Barrackpore might possibly have 
been crushed at the outset by physical force. In 1824, at 
the beginning of the Burmese war, there was a similar 
mutiny at the same cantonment. Three sepoy regiments 
had been ordered to Chittagong, but refused to march. They 
had been frightened by rumors of the bad climate of Biu-ma, 
and the magical arts which were said to be practiced by the 
Burmese. There had also been some difficulties about trans- 
port, and they demanded an extra allowance, known as 
double batta. Sir Edward Paget was Commander-in-chief 
in Bengal. He marched to Barrackpore with two regiments 
of Europeans and a detachment of artillery. He paraded 
the disaffected regiments in the presence of the Europeans, 
and loaded his guns with grape. The sepoys were told that 
they must either begin the march or ground their arms. 
They replied with defiant shouts. Then the fatal order was 
given, and the guns opened fire on the disaffected soldiery. 
Eleven sepoys only were killed, but the remainder broke up 
and fled in a panic of terror. Sir Edward Paget was much 
censured, but a generation passed away before there was 
another mutiny. 

Whether Paget was right or wrong, it would have been 


a blunder and a crime to have taken such an extreme meas- 
ure at the outset of the disaffection in 1857. Indeed, Lord 
Canning indignantly refused to contemplate such measures ; 
and by so doing he saved the reputation of the British nation. 
But when the sepoy rebels set up the Moghul at Delhi as 
their nominal sovereign, the security of the population of 
India was at stake. In other words, the establishment of the 
supremacy of the British government at the earliest possible 
date was necessary, not only for the safety of the British 
empire in India, but for the salvation of the masses. 

The progress of the revolt throws no further light on its 
origin or character. Station after station followed the ex- 
ample of Meerut. The sepoys seem to have all been infected 
by the same delirious fever; they rose in mutiny, shot down 
their officers in most cases, set the buildings on fire, plun- 
dered the treasury, and then rushed off to Delhi. Wherever, 
however, the Europeans were in any force, and were brought 
directly to bear upon the mutineers regardless of red tape 
and routine, the station was either saved from destruction, 
or the mischief was reduced to a minimum. 

It would be tedious and needless to tell the story of the 
sepoy revolt so far as it was a mere military mutiny, with 
Delhi for its headquarters. But at three stations the mutiny 
was more or less of a political character, which imparts an 
individuality to the history ; namely, at Lukhnow, at Jhansi, 
and at Cawnpore. 

The city of Lukhnow, the capital of Oude, extends four 
miles along the right bank of the river Goomti. All the 
principal buildings, including the British Residency, were 
situated between the city and the river. The Residency 
was a large walled enclosure, comprising not only the man- 
sion of the Chief Commissioner, but several houses and 
underground buildings on a large scale. Near it was a 
strong turreted, castellated structure known as the Muchi 

Ever since the explosion at Lukhnow on the 3d of May, 
Sir Henry Lawrence had been incessantly occupied in taking 


precautionary measures against an outbreak which he knew 
to be inevitable. On one side of the Residency was a dis- 
affected city, the homes of palace parasites, who had been 
deprived of their means of subsistence by the breaking up of 
the native court and departure of the royal family to Cal- 
cutta. On the opposite bank of the river Goomti was the 
native cantonment, occupied by British sepoys as evilly dis- 
posed toward the English as the disaffected rabble of Lukh- 
now. Accordingly Sir Henry Lawrence saw that the work 
before him was to prevent mutiu}' in the cantonment and 
rebellion in the cit^* ; and to make every preparation for a 
successful defence in the event of a general insurrection. 

The native force at Lukhnow consisted of the thi-ee sepoj^ 
regiments of infantry, and one of cavalry ; there was also a 
native battery of artillery. The whole numbered thirty-five 
hundred men. The European force consisted of the Thirty- 
second Foot, numbering five hundred and seventy strong, 
and sixty artillerymen. 

The communication between the cantonment and the city 
was by two bridges ; one near the Residency, and the other 
at the Muchi Bawun. Sir Henry Lawrence brought all the 
European non-combatants with their families within the 
Residency walls; and took steps to prevent any combined 
movements on the part of the cantonment and city. He 
disposed his troops, European and native, in such a way 
as to bear directly on the sepoys in the event of a rising; and 
he established a strong post between the Residency and the 
Muchi Bawun to command the two bridges leading to can- 

At nine o'clock on the night of the 30th of May, the out- 
break began at the native cantonment. Shots were fired as 
a signal, and parties of sepoys began to burn down the bun- 
galows and shoot their European officers. Presently the in- 
surgents rushed to the bridges, infm-iated with bhang and 
excitement, but were received with such a volley of grape 
that they retreated toward their lines hotly pursued by Sir 
Henry Lawrence and his Europeans. They attempted to 


return to the cantonment, but found it hopeless, and made 
off to Delhi. Sir Henry Lawrence dared not pursue them 
with a disaffected city in his rear, which was already surg- 
ing with excitement. Accordingly, he left a detachment of 
Europeans to guard the cantonment, and then returned to 
Lukhnow. Of all the thirty-five hundred sepoys, scarcely 
a fourth remained true to their colors, and these gradually 
dropped off during the progress of the rebellion. 

On the 4th of June there was a mutiny at Jhansi — a little 
chiefship of Bundelkund, which had lapsed to the British 
government in 1853 from want of natural heirs. The town 
was situated about a hundred and forty miles to the south of 
Agra. It was garrisoned entirely by sepoys, and the mutiny 
was of the usual tj^pe. The sepoys went about burning and 
murdering ; while the Europeans, including women and chil- 
dren, and numbering fifty-five in all, took refuge in the fort. 

At this moment, the Rani of Jhansi, the widow of the 
deceased chief, sent guns and elephants to help the muti- 
neers. She was a vindictive woman, inflamed with the blind 
ferocity of an Oriental, and burning to be revenged on the 
English for not having been intrusted with the adoption of 
a son, and the management of the little principality. 

The fugitives in the fort were short of provisions; they 
could not have held out for twenty-four hours longer. The 
Rani solemnly swore that if they surrendered the fort with- 
out further fighting their lives should be spared and they 
should be conducted in safety to some other station. The 
rebel sepoys took the same oath, and the little garrison were 
tempted to accept the terms and leave the fort two by two. 
"With fiendish treachery the whole fifty-five — men, women, 
and children — were seized and bound, and butchered in cold 
blood, by the orders of the Rani. 

Still more terrible and treacherous were the tragedies 
enacted at Cawnpore, a city situated on the Ganges about 
fifty-five miles to the southwest of Lukhnow. Cawnpore 
had been in the possession of the English ever since the 
beginning of the century, and for many years was one of 


the most important military stations in India ; but the exten- 
sion of the British empire over the Punjab had diminished 
the importance of Cawnpore ; and the last European regi- 
ment quartered there had been removed to the northwest at 
the close of the previous year. 

In May, 1857, there were four native regiments at Cawn- 
pore, numbering thirty-five hundred sepoys. There were no 
Europeans whatever, excepting the regimental officers, and 
sixty-one artillerymen. To these were added small detach- 
ments of European soldiers, which had been sent in the hour 
of peril from Lukhnow and Benares during the month of 

The station of Cawnpore was commanded by Sir Hugh 
Wheeler, a distinguished general in the Company's service, 
who was verging on his seventieth year. He had spent fifty- 
four years in India, and had served only with native troops. 
He must have known the sepoys better than any other Eu- 
ropean in India. He had led them against their own 
countrymen under Lord Lake; against foreigners during 
the Afghan war; and against Sikhs during both campaigns 
in the Punjab. 

The news of the revolt at Meerut threw the sepoys into 
a ferment at every military station in Hindustan. Rumors 
of mutiny, or coming mutiny, formed almost the only topic 
of conversation ; yet in nearly every sepoy regiment the Eu- 
ropean officers put faith in their men, and fondly believed 
that though the rest of the army might revolt yet their own 
corps would prove faithful. Such was eminently the case 
at Cawnpore, yet General Wheeler seems to have known 
better. While the European officers continued to sleep every 
night in the sepoy Unes, the old veteran made his prepara- 
tions for meeting the coming storm. 

European combatants were very few at Cawnpore, but 
European impedimenta were very heavy. Besides the wives 
and families of the regimental officers of the sepoy regiments 
there was a large European mercantile community. More- 
over, while the Thirty-second Foot was quartered at Lukhnow, 


the wives, families, and invalids of the regiment were resid- 
ing at Cawnpore. It was thus necessary to secure a place 
of refuge for this miscellaneous multitude of Europeans in 
the event of a rising of the sepoys. Accordingly General 
Wheeler pitched upon some old barracks which had once 
belonged to a European regiment; and he ordered earth- 
works to be thrown up, and supplies of all kinds to be stored 
up, in order to stand a siege. Unfortunately there was fatal 
neglect somewhere; for when the crisis came the defences 
were found to be worthless, while the supplies were insuffi- 
cient for the besieged. 

All this while the adopted son of the ex-Peishwa was 
residing at Bithoor, about six miles from Cawnpore. His 
real name was Dhuudu Punt, but he is better known as 
Nana Sahib. The British government had refused to award 
him the absurd life pension of eighty thousand pounds ster- 
ling which had been granted to his nominal father ; but he 
had inherited at least half a million from the ex-Peishwa; 
and he was allowed to keep six guns, to entertain as many 
followers as he pleased, and to live in half royal state in a 
castellated palace at Bithoor. He continued to nurse his 
grievance with all the pertinacity of a Mahratta ; but at the 
same time he professed a great love for European society, 
and was profuse in his hospitalities to English officers, and 
was popularly known as the Raja of Bithoor. 

When the news arrived of the revolt at Meerut on the 
10th of May, the Nana was loud in his professions of attach- 
ment to the English. He engaged to organize fifteen hun- 
dred fighting men to act against the sepoys in the event of 
an outbreak. On May 21st there was an alarm. European 
ladies and families, with all European non-combatants, were 
removed into the barracks; and General Wheeler actually 
accepted from the Nana the help of two hundred Mahrattas 
and a couple of guns to guard the treasury. The alarm, 
however, soon blew over, and the Nana took up his abode 
at the civil station at Cawnpore, as a proof of the sincerity 
of his professions. 


At last, on the night of the 4th of June, the sepoy regi- 
ments at Cawnpore broke out in mutiny. They were driven 
to action by the same mad terror which had been manifested 
elsewhere. They cared nothing for the Moghul, nothing for 
the pageant king at Delhi ; but they had been panic-stricken 
by extravagant stories of coming destruction. It was whis- 
pered among them that the parade ground was undermined 
with powder, and that Hindus and Muhammadans were to 
be assembled on a given day and blown into the air. Intoxi- 
cated with fear and bhang, they rushed out in the darkness 
— yelling, shooting, and burning according to their wont; 
and when their excitement was somewhat spent, they 
marched off toward Delhi. Sir Hugh "Wheeler could do 
nothing. He might have retreated with the whole body 
of Europeans from Cawnpore to Allahabad; but there had 
been a mutiny at Allahabad, and moreover he had no means 
of transport. Subsequently he heard that the mutineers had 
reached the first stage on the road to Delhi, and consequently 
he saw no ground for alarm. 

Meanwhile the brain of Nana Sahib had been turned by 
wild dreams of vengeance and sovereignty. He thought not 
only to wreak his malice upon the English, but to restore the 
extinct Mahratta empire, and reign over Hindustan as the 
representative of the forgotten Peishwas. The stampede of 
the sepoys to Delhi was fatal to his mad ambition. He over- 
took the mutineers, dazzled them with fables of the treasures 
in "Wheeler's intrenchment, and brought them back to Cawn- 
pore to carry out his vindictive and visionary schemes. 

At early morning on Saturday, the 6th of June, General 
Wheeler received a letter from the Nana, announcing that 
he was about to attack the intrenchment. The veteran was 
taken by surprise, but at once ordered all the European offi- 
cers to join the party in the barracks, and prepare for the 
defence. But the mutineers were in no hurry for the ad- 
vance. They preferred booty to battle, and turned aside to 
plunder the cantonment and city, murdering every Christian 
that came in their way, and not sparing the houses of their 


owu countrymen. They appropriated all the cannon and 
ammunition in the magazine by way of preparation for the 
siege ; but some were wise enough to desert the rebel army, 
and steal away to their homes with their ill-gotten spoil. 

About noon the main body of the mutineers, swelled by 
the numerous retainers of the Nana, got their guns into posi- 
tion, and opened fire on the intrenchment. For nineteen 
days — from the 6th to the 25th of June— the garrison strug- 
gled manfully against a raking fire and fearful odds, amid 
scenes of suffering and bloodshed which cannot be recalled 
without a shudder. It was the height of the hot weather 
in Hindustan. A blazing sun was burning over the heads 
of the besieged ; and to add to their misery, one of the bar- 
racks containing the sick and wounded was destroyed by 
fire. The besiegers, however, in spite of their overwhelm- 
ing numbers, were utterly unable to carry the intrenchment 
by storm, but continued to pour in a raking fire. Meanwhile 
the garrison was starving from want of provisions, and ham- 
pered by a multitude of helpless women and children. In- 
deed, but for the latter contingency, the gallant band would 
have rushed out of the intrenchment, and cut a way through 
the mob of sepoys, or perished in the attempt. As it was, 
they could only fight on, waiting for reinforcements that 
never came, until fever, sunstroke, hunger, madness, or 
the enemy's fire, delivered them from their suffering and 

On the 2oth of June a woman brought a shp of writing 
from the Nana, promising to give a safe passage to Allaha- 
bad to all who were willing to la}'- down their arms.' Had 
there been no women or children the European garrison 
would never have dreamed of surrender. The massacre at 
Patna a century before had taught a lesson to Englishmen 
which ought never to have been forgotten. As it was, there 
were some who wanted to fight on till the bitter end. Bat 

' Nana Sahib pretended to grant this boon only to those who were not con- 
nected with the acts of Lord Dalhousie. Subsequent events prove that this was 
sheer hypocrisy. 


the majority saw that there was no hope for the women 
or the children, the sick or the wounded, except by accept- 
ing the proffered terms. Accordingly the pride of English- 
men gave way, and an armistice was proclaimed. 

Next morning the terms were negotiated. The English 
garrison were to surrender their position, their guns, and 
their treasure, but to march out with their arms, and with 
sixty rounds of ammunition in the pouch of every man, 
Nana Sahib on his part was to afford a safe conduct to 
the river bank, about a mile off; to provide carriage for 
the conveyance of the women and children, the sick 
and the wounded; and to furnish boats for carrying the 
whole party, numbering some four hundred and fifty in- 
dividuals, down the river Ganges to Allahabad. The 
Nana accepted the terms, but demanded the evacuation 
of the intrenchment that very night. General Wheeler 
protested against this proviso. The Nana began to bully, 
and to threaten that he would open fire. He was told that 
he might carry the intrenchment if he could, but that the 
English had enough powder left to blow both armies into 
the air. Accordingly the Nana agreed to wait till the 

At early morning on the 27th of June the garrison began 
to move from the intrenchment to the place of embarkation. 
The men marched on foot; the women and children were 
carried on elephants and bullock-carts, while the wounded 
were mostly conveyed in palanquins. Forty boats with 
thatched roofs, known as budgerows, were moored in 
shallow water at a iittle distance from the bank; and 
the crowd of fugitives were forced to wade through the 
river to the boats. By nine o'clock the whole four hun- 
dred and fifty were huddled on board, and the boats pre- 
pared to leave Cawnpore. 

Suddenly a bugle was sounded, and a murderous fire of 
grape shot and musketry was opened upon the wretched 
passengers from both sides of the river. At the same time 
the thatching of many of the budgerows was found to be 


on fire, and the flames began to spread from boat to boat. 
Numbers were mm-dered in the river, but at last the firing 
ceased. A few escaped down the river, but only four men 
survived to tell the story of the massacre.' A mass of fugi- 
tives were dragged ashore ; the women and children, to the 
number of a hundred and twenty-five, were carried off and 
lodged in a house near the headquarters of the Nana. The 
men were ordered to immediate execution. One of them 
had preserved a Prayer-book, and was permitted to read a 
few sentences of the liturgy to his doomed companions. 
Then the fatal order was given; the sepoys poured in a 
volley of musketry, and all was over. 

On the 1st of July Nana Sahib went off to his palace at 
Bithoor, and was proclaimed Peishwa. He took his seat 
upon the throne, and was installed with all the ceremonies 
of sovereignty, while the cannon roared out a salute in his 
honor. At night the whole place was illuminated, and the 
hours of darkness were whiled away with feasting and fire- 
works. But his triumph was short-lived. The Muhamma- 
dans were plotting against him at Cawnpore. The people 
were leaving the city to escape the coming storm, and were 
taking refuge in the villages. English reinforcements were 
at last coming up from Allahabad, while the greedy sepoys 
were clamoring for money and gold bangles. Accordingly 
the Nana hastened back to Cawnpore, and scattered wealth 
with a lavish hand ; and sought to hide his fears by boastful 
proclamations, and to drown his anxieties in drink and 

Within a few days more the number of helpless prisoners 
was increased to two hundred. There had been a mutiny 
at Futtehgurh, higher up the river, and the fugitives had 
fled in boats to Cawnpore, a distance of eighty miles. They 
knew nothing of what had transpired, and were all taken 
prisoners by the rebels, and brought on shore. The men 

' The survivors were Lieutenants Mowbray-Thomson and Delafosse, and 
Privates Murphy and SuUivan. 


were all butchered in presence of the Nana; the women and 
children, eighty in number, were sent to join the wretched 
sujfferers in the house near the Nana. 

Meanwhile Colonel Neill, commanding the Madras Fusi- 
liers,* was pushing up from Calcutta. He was bent on the 
relief of Cawnpore and Lukhnow, but was delayed on the 
way by the mutinies at Benares and Allahabad. In July 
he was joined at Allahabad by a column under General 
Havelock, who was destined within a few short weeks to 
win a lasting name in history. 

General Havelock was a Queens officer of forty years' 
standing; but he had seen more service in India than pet- 
haps any other officer in her Majesty's army. He had 
fought in the first Burma war, the Kabul war, the Gwalior 
campaign of 1843, and the Punjab campaign of 1845-6. He 
was a pale, thin, thoughtful man ; small in stature, but burn- 
ing with the aspirations of a puritan hero. Religion was the 
ruling principle of his life, and military glory was his master 
passion. He had just returned to India after commanding 
a division in the Persian war. Abstemious to a fault, he 
was able, in spite of his advancing years, to bear up against 
the heat and rain of Hindustan during the deadliest season 
of the year. 

On the 7th of July General Havelock left Allahabad for 
Cawnpore. The force at his disposal did not exceed two 
thousand men, Europeans and Sikhs. He had heard of the 
massacre at Cawnpore on the 27th of June, and burned to 
avenge it. On the 1 2th of July he defeated a large force 
of mutineers and Mahrattas at Futtehpore. On the loth 
he inflicted two more defeats on the enemy. Havelock was 
now within twenty-two miles of Cawnpore, and he halted 
his men to rest for the night. But news arrived that the 
women and children were still ahve at Cawnpore, and that 

' The Madras Fusiliers was a European regiment which had been raised by 
/he East India Company for local service. It fought under Clive at Arcot and 
Plassy. At the amalgamation of the army of the Company with that of the 
Queen it became the One Hundred and Second Foot. 


the Nana had taken the field with a large force to oppose his 
advance. Accordingly Havelock marched fourteen miles 
that same night, and on the following morning, within eight 
miles of Cawnpore, the troops bivouacked beneath some 

On that same night, the 15th of July, the crowning 
atrocity was committed at Cawnpore. The rebels, who had 
been defeated by Havelock, returned to the Nana with the 
tidings of their disaster. In revenge the Nana ordered the 
slaughter of the two hundred women and children. The poor 
victims were literally hacked to death, or almost to death, 
vrith swords, bayonets, knives, and axes. Next morning 
the bleeding remains of dead and dying were dragged to a 
neighboring well and thrown in. 

At two o'clock in the afternoon after the massacre, the 
force under Havelock was again upon the march for Cawn- 
pore. The heat was fearful ; many of the troops were struck 
down by the sun, and the cries for water were continuous. 
But for two miles the column toiled on, and then came in 
sight of the enemy. Havelock had only one thousand Eu- 
ropeans and three hundred Sikhs; he had no cavalry, and 
his artillery was inferior. The enemy numbered five thou- 
sand men, armed and trained by British officers, strongly 
intrenched, vnth two batteries of guns of heavy calibre, 
Havelock's artillery failed to silence the batteries, and he 
ordered the Europeans to charge with the bayonet. On the.y 
went in the face of a shower of grape, but the bayonet charge 
was as irresistible at Cawnpore as at Assaye. The enemy 
fought for a while like men in a death struggle. Nana Sahib 
was with them, but nothing is known of his exploits. At 
last they broke and fled, and there was no cavalry to pursue 

As yet nothing was known of the butchery of the women 
and children. Havelock halted for the night, and next 
morning marched his force into the station at Cawnpore. 
The men beheld the scene of the massacre, and saw the 
bleeding remains in the well. But the murderers had van- 


ished, no one knew whither. Havelock advanced to Bithoor, 
and destroyed the palace of the Mahratta. Subsequently he 
was joined by General Neill, with reinforcements from Alla- 
habad; and on the 20th of July he set out for the relief of 
Lukhnow, leaving Cawnpore in charge of General Neill. 

The defence of Lukhnow against fifty thousand rebels 
was, next to the siege of Delhi, the greatest event in the 
mutiny. The whole province of Oude was in a blaze of 
insurrection. The Talukdars were exasperated at the hard 
measure dealt out to them before the appointment of Sir 
Henry Lawrence as Chief Commissioner. Disbanded sepoys, 
returning to their homes in Oude, swelled the tide of dis- 
affection. Bandits that had been suppressed under British 
administration returned to their old work of robbery and 
brigandage. All classes took advantage of the anarchy to 
murder the money-lenders.' Meanwhile the country was 
bristling with the fortresses of the Talukdars; and the culti- 
vators, deprived of the protection of the English, naturally 
flocked for refuge to the strongholds of their old masters. 

The English, who had been lords of Hindustan ever since 
the beginning of the century, had been closely besieged in 
the Residency at Lukhnow ever since the final outbreak 
of the 30th of May. For nearly two months the garrison 

' Money-lenders in India are a special institution. The masses are in a nor- 
mal state of debt. They are compelled by custom to incur large expenses at 
every marriage and festival, and in consequence are driven to borrow of money- 
lenders. An enormous rate of interest is charged, and a son becomes responsi- 
ble for the debts of his father. 

Under native rule loans were regarded as debts of honor, or rather of piety. 
They might possibly be recovered in a civil tribunal, but native courts were hope- 
lessly corrupt, and the judge always appropriated a fourth of the claim as his 
rightful fee. Accordingly the payment was regarded not so much a legal obliga- 
tion as an act of piety, except in cases of forgery or cheating. 

The introduction of British administration put all such debts on a new foot- 
ing. A money-lender could enforce the payment of a decree in the civil court; 
and lands and personal property were alike treated as available assets. Accord- 
ingly soon after the annexation of Oude the people became very bitter against the 
English courts. "When the courts were closed in consequence of the mutiny, 
the people wreaked their vengeance upon the money-lenders. 

A law against usury would scarcely remedy the evil. The people have been 
so long accustomed to high rates of interest that they would continue to pay 
them in spite of the law, from a sense of religious obUgation. 


had held out with a dauntless intrepidity, while confidently- 
waiting for reinforcements that seemed never to come. 
"ISTever surrender" had been from the first the passionate 
conviction of Sir Henry Lawrence; and the massacre at 
Cawnpore on the 27th of June impressed every soldier in the 
garrison with a like resolution. On the 2d of July the Muchi 
Bawun was abandoned, and the garrison and stores removed 
to the Residency. On the 4th of July Sir Henry Lawrence 
was killed by the bursting of a shell in a room where he lay 
wounded ; and his dying counsel to those around him was 
' ' Never surrender ! ' ' 

On the 20th of July the rebel force round Lukhnow 
heard of the advance of General Havelock to Cawnpore, 
and attacked the Residency in overwhelming force. They 
kept up a continual fire of musketry while pounding 
away with their heavy guns; but the garrison held their 
ground against shot and shell, and before the day was 
over the dense masses of assailants were forced to retire 
from the walls. 

Between the 20th and 25th of July General Havelock 
began to cross the Ganges, and make his way into Oude 
territory ; but he was unable to relieve Lukhnow. His small 
force was weakened by heat and fever, and reduced by chol- 
era and dysentery; while the enemy occupied strong posi- 
tions on both flanks. In the middle of August he fell back 
upon Cawnpore. Meanwhile General Neill was threatened 
on his right by the Nana, who reoccupied Bithoor in great 
strength; and on his left by a large force of rebel sepoys; 
and he could not attack either without leaving his intrench- 
ment exposed to the other. 

On the 16th of August Havelock left a detachment at 
Cawnpore, and advanced toward Bithoor with fifteen hun- 
dred men. He found the enemy drawn up in a position 
which revealed the handiwork of a born general. The 
infantry were posted in front of an intrenched battery, 
which was nearly masked with sugar canes, and defended 
with thick ramparts of mud. This position was flanked on 


both sides by intrenched quadrangles filled with sepoys, and 
sheltered by plantations of sugar cane.* Havelock brought 
up his guns and opened fire; but the infantry had onl}^ been 
posted in front of the enemy's intrenchment to draw the 
English on. The moment Havelock's guns began to fire, 
the infantry retreated into their defences, while the batteries 
poured a storm of shot and shell upon the advancing line of 
the British army. After twenty minutes Havelock saw that 
his guns made no impression on the enemy's fire, and ordered 
a charge with the bayonet. Again the English bayonets 
prevailed against native batteries, and the enemy fled in all 
directions, Havelock, however, had no cavalry for the pur- 
suit, and was compelled once more to fall back on Cawnpore. 
Thus ended Havelock's first campaign for the relief of 

All this while the Mahratta and Rajput princes remained 
loyal to the British government. They had nothing to do 
with the sepoy mutiny, for they were evidently taken by sur- 
prise and could not understand it; and if some held aloof, 
and appeared to await events, there were others who made 
common cause with the British government at the outset. 
But the sepoys in the subsidiary armies, who were com- 
manded by British officers, were as much terrified and trou- 
bled by the greased cartridges as those in the Bengal regi- 
ments; and the revolt at Delhi on the 11th of May acted 
upon them in the same way as it acted upon the sepoys 
in British territories. The Gwalior Contingent, which was 
largely composed of Oude soldiery, was more than once 
inclined to mutiny ; but Maharaja Sindia managed to tem- 
porize with them ; and they did not finally break away from 
Gwalior until the following October. At Indore the army 
of Holkar broke out in mutiny and attacked the British 
Residency, and then went off through Gwalior territory to 
join the rebels near Agra; but at that time the Gwalior 

' The ouly rebel leader who showed a real genius for war throughout the 
muthiies was a Mahratta Brahman, in the service of the Nana, known as Tantia 
Topi. No doubt it was Tantia Topi who drew up the rebel army at Bithoor. 


soldiery were tolerably stanch, and refused to accompany 
them. ' 

During the four months that followed the revolt at Delhi 
on the 11th of May, all political interest was centred at the 
ancient capital of the sovereigns of Hindustan. The public 
mind was occasionally distracted by the current of events at 
Cawnpore and Lukhnow, as well as at other stations which 
need not be particularized ; but so long as Delhi remained in 
the hands of the rebels, the native princes were bewildered 
and alarmed; and its prompt recapture was deemed of vital 
importance to the prestige of the British government, and 
the re-establishment of British sovereignty in Hindustan. 
The Great Moghul had been little better than a mummy for 
more than half a century; and Bahadur Shah was a mere 
tool and puppet in the hands of rebel sepoys; but neverthe- 
less the British government had to deal with the astounding 
fact that the rebels were fighting under his name and stand- 
ard, just as Afghans and Mahrattas had done in the da3's 
of Ahmad Shah Durani and Mahadaji Sindia. To make 
matters worse, the roads to Delhi were open from the south 
and east; and nearly every outbreak in Hindustan was fol- 
lowed by a stampede of mutineers to the old capital of the 

Meanwhile, in the absence of railways, there were unfor- 
tunate delays in bringing up troops and guns to stamp out 
the fires of rebellion at the head centre.^ The highway from 

' Major, afterward General, Sir Henry Durand, who had served for eight 
years as pohtical agent at Bhopal, was residing at Indore at this crisis, as agent 
to the Governor-General in Central India. The Residency at Indore held out 
until the safety of the ladies and their families was secured ; and the subsequent 
hospitable reception of the refugees by the late Begum of Bhopal is a touching 
illustration of the loyalty of a native princess toward the British government. 

Sir John Kaye, in the first edition of his history of the sepoj' revolt, was 
unfortunately led to give currencj' to an untrue statement about Major Durand's 
conduct at Indore. It is gratifying to know that before he died he publicly 
retracted the insinuation. 

- The deaths of successive Commanders-in-chief led to other delays. The 
news of the revolt at Delhi brought General Anson down from Simla to under- 
take the siege of Delhi; but he died at Kurnal on the 27th of May. Sir Henry 
Barnard, who succeeded him as Commander-in-chief, died on the 5th July. 


Calcutta to Delhi was blocked up by mutiny and insurrec- 
tion ; and every European soldier sent up from Calcutta was 
stopped for the relief of Benares, Allahabad, Cawnpore, or 
Lukhnow. But the possession of the Punjab at this crisis 
proved to be the salvation of the empire. Sir John Law- 
rence, the Chief Commissioner, was called upon to perform 
almost superhuman work — to maintain order in a newly con- 
quered province; to suppress mutiny and disaffection among 
the very sepoy regiments from Bengal who were supposed to 
garrison the country ; and to send reinforcements of troops 
and guns, and supplies of all descriptions, to the siege of 
Delhi. Fortunately the Sikhs had been only a few short 
years under British administration ; they had not forgotten 
the miseries that prevailed under the native government, 
and could appreciate the many blessings they enjoyed under 
British rule. They were stanch to the British government, 
and eager to be led against the rebels. In some cases terri- 
ble punishment was meted out to mutinous Bengal sepoys 
within the Punjab;' but the imperial interests at stake were 
sufficient to justify every severity, although all must regret 
the painful necessity that called for such extreme measures. 
On the 8th of June, about a month after the revolt at 
Delhi, Sir Henry Barnard took the field at Alipore, about 
ten miles from the rebel capital. He defeated an advance 
division of the enemy; and then marched to the Ridge, and 
reoccupied the old cantonment which had been abandoned 
on the 11th of May. So far it was clear that the rebels 
were unable to do anything in the open field, although they 
might fight bravely under cover. They numbered about 
thirty thousand strong; they had a very powerful artillery, 
and ample stores of ammunition; while there was an abun- 
dance of provisions within the city throughout the siege. 

General Reed succeeded Barnard, but was compelled by ill health to resign the 
appohitraent on the 17th July. General Wilson of the Bengal artillery then 
took the command, while Colonel Baird Smith was chief engineer. 

' The wholesale executions in the Twenty-sixth Regiment of native infantry, 
which were carried out by the late Mr. Cooper, can only be justified by stern 


The defences of Delhi covered an area of three square 
miles. The walls consisted of a series of bastions, about 
sixteen feet high, connected by long curtains, with occa- 
sional martello towers to aid the flanking fire. Every bas- 
tion was mounted with eleven guns; namely, one on the 
salient, three on each face, and two on each flank. Both 
bastions and curtains were built of masonry about twelve 
feet thick. Running round the base of these bastions and 
curtains was a berm or terrace varying in width from fif- 
teen to thirty feet, having on its exterior edge a wall loop- 
holed for musketry. The whole was surrounded by a ditch 
twenty feet deep and twenty-five feet wide. ' On the east- 
ern side of the city the river Jumna ran past the palace of 
the king and the old state prison of Selimgurh. The bridge 
of boats leading to Meerut was in front of SelimgLu*h. 

There were seven gates to the city, namel}', Lahore gate, 
Ajmir gate, Turkoman gate, Delhi gate, Mori gate, Kabul 
gate, and Kashmir gate. The principal street was the 
Chandni Chouk, which ran in a direct line from the Delhi 
gate to the palace of the Moghuls. The great mosque, 
known as the Juma Musjid, stands on a rocky eminence 
at the back of the Chandni Chouk. 

The British camp on the Ridge presented a picture at once 
varied and striking ; long lines of European tents, thatched 
hovels of the native servants, rows of horses, parks of artil- 
lery, English soldiers in their gray linen coats and trousers, 
Sikhs with their red and blue turbans, Afghans with their 
gay headdresses and colored saddle-cloths, and the Ghorkas 
in Kilmarnock hats and woollen coats. There were but few 
Hindu sepoys in the British ranks, but the native servants 
were very numerous. In the rear were the booths of the 
native bazars ; and further out in the plain were thousands 
of camels, bullocks and baggage horses. Still further to 

' ]\Ieeliiig of the Bengal Army, London, 1858. Bacon's First Impressions 
of Hindustan, London, 18:57. The ]oo])-]ioled wall was a continuation of tlie 
escarp or inner wall of the ditch. The counterscarp, or outer wall of the ditch, 
was not of masonry, but was a mere earthen slope of easy incline. 


the rear was a small river crossed by two bridges ; but the 
bridges were subsequently blown up. On the extreme right 
of the camp, on a spot nearest the city walls, was a battery 
on an eminence, known as the Mound battery, which faced 
the Mori gate. Hard by was Hindu Rao's' house, the head- 
quarters of the army during the siege. From the summit 
of the Ridge was to be seen the river Jumna winding along 
to the left of the city : the bridge of boats, the towers of the 
palace, the minarets of the great mosque of the Juma Mus- 
jid, the house roofs and gardens of the doomed city, and the 
picturesque walls, with batteries here and there sending forth 
white clouds of smoke among the green foliage that clustered 
round the ramparts. 

To the right of the Mound battery was the old suburb 
known as the Subzi Mundi. It was the vegetable bazar 
which figures in the scandalous stories of the later Moghul 
princes as the scene of their frolics and debaucheries. It 
was occupied by old houses, gardens with high walls, and 
narrow streets and lanes; and thus it furnished the very 
cover which makes Asiatics brave. ^ Similar suburbs inter- 
vened between the actual defences of Delhi and the whole 
line of the English position. 

For many weeks the British army on the Ridge was 
unable to attempt siege operations. It was, in fact, the be- 
sieged rather than the besiegers; for although the bridges 
in the rear were blown up, the camp was exposed to contin- 
ual assaults from all the other sides. 

On the 23d of June, the hundredth anniversary of the 
battle of Plassy, the enemy made a greater effort than ever 
to carry the British position. The attack began on the right 

' Hindu Rao is one of the forgotten celebrities who flourished about fifty 
years ago. He was a brother of Baiza Bai, the ambitious widow of Daulat Rao 
Sindia, who worried Lord William Bentinck. Hindu Rao had a claim to the 
throne of Gwalior, but was outwitted bj^ his strong-minded sister, and sent to 
live at Delhi on a lakh of rupees per annum; i.e., ten thousand pounds a year. 
Like the great Jaswant Rao Holkar, he was a victim to cherry brandy. 

■^ The Subzi Mundi was subsequently cleared from all the rubbish and debris. 
At the Imperial Assemblage at Delhi, on the Ist of January, 1877, it formed the 
site of part of the Viceregal encampment. 


from the Subzi Mundi, its object being to capture the Mound 
battery. Finding it impossible to carry the batterj^, the reb- 
els confined themselves to a hand to hand conflict in the 
Subzi Mundi. The deadly struggle continued for many 
hours; and as the rebels came up in overwhelming nuin- 
bers, it was fortunate that the two bridges in the rear had 
been blown up the night before, or the assault might have 
had a different termination. It was not until after sunset 
that the enemy was compelled to retire with the loss of a 
thousand men. Similar actions were frequent during the 
month of August ; but meanwhile reinforcements were com- 
ing up, and the end was drawing nigh. 

In the middle of August, Brigadier John Nicholson, one 
of the most distinguished officers of the time, came up from 
the Punjab with a brigade and siege train. On the 4th of 
September a heavy train of artillery was brought in from 
Ferozepore. The British force on the Ridge now exceeded 
eight thousand men. Hitherto the artillery had been too 
weak to attempt to breach the city walls; but now fifty- 
four heavy guns were brought into position and the siege 
began in earnest. From the 8th to the 13th of September 
four batteries poured in a constant storm of shot and shell ; 
number one was directed against the Kashmir bastion, num- 
ber two against the right fiank of the Kashmir bastion, 
number three against the Water bastion, and number four 
against the Kashmir and Water gates and bastions. On the 
13th of September the breaches were declared to be prac- 
ticable, and the following morning was fixed for the final 
assault upon the doomed city. 

At three o'clock in the morning of the 14th September, 
three assaulting columns were formed in the trenches, while 
a fourth was kept in reserve. The first column was led by 
Brigadier Nicholson; the second by Brigadier Jones; the 
third by Colonel Campbell; and the fourth, or reserve, by 
Brigadier Longfield. 

The powder bags were laid at the Kashmir gate by Lieu- 
tenants Home and Salkeld. The explosion followed, and the 


third column rushed in, and pushed toward the Juma Mus- 
jid. Meanwhile the first column under Nicholson escaladed 
the breaches near the Kashmir gate, and pushed along the 
ramparts toward the Kabul gate, carrying the several bas- 
tions in the way. Here it was met by the second column 
under Brigadier Jones, who had escaladed the breach at 
the Water bastion. The advancing columns were met by 
a ceaseless fire from terraced houses, mosques, and other 
buildings; and John Nicholson, the hero of the day, while 
attempting to storm a narrow street near the Kabul gate, 
was struck down by a shot and mortally wounded. Then 
followed six days of desperate warfare. No quarter was 
given to men with arms in their hands; but women and 
children were spared, and only a few of the peaceable in- 
habitants were sacrificed during the storm. 

On the 20th of September the gates of the old fortified 
palace of the Moghuls were broken open, but the royal in- 
mates had fled. No one was left but a few wounded sepoys 
and fugitive fanatics. The old king, Bahadur Shah, had 
gone off to the great mausoleum without the city, known 
as the tomb of Humayun. It was a vast quadrangle raised 
on terraces and enclosed with walls. It contained towers, 
buildings, and monumental marbles, in memory of different 
members of the once distinguished family; as well as ex- 
tensive gardens, surrounded with cloistered cells for the 
accommodation of pilgrims. 

On the 21st of September Captain Hodson rode to the 
tomb, arrested the king, and brought him back to Delhi 
with other members of the family, and lodged them in the 
palace. The next day he went again with a hundred horse- 
men, and arrested two sons of the king in the midst of a 
crowd of armed retainers, and brought them away in a na- 
tive carriage. Near the city the carriage was surrounded 
by a tumultuous crowd ; and Hodson, who was afraid of a 
rescue, shot both princes with his pistol, and placed their 
bodies in a public place on the waUs for all men to see. 

Thus fell the imperial city ; captured by the army under 


Brigadier Wilson before the arrival of any of the reinforce- 
ments from England. The losses were heavy. From the 
beginning of the siege to the close the British army at Delhi 
had nearly four thousand killed and wounded. The casual- 
ties on the side of the rebels were never estimated. Two 
bodies of sepoys broke away from the city, and fled down 
the valleys of the Jumna and Ganges, followed by two fly- 
ing columns imder Brigadiers Greathed and Showers. But 
the great mutiny and revolt at Delhi had been stamped out; 
and the flag of England waved triumphantly over the capital 
of Hindustan. 

The capture of Delhi, in September, 1857, was the turn- 
ing-point in the sepoy mutinies. The revolt was crushed 
beyond redemption ; the rebels were deprived of their head 
centre; and the Moghul king was a prisoner at the mercy 
of the power whom he had defied. But there were still 
troubles in India. Lukhnow was still beleaguered by a 
rebel army, and insurrection still ran riot in Oude and 

In the middle of August General Havelock had fallen 
back on Cawnpore, after the failure of his first campaign 
for the relief of Lukhnow. Five weeks afterward Havelock 
made a second attempt under better auspices. Sir Colin 
Campbell had arrived at Calcutta as Commander-in-chief. 
Sir James Outram had come up to Allahabad. On the 16th 
of September, while the British troops were storming the 
streets of Delhi, Outram joined Havelock and Neill at Cawn- 
pore with one thousand four hundred men. As senior officer 
he might have assumed the command; but with generous 
chivalry, the "Bayard of India" waived his rank in honor 
of Havelock. 

On the 20th of September General Havelock crossed the 
Ganges into Oude at the head of two thousand five hundred 
men. The next day he defeated a rebel army, and put it to 
flight, while four of the enemy's guns were captured by 
Outram at the head of a body of volunteer cavalry. On 
the 23d Havelock routed a still larger rebel force which was 


strongly posted at a garden in the suburbs of Lukhnow, 
known as the Alumbagh, He then halted to give his sol- 
diers a day's rest. On the 35th he was cutting his way 
through the streets and lanes of the city of Lukhnow; run- 
ning the gantlet of a deadly and unremitting fire from the 
houses on both sides of the streets, and also from guns which 
commanded them. On the evening of the same day he en- 
tered the British intrenchments ; but in the moment of vic- 
tory a chance shot carried off the gallant Neill. 

The defence of the British Residency at Lukhnow is a 
glorious episode in the national annals. The fortitude of the 
beleaguered garrison was the admiration of the world. The 
ladies nursed the wounded, and performed every womanly 
duty, with self-sacrificing heroism; and when the fight was 
over they received the well-merited thanks of Her Majesty 
Queen Victoria. 

During four long months the garrison had known noth- 
ing of what was going on in the outer world. They were 
aware of the advance and retreat of Havelock, and that 
was all. At last, on the 23d of September, they heard the 
booming of the guns at the Alumbagh. On the morning 
of the 25th they could see something of the grovnng excite- 
ment in the city ; the people abandoning their houses and 
flying across the river. Still the guns of the rebels kept 
up a heavy cannonade upon the Residency, and volleys of 
musketry continued to pour upon the besieged from the 
loopholes of the besiegers. But soon the firing was heard 
from the city ; the welcome sounds came nearer and nearer. 
The excitement of the garrison gi-ew beyond control. Pres- 
ently the relieving force was seen fighting its way toward 
the Residency. Then the pent-up feelings of the garrison 
burst forth in deafening cheers; and wounded men in hos- 
pital crawled out to join in the chorus of welcome. Then 
followed personal greetings as ofiicers and men came pour- 
ing in. Hands were frantically shaken on all sides. Rough 
bearded soldiers took the children from their mothers' arms, 
kissed them with tears rolling down their cheeks, and thanked 
India. Vol. II. X— 14 


God that they had come in time to save them from the fate 
that had befallen the sufferers at Cawnpore. 

Thus after a siege of nearly four months Havelock suc- 
ceeded in relieving Lukhnow. But it was a reinforcement 
rather than a relief, and was confined to the British Resi- 
dency. The siege was not raised ; and the city of Lukhnow 
remained two months longer in the hands of the rebels. Sir 
James Outram assumed the command, but was compelled 
to keep on the defensive. Meanwhile reinforcements were 
arriving from England. In November Sir Colin Campbell 
reached Cawnpore at the head of a considerable army. He 
left General Windham with two thousand men to take charge 
of the intrenchment at Cawnpore ; and then advanced against 
Lukhnow with five thousand men and thirty guns. He car- 
ried several of the enemy's positions, cut his way to the 
Residency, and at last brought away the beleaguered gar- 
rison, with all the ladies and children. But not even then 
could he disperse the rebels and reoccupy the city. Ac- 
cordingly he left Outram at the head of four thousand 
men in the neighborhood of Lukhnow, and then returned 
to Cawnpore. 

On the 24th of November, the day after leaving Lukhnow, 
General Havelock was carried off by dysentery and buried 
in the Alumbagh. His death spread a gloom over India, 
but by this time his name had become a household word 
wherever the English language was spoken. In the hour 
of surprise and panic, as successive stories of mutiny and 
rebellion reached England, and culminated in the revolt at 
Delhi and massacre at Cawnpore, the victories of Havelock 
revived the drooping spirits of the British nation, and stirred 
up all hearts to glorify the hero who had stemmed the tide 
of disaffection and disaster. The death of Havelock, follow- 
ing the story of the capture of Delhi, and told with the same 
breath that proclaimed the deliverance at Lukhnow, was re- 
ceived in England with a universal sorrow that will never 
be forgotten, so long as men are living who can recall the 
memory of the mutinies of Fifty-seven. 


Sir Colin Campbell was approaching Cawnpore, when he 
heard the roll of a distant cannonade. There was another 
surprise, and unfortunately another disaster. Tantia Topi 
had come once more to the front. That wonderful Mahratta 
Brahman had made his way from the side of Nana Sahib to 
the capital of Sindia ; and had persuaded the Gwahor Con- 
tingent to break out in open revolt and march against Cawn- 
pore. General Windham was an officer of distinction. He 
had earned his laurels in the Crimean campaign, but he was 
unfamiliar with Asiatic warfare. He went out to meet the 
rebels, and routed the advanced body ; but he was outwitted 
by the consummate genius of Tantia Topi. He found him- 
self outflanked, and took alarm, and fell back upon the in- 
trenchment ; leaving not only his camp equipage and stores, 
but the whole city of Cawnpore in the hands of the rebel 
sepoys.' To crown all, the bridge of boats over the Ganges, 
by which Sir Colin Campbell was expected to cross the river 
on his way to Cawnpore, was in imminent danger of being 
destroyed by the rebels. 

Fortunately the bridge escaped the vigilance of Tantia 
Topi, and Sir Colin Campbell reached the intrenchment in 
safety. His first act was to despatch the garrison from 
Lukhnow, together with his sick and wounded, down the 
river to Allahabad. He then took the field and routed the 
Gwalior rebels that repulsed General Windham, and drove 
them out of Cawnpore. The naval brigade under Sir Wil- 
liam Peel gained great renown during these operations, 
handling their 24-pounders like playthings; while Generals 
Little and Mansfield and Brigadier Hope Grant distinguished 
themselves in the pursuit of the rebels. 

In January, 1858, the ex-king Bahadur Shah was tried 

' Major Adye of the Roj-al Artillery was present at the engagement and lost 
two ol his guns. In sheer desperation he went out at night with a small party, 
and succeeded in finding his guns and bringing them bacli in triumph. It thus 
appeared that not even Tantia Topi could persuade Asiatics to keep on guard 
against a night attack; and had Windliam beaten up the enemy's quarters at 
midnight he might possibly liave retrieved his disaster. Major Adye is now 
General Sir John Adye, Governor of the Royal Military Academy at Woolwich. 


by a military commission at Delhi, and found guilty of or- 
dering the massacre of Christians, and of waging war 
against the British government. Sentence of death was 
recorded against him ; but ultimately he was sent to Ran- 
goon, with his favorite wife and her son, and kept under 
surveillance as a state prisoner until his death five years 

The subsequent history of the sepoy revolt is little more 
than a detail of the military operations of British troops for 
the dispersion of the rebels and restoration of order and law. 
Sir Colin Campbell, now Lord Clyde, undertook a general 
campaign against the rebels in Oude and Rohilkund, and 
restored order and law throughout those disaffected prov- 
inces; while Sir James Outram drove the rebels out of 
Lukhnow, and re-established British sovereignty in the 
capital of Oude. 

At the same time a column from Bombay under Sir 
Hugh Rose, and another from Madras under General 
Whitlock, carried out a similar work in Central India 
and Bundelkund. History has scarcely done justice to 
the brilliant campaign of Sir Hugh Rose in Central In- 
dia from the borders of the Bombay Presidency to the 
banks of the Jumna. The military operations of Lord 
Clyde were on a far larger scale, but they were con- 
ducted in an open and well-peopled country. The cam- 
paign of Sir Hugh Rose was carried out amid the jungles, 
ravines, and broken ground of the Vindhya mountains, and 
the equally secluded region of Bundelkund, which for cent- 
uries had set the Muhammadan power at defiance. "With 
a small but well-appointed force, a tithe of that under Lord 
Clyde's command. Sir Hugh Rose captured fortresses and 
walled towns, fought battles against enormous odds, and 
never for a moment gave the enemy time to breathe. He 
besieged and captured the rebel fortress of Jhansi, where 
Tantia Topi had come to the help of the Rani. The bloody- 
minded Rani fled to the jungles; and Tantia Topi escaped 
to the northeast, and concentrated a rebel army of twenty 


thousand men near Kalpi on the Jumna. After some des- 
perate actions, Sir Hugh Rose utterly routed Tantia Topi, 
and scattered his forces in all directions. Sir Hugh Rose 
considered that he had now brought his campaign in Cen- 
tral India to a glorious close; and he congratulated the 
troops under his command at having marched a thousand 
miles and captured a hundred guns. 

But Sir Hugh Rose had reckoned without his host. At 
this very time the irrepressible Mahratta Brahman, Tantia 
Topi, had secretly proceeded to Gwalior, the capital of Maha- 
raja Sindia. He had made Gwalior the rallying-point for 
all the scattered troops of the rebel army; and organized a 
conspiracy against Sindia to be supported by the rebels as 
fast as they arrived. The plot was discovered in time by 
the Maharaja and his minister, Dinkur Rao; and it was 
plain that neither the one nor the other could have felt the 
slightest sympathy in a movement for upsetting the British 
government and restoring a dynasty of Peishwas. 

Dinkur Rao counselled the Maharaja to adopt a defensive 
polic}'' until a British force arrived from Agra. But Sindia 
was young and enthusiastic, and anxious to show his loyalty 
to the British government. Accordingly he marched out 
with eight thousand men and twenty-five guns to attack 
the rebel army. The result was one of those surprises and 
disasters which characterized different epochs of the mutiny. 
Sindia's army deserted him, and either joined the rebels or 
returned to Gwahor. His own bodyguard remained with 
him, and fought against the rebels ^vith the old Mahratta 
spirit, but they suffered heavily in the action, Sindia was 
thus compelled to fly to Dholepore on the road to Agra, 
where he was joined by Dinkur Rao. 

The city of Gwalior, with all its guns, stores, and treas- 
ure, was thus abandoned to the rebels. Nana Sahib was 
proclaimed Peishwa; and a revolution was beginning of 
which no one at Gwalior could see the ending. In the be- 
ginning of June, ] 858, in the height of the hot weather, a 
new rebel army, numbering eighteen thousand men, had 


sprung into existence in Central India under the command 
of Tantia Topi, with all the famous artillery of 8india at 
his disposal. 

This astounding state of affairs soon called Sir Hugh 
Rose to the front. On the 16th of June he defeated a rebel 
force which was posted in the cantonment at Morar. The 
next day he was joined by a column under Brigadier Smith; 
and on the 18th all the rebel intrenchments and positions 
were stormed and captured. During these operations the 
Rani of Jhansi fought on the side of the rebels in male 
attire. She was killed by a trooper before her sex was dis- 
covered ; and is said to have courted her fate to escape the 
punishment of her crimes. 

Tantia Topi, however, was a born general, and his genius 
never deserted him. He made good his retreat from Gwalior 
with six thousand men, and carried away thirty field-pieces. 
But his case was hopeless. Two days afterward, Brigadier 
Robert Napier, the present Lord Napier of Magdala, dashed 
among the retreating force with six hundred horsemen and 
six field-guns, and put them to flight, while recovering nearly 
all the artillery they had carried away. This successful ac- 
tion was regarded as one of the most brilliant exploits in the 

In spite of these crushing defeats, Tantia Topi evaded all 
pursuit for ten months longer. Different columns strove to 
hem him in ; but the active Mahratta, with all the spirit and 
pertinacity of his race, made his Avay to the banks of the 
Nerbudda with a large body of fugitives, mounted on the 
small hardy ponies of India. "With all the pertinacity of a 
Mahratta, he still clung to the wild hope of reaching the 
western Dekhan, and creating a new Mahratta empire in 
the dominions of the ex-Peishwa, which had been British 
territory for more than forty years. Whether it was pos- 
sible for him to have raised a Mahratta insurrection is a 
problem he was never destined to solve. 

Tantia Topi was driven back by the Bombay troops, and 
never crossed the Nerbudda. From that time Tantia Topi 


and the British troops appeared to be playing at hunting the 
hare all over Central India. He and his men rode incredible 
distances, and often appeared to be in several places at once. 
At last a cordon of hunters surrounded him. He was driven 
into the western deserts of Rajputana, but compelled, from 
want of supplies, to double back on Bundelkund. In April, 
1859, his hiding-place in the jungles was betrayed by one of 
his own rebel generals ; and he was arrested by Major Meade, 
and tried, convicted, and hanged, to the general satisfaction 
of all concerned. 

Tantia Topi was a cruel and crafty villain, with a clever- 
ness that calls to mind the genius and audacity of the old 
Mahratta Peishwas. He was no doubt the originator of the 
rebellion of the Nana Sahib, and the prime mover in the 
massacres at Cawnpore; while the Nana was a mere tool 
and puppet in his hands, like Maharaja Sahu in the hands 
of the Peishwas. Could the Nana have succeeded in gain- 
ing a throne, he would most probably have been imprisoned 
or murdered by Tantia Topi; and Tantia Topi would have 
founded one of those dynasties of ministerial sovereigns 
which so often sprung into existence in the palmy days of 
Brahmanical rule." 

' The death of Tantia Topi has carried the reader bej'oud the mutinies into 
the year 1859. In the next chapter it will be necessary to revert to the close 
of the mutinies in 1858. 




A.D. 1858 TO 1880 

ON the 1st of November, 1858, the proclamation of 
her Majesty Queen Victoria brought the sepoy re- 
volt to a close. It was the Magna Charta of India, 
and was translated into all the languages of the country. It 
announced the transfer of the direct government of India 
from the Company to the Crown. It confirmed all existing 
dignities, rights, usages, and treaties.' It assured the peo- 
ple of India that the British government had neither the 
right nor the desire to tamper with their religion or caste. It 
granted a general amnesty to all mutineers and rebels, ex- 
cepting only those who had been directly implicated in the 

In January, 1859, Lord Canning published a despatch 
from Lord Clyde, declaring that rebellion no longer existed 
in Oude.'' The campaign was at an end, for no organized 
armies of rebels remained in the field ; but hordes of armed 
men, of whom Tantia Topi was a type, were still fighting 

1 The administrative results of the transfer of the government of India from 
the East India Company to the Crov^^n may be summed up in a few words. The 
Governor-General became a Viceroy. Xon -officials, natives and Europeans, were 
introduced into the so-called legislative councils at the different Presidencies, and 
into the legislative council of tlie Viceroy. The Company's army was amalga- 
mated with the Queen's army. The Company's Courts of Appeal at the difEereut 
Presidencies, known as the Suddar Courts, in which the judges were selected 
from the Civil Service, were amalgamated with the Supreme Courts, in which 
the judges were sent out from England under the nomination of the Crown. 
The new Courts are now known as High Courts. 

'^ Oude was disarmed after the rebellion, just as the Punjab had been dis- 
armed after tlie annexation. The number of arms collected was very large;, 
there were 684 cannon, 186,000 tirearms, 560,000 swords, .50,000 spears, and 
more than 600,000 weapons of other descriptions; while more than 1,500 fort- 
resses, great and small, were demolished or dismantled. 


as it were with halters round their necks. But brigades 
and detachments were in motion from the Nerbudda river 
to the northeast frontier of Oude ; and the work of tram- 
pUng out the last embers of the great conflagration was 
gradually brought to a close. 

During the cold weather of 1859 Lord Canning left Cal- 
cutta for a tour in the upper provinces. In November he 
held a grand durbar at Agra, at which his dignified presence 
created an impression among the native princes which was 
never forgotten. He acknowledged the services rendered to 
the British government during the mutinies by Maharaja 
Sindia, the Raja of Jaipur, and others. At the same time, 
as the representative of her Majesty, he publicly announced 
the concession to native rulers of the right of adopting a 
son, who should succeed to the government of their several 
principalities in the event of a failure of natural heirs. 

In March, 1862, Lord Canning left India forever. The 
leading event of his administration was the sepoy revolt; 
but it was followed by measures of economy and reform 
which proved him to be one of the most conscientious and 
hard-working statesmen that ever governed India. Unfort- 
unately his career was rapidly brought to a close. He died 
the following Jime, and was buried in Westminster Abbey. 

Lord Elgin succeeded Lord Canning as Viceroy of India. 
His administration was short, but was marked by two events 
which will always find a place in history; namely, a little 
mountain expedition on the northwest frontier which led to 
an expensive campaign, and a mission to Bhutan which led 
to a still more disastrous war. 

The frontier of British India westward of the river Indus 
was formed in 1849 by a chain of mountains which ran south- 
ward from the Hindu Kush into Sinde, and served as a natu- 
ral wall between the Punjab and Afghanistan. ' These moun- 

' The wall is not continuous. It is pierced bj- the Khaiber Pass which leads 
to Kabul, and the Bolan Pass which leads to Quetta and Kandahar. Other 
passes were discovered during the campaigns of 1878-79. 


tains are known as the Sulaiman range. They are inhabited 
by tribes who are closely akin to the Afghans ; equally blood- 
thirsty and treacherous, and still more ignorant and barbar- 
ous. They have no government, but each tribe has its own 
council of elders, known as the Jirgah, They are Muham- 
madans of the worst type; intolerant and priest-ridden. 
They always carry arms, such as matchlocks and short 
swords, whether grazing cattle, tilling the soil, or driving 
beasts of burden; for every tribe has its internecine war, 
every family its hereditary blood feud, and every man his 
personal enemy. At the same time, whenever they are ex- 
posed to the assaults of an invader, they forget all their feuds 
and quarrels, and make common cause against the for- 
eigner. ' 

In the old days of Runjeet Singh and his successors, th^ 
mountain tribes were always ready to carry fire and sword 
into the bordering villages of Sikhs and Hindus, on the side 
of the Punjab. They plundered homesteads, slaughtered all 
who opposed them, and carried off women, children, and cat- 
tle. Since the British conquest of the Punjab there has been 
a vast improvement in the state of affairs on the frontier ; 
and the mountain tribes have been kept out of the plains by 
the Punjab Irregular Force organized by Lord Dalhousie. 

The most important British district on the line of frontier 
is that of Peshawar. It is the key of the whole position. It 
extends from the fort of Attock, at the junction of the Kabul 
and Indus rivers, westward as far as the mouth of the Khai- 
ber Pass, which leads to Kabul. Accordingly the British 
cantonment at Peshawar has always been held by a large 
force of the regular army. 

Forty miles to the north of Attock is a village, or group 
of villages, called Sitana. The settlement is situated outside 
the frontier, on the eastern face of a square mass of rock, 

' The data respecting the population of the Sulaiman range is condensed from 
a Report on the independent tribes of the northwest frontier, drawn up many- 
years ago by Sir Richard Temple. The original extract will be found in page 
27 of the Blue Book on Afghanistan, published in 1878. 


eight thousand feet high, known as the Mahabun mountain.* 
It had been occupied ever since 1831, or thereabout, by a 
colony of Hindustani fanatics from Bengal. These men 
are a sect of Muhammadan puritans, known as Wahabis, 
who affect a strict and ascetic way of life, such as prevailed 
in the time of the Prophet, and denounce all commentaries 
on the Koran, and all such modern innovations as the wor- 
ship of relics. The Hindustani fanatics at Sitana were dan- 
gerous neighbors. They were brigands as well as bigots, 
like the zealots described by Josephus. They committed 
frequent raids on British territory, being inspired by relig- 
ious hatred as well as love of plunder ; and, strange to say, 
they were recruited from time to time with men and money 
from disaffected Muhammadans in Patna and other locali- 
ties in Bengal, at least twelve hundred miles off. In 1858 
they were driven out of Sitana by General Sir Sydney Cot- 
ton, who commanded at Peshawar ; but they only retired to 
Mulka, on the further slope of the Mahabun mountain; 
and in 1862 they returned to Sitana and renewed their 

In 1863 a British force of five thousand men, under Gen- 
eral Sir Neville Chamberlain, was sent to root out the Hin- 
dustani fanatics from Mulka as well as Sitana. It would, 
however, have proved a difficult operation to march a col- 
umn up the side of a steep mountain in the face of swarms 
of mountaineers and fanatics; and then, after capturing 
Sitana, to march over a crest eight thousand feet high, in 
order to attack a strong force at Mulka on the further slope. 
Accordingly it was resolved to reach the slope in question 
by a narrow gorge that ran along the western face of the 
Mahabun mountain, and was known as the Umbeyla pass; 
and thus to take Mulka, as it were, in the rear.'' 

' The whole region is classic ground, the scene of Alexander's invasion of 
India. The Mahabun mountain has been identified with the natural fortress 
of Aornos, which was captured by the Macedonians. Attock has been identi- 
fied with Taxila, the first city entered by the great conqueror after the passage 
of the Indus. 

'^ See Sitana; a Mountain Campaign on the Borders of Afghanistan, by 
Colonel John Adye, R.A. The author is largely indebted to this valuable con- 


While, however, one side of the Umbeyla pass was formed 
by the Mahabun mouutain, the other side was formed by an- 
other steep height, known as the Guru mountain ; and beyond 
the Guru mountain were many strong tribes, known as Bo- 
nairs and Swatis ; and above all there was a certain warrior 
priest, known as the Akhoond of Swat, who exercised a 
powerful influence as prince and pontiff over many of the 
tribes far and wide. Then again the Umbeyla pass was 
outside the British frontier, and really belonged to the Bo- 
nairs. It was, however, imagined that the Afghan moun- 
taineers could have no sympathy with the Hindustani fa- 
natics; especially as the Akhoond of Swat had fulminated 
his spiritual thunder against the Hindustani fanatics at 
Mulka and Sitana in a way which betokened a deadly sec- 
tarian hostility. Moreover, as the Umbeyla pass was only 
nine miles long, it was possible to reach Mulka and destroy 
the village before Bonairs or Swatis could know what was 
going on. 

Unfortunately the Hindustani fanatics were too sharp for 
the British authorities. They got an inkling of the coming 
expedition, and sent out letters to all the neighboring tribes. 
They declared that the English infidels were coming to de- 
vastate the mountains and subvert the religion of the tribes. 
It was cunningly added that in the first instance the infidels 
would say that they only came to destroy the Hindustanis ; 
but if once they got into the mouutain, every one of the tribes 
would share the fate of the Hindustanis. 

Unconsciously General Chamberlain played into the hands 
of the Hindustanis. He told the neighboring tribes that he 
was going to destroy Mulka, but that he had no intention 
whatever of interfering with any one but the Hindustanis. 
He entered the Umbeyla pass before he could receive any 

tribution to military history. Colonel, now General, Sir John Adye, maintains 
that the Hindu Kush and not the Sulaiman range is the true frontier of our Brit- 
ish Indian empire. The author would add that if we accept the Hindu Kush as 
our mountain fortress, then, to use a teelmical phrase, Afghan-Turkistan is our 
berm and tlie Oxus our ditch. Russia already holds the glacis as represented 
by Bokhara and Khiva. 


reply; but, on getting three parts of the way, he was com- 
pelled to halt for the baggage. He sent on a party to re- 
connoitre the Chumla valley, which intervened between the 
pass and Mulka, and then it was found that the Guru moun- 
tain was swarming with armed men. Accordingly the re- 
connoitring party had much difficulty in returning to the 
camp; and it was soon evident that the British force had 
been drawn into a defile; and that it would be impossible to 
advance without reinforcements, and almost equally impos- 
sible to return to British territory. 

The movements of the British force had excited the sus- 
picions of the tribes by confirming all that the Hindustanis 
had said. The Bonairs were exasperated at the violation of 
their territory, without any previous reference to their coun- 
cil of elders. Fear and alarm spread far and wide, and the 
tribes flocked to the Guru mountain from all quarters. The 
Akhoond of Swat came in person with fifteen thousand men. 
The mountain tribes on the Mahabun made common cause 
with the Hindustanis in resisting the invaders. In a word, 
General Chamberlain was threatened by swarms of match- 
lock men on his two flanks, while his rear was blocked up 
by mules, camels, and other impedimenta. Under such cir- 
cumstances he was compelled to keep off the enemy as he 
best could, and wait for reinforcements, or for orders to re- 
tire. To make matters worse, he himself was wounded; 
while Lord Elgin was dying at Dhurmsala in the Himalayas. 

At this crisis Sir Hugh Rose, who had succeeded Lord 
Clyde as Commander-in-chief, solved the difficulty. He pro- 
tested against any retirement, as it would only necessitate an 
expensive campaign in the following spring ; and he ordered 
up reinforcements with all speed from Lahore. 

Lord Elgin died in November, 1863. Sir William Deni- 
son, Governor of Madras, came up to Calcutta to act as his 
successor until a Viceroy could be appointed by the home 
government; and he at once sanctioned the steps taken by 
Sir Hugh Rose. General Garvock assumed the command 
in the room of General Chamberlain, and found himself at 


the head of nearly nine thousand men all eager for the fray. 
The mountain tribes were soon brought to reason; and a 
brilliant campaign ended in a political triumph. The Bo- 
nairs were so satisfied of the good faith of the British au- 
thorities that they went themselves to Mulka and burned 
down the village; and for a while nothing more was heard 
of the Hindustanis. ' 

The idea of a Muhammadan conspiracy, running along 
a line of one thousand two hundred miles between Patna 
and Sitana, created undue alarm in England. The result 
was that Sir John Lawrence, whose administration of the 
Punjab during the sepoy mutinies had excited general ad- 
miration, was appointed to succeed Lord Elgin as Viceroy 
of India. The appointment was contrary to established 
usage, for it had been ruled in the case of Sir Charles 
Metcalfe that no servant of the Company could fill the 
substantive post of Governor-General. The elevation of 
Sir John Lawrence, however, was regarded with universal 
satisfaction. He arrived at Calcutta in Januarj^ 1864 ; but 
by this time the Sitana campaign had been brought to a 

Shortly after Sir John Lawrence had taken over the gov- 
ernment of India, a mission which had been sent to Bhutan 
by Lord Elgin was brought to an unfortunate close. Before, 
however, describing the progress of events, it will be neces- 
sary to glance at the country and people of Bhutan, and 
review the circumstances which led to the despatch of the 

Bhutan is a mountain region in the Himalayas, having 
Thibet on the north and Bengal and Assam on the south. 
It also lies between Nipal on the west and another portion 
of Thibet on the east.'^ Like Nipal, it forms a fringe of 

' In 1868 an expedition under the command of General Wylde was sent 
apjainst the Afghan tribes on the Black Mountain, immediately to the north of 
the Mahabun. The military operations were successful, and sufficed for the 
suppression of disturbances and restoration of peace. 

^ Bhutan is separated from Nipal by the little principality of Sikliim and the 
hill station of Darjeeling. 


mountain territory to the south of the great Thibetan table- 
land. Originally it belonged to Thibet, but became inde- 
pendent from the inability of the Thibetan government to 
keep the mountaineers in subjection. 

The people of Bhutan are rude, robust, and dirty; with 
flat faces of the Tartar type, and high cheekbones narrow- 
ing down to the chin. They have ruddy brown complex- 
ions; black hair cut close to the head; small black almond- 
shaped eyes ; very thin eyelashes ; and little or no ej^ebrows 
or beards. They are coarse and filthy in their manners, and 
leave all the field work to the women, who are as coarse as 
the men. 

This repulsive barbarism is the outcome of a corrupt form 
of Buddhism. Thousands of Buddhist monks lead lives of 
religion and laziness in their secluded monasteries; leaving 
the laity to grovel away their existence in gross and undis- 
guised debaucheries. 

The government of Bhutan is half clerical and half secu- 
lar; including a pontiff as well as a prince. The pontiff is 
known as the Dharma Raja; he is supposed to be an incar- 
nation, not of deity, but of that exalted virtue and goodness 
which are summed up by Buddhists in the single term — 
Dharma;' and the Bhutanese believe that the Dharma Raja 
has the power of raising evil spirits, or demons, for the de- 
struction of their enemies. The temporal prince is known 
as the Deb or Deva Raja, and is subordinate to the Dharma 
Raja. He represents the hero Rajas — the Devas or Devatas 
of Hindu traditions — who figured as heroes and were wor- 
shipped as gods until the old mythology was submerged in 
the metaphysical atheism of Buddhism. '^ 

Bhutan is separated into three provinces, each of which 
is in charge of a governor known as a Penlow. The gov- 
ernor of western Bhutan is called the Paro Penlow ; that of 

' Dharma was the religion of the edicts of Asoka. See ante, p. 70. 

^ In the ancient Sanskrit religion, Indra was the hero of the Aryan race and 
the Vaidik god of the firmament ; as such he was worshipped as the king of the 
Devas or Devatas. See ante, p. 81. 


central Bhutan is the Daka Penlow; and that of eastern 
Bhutan is the Tongso Penlow. Subordinate to the three 
Penlows are the commandants of fortresses, known as Jung- 
pens. Below these is an inferior class of officials, who serve 
as messengers, and are known as Zingaffs. 

There is, however, a constitutional element in the Bhutan 
government. The Dharma and Deva Rajas are assisted by a 
council composed of the chief secretary to the Dharma Raja, 
the prime minister, the chief justice, the three Penlows when 
present at the capital, and three of the principal Jungpens. 

The disputes between the British government and the 
tribes and states beyond the border are of the same mixed 
character along the whole line of frontier from Afghanistan 
to Arakan. Sometimes British villages are harried by moun- 
tain tribes ; sometimes they have been silently and systemat- 
ically annexed, as in the case of Nipal. Bhutan was guilty 
of both offences. Abortive attempts were made by the Brit- 
ish government to keep the peace by paying yearly rent for 
disputed tracts ; but nothing would stop the raids and kid- 
napping; and at last Lord Elgin sanctioned a proposition 
of the Bengal government to send an English mission to 
Punakha, the capital of Bhutan, to lay the complaints of 
the British authorities before the Bhutanese government. 

The story of the mission to Bhutan is only historical so 
far as it brings out the national characteristics of the Bhuta- 
nese. In the first instance a native messenger was sent to 
the Deva Raja to announce the coming of the mission. The 
Deva Raja replied that the complaints were too trivial to be 
referred to the Dharma Raja, and that the British govern- 
ment ought not to have listened to them; but he promised 
to send some of the lowest officials, known as Zingaffs, to 
settle all disputes. The Zingaffs never came, and at last 
the English mission left Darjeeling for Punakha. 

At this very moment there was a revolution in Bhutan. 
The Deva Raja lost his throne and retired to a monastery; 
but civil war was still at work in western Bhutan, the very 
country through which the mission was about to pass on 


its way to Pimakha. The Paro Penlow was stanch to the 
ex-Deva Raja; but his subordinate, the Jungpen of the 
frontier fortress of Dhalimkote, had joined the revolution- 
ary party. The troops of the Paro Penlow were besieging 
the fortress of Dhalimkote, but retired on the approach of 
the English mission. 

Under such circumstances the Jungpen of Dhalimkote 
welcomed the approach of the English mission with warm 
professions of attachment to the Bntish government. But 
the selfish craft of the Bhutanese barbarian was soon mani- 
fest. He sent musicians and ponies to conduct the Envoy 
to Dhalimkote; but he charged exorbitant prices for every 
article he supplied; and paid long complimentary visits to 
the different members of the mission, during which he drank 
spirits until he was permitted to retire, or, properly speaking, 
was turned out. Meanwhile the Envoy received a letter 
from the new Deva Raja, telling him to acquaint the Jung- 
pen with the object of his mission. The Envoy replied that 
he could only negotiate with the head of the Bhutanese gov- 
ernment. Accordingly, after many delays, he at last set out 
for Punakha. 

It was obviously unwise to send a mission into a barbar- 
ous country like Bhutan without some knowledge of the 
state of parties. It was still more unwise for the British 
government to appear to side with either party. Yet Sir 
William Denison, the provisional Governor-General from 
Madras, ordered the mission to proceed on the ground that 
as the revolutionary party had got the uppermost, it would 
be politic to secure the help of the Jungpen who had es- 
poused its cause. Thus a mission was sent to a new ruler, 
whose predecessor had only just been ousted from the throne, 
not with a formal recognition of his usurpation, but to com- 
plain of cattle lifting and kidnapping, and to settle all dis- 
putes respecting the border territory. 

In reality the Bhutanese authorities did not want to re- 
ceive a mission at all; or to conclude a treaty which would 
only tie their hands. Accordingly they threw every obsta- 


cle in the way of the Envoy, and exhausted every possible 
means of inducing him to return short of main force. Of 
course it would have been more dignified to retire ; but the 
Envoy was naturally anxious to carry out the instructions 
of his own government, and to lose no opportunity which 
would enable him to realize the object of his mission ; and 
he would probably have been open to as much blame for a 
premature return to British territory as for a rash advance 
to the capital of Bhutan. 

After leaving Dhalimkote, an incident occurred which 
brings out the peculiar temper of the Bhutanese. Some 
messengers appeared carrying two letters to the Jungpen 
of Dhalimkote. The}' took upon themselves to tell the En- 
voy that the letters contained the orders of the new Deva 
Raja for the return of the mission; and then, as the Envoy 
was the party concerned, they made over to him the letters 
which were intended for the Jungpen. Accordingly the 
letters were opened and read. In one the new Deva Raja 
expressed a warm attachment to the British government, 
and directed the Jungpen to satisfy the Envoy on every 
point, and to settle every dispute. The other letter ought 
certainly to have been marked "private." It threatened 
the Jungpen with death for having permitted the mission 
to cross the frontier, and ordered him to make every effort 
to induce the Envoy to go back. Should, however, the 
Envoy still persist in going to Punakha, he was to be sent 
by another road, and to be furnished with all necessary 

Such were the unpromising circumstances under which 
the Envoy pushed on to the capital. At Punakha the bar- 
barian government gave vent to its coarseness. The Envoy 
was treated with rudeness and insult, and forced to sign a 
treaty "under compulsion," engaging to restore the territory 
in dispute to Bhutan. ' No redress was offered for the out- 

' The real oifender on this occasion was the Tongso Penlow, the governor 
of eastern Bhutan, and prime head of the revolutionary party, who was trying 


rages committed on British subjects, and none of the kid- 
napped persons were surrendered. On the contrary, the 
Bhutanese authorities set the British government at defiance ; 
and the great Dharma Raja, the living incarnation of good- 
ness, threatened to raise a score of demons of enormous 
magnitude for the destruction of the British empire, unless 
the territories signed away by the Envoy were promptly 
made over. 

Under these circumstances the treaty was nullified by a 
declaration of war. A campaign was begun in a difficult 
country of passes and precipices, reeking with a deadly ma- 
laria, and defended by a contemptible enemy, armed with 
matchlocks and poisoned arrows. It is needless to dwell 
upon militar}^ operations which reflect no glory on British 
arms or diplomacy. In the end the Bhutanese were brought 
to their senses, and compelled to restore the British subjects 
that had been carried away into slavery, and to make other 
restitutions which were necessary to satisfy the insulted 
honor of the British government. Arrangements were sub- 
sequently concluded as regards the disputed territory, and 
the payment of a yearly rent, which have proved satisfac- 
tory. Since then the Bhutanese authorities have profited 
by the lessons of 1864-65, and have proved better neighbors 
than at any previous period. 

Meanwhile the progress of events in Central Asia was 
forced upon the attention of the British government. Rus- 
sia had reached the Jaxartes, and was supposed to be threat- 
ening the Usbeg states between the Jaxartes and the Oxus. 
Great Britain still maintained the Sulaiman range as her 
frontier against Afghanistan ; but could not shut her eyes to 
the approaches of Russia toward the Oxus. At this crisis 
Dost Muhammad Khan was gathered to his fathers, and Af- 
ghanistan was distracted by a war between his sons for the 
succession to the throne. Dost Muhammad Khan died in 

to usurp the government. The Deva Raja, and other members of the council, 
attempted to apologize for the rudeness of the Tongso Penlow, by pretending 
that it was all done in the way of friendly Jocularity. 


June, 1863. Ever since the treaties of 1855 and 1857 he had 
proved stanch to the EngHsh alliance. His anxiety to recover 
Peshawar was as strong as in the days of Runjeet Singh ; but 
he held out against the temptations offered by the sepoy mu- 
tinies of 1857-58, and continued to respect the British fron- 
tier. Meanwhile, however, he established his suzerainty 
over Afghan-Turkistan,* as well as over Kabul and Kan- 
dahar; and shortly before his death he wrested Herat from 
the government of a disaffected son-in-law, and thus became 
the undisputed sovereign of a united Afghan empire. 

Dost Muhammad Khan had fallen into the patriarchal 
error of nominating Sher Ali Khan, a younger son by a 
favorite wife, to be his successor to the throne, to the exclu- 
sion of Muhammad Afzal Khan, his eldest son by a more 
elderly partner. Accordingly a fratricidal war seemed in- 
evitable. Afzal Khan was governor of Af ghan-Turkistan ; 
a post which he had held for many years during the lifetime 
of his father ; and he began to prepare for a deadly struggle 
with his younger brother. Under such circumstances Sher 
Ali Khan was anxious for the recognition of the British 
government to his succession to the throne; and after some 
delay this was formally granted in December, 1863, by Sir 
William Denison, the provisional Viceroy. 

The bare recognition of Sher Ali Khan by the British 
government could not avert the fratricidal war. In June, 
1864, there was an indecisive battle between Sher Ali Khan 
and his elder brother, which was followed by a sham recon- 
ciliation. Each in turn swore on the Koran to abandon all 
designs against the other; and then, with the customary 
faithlessness of an Afghan, Sher Ali Khan suddenly ordered 
the arrest of Muhammad Afzal Khan, bound him with 
chains, and kept him in close confinement until the iron 
entered his soul. 

This act of treachery was followed by a fearful retribu- 

' Afghan-Turkistan is the geograpliical term for the region northward of 
Kabul, lying between the Hindn Kush and the river Oxus. It comprises the 
districts of Maemana, Andkui^ Saripul, Shibrghan, Balkh, Khnlm, Kunduz and 


tion in the Amir's own family. Sher Ali Khan was warmly 
attached to his eldest son, and had appointed him heir-ap- 
parent. The son was killed by an uncle in a fit of jealousy; 
and the uncle was in his turn cut to pieces by the soldiery. 
The murder of his eldest son drove Sher Ali Khan into a 
state of temporary insanity ; and to the end of his days he 
was often morose, melancholy and mad, like another Saul. 

All this while Afzal Khan was in prison at Kabul; but 
his brother, Azim Khan, and his son, Abdul Rahman Khan, 
remained in possession of Afghan-Turkistan, and prepared 
for a renewal of the war. In May, 1866, the uncle and 
nephew marched an army toward Kabul. A battle was 
fought in Afghan fashion. There was a brisk cannonade 
which did no execution, and then the bulk of Sher Ali 
Khan's troops suddenly deserted him and went over to the 
rebel army. The result was that Sher Ali Khan fled with a 
few horsemen to Kandahar, while Muhammad Afzal Khan 
was released from prison and proclaimed Amir amid gen- 
eral illuminations and a salute of a hundred guns. 

In June, 1866, Afghanistan was distributed as follows: 
Kabul and Afghan-Turkistan were in the possession of Mu- 
hammad Afzal Khan. Kandahar remained in the hands of 
Sher Ali Khan ; while his son Yakub Khan held the govern- 
ment of Herat, and retained it throughout the war. 

The British government was in a dilemma. It had recog- 
nized Sher Ali as Amir of Afghanistan, on the plea that he 
was de facto Amir; but it was not prepared to give the 
Amir material help in the contest with his eldest brother. 
The fortunes of war, however, had placed Muhammad Afzal 
Khan in the position of de facto Amir. Sir John Lawrence 
tried to solve the problem by recognizing Afzal Khan as 
ruler of Kabul and Afghan-Turkistan, and Sher Ali Khan 
as ruler of Kandahar. 

Imprisonment, however, had exercised an evil influence 
on Afzal Khan, and he was no longer fitted to rule. He 
left the administration of affairs in the hands of his brother 
Azim Khan, and took to hard drinking. The government 


of Azim Khan was fearfully oppressive, owing to the press- 
ing want of money. Caravans were stopped and plundered 
until all trade was at a standstill. Loans and contributions 
were mercilessly exacted from the people. Every sign of 
disaffection was stamped out by murder and confiscation; 
while the women and children of the offenders were con- 
demned to beggary or starvation. 

In January, 1867, Sher Ali Khan made an effort for the 
recovery of his throne. He raised an army at Kandahar 
and then marched toward Kabul. Azim Khan tempted him 
to a premature advance by feigning to retreat; and then 
suddenly opened a fire from his guns, which cut up the army 
from Kandahar. Sher Ali Khan managed to escape with a 
small body of horsemen to his son, Yakub Khan, at Herat; 
but by so doing he left Kandahar in the hands of his brothers. 
To all appearance he had been deprived of his kingdom for- 
ever, and was condemned to pass the remainder of his days 
in exile. 

In October, 1867, Muhammad Afzal Khan perished of 
intemperance and disease. His death was followed by a 
fierce contest between his brother Azim Khan and his son, 
Abdul Rahman Khan. But the widow of Afzal Khan 
forced Abdul Rahman Khan to submit to his uncle, by 
pointing out that any rivalry between them would only 
serve to strengthen the hands of Sher Ali Khan. 

Azim Khan reigned as Amir of Afghanistan from Octo- 
ber, 1867, until August, 1868, when another revolution drove 
him from the throne. Yakub Khan marched an army from 
Herat to Kandahar, and began an unexpected career of vic- 
tory which ended in the restoration of his father, Sher Ali 
Khan, to the throne of Afghanistan. Azim Khan and his 
nephew, Abdul Rahman Khan, flew away to the northward, 
into Afghan-Turkistan; but were driven out the following 
year, and compelled to seek a refuge in Persian territory.' 

During the fratricidal war in Afghanistan, the advances 

1 The writer was of opinion at the time, and freely ventilated it in an Indian 
journal, thai the progress of the fratricidal war ought to have beeu stopped by 


of Russia toward the Usbeg states of Khokand and Bokhara 
continued to excite attention. Sir John Lawrence, however, 
was of opinion that all difficulties might be removed by a 
friendly understanding with Russia. He was averse to any 
change of frontier, or to any interference whatever in the 
affairs of Afghanistan. But Sher Ali Khan was complain- 
ing, and with some show of reason, that while he had shown 
his attachment to the British government in a variety of 
ways, he had received but few tokens of friendship or kind- 
ness in return. Accordingly it was proposed to strengthen 
the friendship between Great Britain and Afghanistan by a 
free gift of money and arms to the restored Amir,' 

Early in 1869 Sir John Lawrence was succeeded by Lord 
Mayo as Viceroy of India. He returned to England, and 
was raised to the peerage; and lived ten years longer, doing 
all the good work that fell in his way. He died in 1879 and 
was buried in Westminster Abbey. Few men of modern 
times have approached him in energy and capacity, and none 
has rendered greater services to the empire of British India. 

Lord Mayo was a Viceroy of a different stamp from the 
famous Indian civilian. He was naturally wanting in a 
thorough familiarity with the details of Indian administra- 
tion, but he had a wider knowledge of humanity, and a 
larger experience in European statesmanship. Courtly as 
well as dignified and imposing, there was a charm in his 
manner which insured him a larger share of personal pop- 

the partition of Afghanistan between two or more chiefs ; while the British gov- 
ernment assumed the paramount power, and threatened to interfere unless the 
rival parties kept the peace. Later events have not induced him to change that 

' The policy of recognizing a de facto ruler, and refusing to help him in times 
of difficulty and danger, may appear to be wise and prudent from an English 
point of view, but must seem cold and selfish to Oriental ej-es. "When Sher Ali 
Khan was in danger of his throne and life, the English not only refused to help 
him, but recognized Muhammad Afzal Klian as Amir of Kabul and Afghau- 
Turkistan. When, however, Sher Ali Klian recovered his territory and throne, 
the British government whs willing to help him with money and arms. Such 
friendship, so easily transferred from one prince to another (with perhaps for 
decency's sake an expression of pity for the prince who has been worsted), may 
be the outcome of masterly inactivity, but it has the disadvantage of appearing 
hollow and insincere. 


ularity than often falls to the lot of a Governor-General of 

Shortly after the arrival of Lord Mayo at Calcutta, prep- 
arations were made for a meeting between the new Viceroy 
and Sher Ali Khan. In March, 1869, the conference took 
place at Umballa, about a hundred and twenty miles to the 
northwest of Delhi. It was attended with the best possible 
results. Sher Ali Khan had been chilled by the icy friend- 
ship of Sir John Lawrence, but he threw off all reserve and 
suspicion in the presence of Lord Mayo. The English noble- 
man won the heart of the Afghan, and established a personal 
influence which brightened for a while the political relations 
between the British government and the Amir. 

But difficulties always crop up between a civilized power 
like Great Britain and a semi-barbarous government like 
that of Afghanistan, whenever attempts are made on either 
side to place poUtical relations on a footing of equality. Sher 
Ali Khan naturally scrutinized the existing treaty with a 
jealous and jaundiced eye. It had been negotiated in 1855 
by Sir John Lawrence with Dost Muhammad Khan.' It 
bound the Amir to consider the friends and enemies of the 
British government as his friends and enemies; but it did 
not bind the British government to like conditions as regards 
the friends and enemies of the Amir. Sher Ali Khan de- 
clared that this was a one-sided arrangement, and so in 
truth it was ; but the British government was the protecting 
power, and had the right to insist on its conditions; and this 
was still more emphatically the case when it appeared as the 
giver of arms and money. Moreover, if the British govern- 
ment committed itself to the obligations proposed, it might 
have found itself compelled to interfere in civil broils, or take 
a part in foreign wars, in which it had no concern, and in which 
Sher Ali Khan might have been obviously in the wrong. 

Accordingly Lord Mayo tried to reassure the Amir by 

' The subsequent treaty of 1857 was also concluded by Sir John Lawrence, 
but was confined to arrangements consequent on the war which had broken out 
between Great Britain and Persia, and iu uo way superseded the treaty of 1855. 


telling him that the British government regarded him as the 
rightful as well as the de facto ruler of Afghanistan; and 
would view with severe displeasure any attempt on the part 
of his rivals to oust him from his throne. He added that 
the British government would not interfere with the internal 
affairs of Afghanistan, and would not, under any circum- 
stances, employ its troops beyond the frontier to quell civil 
dissensions or family broils. The home government sub- 
sequently directed that Sher Ali Khan should be further 
informed that the British government would still be free to 
withhold the promised help should his government become 
notoriously cruel and oppressive. This, however, never 
seems to have been done.' 

Lord Mayo was the first Indian Viceroy since Lord Dal- 
housie who took a special interest in the affairs of British 
Burma. In 1862 Sir Arthur Phayre had been appointed 
Chief Commissioner of the united provinces of Arakan, Pegu 
and Tenasserim ; and had proceeded to Mandalay the same 
year, and concluded a friendly treaty with the king of 
Burma. In 1867 his successor, General Fytche, proceeded 
in like manner to Mandalay, and concluded a second treaty, 
which led to a large extension of trade with Upper Burma, 
and the establishment of a Hne of steamers to Mandalay and 
Bhamo. No Viceroy, however, had landed at Burma since 
the visit of Lord Dalhousie in 1852. Accordingly, when it 
was known in 1871 that Lord Mayo proposed making a trip 
to the province, the susceptible Burmese population were 
thrown into excitement by his expected arrival. 

The career of Lord Mayo was, however, destined to end 
in a tragedy. He landed at Rangoon in February, 1872, 
with his personal staff and a brilliant party of guests, and 

' All conditions as regards cruelty and oppression should be understood rather 
than expressed in dealing with foreign states. No diplomatic language can pre- 
vent its being regarded as a direct insult by any ruler, European or Asiatic. 
Moreover, it is wholly unnecessary. It is always competent for a state to 
threaten to break ofE all political relations iu the case of notorious cruelty and 
oppression, or to carry its threats into execution iu the event of a persistence in 
such a line of conducr. Similar conditions are understood in all societies, when- 
ever a gross outrage is committed by any one of its members. 
India. Vol. II. X— 15 


was welcomed witli the acclamations of thousands. Crowds 
of native ladies, a sight unknown in India, were present at 
the wharf to welcome Lord and Lady Mayo with offerings 
of flowers. Nearly an entire week was spent by Lord Mayo 
in receiving deputations from all classes of the community, 
and in surveying the vast strides which western civilization 
had made in that remote territory during the brief period 
of twenty years. From Rangoon he paid a flying visit to 
Maulmain, and then steamed to the Andaman Islands to in- 
spect the penal settlement at Port Blair. There in the dusk 
of the evening he was suddenly stabbed to death by an 
Afghan, who had been condemned to penal servitude for 
life on account of a murder he had committed on the British 
side of the northwest frontier, and who had taken the oppor- 
tunity of wreaking his blind vengeance on the most popular 
of modern Viceroys. 

With the death of Lord Mayo in 1872 the modern history 
of India is brought to a natural close. Lord Northbrook 
succeeded Lord Mayo as Viceroy, but resigned the post in 
1876, and was succeeded in his turn by Lord Lytton. The 
details of their respective administrations are as yet too 
recent to be brought under review as matters of history. 
Two events, however, have occurred since 1872 which may 
be mentioned in the present place as Hkely to become land- 
marks in Indian annals. 

On the 1st of January, 1877, her Majesty Queen Victoria 
was proclaimed Empress of India in the old imperial capital 
at Delhi. The visit of His Royal Highness the Duke of 
Edinburgh to India in 1869, and the subsequent visit of His 
Royal Highness the Prince of Wales in 1875-76, had pre- 
pared the way for a closer association of the princes and 
people of India with the British Crown ; and the celebration 
of an Imperial Assemblage at Delhi for the proclamation of 
the Empress will prove to all future ages an epoch in the 
annals of British India. It swept away the memory of the 
sepoy revolt of 1857, and associated Delhi with the might 
and majesty of the sovereign of the British empire. At the 


game time it brought all the princes and chiefs of India into 
personal intercourse in the same camp under the shadow of 
the British sovereignty. Old feuds were forgotten; new 
friendships were formed; and for the first time in history 
the Queen of the British Isles was publicly and formally 
installed in the presence of the princes and people as the 
Empress of India. 

Meanwhile, at the very moment that Delhi was the scene 
of festivity and rejoicing, black clouds were gathering beyond 
the northwestern frontier. Sher All Khan had become 
estranged from the British government. He had placed 
his eldest son, Yakub Khan, in close confinement on charges 
of disloyalty and rebellion; and he resented an attempt 
made by the British government to bring about a reconcilia- 
tion. He considered himself ill-used in the settlement of his 
frontier on the side of Seistan with the Persian government. 
He was also mortified at the refusal of the British govern- 
ment to conclude a defensive alliance on equal terms, which 
had proved so disastrous in our dealings with Hyder Ali a 
century before.' In an evil hour he refused to receive 
a British mission at Kabul; while he made overtures to 
Russia, and received a Russian mission at his capital, at a 
time when British relations with Russia were known to be 

Under such circumstances Sher Ali Khan was doomed 
to share the fate which befell his father. Dost Muhammad 
Khan, in 1839-40. In 1878 the British government made 
a final effort to save him by sending a mission to his court; 
but it was driven back with threats and contumely. Ac- 
cordingly the British government declared war, and a Brit- 
ish force entered Afghanistan. Sher Ali Khan made a futile 
attempt at resistance, and then fled northward into Russian 
territory, where he died shortly afterward. 

Yakub Khan came to terms with the British government. 
He was accepted as successor to his deceased father on the 
throne of Afghanistan ; and he agreed to receive a British 
> See ante, p. 399. 


Resident, who should permanently remain at his capital. 
The treacherous attack on the Residency in September, 1879, 
and massacre of Sir Louis Cavagnari and other ofl&cers, has 
led to the abdication of Yakub Khan and British occupation 
of Afghanistan. What the result will be is one of the po- 
litical problems of the day.* 

1 The probable destiny of the Afghan people may possibly be gathered from 
a historical parahel in Jewish history, which the controverted question of Afghan 
ethnology renders none the less striking. The parallel is helped out by the fact 
which is beyond controversy ; namely, that in physical characteristics and na- 
tional instincts the Afghans closely resemble, if they are not akin to, the Jews 
(see ante, p. 149). The old Assyrian kings tried hard to maintain Palestine as 
a buffer against Egypt ; but they were ultimately compelled to transi^lant the 
Ten Tribes of Israel to the cities of the Medes ; while the only king of Judah 
who was actively loyal to the Crown of Assyria was the unfortunate Josiah, who 
was slain by Pharaoh Necho in the battle of Megiddo. Four centuries later the 
Greek kings of Syria endeavored to convert Palestine into a similar buffer; but 
after trying in vain to crush out the spirit of the nation by military despotism 
and massacre, they were compelled to succumb to the revolt of the Maccabees. 
Two centuries later the Romans made every effort to maintain order and law 
among the turbulent populations of Palestine; but after the death of Herod the 
Great — a Dost Muhammad in his way — the princes of his family dared not gov- 
ern mildly lest their subjects should rebel, nor severely lest they should be de- 
posed by Caesar. Their regime proved a failure. No rulers, except Roman pro- 
curators of the stamp of Pilate and Festus, could succeed in keeping the peace. 
In the end, the grinding tyranny and rapacity of procurators of the stamp of 
Floras drove the nation frantic; and the struggle ended in the destruction of 
Jerusalem by Titus and final scattering of the Jewish nation. 

From the sixteenth century to the nineteenth the political situation of Af- 
ghanistan has tallied with that of Palestine. The Moghuls tried to make Kabul 
a buffer against Persia, and Persia tried to make Kandahar a buffer against the 
Moghul. In the eighteenth century the Afghans rose against their conquerors ; 
those of Kandahar overran Persia, and those of Kabul and Kandahar overran 
Hindustan. A new Afghan empire was subsequently founded by Ahmad Shah 
Durani, who bears a strange resemblance to King David; for in spite of his 
predator}^ wars and conquests, he gave utterance to strains of psalmody of which 
the following lines are a specimen : 

"I cry unto thee, God! for I am of my sins and wickedness ashamed; 

But hopeless of thy mercy, no one hath ever from thy threshold departed. 

Thy goodness and mercy are boundless, and I am of my evil acts ashamed; 

'Tis hopeless that any good deeds of mine will avail, but thy name I'll every 
refuge make. 

Ahmad ! seek thou help from the Almighty, but not from pomp and grand- 
eur's aid." 

It will also be seen that the reign of his grandson Zeman Shah bears some 
resemblances to that of Rehoboam; while the revolt of the Barukzais, the viziers 
of the Duranis, is not unlike the revolt of Jeroboam, the minister of Solomon. 
How far Afghanistan is likely to prove a buffer between British India and Russia, 
with or without British procurators, remains to be seen. 



AD 1879 TO 1899 

11!^ 1880 Lord Lytton retired from India and Lord Ripon 
was appointed Vicero}". Meanwhile Lord Beaconsfield 
had resigned office and Gladstone had returned to 
power. This was the first time in history that a change 
of Ministers in England was followed in India by a 
change of Viceroys and a change of policy. Lord Ripon 
was bent on peace. But Roberts had yet to march from 
Kabul to Kandahar. The Afghan war had not been fought. 

Afghanistan is India's natural barrier, consisting mainly 
of bleak and rugged tablelands that are girdled by stupen- 
dous mountain ranges and intersected by precipitous ravines, 
it is the only road by which an invading army can reach the 
banks of the Indus. The people, fanatical Muhammadans, 
are as turbulent as the country, and so averse to any kind 
of control that a chief once cried to a traveller : ' ' We are 
content with discord, we are content with blood, but we 
will never be content with a master." 

With reference to their fighting qualities an able officer 
wrote: "An Afghan never thinks of asking quarter, but 
fights with the ferocity of a tiger, and clings to life till his 
eyes glaze and his hands refuse to pull a pistol trigger, or 
use a knife in a dying effort to kill or maim his enemy. 
The stern realities of war were more pronounced on the 
battlefields of Afghanistan than perhaps they have ever 
been in India, if we except the retribution days of the Mu- 
tiny. To spare a wounded man for a minute was proba- 



bly to cause the death of the next soldier who unsuspectingly 
walked past him. . . . One thing our men certainly learned 
in Afghanistan, and that was to keep their wits about them 
when pursuing an enemy or passing over a hard-won field. 
There might be danger lurking in each seemingly inanimate 
form studding the ground, and unless care and caution were 
exercised, the wounded Afghan would, steep his soul in bliss 
by killing a Kafir just when life was at its last ebb. This 
stubborn love of fighting i^i extremis is promoted, doubtless, 
by fanaticism, and we saw so much of it that our men at 
close quarters always drove their bayonets well home, so 
that there should be no mistake as to the deadliness of the 
wound. The physical courage which distinguished the un- 
trained mobs who fought so resolutely against us was wor- 
thy of all admiration ; the temerity with which men, badly 
armed, and lacking skilled leaders, clung to their positions, 
was remarkable, to say nothing of the sullen doggedness 
they so often showed when retiring. But when the tide of 
the fight set in fully against them, and they saw that further 
resistance would involve them more deeply, there was so 
sudden a change always apparent that one could scarcely 
believe that the fugitives hurrying over the hills were the 
same men who had resisted so desperately but a few min- 
utes before. They acted wisely; they knew their powers in 
scaling steep hills, or making their escape by fleetness of 
foot; and the host generally dissolved with a rapidity which 
no one but an eye-witness can appreciate. If cavalry over- 
took them, they turned like wolves, and fought with des- 
peration, selling their lives as dearly as ever men sold them ; 
but there was no rally in the true sense of the word, and but 
faint attempts at aiding each other. Their regular troops 
were but little amenable to discipline, by reason of deficient 
training, and they resorted to the tactics they had pursued 
as tribesmen when once they were forced to retire. ' ' 

In 1877 the Amir, Sher Ali, refused to receive a British 
Resident at his court. His reasons were threefold: First, 
the persons of British subjects would not be safe — as the 


event proved; secondly, they might make demands that 
would occasion quarrels; thirdly, if British agents were 
admitted, Russia would demand the same privilege. 

Prior to all this, in 1872, an arrangement had been en- 
tered into between Lord Granville and Prince Gortschakoff, 
by which Afghanistan was declared to be "outside the sphere 
within which Russia should be called upon to exercise her 
influence." The Oxus was laid down as the boundary of 
the territories of the Amirs of Bokhara and Afghanistan, 
and of the legitimate influence of Russia and Great Britain. 
But this did not prevent Russia in 1878 — the period when 
the two empires were "diplomatically at war" — from send- 
ing the fatal Stoletoff Mission to Kabul. "We have thus," 
says Geddie, "to thank Russia for the cost and trouble of 
the Afghan war; and the unfortunate Sher Ali, who died 
near the Oxus while fleeing for refuge to his faithful 
'friend,' " also owed to her the loss of his kingdom. 

It was in the summer of 1878 that Russia sent an em- 
bassy on a grand scale, accompanied by a military escort, 
from Samarcand, a city of Bokhara which Russia had seized 
about ten years before, and thus thought she had opened the 
avenue that would eventually lead to British India ! 

A little later the Amir instructed the commandant of 
the fort in the Khaiber Pass to refuse permission to the 
British Special Mission to proceed to Kabul. Now, in view 
of the fact already noted that the Amir had received a 
Russian envoy in his capital, and had treated him with 
marked consideration. Lord Lytton, as we saw in the last 
chapter, issued a formal declaration of war and four columns 
were formed for invasion. 

Of these columns one was placed under the command of 
Major-General Frederick Roberts, V. C. — now Lord Roberts 
of Kandahar — another under Sir Samuel Browne, the third 
under Lieutenant-General Donald Stewart, and the fourth, 
known as the Thal-Chotiali Field Force, under Major-Gen- 
eral Sir Michael Biddulph. 

The chief laurels of the Afghan war were, however, car- 


ried off by Roberts, who, little known at its beginning, earned 
a world-wide fame at its end. His first object was to dis- 
lodge the enemy from the strong position which it had as- 
sumed in the Peiwar Kotul, an almost impregnable pass. 
In this he was brilliantly successful, but meanwhile the 
government having decided to defer further advance till 
the spring, and subsequently a treaty having been signed, 
hostilities were apparently terminated. But in the East 
nothing is so certain as the unforeseen. In accordance 
with the terms of the treaty, Yakub Khan, the son and 
successor of Sher Ali — who in the interim had died — agreed 
to receive a British officer as Resident at Kabul. Sir Louis 
Cavagnari was appointed to the post and was welcomed 
there with every appearance of cordiality. Within two 
months the Residency was environed by an army of Af- 
ghans and, as related in the last chapter, Cavagnari and 
his officers were massacred. 

Roberts was at Simla when this occurred. On the mor- 
row, at the head of about six thousand men, he started for 
Ali Kheyl. Pushing on thence to Kabul, he encountered 
the Afghan army, strongly intrenched at Charasia. 

" Their position," as he has described it, "was so strong, 
and could only have been carried with such loss, that I de" 
termined the real attack should be made by an outflanking 
movement upon the right of the enemy, while their left con- 
tinued to be occupied by a feint from our right." Dividing 
his force into two parts, he intrusted to Brigadier- General 
Baker the difficult task of dislodging the enemy from the 
heights above the Chardeh valley, which formed their ex- 
treme right, placing at his disposal a force of about two 
thousand men, while a second column, under Major White, 
of the Ninety-second Highlanders, was directed to proceed 
toward the Sang-i-Nawishta defile, where the enemy had 
concentrated all their guns in the belief that the main Brit- 
ish attack would be on that point. 

According to Mr, C. R. Low," from whose account of the 

' Battles of the British Army. 


expedition the following details are derived, Roberts, owing 
to his numerical weakness, could only retain in camp a small 
force, and as Macpherson's brigade was advancing from the 
rear, he determined to incur the risk of an attack on his 
camp, and left for its defence only seven hundred infantry 
and four hundred and fifty cavalry. 

Having secured his base in the wooded enclosures of 
Charasia, a collection of detached villages, Baker ad- 
vanced over some bare, undulating hills — forming a posi- 
tion easily defensible, and flanked by steep, rocky crags, 
varjnng in height from one thousand to one thousand eight 
hundred feet above the sloping plains which the troops had 
to cross — against the main position of the enemj', about four 
hundred feet higher, which commanded his entire front, and 
was only accessible in a few places. A portion of the Ninety- 
second Highlanders and Fifth Ghorkas advanced to crown 
the heights on the left, while the remainder of these regi- 
ments and two hundred men of the Fifth Punjaubees made 
the direct attack, and, after some spirited fighting, about 
two o'clock the British troops succeeded in seizing the ridge 
on the left of the position, when the general advance was 
sounded. The Afghans retreated to a position about six 
hundred yards in the rear, but from this they were driven 
by the troops advancing in rushes, supported by the fire of 
the mountain guns. By a quarter to four the entire ridge 
was gained, thus exposing the enemy's line of defence to 
being taken in reverse, which caused them to retire precipi- 
tately from their position on the Sang-i-Nawishta, in which 
quarter the operations were conducted by Major White with 
a judgment and skill that fully justified the trust reposed in 
him by Roberts. When the enemy, perceiving that the real 
attack was on the right of their position, weakened their left 
resting on the defile. Major White attacked with spirit, him- 
self leading his men with characteristic gallantry. The Af- 
ghans gave way, leaving some guns in his hands, on which 
he pursued them through the pass and effected a junction 
with General Baker in the rear of the enemy's position. 


The Afghan loss in killed was estimated at upward of 
three hundred, and all their guns, twenty in number, brought 
out from Kabul to assist in defence of the position, were cap- 
tured. Roberts calculated that thirteen regiments of regular 
infantry were opposed to him, and the enemy were aided by 
contingents from the city and neighboring villages, and by 
a large number of tribesmen, chiefly Ghilzais, from the hills 
which lay to the east and west of the camp. Macpherson's 
advance from Zahidabad was opposed, but he easily drove 
off his assailants, and, after his arrival in camp, all anxiety 
on the score of its safety ceased. The British loss in the 
action of Charasia was sixteen killed, and three officers and 
fifty-nine men wounded. 

Roberts marched early on the following morning through 
the Sang-i-Nawishta defile to Beni Hissar, on the Kabul 
road, and on October 8 the great cantonment of Sherpur 
was occupied by the cavalry brigade, under Brigadier- 
General Massy, who captured seventy-three guns. Some 
troops occupied the Bala Hissar, or citadel-palace of Kabul, 
through the streets of which the British army marched, and 
those concerned in the massacre of the mission were brought 
to justice and executed. Meanwhile the Ghilzais and other 
tribes had attacked the troops left at the Shutargardan pass, 
under Colonel Money, but Roberts sent Brigadier-General 
Hugh Gough with a force to his assistance, and the tribes- 
men were defeated with considerable loss. As the winter 
season forbade the pass from being used as a line of com- 
munication with India, which in future would have to be 
carried on by the Khaiber route, General Gough and Colonel 
Money evacuated the Shutargardan and arrived at Sherpur 
on November 4 with their troops. 

On October 16 there were terrific explosions of gunpow- 
der, cartridges, and shells in the Bala Hissar, and Captain 
Shafto, R. A., and some soldiers and many natives were 
killed, and the British troops were all marched into the 
Sherpur cantonments, where was ample barrack accommo- 
dation. The general had learned the wisdom of concen- 


trating his troops by the sad lessons taught by the events 
of the first Afghan war, in which his father, Sir Abraham 
Roberts, had been employed. With a people so fierce and 
independent as the Afghans, nothing was more probable 
than an attempt to repeat the scenes of that terrible winter, 
when the infuriated Kabulees besieged the small British 
army in the cantonment partially situated on the site of 
that occupied thirty-eight years later by another British 
force. But the commander of 1879 was of a different mold 
from General Elphinstone, and the troops also were ani- 
mated by a sense of superiority and not cowed by repeated 
defeats, the result of incapacity and vacillation. The events 
that happened throughout the first Afghan war, including 
the massacre of a British Envoy, and the destruction of a 
British force, were faithfully repeated in 1879, even to the 
investment of the British cantonment; but as the disasters 
of 1842 were wiped out by British triumphs, so the leaguer 
of Sherpur ended, not in disgrace, but in a crushing defeat 
for the besiegers. 

It was in December, some two months after his arrival at 
Kabul, that the people and tribes of this portion of Afghan- 
istan — instigated by an aged fanatic Moollah, Mooskh-i-Alum 
(literally "scent of the world"). Sultan Jan, from the Maidan 
and Ghuznee districts, Meer Butcha, from the mountainous 
Kohistan country to the north of the city, and other rebel 
leaders — rose to the number of about one hundred thousand 
combatants to expel the invaders from the soil of their coun- 
try. Roberts was at first unaware of the strength of the 
coalition, but took immediate steps to disperse the large 
bodies of tribesmen before they could effect a junction, and, 
on December 8, sent Macpherson with a brigade toward the 
west, vid Urghandeh, in order to engage the enemy coming 
from Maidan, and Baker with a column, via Charasia, also 
toward Maidan, with the object of placing himself across 
the line by which the enemy would retire. The troops at 
Sherpur were thus reduced to a point of dangerous weak- 
ness, notwithstanding that they were reinforced by the ar- 


rival of the Guides Corps from Jugdulluck ; and had it not 
been for Roberts' promptitude and military skill, after the 
check received on December 11 by the cavalry, it is certain 
that a great disaster must have ensued. This was the only 
miscalculation Roberts made throughout the war, and we 
know, from the dictum of the great Napoleon, who was 
himself guilty of strategic mistakes, that the greatest gen- 
eral is he who makes the fewest blunders, hence implying 
that the military commander must not be expected to be 
exempt from the failures that await the action of all human 

Acting under orders, Macpherson changed his line of 
advance, and marched to disperse the Kohistanees; and, 
in order to cut the enemy's line of retreat, the cavalry 
and horse artillery, under Brigadier-General Massy, were 
despatched from Sherpur to his assistance. Without wait- 
ing for orders from Macpherson, Massy attacked a force of 
about ten thousand infantry, in a position in which his cav- 
alry could not act with advantage, and the result was that 
he lost two guns, and the cavalry were forced to retreat 
after delivering two charges, in which they lost twenty-seven 
killed, including four officers, and twenty-five wounded, the 
Ninth Lancers being the chief sufferers. Roberts immedi- 
ately proceeded from Sherpur with the Seventy-second High- 
landers to secure the Deh Mazung defile, barring the road to 
the city of Kabul, and was barely in time to prevent its fall- 
ing into the hands of the enemy. Here he was joined by 
Macpherson, and on the following morning recalled Baker's 
brigade, the guns lost having been recovered by Colonel C. 
Macgregor, chief of the staff. On the morning of the 12th, 
Macpherson, advancing from the Bala Hissar and Deh Ma- 
zung, sent Colonel Money with a portion of his force to 
attack the enemy on the crest of the Takt-i-Shah. The 
fighting lasted all day without result, and on the follow- 
ing morning Baker, who had returned to Sherpur, acted 
in concert with Macpherson's brigade, and after some des- 
perate fighting, the Ninety-second and Guides, led by Major 


White, reached the summit, where the Seventy-second, Third 
Sikhs and Fifth Ghorkas, under Major Sym, had arrived a 
few minutes before. Meanwhile large bodies of the enemy, 
issuing from the city, collected on the Siah Sung heights 
and the villages toward Beni Hissar. From the latter they 
were driven out by Baker's brigade, when returning from 
Takt-i-Shah, and the masses collected at Siah Sung were 
dispersed by dashing cavalry charges made by the Guides, 
Fifth Punjab Cavalry and Ninth Lancers, which lost Cap- 
tain Butson and four men killed, and two oflScers and eight 
men wounded. The Afghans, nothing daunted by their re- 
verses, and reinforced by great masses of men, now occupied 
the Asmai heights. Baker was sent to dislodge them from 
this position and cut off their communications with the north. 
Colonel Jenkins, of the Guides, was successful in driving 
them from a conical hill, and the Asmai heights were gained; 
but the enemy were largely reinforced, and after a stubborn 
defence of the conical hill, Jenkins's column was compelled 
to retreat with the loss of two guns. At this time, a dash- 
ing cavalry charge was made by twelve men of the Fifth 
Punjab Cavalry, led by Captain Vousden, who killed five 
Afghans with his own hand, for which he received the V.C. 

As it was evident that the enemy were in overwhelming 
force. General Roberts abandoned the Bala Hissar and Asmai 
heights, which were occupied by the enemy, and by the night 
of December l-i concentrated his troops in Sherpur, where, 
with considerable foresight, he had collected some months' 
stores in preparation for all eventualities. While waiting for 
the reinforcements for which he had applied to the govern- 
ment of India, he employed his troops in strengthening the 
defences of Sherpur, 

The losses during the operations between December 10 
and 14 were eight ofiicers and seventy-five men killed, and 
twelve officei'S and one hundred and eighty-five wounded. 
Two of the officers, Colonel Cleland, Ninth Lancers, and 
Major Cook, Fifth Ghorkas, who had gained the V.C. for 
gallantry at the Peiwar Kotul, died of their wounds. 


There was desultory fighting with the enemy between 
December 14 and 21, and on the 23d, the anniversary of 
the murder of Sir William Macnaghten at this spot in 1841, 
they delivered their long-prepared attack, but were repulsed 
with great slaughter. The fighting lasted between day- 
break and nightfall, and the Afghans brought scaling-lad- 
ders to enter the works ; but they were never able to plant 
them, and so rapidly did they disperse that by night not a 
trace of them could be seen by the cavalry, which sallied 
out in pursuit during a heavy snowstorm. The casualties 
during the investment of Sherpur were two officers and eight 
men killed, and five officers, including Brigadier-General 
Hugh Gough, and forty-one rank and file wounded. On 
the 24th reinforcements arrived, under Colonel Hudson, 
from Lutterbund, and from Gundamuck under Brigadier- 
General Charles Gough, who now occupied the Bala Hissar, 
while a column was despatched, under General Baker, to 
punish the Kohistanees. 

Some months later Roberts sent a force under Major- 
General John Ross to Shekabad, in the neighborhood of 
which they had successful encounters with the enemy on 
April 25, 1880, and two succeeding days. A severe action 
was fought on the 25th, on the old battlefield of Charasia, 
by a small force of eight hundred and eighty-three officers 
and men, under Colonel Jenkins, who was reinforced from 
Sherpur during the action by General Macpherson's brigade. 
The enemy, about four thousand or five thousand strong, 
attacked Jenkins, who remained on the defensive until the 
arrival of Macpherson, when the gallant officers made a 
combined movement in advance, and the enemy were de- 
feated with great loss, after which the whole force returned 
to Sherpur. The loss incurred during the day was four 
killed and thirty-four wounded. 

On May 2, General Donald Stewart arrived from Kanda- 
har with a strong column, including the Fifty-ninth Regi- 
ment and Second Battalion Sixtieth Rifles, with three bat- 
teries of artillery. He left at Kandahar a division of his 


troops, under General Primrose, the object of his march 
being to break up any hostile combination at Ghuznee, and 
open communications with Kabul. As Stewart was senior 
to Roberts, he assumed the chief command. His march was 
remarkable for a severe action fought at Ahmed Khel. The 
route from Kandahar was through a comitry deserted by its 
inhabitants, where supplies were scarce; and though the 
advance was not so striking in its rapidity and results as 
the famous march made a few months later by Roberts, it 
deserves greater commendation than it has received. For 
several days previous to the approach of the troops to 
Ghuznee, a hostile gathering marched about eight miles 
on the right flank, and, on April 19, the enemy were ob- 
served in position at Ahmed Khel, three miles in advance 
of the head of the column, which covered in the order of 
march no less than six miles. When the leading brigades, 
under Generals Palliser and Hughes, were about two thou- 
sand five hundred yards from the enemy's line, the guns 
came into action, but scarcely had they opened fire, and 
before the intended attack of the position was developed, 
the crest of the range occupied by the enemy was observed 
to be swarming with men along a front of nearly two miles, 
a body of horsemen on the right outflanking the left of the 
British line. In an incredibly short space of time, an enor- 
mous mass of men, with standards, formed on the hilltop, a 
considerable number of horsemen riding along the ridge, 
with the intention of sweeping to the rear of the British line 
to attack the baggage. From the central mass out rushed 
successive waves of swordsmen on foot, stretching out right 
and left, and seeming to envelop the position. The horse- 
men turned the British left, forcing back the native cavalry, 
and the right of the line of infantry, then hotly pressed, 
gave way. The onslaught of between three thousand and 
four thousand fanatic swordsmen was at this time so rapid, 
and was pushed with such desperation, that it became nec- 
essary to place every man of the reserve in the firing line. 
The enemy, however, continued to push on, and approached 


within a few yards of the guns, when, the whole of their 
case-shot being expended, both batteries were withdrawn a 
distance of two hundred yards, and the infantry of the right 
also took up a fresh position. But the attack had spent it- 
self, and time being given for the guns to check the forward 
movement of the enemy's horsemen round the left flank, 
General Barter came up with the rearguard and reinforced 
the right centre. The action was over at ten o'clock, within 
one hour of its commencement, and the enemy, who num- 
bered between twelve thousand and fifteen thousand in- 
fantry and one thousand horsemen, broke up and dispersed 
over the country, their loss being estimated at from two 
thousand to three thousand, while that of the victors was 
seventeen killed and one hundred and twenty -four wounded, 
including nine officers. After a halt of two hours, the army 
continued its march, with the baggage in close formation, 
over the enemy's position, completing a distance of seventeen 

On the following day Ghuznee was entered, and as the 
Afghans had taken up a position at some villages about six- 
teen miles from camp, on the 23d General Stewart marched 
to dislodge them, and the enemy were driven off with the 
loss of four hundred men. 

No important military operations were undertaken by the 
large army now assembled at and near Kabul, amounting to 
some eighteen thousand men, under these two distinguished 
Indian generals. On July 1, the cavalry brigade of General 
Hills' division, numbering five hundred and seventy-seven 
sabres, under Brigadier- General Palliser, encountered and 
routed, in the Logar valley, a body of one thousand five 
hundred tribesmen belonging to Zermut, of whom two hun- 
dred were killed during the pursuit, the British loss being 
only three killed and twenty-nine wounded. 

Everything now portended a speedy return of the Expe- 
ditionary force to India. Since March, Roberts and (on his 
arrival at Kabul) Sir Donald Stewart, and Mr. Lepel Griffin, 
the political officer sent from India by the Viceroy, had been 


negotiating with Abdurrahman Khan — son of Afzul Khan, 
elder brother of Sher Ali, and grandson of Dost Muhammad 
Khan, the great Amir of Afghanistan during the former 
war — who, for ten years, had been resident in Russian Tur- 
kestan as a pensioner of the Czar. Incensed at his exclu- 
sion, Ayub Khan, a younger brother of Yakub Khan, now 
a prisoner in India, quitted Herat on June 27, resolved to 
strike a blow for power, and moved upon Kandahar, with 
the intention of seizing the southern capital of Afghanistan. 
At this time an Afghan force was stationed at Giriskh, on 
the Helmund, under the Wali, or governor of Kandahar; 
and to check the advance of Ayub Khan, who was known 
to have left Herat with a force of six thousand men and 
thirty guns, a British brigade left Kandahar, on July 3, 
under Brigadier- General Burrows, and joined the Wali at 

On the 14th the Wall's troops mutinied and deserted 
to Ayub Khan, and as this increased the difficulties of his 
position, and the river Helmund was fordable, Burrows, on 
the following day, marched from Giriskh to Khuski-Nakud. 
The strength of his column was one thousand seven hundred 
and eighty-eight bayonets, including five hundred and six- 
teen of the Sixty-sixth Foot, five hundred and fifty-six sabres 
(Sinde Horse and Bombay Cavalry), a detachment of forty- 
four sappers, and a battery of horse artillery, manned by 
one hundred and forty-six officers and men. In addition, 
there was a battery of six-pounders taken from the muti- 
nous troops and manned by forty-two men of the Sixty-sixth 
Foot. On the 26th, Burrows, who had received imperative 
instructions that Ayub was to be intercepted if he attempted 
to slip past Kandahar toward Ghuznee, learned that two 
thousand of the enemy's cavalry and a large number of 
Ghazis had arrived near Maiwand, and that Ayub was 
about to follow with the main body of his army. 

Accordingly, at half-past six on the morning of July 27, 
Burrows marched with his brigade for Maiwand, twelve 
miles distant, encumbered by an enormous train of stores 


and baggage, which, owing to the hostile state of the coun- 
try, he could not leave behind without weakening his already 
small force. After proceeding about eight miles, large masses 
of the enemy, estimated at twenty-five thousand men, were 
discovered about four miles distant, moving in a diagonal 
direction across his right front. As it was evident that a 
collision with Ayub Khan must take place before he reached 
his destination. Burrows placed his baggage in the village 
under a guard, and on the higher ground beyond deployed 
his infantry into line, with guns in the centre, and the cav- 
alry on the left, covering the movement with two horse 
artillery guns, escorted by a troop of cavalry. 

About noon the engagement commenced by the advanced 
guns coming into action on the left, followed shortly by two 
more guns and the smooth-bore battery in the centre. The 
remaining two nine-pounders were soon after brought up 
from the rearguard. In about half an hour the enemy be- 
gan to reply from their right, gradually extending along 
their front, and concentrating their fire on the British po- 
sition. The infantry were ordered to lie down, and the 
wing of the Thirtieth N. I., which had been in reserve, 
was brought up on the flanks, which were threatened on 
the right by Ghazis and on the left by the enemy's regular 
cavalry. Thus the brigade remained for nearly three hours, 
the artillery making excellent practice, the cavalry holding 
the enemy's cavalry in check, but losing heavily in horses 
under the accurate artillery fire, and the infantry keeping 
up a steady fusillade on the Ghazis on the right. A large 
body of the enemy's regular infantry were on the British 
left front, and about the middle of the day they advanced 
in line, but were checked by well-directed volleys. 

Between two and three o'clock the fire of the enemy's 
guns slackened, and swarms of Ghazis advanced rapidly 
toward the British centre. "Up to this time," says General 
Burrows, "the casualties among the infantry had not been 
heavy, and as the men were firing steadily and the guns 
were sweeping the ground with case-shot, full confidence 


was felt by the little army as to the result." But a rapid 
change came over the scene. The chief lesson inculcated by 
our Indian military histor}^ is that a British force should act 
on the offensive. It has ever been so — at Plassy, Assaye, 
Meanee, and in all the battles where a determined charge, 
even by a handful of British infantr}^ has turned the day. 
Encouraged by their foe remaining on the defensive for so 
many hours — a tacit acknowledgment of weakness — the 
Ghazis, regardless of the British fire, came on in over- 
whelming numbers, and, making good their rush, seized 
the two advanced horse artillery guns. With the excep- 
tion of two companies of the Thirtieth N. I., which had 
displayed unsteadiness early in the day, the conduct of the 
troops had been splendid up to this point; but now, at a 
critical moment, when a firm resistance might have achieved 
a victory, these companies, which had lost their European 
officers, gave way, and soon the remainder of the Native 
Infantry fell back on the Sixty- sixth, which maintained a 
steady front. General Burrows in vain used every effort, 
assisted by his staff, to rally the troops, who, he says, "com- 
mencing from the left, rolled up like a wave to the right." 
As a last resort, he called upon his cavalry to charge across 
the front, and thus give the infantry a chance of re-forming ; 
but the terrible artillery fire to which they had been exposed, 
and from which they had suffered severely, had so demoral- 
ized them that only the officers and a few men responded to 
General Nuttall's order. 

All was now over, and the gallant Sixty-sixth Regi- 
ment, and a portion of the First Bombay N. I., retreating 
across the nullah and the gardens near the village, reached 
a small walled enclosure, where about one hundred and fifty 
men with several officers made a stand and checked the 
enemy for a time. Seeing, however, that they were rapidly 
being outflanked, and that their line of retreat would pres- 
entl}'- be cut off, the general gave the order to retire. A 
scene of disorder ensued, but a remnant of the infantry 
succeeded in joining the guns and cavalry in rear of the 


baggage, which was by this time stretching for miles over 
the country toward Kandahar, over forty miles distant. 
Fortunately, no vigorous pursuit was made by the enemy, 
though after daylight the fugitives were fired on from every 
village they passed, until they met a small force under Brig- 
adier-General Brooke, which cleared the way for them into 
Kandahar. Of the horse artillery and smooth-bore guns 
taken into action, four of the former and one of the latter 
were brought safely into Kandahar, the five other smooth- 
bore guns had, one by one, to be abandoned during the re- 
treat, the horses being unable to bring them on. Nothing 
could exceed the determined valor of the European portion 
of the force, the soldiers of the Sixty-sixth, who died fight- 
ing, like the Twenty-fourth at Isandhlwana, and the gun- 
ners of the artillery. "Exposed," says Burrows, "to a 
heavy fire, the artillerymen served their guns coolly and 
steadily as on parade, and when the guns were rushed, 
they fought the Ghazis with handspikes and sponge-rods. 
There fell at Mai wand twenty-six officers (including Colonel 
Galbraith of the Sixty-sixth, and Major Blackwood, com- 
manding the artillery), two hundred and ninety-seven Euro- 
pean soldiers and seven hundred and one sepoys, and three 
hundred and thirty-one camp followers. Fourteen officers, 
forty-two European and one hundred and thirty-nine native 
soldiers were wounded. As soon as the shattered remnants 
of General Burrows' force arrived at Kandahar, General 
Primrose hastily evacuated the cantonment outside the city, 
and concentrated his force — consisting of two batteries of 
artillery, the Seventh Fusiliers, and two regiments and a 
wing of N. I. — in the citadel, in expectation of an attack by 
Ayub Khan, who, advancing leisurely, took up a position 
for beleaguering the British garrison. General Primrose 
made a sortie, but it was mismanaged, and Brigadier- Gen- 
eral Brooke and a large number of officers and men of the 
Seventh Fusiliers and Native Infantry were killed and 
wounded. After this the garrison remained inactive until 


It was on July 20, as Sir Donald Stewart and Roberts 
were engaged concerting measures for withdrawing the 
army from Kabul to India by way of the Khaiber pass 
and Kurram valley, that the startling news of the disas- 
ter at Maiwand, like "a bolt out of the blue," was received 
at the British headquarters. Roberts immediately offered 
to assume command of a force of ten thousand men to re- 
lieve Kandahar and rehabilitate British honor, and the offer 
was accepted by the Indian government. An arrangement 
having been already concluded with Abdurrahman Khan 
for taking over the government of the country, on August 8 
the troops selected marched out of Sherpur into camp, and 
Roberts issued a characteristic order before commencing one 
of the most famous marches recorded in British history. 

The strength of the Kabul-Kandahar Field Force — which 
included three batteries of artillery, the Ninth Lancers, the 
Seventy-second and Ninety-second Highlanders, and the Sec- 
ond Battalion Sixtieth Rifles — was ten thousand one hundred 
and forty-eight combatants, two hundred and twent3'-three 
medical staff, and eight thousand one hundred and thirty- 
four camp followers. As wheeled artillery was unsuitable 
for the country to be traversed, a battery of seven-pounders 
(jointed guns) was carried on mules. 

The army set out on its adventurous march of nearly 
three hundred miles on August 9. On the loth, Ghuznee, 
ninety-seven and a half miles distant, was reached, and on 
the following day the army passed over the battlefield of 
Ahmed Khel. The strong fort of Khelat-i-Ghilzye, held 
by a small column, under Colonel Tanner, was reached on 
August 23, the distance traversed in eight days being one 
hundred and thirty-six miles, or sixteen and three-quarter 
miles per day. The division halted here on August 24, and 
on the following day, accompanied by the garrison of that 
fortress, continued the march to Kandahar, eighty-eight 
miles distant, by the Turnuk valley route. Communica- 
tion was opened with General Primrose by the cavalry on 
August 27 at Robat, and the Field Force moved to Momuud 


on August 31, and on the following day arrived before 

Though suffering from fever, Roberts quitted his doolie, 
and, mounting his horse, reconnoitred the enemy's position, 
when he determined to turn the Baba TVali pass, where 
they had posted heavy guns, instead of carry it by direct 
assault, which would entail heavy loss. A reconnoissance 
in force was made the same day by the cavalry under Gen- 
eral Hugh Gough, and on the following morning, Septem- 
ber 1, the two brigades of the Kabul Field Force, with the 
Third in reserve, advanced against the enemy's position at 
Gundigan and Pir Paimal, while the cavalry brigade was 
posted so as to cut off the enemy's line of retreat to Giriskh, 
and the Kandahar garrison were directed to hold the city 
and precincts, and make a feint on the Baba "Wali pass. 

The village of Gundi Mulla Sahibdad was stormed by 
the Ninety-second Highlanders and Second Ghorkas, sup- 
ported by the Second Brigade, and it was while engaged 
clearing some enclosures that the gallant Colonel Brown- 
low, commanding the Seventy-second Highlanders, who had 
faced death so often since the capture of the Peiwar Kotul, 
met his end. Sc)on after noon the village of Pir Paimal was 
carried at the point of the bayonet, and, pushing on, the 
First and Second Brigades, at 1 p.m., entered the enemy's 
camp. In this advance, Major "White, of the Ninety-second 
Highlanders, "gallant and ever foremost," as Roberts said 
of him in his despatch, greatly distinguished himself. 

The rout of Ayub Khan was complete, among the tro- 
phies being thirty-two pieces of ordnance, including five in 
position at Baba "Wali Kotul, abandoned by the enemy, and 
the two horse artillery guns captured at Mai wand. Leav- 
ing one thousand dead on the field, he fled toward Herat 
with a handful of infantry and cavalry, the remnants of a 
force of thirteen thoasand men. The British loss was three 
officers and forty men killed, and two hundred and twenty- 
eight wounded, including eleven officers. Not another shot 
was fired during the remainder of the stay of the British 


force at Kandahar, which was evacuated in accordance with 
the promise of the British government and the advice of 
many officers of distinction, including Lord "Wolseley and 
General Gordon, though others equally qualified to give an 
opinion, as Sir Donald Stewart and Roberts, were opposed 
to the measure. As a result of the war, the districts of 
Pishin, Sibi and Thai Chotiali were annexed, and more 
recently the Kakar country and Khetrai valley became 
subject to British administration. But the sacrifice in lives 
and treasure was immeasurably greater than the value of 
the results attained, and for the second time in history 
Afghanistan was a synonym for disaster. The time may 
not be far distant when this difficult country will again be 
the theatre of military operations. When the Russian and 
the English soldier, the Cossack and the Sepoy, are locked 
in deadly struggle on the banks of the Oxus and the Hel- 
mund, let us hope the name of Afghanistan may be an 
augury for victory, and the warlike races within its bor- 
ders, oblivious of the memories of the invasions of 1839 
and 1879, may be rallied under our banners as allies, and 
not assembled under those of our enemies, eager to pay off 
old scores. 

The British army returned from Afghanistan in 1881, 
and thenceforth the administration of Lord Ripon was one 
of peace. During the interval he abolished the import 
duties, especially those on cotton goods, enlarged the prin- 
ciple of local self-government, extended the criminal juris- 
diction of native civil servants, and initiated other domestic 
measures which raised grave questions of policy, and of 
which the value is undetermined still. 

Lord Ripon was in 1884 succeeded by Lord Dufferin, 
under whose Viceroy alty the annexation of Upper Bm'ma 
and the final expansion of British India occurred. 

Burma is situated in the region beyond the mountains 
which form the eastern frontier of Bengal, and until Lord 
Dufferin's administration had been divided into independent 
Burma, of which Mandalay is the capital, and British Burma, 


of which the capital is Rangoon. The latter is on the coast, 
the former in the interior. 

Rangoon has existed as a town for over two thousand 
years, but it was long known only as a stopping place for 
pilgrims on their way to the great Shway Dagohn pagoda, 
which is the Mecca of the Indu-Chinese Buddhists. Later 
it was the residence of the regent of Pegu, as being the 
guard station on the most accessible mouth of the Ira- 
wadi, on which Mandalay is situated. At the beginning 
of the present century the town stretched along the bank 
for about a mile, and did not extend more than five hundred 
yards from the river. The official town was surrounded by 
a log stockade, fortified by an indifferent kind of fosse, 
spanned by a wooden bridge. Swine and dogs roamed at 
will over the town, as they were allowed to do in Mandalay, 
and acted as efficient scavengers. The principal building 
was the custom house, and this was just tottering into 
ruins, and there was a rickety erection known as the 
King's Wharf. Jungle grew close up to the palisading 
on the north, and southward the rice-fields extended from 
the doors of the suburban houses right away to the mouth 
of the river. 

The town came into the hands of the English in 1852. 
The morasses were filled up with earth from the higher 
ground inland, the stockade was pulled down, and at the 
present time it is impossible to realize the old dismal descrip- 
tions of the place. Now there are broad smooth roads, well 
laid out public gardens and parks, abundant street lamps, 
spacious mercantile offices, schools, mills, hospitals, jails, 
law courts, halls, and club-houses. Railways connect it 
with the interior, and large sea-going steamers visit it in 
ever-increasing numbers. The population, from a paltry 
ten thousand, has grown to two hundred thousand, and the 
central town threatens soon to swallow up the neighboring 
villages of Poozoondoung and Kemmendine and Kokhine, 
just as London has engulfed the Highgates and Kensingtons 
and Chelseas of last century. Rangoon claims the title of 


Queen of the East, ami, with the new openings for trade 
offered by the annexation of Upper Burma, there is Uttle 
doubt that she will justify the claim and outstrip Calcutta. 
Hitherto the progress made will compare with the most 
vaunted of American city successes. 

Three hundred miles to the north is Mandalay. Like all 
Indu-Chinese official towns it is divided into two, the walled 
city and the suburbs. The latter extend two miles down to 
the river, and straggle for about the same distance in all 
directions over the level plain. The city proper is a huge 
walled square, each face a mile and an eighth long. The 
mud-mortar built walls are twenty-six feet high, machico- 
lated at the top; they are three feet thick, backed with a 
heavy mass of earth, and along the ramparts are wooden 
lookout towers of an ornate style of architecture suggestive 
of China. There are twelve gates to the city, three on each 
side, but only one bridge over the moat to each three, except 
on the west, where there are two. The moat is about sixty 
feet from the walls, and considerably more than that wide, 
covered in many places with the lotus-plant that the Bud- 
dhist loves. Here and there upon it float royal craft, state 
barges, and despatch-boats, gilt from stem to stern and 
manned by sometimes as many as sixty paddlers. The city 
is well and regularly laid out. From the gates roughly 
macadamized roads a hundred feet wide run parallel to 
the walls. They are lined with young trees (Mandalay only 
exists since 1857), and down the sides of most of them run 
little streams of water. Between these main streets, and 
parallel to them, are others, narrower, but still very orderly. 
There is no attempt at a drainage system, but the town is 
essentially clean and airy, thanks to the unmolested, or, 
rather, cherished pigs and dogs that act as highly efficient 
scavengers, and the constant open spaces insuring venti- 

Forming a species of redoubt in the centre of the city is 
the palace, which has two successive enclosures — the outer, 
a log stockade, with elaborate turreted gateways ; the inner, 
India. Vol. II. X— 16 


a brick wall, with a broad esplanade between the two. In 
the exact centre of the palace and of the city rises the seven- 
roofed spire, emblematic of royalty and religion, which the 
Burmese look upon as the centre of Burma, and, therefore, 
of creation. Apart from the supreme court and hall of 
audience, the royal dwelling consists mainly of a rambling 
succession of gardens, and pleasure or residential houses. 
The higher officials live within the palace stockade, and 
there also are the mint, arsenal, treasury, powder-maga- 
zines, and other public buildings. 

In the walled city live the lower officials and the soldiery, 
and in the suburbs outside the traders and general popula- 
tion. This is estimated all around at something over a hun- 
dred thousand. There was a good deal of wealth in the 
commercial town, but it was in the hands of Chinese and 
Moghuls, with whom the king was afraid to meddle. No 
Burman could get rich with safety. 

Scattered about over the outer town are great numbers 
of pagodas and monasteries and religious buildings. The 
monastic population is especially great. It has been esti- 
mated as high as thirty thousand. Chief among them is 
the royal monastery. This is a mass of gilding from the 
roof to the side-posts, inside and out. The eaves and the top 
of the side walls are covered with the bold open carving in 
which the Burmese show so much artistic skill, and this is 
as richly gilt as everj'thing else. The boxes in which the 
palm-leaf manuscripts are kept are as elaborate in decora- 
tion as the commentaries themselves, and are valuable to 
students of Buddhist literature. Among the pagodas the 
most interesting is the so-called "Incomparable Pagoda." 
Round about the main shrine, which in itself is a marvel 
of decoration, there are many rows of other smaller ones, 
each sheltering a series of marble slabs in shape and appear- 
ance not unlike large gravestones. On these are engraved 
the "Tripitaka" the "Three Baskets of the Law," the Bud- 
dhist scriptures. 

In figure the people are short and thickset, with high 


cheek-bones and slightly projecting jaw, and the flat face 
which is undoubtedly Mongolian. There is but very little 
of the Chinese tilt of the eye. In color they vary from the 
tint of a wax-candle to that of a dead oak-leaf, according 
as they belong to the leisured town-classes or the workers 
in the rice-fields. Both men and women have long black 
hair, not unseldom three or four feet in length, and they 
are very proud of it. The men wear it in a knot on the 
top of the head, encircled by a turban; the women, in a 
chignon at the back. Both sexes are fond of bulking out 
this knot with false tresses. The men tattoo breeches on 
themselves from the waist to below the knee with sessa- 
mum-seed, sool. The figures traced are ogres, tigers, mon- 
keys, spirits; and each is surrounded by a border of mys- 
terious cabalistic letters, while magic squares and lucky 
marks are also commonly introduced. Vermilion figures 
are also tattooed on the chest and arms and back. 

The streets are a curious study. There is an extraordi- 
nary variety of nationalities to be seen constantly in Man- 
dalay. Every here and there one comes across a band of 
Shans; tall, stalwart men, very Chinese in feature, wearing 
usually nothing but baggy blue trousers and tattooed from 
the waist down to the ankles. Occasionally, too, though 
much more rarely of late years, one comes across a Kachyen 
hill-chieftain, with his train of ragged followers, slight, but 
wiry in figure, with aquiline noses, and shifty, fierce eyes, as 
different as possible from the thickset, open-faced Burman. 
Then there are parties of Arakanese, come over the hills to 
worship at the most holy "Arakian Pagoda," with its fa- 
mous brass Gantama, said to have been cast from a model 
of the great Master himself, and to have been inspired with 
life by him for a day in response to ardent prayers. 

Some one with a taste for comparisons has called the 
Burmese "the Irish of the East." In their love of fun and 
rollicking they certainly resemble "the finest peasantry in 
the world," and they are quite as ready to break one an- 
other's heads for the mere joke of the thing; but they are 


much too easy-going to bother themselves with demands 
for home rule, or the organization of land or any other 
leagues. A Burman is always ready to welcome a joke, 
and not unseldom is ready to cap it, while nothing is so 
remarkable about the natives of India as their utter in- 
capacity to recognize wit. 

During Lord Lytton's administration the king of these 
people was a mild and gentle prince. So long as he lived 
there was little or no bloodshed, and peaceful relations be- 
tween the British government and Upper Burma were 
secured by the presence of a Resident at Mandalay. 

Theebaw, his successor, was a monster of cruelty. His 
reign opened with a horrible massacre which included women 
and children, the remains being carried off in cartloads from 
the palace and thrown into the river. There was no one to 
restrain or control, no one with a shadow of power, save 
officials dependent on his will and who trembled for their 
lives. Some fugitives escaped to British territory, and their 
surrender was demanded by Theebaw. The British govern- 
ment refused to give up the refugees to certain death and 
torture, and then he manifested a spite which no considera- 
tion could mitigate. He treated the British Resident with 
such contumely that the latter was obliged to retire to 

Theebaw then sent envoys to France and other Euro- 
pean powers to secure their support. The British govern- 
ment tried to bring him to reason, but without success. He 
proposed to levy an exorbitant tax on all British ships en- 
tering the Upper Irawadi, and he called on the government 
to grant a free passage through its territory to all arms and 
ammunition that he might import from Europe. At last, as 
a State necessity, he was told that for the future he must 
admit a British Resident at Mandalaj^ and be guided by 
his advice in all dealings with foreign powers. By way 
of reply he issued proclamations calling on his subjects to 
prepare for war. The result added to the British dominions 
a country larger than any European state except Russia, 


and made its boundaries conterminous with those of China 
and Siam. 

General Prendergast, V.C, of the Royal (Madras) En- 
gineers, who served with distinction in the mutiny under 
Sir Hugh Rose, and in Abyssinia, under Lord Napier, com- 
manded the expedition, which, in consequence of Theebaw's 
proclamations, then proceeded up the Irawadi, and no oppo- 
sition was experienced until the troops arrived near Pagan. 
It was on November 24, 1885, that, after the Naval Brigade 
had dispersed a body of the enemy, the Second Hampshire 
Regiment (Sixty-seventh Foot) and Madras Sappers were 
landed and scaled the works of Pagan. King Theebaw's 
soldiers fled to the jungle without firing a shot, and on the 
same day the Naval Brigade and flotilla shelled the enemy 
out of their earthworks at the important town of Myingyan. 
Mandalay was occupied on the 28th, and the deposition was 
decreed of the "Golden-footed Monarch, Lord of the Sea and 
Land, ' ' as he arrogantly styled himself, who had treated the 
demands of the British government for justice to its subjects 
with an insolent defiance that could only have been justified 
by his power to brave their resentment. Theebaw quitted 
Mandalay on November 29 for India, and was at first de- 
tained at Arcot, near Madras, the scene of Olive's historic 
defence. Significantly enough, the so-called "White Ele- 
phant" died on the same day the kingdom ceased to exist, 
but whether from poison or natural causes is unknown. 
Like the Emperor Caligula's horse, the royal beast lived in 
great pomp, and ate and drank out of huge silver buckets. 

But no sooner was the conquest of the ancient kingdom 
of Burma achieved, with an ease almost unexampled, than 
the British were compelled to undertake, as in Pegu, in 
1853, the difficult task of pacifying the country and extir- 
pating dacoity. A general disarmament took place, and 
troops were poured into L^pper Burma, until, in November 
of the following year, besides eight thousand military police, 
there were no less than thirty -two thousand soldiers in the 
country — including ten battalions and nine batteries of Eu- 


ropeans — under Roberts, who was engaged in succession to 
Sir Herbert Macpherson, until his departure on the follow- 
ing February 6th, in carrying into execution a plan for 
crushing the dacoits, who were led by Boshway and other 
noted chiefs. An expedition took possession of Bhamo, on 
the extreme northern frontier, bordering on the possessions 
of China, and the district containing the famous ruby mines 
was occupied by a column under General Stewart. The 
Shan country, extending from Bhamo to the southward of 
Mandalay and as far east as the Chinese and Siamese fron- 
tiers, comprising one-third of Theebaw's dominions, was 
reduced to subjection, and the Looshai-Chin Expeditionary 
Force in 1889-90 had an arduous task in traversing the 
intermediate countries, when the eastern column suffered 
heavily from fever. Under General Symons it advanced 
from Burma, and the second, or Looshai column, under 
General Tregear, pushed on from the Chittagong frontier, 
in the west, and joined hands, when the country was paci- 
fied and a route for a trunk road between Upper Burma 
and Lower Bengal was explored. 

In the task of reducing Upper Burma to subjection and 
putting down dacoity, Sir Frederick Roberts was assisted 
by his Afghan associates, Sir George "White and Sir Robert 
Low; and on his return to India, his successors. Generals 
White and Gordon, carried through the task indicated by 
him, though many valuable lives were lost in the effort. 
These able commanders, besides reducing the Shan states 
and the wild Chin tribes inhabiting the Yau country, sub- 
jugated the large district of Chindwin, extending from 
the Irawadi to Munipore, on the frontier of Assam, the 
Sagaing division to the northward, and the Montsobo dis- 
trict (the birthplace of Alompra, founder of the Burmese 
dynasty), further to the north, whence extends to Bhamo 
the Kachyen country. 

Meanwhile Lord Dufferin had in 1888 been succeeded by 
Lord Lansdowne, and a peaceful settlement of misunder- 
standings with Russia in connection with differences occur- 


ring beyond the northwest frontier was attained. At this 
juncture, for the first time in the history of British rule, 
native princes stepped forward with offers of money, of 
jewels even, of transport and men, to repulse what was 
feared might be the prelude to a Cossack invasion. The 
invasion did not occur and the offers were dechned, but it 
was recommended that the character of the forces at the 
disposal of these princes be raised and fitted to combine 
with the British for purposes of national defence. 

The administration of Lord Lansdowne was further 
marked by the annexation of the districts now known as 
British Beluchistan, the occupation in 1800 of the Zhob 
vallej", and the opening up for traffic of the Guinal pass. 

In 1893 Lord Lansdowne was succeeded by Lord Elgin, 
who, this year (1899), was replaced by Lord Curzon. The 
chief events which occurred during Lord Elgin's tenure of 
office were, apart from an appalling famine and plague, 
the international arrangements whereby the northwest and 
southeast frontiers of India have been brought almost in 
touch with the advancing soldiers of Russia and France. 

Thus has the empire been built. The imagination is 
stimulated by the mere contemplation of the extent and 
potentialities of this vast realm which in little more than 
a century has been consolidated by the enterprise and valor 
of the English race. To it nothing in ancient or modern 
history offers a parallel, for the empire of Alexander broke 
to pieces on his death, as did the conquests of Genghis Khan 
and Tamerlane, while ancient Rome, whose dominion ex- 
tended from Hadrian's "Wall to the "pillars of Hercules," 
held sway over semi-civilized or barbarous states, and the 
modern empire of Russia in Asia is composed of countries 
which, though once the seats of opulent dynasties, are now 
poor and backward in civilization. 

Of Lord Curzon's administration it is yet too early to 
speak. But in view of the fact that Lady Curzon (formerly 
Miss Leiter of Chicago) is an American lady, an account of 
the installation may without impropriety be appended. 


There are, an eye-witness of it noted, few spectacles more 
interesting than the reception of a new Viceroy at the mag- 
nificent flight of steps that lead to the palace which the great 
Marquis, who first attempted to carry out the daring policy 
of Hastings, built for the rulers of the realm. He told his 
mercantile masters that India should be governed not from 
a counting house, but from a palace, not with the ideas of a 
shopkeeper, but with those of a prince. 

The palace which resulted cost one hundred and fifty 
thousand pounds, and the furniture fifty thousand pounds. 
The merchants of the East India Company expressed their 
strong disapproval, but it was built. The Hon. Emily Eden, 
who first revealed to an incredulous world that India was 
not hopelessly dull, describes it "as an enormous building 
looking more hke a real palace, a palace in the 'Arabian 
Nights,' than anything I have been able to dream on the 
subject. It is something like I expected, and yet not the 
least, at present as far as externals go ; it seems to me that 
Ave are acting a long opera." The spectacle on January 3, 
1899, might well have been a scene in an opera. At the top 
of the steps stands Lord Elgin, and on it are clustered high 
officials in blue and gold, soldiers in scarlet uniforms, naval 
officers, and native chiefs one blaze of diamonds. Facing 
the steps on the green turf is drawn up a red line of British 
soldiers ; and flitting to and fro in the grounds are turbaned 
attendants in their scarlet dresses. Beyond the girdle of 
palms, plantains, and feathery bamboo that encircles the 
grounds of Government House rises the lofty row of houses 
which the Italian architects built in the days of old. They 
are gay with flags and bunting, and the spacious verandas 
are enlivened by the costumes of the fair dames who have 
come to see the procession. The roofs are a mass of color, 
for they are crowded with natives draped in their clothes of 
dark red, bright orange, and rich green. A boom is heard — 
it is the first gun of the salute ; then a hum of voices ; then 
a loud English cheer. A clatter of hoofs, and through the 
lofty gateway come at a fair trot the troopers of the body- 


guard in scarlet uniforms — magnificent men on splendid 
horses; a carriage, with four horses and Eastern postilions 
in dresses of red, black, and gold, containing the future 
Viceroy and Vice-Queen, follows. Then, as she alights amid 
the saluting of the troops, there comes across the memory 
Burke's most famous purple patch. The Lieutenant-Gov- 
ernor of Bengal meets Lord Curzon at the lowest step and 
leads him up the tall flight. Lord Elgin advances to the 
edge of the landing to receive him, and as soon as the in- 
troduction to the members of Council is over, the Viceregal 
party enters the Marble Hall. 

In the old days it was the custom for all to proceed at 
once to the Council Chamber, where the commission was 
read and the new Viceroy took the oaths and w^as invested 
with the charge of the government. "George (Lord Auck- 
land) was sworn in ten minutes after he arrived," writes 
Miss Eden. But of late years it has become the habit to 
postpone the act of demission to the morning of the depart- 
ure of the reigning Viceroy. On Friday, January 6, Lord 
Curzon received charge of the Indian Empire. The Council 
Chamber is bright with suits of blue and gold, scarlet uni- 
forms, and the rich apparel of native chiefs. Sindia, a 
short, stout typical Mahratta, is dressed in a pink silk sur- 
tout with a row of priceless pearls round his neck. Pattiala 
is attired in a silken white suit, and diamonds cover his 
breast. Near him stands a chief from whose turban gleams 
a magnificent diamond star. There is the Maharajah of 
Cashmere in the uniform of an English general. Nobles 
and chiefs from all parts of the vast empire are present to 
do homage to the new representative of her Imperial Maj- 
esty the Empress of India. 

May Lord Curzon's future career enable him to take his 
place among the wisest and best of her great rulers, whose 
silent faces look down at the scene from the walls ! There 
is Warren Hastings, whose far sight first saw, and whose 
brave and confident genius realized, the remarkable idea of 
England founding an empire in the East. By his individual 


energy he raised the Company from being a body of mer- 
chants and adventurers into the most powerful State in the 
pohtics of India. There is the great Marquis, who by mag- 
nificent miUtary triumphs enforced peace throughout India, 
and provided for the permanent security of the British pos- 
sessions by impressing upon every native State the authori- 
tative security of the British government. There is Lord 
Hastings, who, by the disarmament and pacification of the 
military chief ships, completed the work of the Marquis 
Wellesley, the extension of British supremacy and protecto- 
rate over every native State in the interior of India. There 
is Viscount Hardinge, who first broke the power of the last 
of its formidable enemies, the Sikhs, and who, "trained in 
war, sought by the arts of peace to elevate and improve the 
various nations committed to his charge." Dalhousie, the 
greatest of the great Indian proconsuls, was only thirty-six 
when he entered that Council Room and assumed the reins of 
office. After eight years of splendid rule he left it, having 
completed the fabric of British rule in India. Now, at the 
appointed hour, preceded by his staff, there enters once more 
a young statesman to whom the great and perilous task of 
governing an empire is about to be assigned. Dressed in 
plain black, the future ruler takes his position on the dais, 
and his councillors, in uniforms rich with gold, stand in a 
semi-circle around him. The Home Secretary reads the 
Royal Warrant appointing "you the said George Nathaniel 
Baron Curzon to be Governor-General of India and of all or 
singular our forts, factories, settlements, lands, territories, 
countries, places, and provinces, which now are or shall 
from time to time be subject to or under our government in 
the East Indies." After the Royal Warrant is read. Lord 
Curzon bows, the troops outside present arms, and a royal 
salute announces that the millions of India have passed 
under the sway of a new ruler. 










327 " 

330 " 

280 " 

100 " 

56 " 
78 A.D. 

819 " 

400 " 

640 " 

1001 " 


-1400 B.C. Probable pe- 
riod of the Maha Bha- 

Probable period of the 

Probable period of 
Saliya Muni, or Go- 
tania Buddha. 

Alexander invades the 

Passage of the Jhelum. 

Defeat of Porus the 

Alexander's retreat. 

Empire of Magadha 

Cliandra-gupta (Sand- 

Asoka: Edicts of Asoka. 

Graeko-Baktrian su- 

Indo-Scythian suprem- 

Kanishka (Kanerke). 
-Battle of Kahror. 

Gupta supremacy. 

Vallablii Rajas. 

Kingdoms of Andhra 
and Pandya. 

Pilgrimage of Fah- 

Travels of H i o u e n - 

Empire of Kanouj: Ma- 
haraja Siladitya. 

Buddhist-Brahman con- 

Muhammadan inva- 


997 A.D.— -Mahmud of Ghazni. 
1001 " Mahmud at Pesha- 
Turkish conquest of the 

Twelve Turkish inva- 
sions of Hindustan. 
Battle of Somnath. 
1030 " Death of Mahmud. 
1180 " Afghan supremtic}' at 
Delhi: Muhammad 
Ghori (d. 1306). 
1194 " Mussulman advance to 
Foundation of princi- 
palities in Rajputana. 
1206 " Dynasty of Afghan 
Slave-kings: Kutub- 
ud-din. Sultan of Del- 
hi (d. 1210). . 
1290 " Death of Jelal-ud-din, 
the last of the Slave- 
Ala-ud-din, Sultan of 

Delhi (d. 1316). 
Conquest of Guzerat. 
Siege of Chitor. 
1316 " Tughlak, founder of the 
Tughlak Sultans of 
1325 " Muhammad Tughlak 

(d. 1850). 
1350 " Firuz Shah (d. 1388). 

Bah man i Sultans in the 
1398 " Timur the Tartar in- 
vades Hindustan. 
1400 " Deva Rai, Maharaja of 




1450 A.D. — Lodi dynasty of Afghan 
Sultans at Delhi. 

1498 " Portuguese arrival in 

1500 " Five Muhammadan 
kingdoms in the Dek- 
Nanuk Guru founds the 
Sikh brotherhood in 
the Punjab. 

1509 " Albuquerque, Viceroy 
of Portuguese India 
(d. 1519). 

1526 " Afghan Sultans at Del- 
hi overthrown by 
Baber the Moghul (d. 
Foundation of the Mo- 
ghul empire, 

1530 " Baber succeeded by 
Humayun (d. 1556). 

1538 " Portuguese mission to 
Turkish attack on the 
Portuguese at Diu. 

1540 " Humayun defeated by 
Sher Khan. 
Afghan rule in Hindu- 

1555 " Return of Humayun. 

1556 " Akbar, Padishah (d. 

Akbar defeats the Af- 
1565 " Battle of Talikota. 
1567 " Destruction of Chitor. 
Moghul conquest of 
Ahmadnagar and 

1575 " Rise of Abul Fazl. 

Rebellion of Selim (Je- 

1599 " Formation of the East 

India Company. 
1605 ♦' Jehangir, Padishah (d. 

1608 " Mission of Captain 

Hawkins to Agra. 
1615 " Embassy of Sir Thomas 

1623 " Travels of Pietro della 

1625 " Venk-tapa Naik, Raja 

of Kanara. 
1627 " Shall Jehan, Padishah 

(d. 1665). 





















-Moghul capture of the 
Portuguese settle- 
ment at Hughli. 

English settlement at 

English settlements in 
Bengal at Hughli, 
Patna, and Dacca. 

Aurangzeb, Padishah 
(d. 1707). 

Sivaji the Mahratta 
captures Surat. 

"War between Mahrat- 
tas and Moghuls. 

Aurangzeb threatened 
by Persia. 

Afghan massacre of 
Moghuls in the Khai- 
ber Pass. 

Travels of Dr. Fryer, 

Sivaji. Maharaja of the 
Mahrattas (d. 1680). 

Mahratta conquest in 
the Lower Carnatic. 

Moghul rebuffs in Raj- 

War between the En- 
glish and Moghuls. 

Moghul conquest of 
Bijapur and Gol- 

Foundation of Calcutta. 

Daud Khan besieges 

Bahadur Shah, Padi- 
shah (d. 1712). 

Sahu Rao, Maharaja of 
the Mahrattas (d. 

Balaji Visvanath, first 
Peishwa (d. 1720). 

Jehandar Shah, Padi- 

Farrukh Siyar, Padi- 
shah (d. 1719). 

English mission from 
Calcutta to Delhi. 

Muhammad Shah, Pad- 
ishah (d. 1748). 

Baji Rao, second Peish- 
wa (d. 1740). 

Mahratta advance on 
Agra and Delhi. 

Nizam-ul-mulk, Nizam 
of the Dekhan ; de- 
feated by Baji Rao. 



1738 A.D. — Invasion of Nadir Shah. 

1739 " Battle of Kurnal. 

Nadir Shah enters Delhi, 

1740 " Balaji Rao, tiiird Peish- 

wa (d. 1761). 
1748 " Raja Raiu, the puppet 
Maharaja of the Mah- 
rattas, a state prison- 
er at Satara. 
Afghan invasion of In- 
dia under Ahmad 
Shah Abdali. 


1736 A.D. — Civil war in Trichinop- 

1739 " Sarfaraz Khan, Nawab 

of Bengal (d. 1742). 

1740 " Mahrattas invade the 


1742 " Alivardi Khan, Nawab 

of Bengal. 
Maliratta invasions of 

1743 " English mission to Ni- 

zani-ul-mulk at Trich- 

1745 * War between England 

and France. 

1746 " Labourdonnais cap- 

tures Madras. 

1747 " Rise of Ahmad Shah 

Durani, founder of 
the Afghan empire 
(d. 1773); JemalKhan 

1748 " Stringer Lawrence fails 

to take Poniiicherrj'. 
Death of Muhammad 

Shall: Ahmad Shah, 

Death of Nizam- ul- 

Death of Maharaja 

Peishvva sovereignty 

First appearance of 


1749 *' English aggressions on 


1750 " Nasir Jung at Arcot; 

appoints Muhammad 
Ali Nawab. 
Victories of Dupleix. 

1750 A.D. — Bussy captures Jingi. 

French capture of Ma- 

Peace between Alivardi 
Khan and the Mah- 

Alom Phra the hunter 
founds a dynasty in 

Ascendency of Dupleix. 

Olive's expedition to 

Siege of Arcot. 

Olive's victories in the 

The French surrender 

Olive goes to England. 

Janoji Bhonsla succeeds 
Rughoji Bhonsla as 
Raja of Berar. 

Anglo-French treaty at 

Removal of Dupleix. 

Return of Clive. 

Destruction of Gheria 
by Watson and Clive. 
Suraj-nd-daula, Na- 
wab of Bengal. 

Suraj-ud-daula captures 

The Black Hole. 

Olive and Watson re- 
capture Calcutta. 

English capture of 

Battle of Plass}^ 

Mir Jafir, Nawab of 

Mahrattas claim chout 
for Bengal and Behar. 

Ahmad Shah Abdali 
at Delhi; drives out 

Bussj''s war against the 
Hindu Poligars; self- 
sacrifice of Bobili 

Bussy captures Vizaga- 

Advance of the Shah- 
zada, eldest son of 
Ahmad Shah Padi- 
shah, toward Behar: 
defeated by Clive. 

Lally at Pondicherry. 










1758 A.D.— Lally captures Fort St. I 1762 A.D.— 

David. I 

Forde's successes ia the 1763 

Northern Circai-s. 
Siege of Madras by 

Clive governor of the 

English settlements 

in Bengal. 

1759 " Alamghir, Padishah, 

murdered at Delhi by 

Second invasion of 

Ahmad Shah Abdali. 
Lally raises the siege of 

Battle of Wandiwash. 

1760 " Coote besieges Pondi- 

Clive departs for Eng- 
land; succeeded by 1764 

1761 " Madhu Rao, fourth 

Mahratta Peishwa 

(d. 1772). 
Nizam All, Nizam of 

the Dekhan. 
Coote captures Pondi- 

Battle of Paniput. 
Ahmad Shah Abdali ap- 
points Jewan Bakh 1765 

(son of the Shahzada) 

deputy Padishah. 
Regency of Najib-ud- 

daula (d. 1770). 
Return of the Shahzada 

to Behar: proclaimed 

Padishah under the 

name of Shah Alam. 1766 
Shuja-ud-daula, Nawab 

of Oude (d. 1775), 1767 

appointed Vizier to 

Shah Alam. 
Vansittart, governor at 

Deposition of Mir Jafir. 
Mir Kasim, Nawab of 

Bengal ; defeats the 

Na w a b Vizier of 

Installation of the 

Great Moghul at 


1762 " Disputes about private 


Warren Hastings in the 
Calcutta council. 

General abolition of 
duties bj' Mir Kasim. 

Patna captured b_y the 
English, and re- 
captured b 3' the 
Nawab's ti'oops. 

Capture of Cossimba- 
zar by the Nawab's 

Mir Jafir proclaimed 

The English capture 

Massacre of English at 

English storm Patna. 

Delhi threatened by the 

The Nawab Vizier re- 
pulsed by the English 
at Patna. 

Hector Munro stops a 
sepoy mutiny. 

Battle of Buxar. 

Rise of Shitab Rai. 

Surrender of the Nawab 

Suraj Mai, the Jat hero, 
slain at Delhi. 

Death of Mir Jafir. 

Governor Spencer sells 
Bengal and Behar 
to Muhammad Reza 

Return of Clive to In- 
dia; foundation of the 
double government. 

English treaty with 
Nizam Ali. 

Final departui-eof Clive. 

Verelst, governor of 

Rise of Hyder Ali of 

Hj'der Ali and Nizam 
Ali invade the 

Death of Mulhar Rao 
Holkar: accession of 
Ailah Bai (d. 1795), 
and Tukaji Holkar (d. 

Last invasion of Ahmad 
Shah Abdali. 








1767 A.D. — Ghorka conquest of 
Nipal: Prithi Narain, 
the Ghorka hero (d, 

Second English treaty 
with Nizam Ali. 

Hostile advance of 
Hyder Ali against the 

English treaty with 
Hyder Ali at Madras. 

Cartier, governor of 

Mahratta aggressions in 

Famine in Bengal. 

Mahadaji Sindia re- 
stores Shah Alam to 
the throne of Delhi. 
"Warren Hastings, gover- 
nor of Bengal. 

Narain Rao, fifth 

Warren Hastings holds 
a secret conference 
with Shuja-ud-daula 
at Benares. 

Narain Rao murdered. 

Rughonath Rao, sixth 

Rughjio Bhonsla, Raja 
of Berar. 

Tanjore made over to 
Muhammad Ali. 

Timur Shah on the 
throne of Kandahar 
(d. 1793) : Payendah 
Kiian Barukzai. 

Roiiilla war. 

Warren Hastings, first 

The Calcutta Council; 
Francis. Clavering, 
Monson, and Barvvell. 

Creation of a Supreme 
Court of Judicature 
at Calcutta. 

Revolution at Poona. 

Asof-ud-daula. Nawab 
Vizier of Oude (d. 
Charge of corruption 
against Warren Hast- 
Execution of Nund- 



1775 A.D. — Treaty between the En- 

glish at Bombay and 

Ruglionath Rao. 
Rebellion of Cheit 

Singh, Raj a of 

Run Bahadur, Maharaja 

of Nipal. 

1776 " Treaty of Purundhur. 

Tanjore restored to the 

R;ija by Lord Pigot. 
1778 " Rumbold, governor of 

English capture of 

Bombay expedition to 

Convention of Wur- 








First Mahratta war. 

Bhodau Phra, King of 
Burma (d. :819). 

English capture of 

Whitehill, governor of 

Hj'der Ali invades the 

Battle of Porto Novo. 

Runjeet Singh, Viceroy 
of Lahore. 

Lord Macartney, gover- 
nor of Madras. 

War between English 
and Dutch; capture 
of Pulicat and Sadras. 

Close of the first Mah- 
ratta war. 

Nana Farnavese ratifies 
the Treaty of Salbai. 

Mahdu Rao II., seventh 
Peishwa (d. 1795). 

Death of Hyder Ali. 

Treaty of Mangalore. 

Mr. Pitt's Bill; the 
Board of Control. 

Warren Hastings leaves 

Macpherson, Mr., pro- 
visional Governor- 

Lord Cornwall!'^, Gov- 

Tippu Sultan attacks 

Gholam Kadir at Delhi. 



1790 A.D. — Mysore war. 
1793 " Submission of Tippu 

Mahadaji Sindia at 

Chinese invasion of 

Ghorka treaty with the 

Permanent land settle- 
ment in Bengal. 

1793 " Sir John Shore (Lord 

Teignmeuth), Gov- 
Zeman Shah succeeds 
Timur Shah at Kan- 

1794 " Mahadaji Sindia suc- 

ceeded by Daulat Rao 

1795 " Battle of Kurdla. 

Umdut-ul-Umra, Na- 

vvabof Arcot (d. 1801). 
Baji Rao II., eighth 

Peisliwa (d. 1853). 
Revolution at Khat- 

Threatened invasion of 

Zeman Shah. 

1797 " Saadut Ali, Nawab 

Vizier of Oude. 
Rise of Jasvvant Rao 

1798 " Lord Mornington (Mar- 

quis of Wellesley), 
English alliance with 
Nizam Ali against 

1799 " Last Mysore war. 

Storming of Seringa- 

Death of Tippu. 
Purnea, minister at 

Mysore (d. 1811). 

1800 " Buchanan's travels in 


Malcolm's mission to 

Death of Nana Farna- 

Pandey conspiracy at 
Khatmandu: flight of 
Run Bahadur. 

Mahmud, Shah of Af- 
ghanistan (died 1829). 

1801 A.D. — Assumption of the gov- 

ernment of the Car- 
Risings of the Ghilzais 
in Kabul, suppressed 
bv Futih Khan. 

1802 " Baji Rao and Sindia de- 

feated b}' Jaswant 
Rao Holkar. 

Treat}' of Bassein. 

Mission of Captain 
Knox to Khatman- 

1803 " Baji Rao restored to 


Second Mahratta war. 

Battles of Assay e and 

Battles of Alighur and 

Revolution of Khat- 

Moghul kings of Delhi 
become the pension- 
ers of the British gov- 

Shah Shuja, Shah of 

1804 " War between the Eng- 

lish and Jaswant Rao 

Col. Monson's retreat. 

Return of Run Bahadur 
to Khatmandu. 

Downfall of the Pan- 

Murder of Run Baha- 

Massacre at Khatman- 
du of the enemies of 
the Thapas. 

Ascendency of Bhim 
Sein Thapa. 

1805 «' Lake defeats Holkar 

and besieges Bhurt- 

Lord Cornwallis, Gov- 
ernor-General a sec- 
ond time. 

Sir George Barlow, 

Submission of Jaswant 
Rao Holkar. 

1806 " Mutiny at Vellore. 

1807 " Lord Minto, Governor- 


















-Ruujeet Singh's aggres- 
sions on the Cis-Sutlej 

Metculf's mission to 
Runjeet Singh. 

Restoration of Mahniud 
Shah to the throne of 
Kabul by the Baruk- 

British occupation of 
the Mauritius and 

Mulhar Rao Holkar 
succeeds to the 
throne of Indoi'e. 

Depredations of Amir 
Khan and of the 

Lingaraja, ruler of 
Coorg (d. 1820). 

Krishnaraj assumes the 
government of My- 

Lord Moira (Marquis of 
Hastings), Governor- 

Ghoi-ka aggressions on 
British territory. 

Nipalese occupation of 
British districts. 

Ghorka slaughter of 
British police. 

Nipal war. 

The Gaekwar of Baroda 
sends Gungadhur 
Shastri to Poona. 

Murder of Gungadhur 

Imprisonment of Trini- 
bukji Dainglia. 

Treaty of Segowlie. 

Pindhari raids on Brit- 
ish territories. 

Quarrels between Per- 
sia and Afghanistan 
respecting Herat. 

Escape of Trimbukji 

Treaty of Poona. 

Pindiiari war. 

Baji Rao repulsed by 
the English atKhirki. 

Flight of the Peishwa 
from Poona. 

Battle of Sitabuldi. 

Battle of Mehidpore. 

1818 A.D. — Defence of Korygaum, 

Extinction of the 

Settlement of the Hol- 
kar state. 

Resuscitation of the Raj 
of Satara. 

Early Burmese history. 

Portuguese adventur- 

Byeen-noung conquers 

Siege and capture of 
Martaban by Byeen- 
1820 " Metcalfe, Resident at 
H y d e r a b a d, con- 
demns the bank of 
Palmer & Co. 

Chikka Vira Raja suc- 
ceeds Lingaraja at 

1833 " Mr. Adam, provisional 

Lord Amherst, Gover- 

1834 " First Burmese war: 

British expedition to 
Phagyi-dau, King of 

1835 " British advance to 

Outbreak at Bhurtpore. 

1836 «« Treaty of Yandabo. 

Crawfurd's mission to 

Capture of Bhurtpore. 
Dost Muhain mad Khan, 

Amir of Kabul. 

1837 " Daulat Rao Sindia sue- 

ceeded by Jankoji Rao 
Sindia (d. 1843). 

1828 " Lord William Bentinck, 

1830 " Rebellion in Mysore: 
deposition of Krish- 
naraj by the British 

1832 " Disturbances in Jaipur. 

1833 " Civil wars stopped at 

Gwalior and Indore 
bj' British interven- 
Hari Rao Holkar on the 
throne of Indore. 


1833 A.D. 

1834 " 

1835 " 

1836 " 

1837 " 



1839 " 


-Renewal of the East 
India C o m p a n y's 

The Maharaja of Jaipur 

Britisli campaign in 

Annexation of Coorg. 

Murder of Mr. Blake in 

Sir Charles Metcalfe, 
provisional Governor- 

Lord Auckland, Gov- 

The Shah of Persia 
marches against 

Siege of Herat. 

Revolution at Ava. 

Tharawadi, king of 

The fall of Bhim Sein 
Thapa at Khatman- 

The Shah of Persia 
raises the siege of 

Lord Auckland declares 
war against Afghan- 

British advance to 

British capture of Kan- 
dahar, Ghazni and 

Russian expedition to 

Death of Run jeet Singh. 

Tragedies at K h a t- 

Death of Bhim Sein 

Kharak, Maharaja of 
Lahore (d. 1840). 

Dethronement of the 
Raja of Satara. 

British occupation of 

The British Residency 
expelled from Ava. 

Lord Auckland remon- 
strates with the Ma- 
haraja of Nipal. 

Nao Nihal Singh, Ma- 
hax'aja of Lahore. 

1841 A.D.— Withdrawal of Major 

Todd, the British Res- 
ident, from Herat. 

Insurrection at Kabul: 
murder of Sir Alex- 
ander Burnes. 

General reconciliation 
at Khatmandu. 

Dhian Singh places 
Sher Singh on the 
throne of Lahore. 

1842 " Destruction of the 

British arm}' in the 
Khaiber Pass. 

Sale's defence of Jella- 

Lord Ellenborough, 

Pollock's advance to 

British advance to Ka- 

Battle of Tazeen. 

Murder of Stoddart and 
Con oily at Bokhara. 

Disturbances at Khat- 
1848 " Jyaji Rao Sindia, Ma- 
haraja of Gwalior. 

Disturbances at 

Battles of Maharajpore 
and Punuiar. 

Matabar Singh over- 
throws the Pandeys 
at Khatmandu. 

Assassination of 
Dhian and Sher Singh 
at Lahore : Dhulip 
Singh, Maharaja. 

1844 " Settlement of Gwalior 


Irregular installation 
of Tukaji Rao Holkar 
at Indore. 

Lord Hardinge, Gover- 

Crisis at Lahore. 

1845 " Pagan Meng, king of 


Murder of Matabar 

S i k li army of the 
Khalsa invades Brit- 
ish territoi'y: first 
Sikh war. 



1845 A.D. — Battles of Moodkee and 


1846 " Massacre at K h a t- 


Jung- Bahadur, prime 

Battle of Sobraon. 

Close of the first Sikh 

Jamu and Kashmir sold 
to Gholab Singh. 

Temporary British oc- 
cupation of the 

1848 *• Lord Dalliousie, Gov- 

Disaffection of Mulraj, 

Viceroy of Multan. 
Treachery and murder 

at Multan. 
Successes of Herbert 

Second Sikh war. 
Revolt of Sher Singh. 
The Sikhs joined by 

Lapse of Satara to the 

British government. 

1849 " Battle of Chillianwal- 


Battle of Guzerat. 

Annexation of the Pun- 
1851 " Mission of Commodore 
Lambert to Rangoon. 

Second Burmese War. 

Meng-don Meng, king 
of Burma. 

Annexation of Pegu. 
1853 " Sir John Lawrence, 
Chief Commissioner 
of the Punjab. 

Annexation of Nagpore. 

Cession of Berar to the 
British government. 

1855 " Outbreak of hill-tribes, 

Koles and Santals. 
English alliance with 
Dost Mivhammad 

1856 " Annexation of Oude. 

Lord Canning, Gover- 

Persian war. 

Capture of Bushire and 
battle of Mohamrah. 

1857 A.D. — Sepoy mutinj'. 

Mutiny at Barrackpore. 
March 39th Outbreak of Mungal 
May 3d Explosion at Lukhnow. 
'• 10th Mutinv at Meerut.' 
" 11th The Rebels at Delhi. 
" 30th Mutiny at Lukhnow. 
June 4th Mutin}- at Jliansi. 

Mutiny at Cawnpore. 
" 6th Siege of Cawnpore by 

Nana Sahib. 
" 27th The massacre on the 
July 1st Coronation of Nana 
Sahib as Peishwa. 
" 7th Advance of Havelock 

toward Cawnpore. 
" 15th Massacre of women and 
children at Cawnpore. 
Battle of Cawnpore. 
" 17th Havelock's advance to 
General insurrection in 


the Resi- 
Sir Henry 


Havelock's victory at 

Barnard's advance to 
Sept. 14th Storming of Delhi. 
" 21st Arrest of the king; the 

two princes shot. 
" 25th Relief of the Residency 
at Lukhnow by Have- 
lock and Outran! . 
Nov. 23d Second relief by Sir 
Colin Campbell. 
" 24th Death of Havelock. 

Defeat of the Gwalior 
1858 A.D. — Trial and transporta- 
tion of Bahadur Shah. 

Lord Clyde's campaign 
in Oude and Rohil- 

Outran! captures Lukh- 

Sir Hugh Rose's cam- 
paign in Central 

Sindia defeated by the 
Gwalior rebels. 



1858 A.D.— Tantia Topi and the 

Gwalior rebels routed 
by Sir Hugli Rose. 

The Queen's proclama- 

Hindustani fanatics 
driven out of Sitana. 

1859 " Trial and execution of 

Tantia Topi, 

End of the Oude rebel- 

Lord Canning's durbar 

1862 " Lord Elgin, Viceroy. 

Sir Arthur Phayre, 
Chief Commissioner 
of British Burma, con- 
cludes a treaty with 
the king of Burma. 

1863 " The Sitana campaign. 

Sir William Denison, 
provisional Vicero3'. 

The Bhutan mission. 

Death of Dost Muham- 
mad Khan. 

Sher Ali Khan recog- 
nized by the British 

1864 " Sir John Lawrence, 

Bhutan war. 
Sher Ali treacherously 

imprisons his brother 

Afzal Khan. 

1866 " Flight of Sher Ali to 

Kandahar : Afzal 
Khan proclaimed 

Partition of Afghanis- 

Sir John Lawrence's 
recognition of Afzal 
Khan and Sher Ali 

1867 " Sher Ali defeated by 

Azim Khan; his flight 
from Kandahar to 

1867 A.D.— Death of Afzal Khan: 

accession of Azim 
General Fytche, Chief 
Commissioner of 
British Burma, con- 
cludes a treaty with 
the king of Burma. 

1868 " Sher Ali recovers the 

throne of Afghan- 

1869 " Lord Mayo, Viceroy. 

The Umballa confer- 

Visit of H. R. H. the 
Duke of Edinburgh to 
1873 " Lord Mayo visits Ran- 
goon; assassinated at 
Port Blair. 

Lord Northbrook, Vice- 

1875 " Visit of H. R. H. the 

Prince of Wales to 

1876 " Lord Lytton, Viceroy. 

1877 " The Imperial Assem- 

blage at Delhi on the 
1st of January, 1877: 
proclamation of Her 
Majesty Queen Vic- 
toria as Empress of 
Death of Jung Baha- 

1878 " Sher All's rejection of 

a British mission. 
Declaration of war 
against Afghanistan. 

1879 « Death of Sher Ali. 

Accession of Yakub 

Attack on the British 
Residency at Kabul; 
massacre of the En- 
glish mission. 

British occupation of 



A'aykgars, a sect of worshippers of Vishnu in Southern India, 475; 

their distinctive creed, ib. 

Abdalis, the legitimate Afghans, as opposed to the Ghilzais, or illegiti- 
mate branch, 622. See also Duranis and Barukzais. 

AbduUa Khan, the elder brother of the two Saiyids, who enthroned 
Farrukh Siyar at Dellii. 246; hostile intrigues of Farrukh Siyar, 247, 
248; revolution at Delhi, 250; assassination of his younger brotlier, 
251; defeat and full, 252. See also Saiyids. 

Abdul Rahman Khan, son of Afzal Khan, helps to place his father on 
the throne of Kabul, 769; his rivalry with his uncle Azim Khan, 
770; flight to Persiuu territory, ib. 

Abul Fazl, the favorite and minister of Akbar. 166; engages Akbar in 
religious controversies, ib.; destroys the authority and power of the 
Ulama, 167; proclaims Akbar to be the "Lord of the period." who 
is to bring about the Muhammadan millennium, 168; assassinated, 

Adam, Mr., provisional Governor-General of India, 574; sends an ob- 
noxious editor of a public journal to England, ib. ; perished at sea. ib. 

Adham Khan, revolts against Akbar in Malwa, 159; stabs the minister 
to death at Agra, ib.; executed by Akbar, ib. 

Adoption, rite of, its religious signifleance, 700: its political bearings, 
701; restricted by Lord Dalhousie, 702; conceded by Lord Canning, 

Adye, Major, at Cawnpore, 751 note; his narrative of the Sitana cam- 
paign, 759 note. 

Afglianistan, description of, 620; highroad to India, 621. 

Afghans, converted to Islam but rebel against the Arab domination, 95; 
found a dynasty at Ghor and drive the Turks out of the Punjab and 
Hindustan, 97; dynasty of the slave kings, 100-2; apparently of 
Jewish origin, 149; known as Patans, 150; establish a dominion in 
Hindustan under the Lodi dynasty, ib. ; bad name and passion for 
revenge, 151; conquered by Baber the Moghul, 154; drive Humayun 
out of Bengal, 156; rule in Hindustan under Sher Khan, ib.; obso- 
lete claims to Hindustan, 157; intermittent wars of Akbar, 158; 
treachery and disaffection of Afghan officers, 159; crushed by the 
resuscitation of the Rajputs, 160; revolt under a supposed brother 
of Aurangzeb, 210; treacherously massacred at Peshawar, ib.; 
throw off the Persian yoke and conquer Ispahan, 262; establish an 
empire in Central Asia under Ahmad Shah Abdali. 269; treacherous 
mercenaries in the service of Alivardi Khan. 814; revenge, ih.; inva- 
sion and plunder of Hindustan under Ahmad Shah Abdali, 328; found 
IHDIA Vol. II. (8-^1) X— 17 

832 INDEX 

a principality in Rohilkund, ib.; supreme at Delhi, 338; massacre 
the Mahrattas at Paniput, 338. 392; threatened invasion of Hindu- 
stan under Zeman Shah in the days of Lord Wellesley, 495; Elphin- 
sLone's mission to Kabul sent by Lord Minto, 523 note; advance of 
Russia in Central Asia, 619; Afg'han dominion to the south of the 
Oxus, 620; character of the Afghan people, 621; old contentions 
between Abdalis and Ghilzais, 622; later rivalries between Duranis 
and Barukzais, ib.; modern iiistory of the Afghans, ib.; election 
and coronation of Ahmad Sliah Durani, 623; hereditary ministry of 
the Barukzais, «■&. ; rise of the Kuzzilbashes, ^b.; foundation of an 
Afghan empire, 624; reign of Timur Shah, ib.; disaffection in Balkh, 
ib.; Zeman Shah placed on the throne by Payendah Khan, chief of 
the Barukzais; 625; disaffection of the Sirdars, 626; transfer of the 
Punjab to the rule of Runjeet Singh, ib.; oppression of the Baruk- 
zais, 627; plots and massacres at Kandaliar, ib.; rise of Futih Khan, 
the Barukzai Vizier, t&.; Zeman Shah dethroned and blinded, i6.; 
quarrels between the Sunnis and Shiahs, 628; slaughter of the 
Kuzzilbashes, t&.; Shah Shuja Durani seizes the throne at Kabul, 
629; dethroned by Futih Khan Barukzai and escapes to British ter- 
ritory, ib.; rise of Dost Muhammad Khan, 630; cruel death of Futih 
Khan, 631; Durani puppets and Barukzai rulers, ib.; Dost Muham- 
mad Khan Amir of Kabul, 632; Persian siege of Herat, 633; refusal 
of Lord Auckland to interfere between Dost Muhammad Khan and 
Runjeet Singh, 634; Russian mission at Kabul, ib.; first Afghan 
war, 635; British occupation of Afghanistan, 1839-41, 636-7; insur- 
rection at Kabul and murder of Sir Alexander Burnes, 639; nego- 
tiations with rebel leaders, 640; murder of Sir William Macnaghten, 
ib.; destruction of the British army in the Khaiber, 641; advance 
of the avenging army under Pollock, 642; murder of Shah Sliuja, 
ib.; siege of Jellalabad raised by Akbar Khan, ib.; Pollock's victory 
at Tezeen, 644; reoccupation of Kabul, ib.; return of avenging 
army to Hindustan, 645; hostility of the Afghans during the sec- 
ond Sikh war, 688; treaties of 1855 and 1857 with Dost Muhammad 
Khan, 715, 768; death of Dost Muhammad and recognition of Sher 
Ali Khan, ib.; fratricidal wars, 768, 770; policy of Sir John Law- 
rence, 771; Lord Mayo's conference with Sher All Khan at Umballa, 
772; political diflBculties, ib.; conciliatory policy of Lord Mayo, 773; 
estrangement of Sher Ali Khan, 775; dealings with Russia, ib.; 
mission of 1878 repulsed, ib.; massacre of Cavagnari's mission and 
British occupation, 776; probable destiny of the Afghan people as 
foreshadowed by Jewish history, 776 note. 

Afghan-Turkistan, suzerainty established by Dost Muhammad Khan, 
768; geographical meaning of the term, ib. note. 

Afzal Khan, eldest son of Dost Muhammad Khan, 768; treacherously 
imprisoned by Sher Ali Khan, ib.; Amir of Kabul and Afghan- 
Turkistan, 769; his death, 770. 

Agnew, Mr. Vans, accompanies Khan Singh to Multan, 686; his mur- 
der, ib. 

Agni, god of fire, 56; subject to Ravana, ib.; testifies to the purity of 
Sita, 59; Vaidik idea of, 80. 

Agra, sacked by Shah Jehan, 184; imperial road to Lahore, 220; condi- 
tion in 1785 described, 448; the stronghold of Sindia, 459; captured 
by Lake, 505. 

Ahadis, Moghul officers, 164. 

Ahmad Shah Abdali, the Afghan conqueror, 269; interference in Delhi 
affairs, 328-9; intrigues with the king of Delhi, 338; enters Delhi, 

INDEX 823 

ib.; last invasion of Hindustan, 402; election and coronation as 
Ahmad Shall Durani, 623; his glorious reign, 624; a composer of 
psalms, 776 note. 

Ahmadnagar, kingdom of, in the Dekhan, 118: conquered by Akbar, 
171; revolt of Malik Amber the Abyssinian, 176; suppressed by 
Jehangir, 181. 

Ailah Bai, daughter-in-law of Mulhar Rao Holkar, her administration 
of Indore, 397-8, 497. 

Aix-la-Chapelle, treaty of, 287. 

Ajmir, Roe's journey to, 177; imperial durbar at, ib. 

Akaiis or Sikh zealots, 673. 

Akbar, son of Humayun, 157; the real founder of the Moghul empire, 
tb.; contemporary of Queen Elizabeth, ib.; becomes Padishah, 158; 
defeat of the Afghans, ib.; refuses to slay Hemu, ib.; discards 
Bairam Khan, ib.; wars and conquests, 158-9; his policj'of equality 
of race and religion, 160; his policj^ toward the Rajput princes, 
160-1; intermarriages with Rajputs, ib.; employs Rajputs against 
the Afghans, 162; personal characteristics of, 164; outwardly a 
Muhammadan, 165; religious collisions and controversies, 166-7; 
appears as a religious arbiter, 167; his apostasy, ib.; professes 
Christianity, ib.; founds a new religion known as the Divine Faith, 
168; his ordinances, ib.; his cruelty, ib.; daily life, 168-9; division 
of lands, 170; conquest of Kabul and Kashmir, ib,; embassy to the 
Sultans of the Dekhan, 171; conquest of Ahmadnagar and Berar, 
ib.; death, ib. 

Akbar, son of Aurangzeb, 214; his rebellion, ib. ; the forged letter, ib. ; 
flight, 215, 241. 

Akbar Khan, eldest son of Dost Muhammad Khan, negotiates with 
Macnaghten, 640; his murderous treachery, ib.; massacre in the 
Khaiber pass, 641; forced to raise the siege of Jellalabad, 642; ruler 
of Kabul, 643; negotiations with Pollock, ib.; defeated at Tezeen, 

Akhoond of Swat, his religious character, 760; his behavior in the 
Sitana campaign, 761. 

Alamghir, a puppet Padishah of Delhi, 338-9; intrigues with Ahmad 
Shah Abdali, 338, 391; murdered, ib. 

Ala-ud-din, Sultan of Delhi, story of his early career, 102; governor of 
Karra, ib.; plunders the Buddhist temples at Bhilsa, ib.; Viceroy 
ofOude, ib. ; expedition against the Mahratta Raja of Deoghur, 
102-3; march into the Dekhan, 103; capture of Deoghur, ib.; as- 
sassination of his uncle, 104; proclaimed Sultan of Delhi, i6.; whole- 
sale scattei-ing of money, ib.; conquest of Guzerat, t&.; siege of 
Chitor, 105; stern measures of suppression at Delhi, 106; massacre 
of Moghuls, tb.; first Muhammadan conqueror in the Dekhan and 
Peninsula, ib.; plunder of Hindu temples in the south, 107; his 
death, 108. 

Albuquerque, Alfonso de, Portuguese Viceroy in India, founds Goa and 
Malacca, 130; death, ib. 

Alexander the Great, invades the Punjab, 64; passage of the Jhelura, 
ib.; defeat of Porus the elder, 65; builds a flotilla on the Jhelum, 
ib.; dealings with Porus the younger, ib.; compelled to retreat via 
the Jhelum and Indus, 66; harassed by the Brahmans, ib.; his ven- 
geance, ib.; murder of Philip, his lieutenant, at Taxila, 67; his death, 
ib.; his dealings with Sandrokottos, the Hindu Chandra-gupta. ib. 

Ali Bahadur, his mixed birth, Mahratta and Muhammadan, 452 note; 
sent by Nana Farnavese to help Sindia in Hindustan, tb.; associ- 

824 INDEX 

ated with Himmut Bahadur, ib,; his recall to Poona demanded 
by Sindia, 459-60. 

Alighur, Lake's victory at, 504. 

Alivardi Khan, Nawab of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, his early life, 310; 
his treachery, i&. ; story of the baskets of human heads, 311; pro- 
claimed Nawab, 313; treacherous assassination of Mahrattas, i6. ; 
pays tribute to Mahrattas, 314; character and private life; 314-16; 
alarm at the French, 316; his death, ib.; described by Colonel Mill 
as a usurper, 337 note, 

Allahabad, the ancient Prayaga, 49; the "field of happiness," 75; Olive's 
negotiations at, with Shah Alam and the Nawab Vizier of Oude, 

Allard, General, in the service of Runjeet Singh, 674. 

Alompra the hunter, 589; drives the Talain kings of Pegu out of Ava, 
590; conquers Pegu and establishes a port at Rangoon, ib.; his real 
name, Alom Phra, ib. note. 

Alumbagh, garden of, in the suburbs of Lukhnow, Ha velock defeats the 
rebels, 748-9; buried there, 750. 

Alvarez Cabral, his expedition to India, 138; violence toward the Moors, 
ib.; cannonades Calicut, 139; alliance with the Raja of Cochin, ib. 

Alves, Major, his narrow escape at Jaipur, 608. 

Amar Singh, of Nipal, deprecates a war with England, 544; surrenders 
at Maloun, 547; advises a renewal of the war, 548. 

Amar Singh, Raja of Tanjore, dethroned by Madras government, 488; 
suspected bribery of Tanjore pundits, ib.; pensioned, ib. 

Amarapura, a Burmese capital, 591, 654. 

Amboor, defeat of Anwar-ud-din at, 290. 

Amherst, Lord, Governor-General of India, 574; forced into a war with 
Burma, 594; countermands the proceedings of Ochterlony at Bhurt- 
pore, 598; retrieves his error, ib.; returns to England, 599; founds 
the sanatorium at Simla, ib. 

Amildars, or governors of provinces, corruption of, 478. 

Amirs. Moghul nobles, 164. 

Amir Jumla, rebel minister of Golkonda, his close alliance with Aurang- 
zeb, 191; defeats Shuja, the rebel brother of Aurangzeb, 195. 

Amir Khan, the Afghan freebooter, interference in Indore, 523; his early 
career. 524; aggressions in Nagpore, ib.; interference in Rajputana 
between Jaipur and Jodhpur, 525; infamous proposal for ending the 
quarrel, 526; attitude during the Pindhari war, 555; his treaty with 
England, 557; founder of the Tonk dynasty, 558. 

Amyatt, Mr., his factious opposition to Vansittart, 347; sent on a mis- 
sion to Monghyr, 348; treacherously murdered, 350. 

Ananda Bai, wife of Rughonath Rao, her part in the mui'der of Narain 
Rao Peishwa, 418. 

Anandpal, son of Jaipal of Lahore, 95; league with the Rajput princes 
of Hindustan, ib.; defeated by Mahmud of Ghazni at Peshawar, 96. 

Anderson, Lieut., accompanies Khan Singh to Multan, 686; his mur- 
der, ib. 

Anderson, Mr., sent as Resident to Mahadaji Sindia's camp, 444, 448. 

Andhra, ancient Hindu empii'e, 73. 

Angrias, pirates of Gheria, rise of, 305, 390; surrender to Clive and Wat- 
son, ib.; escape from Gheria, ib. 

Anson, General, Commander-in-chief at the outbreak of the sepoy 
mutinies, 742 note. 

Anwar-ud-din appointed Nawab of the Carnatic by Nizam-ul-mulk, 284; 
forbids tlie English to make war on the French, 385; enraged at the 

INDEX 825 

duplicity of Dupleix, 286; defeat of his army by the French, ib.; 
defeatedf and slain by the Mahi'attas at Amboor, 290. 

Appa Sahib succeeds Rughoji Bhonsla as Raja of Nagpore, 563; his 
treachery toward the English, 564; appointed commander-in-chief 
by the Peishwa, ib.; warned bj'^ Mr. Jenkins, ib.; tlie battle of 
Sitabuldi, 565; double dealings, t&.; arrested for murder, 566; flight, 
ib.', takes refuge with the Raja of Jodphur, ib.; correspondence 
with the Raja of Satara, 703. 

Apsaras, celestial nymphs from Indra's heaven in Swarga, 54. 

Arabs conquer all Asia up to the Indus and Oxus, 95; Persian, Turkish, 
and Afghan revolt against their domination, t5.; Arab invasion of 
Sinde, ib. 

Arakan, geographical position of. 575 vote; conquered by Bhodau Phra, 
590; ceded to the British government, 596. 

Arcot, court and capital of the Nawabs of the Carnatic, 277; usurpation 
of Mortiz Ali, 283; settlement of affairs by Nizam-ul-mulk. ib.; 
capture and defence of Arcot by Clive, 299; visited bj* Buchanan, 
477; titular Nawabs of, 490 note. See also Carnatic. 

Argaum, battle of, 504; defeat of Sindia and the Bhonsla Raja by 
Colonel Wellesley, ib. 

Arjuna, son of Pandu, by Kunti, 15; his skill with the bow, 17; his 
splendid archery at the exhibition of arms, 18-19; triumph at the 
Swayamvara of Draupadi, 23; leads away Draupadi as his bride, 24; 
his exile, 25; marries Subhadra and returns to Hastinapur, 26; at 
the court of Virata, 29; the dancing-master turned warrior, 31; dis- 
covered by the Kauravas, ib.; slays Bhishma, 34; and Kama, ib. 

Armenians in Madras, 228. 

Aryan colonies in the neighborhood of Hastinapur, 12; the Aryan im- 
' migrants from High Asia, ib.; treatment of the aborigines, ib.; 
frontier near Allahabad, 20; two castes of, 2Snote; relics among the 
hill tribes, 78; worship of genii or spirits, 79. 

Asia, Central, history of, 619. 

Asof Jah. See Nizam-ul-mulk. 

Asof Khan, brother-in-law of Jehangir, 173; plots with Shah Jehan to 
seize the imperial treasures at Agra, 183; installs Bulaki on the 
throne at Delhi, 185. 

Asof-ud-daula, Nawab Vizier of Oude, 414; claims his father's treasures 
as state property, 415; negotiations with "Warren Hastings, 435; 
tortures the servants of the two Begums, ib.; corrupt dealings^with 
Warren Hastings, 442 note; his death, 465. 

Asoka, Maharaja of Magadha, resembles Sandrokottos, 69; his reign 
and character, 69-70; a convert to Buddhism, 69; edicts of, lb.; 
sends Buddhist missions to foreign nations. 73. 

Assam, conquered by the Burmese, 594; ceded to the British govern- 
ment after the first Burmese war, 596; tea cultivation introduced 
by Lord William Bentinck, 617. 

Assaye, victory of General Wellesley at, 503-4. 

Astrologers at Delhi, description of, 198. 

Asuras and Rakshasas, demons and cannibals to the south and east of 
Allahabad, 20. 

Aswamedha, or horse sacrifice in honor of Indra and the Sun, 37, 39. 

Aswatthama, son of Drona, 17; his revenge. 35-6; the omen of the 
crows, 35; slaughters Dhrishta-dyumna and the sous of Draupadi, ib, 

Auckland, Lord, Governor-General of India, 617; refuses to interfere 
between Dost Muhammad Khan and Runjeet Singh, 634; declares 
war against Dost Muhammad Khan for the restoration of Shah 

826 INDEX 

Shuja, 635; anger at the withdrawal of Major Todd from Herat, 637; 
rupture of political relations with Ava, 655; policy toward Nipal, 662. 

Aurangabad, founded by Aurangzeb, 191. 

Aurangzeb, son of Shah Jehan, 190; a Sunni fanatic, 191; Viceroy of 
the Moghul Dekhan, t6. ; ambitious projects, i6.; bait for Murad, 
192; victory at Ujain, 193; defeat of Dara, ih.; captivity of his 
father, Shah Jehan, 194; ruin of Murad, ib.; installed as Padishah, 
ib.; fears and anxieties, 196; religious trimming, ib.; unamiable 
character, 197; maligns his tutor, i6.; his capital at Delhi, 197-9; 
alliance with Sivaji the Mahratta, 202; appoints ShaistaKhan to be 
Viceroy of the Moghul Dekhan, ib.; suspicious of the Raja of Mar- 
war, 203; suspected complicity in the death of Shah Jehan, 204; in 
Kashmir, t6.; fails to form a navy, ib.; threatened by Persia, i6.; 
return to Delhi, 205; intrigues against Sivaji, ib.; imposing durbar, 
206; composure at the outbreak of Sivaji, ib.; reasons for his craft, 
207; war against Sivaji, ib.; the sham rebellion, 207-8; renders 
future rebellion impossible, 208; prohibits history, 209; the Kabul re- 
volt, 210; treachery and massacre, ib.; projected conversion of the 
Hindus to Islam, 212; policy, ib.; destruction of idolatry in Moghul 
India, ib.; forced impost of the Jezya, 213; operations in Raj putana, 
ib.; compromise with Marwar, 213-14; demands on the Rana of 
Udaipur rejected, 214; protracted wars, ib.; rebellion of Akbar, 214- 
15; retreat from Rajputana, 215; resolves to live in camp, 216; de- 
sultory wars, i&. ; intrigues against Akbar foiled, ib.; bootless oper- 
ations against the Mahrattas, 217; conquest of Bijapur and Gol- 
konda, t6. ; revival of Hindu nationality, ib.; able administration, 
218; punishment of heinous criminals, ib.; collection of Jezya at 
Surat, 231; Hindu revolt in Bengal against his religious persecu- 
tions, 237-8; excitement at his death, 240; his dying fears, ib.; his 
persecution of the Sikhs, 242; execution of Guru Govind, 243. 

Ava, or Burma proper, 575; capital of the kingdom, 591; English 
advance on, during first Burmese war, 596; mission of Crawfurd, ib.; 
ferment at, dui'ing the first Afghan war, 653; political relations with 
the British government under Phagyi-dau and Tharawadi, 654; insur- 
rection of Pagan Meng, 655; second Burmese war, 697; settlement 
by Lord Dalhousie, 697-8. 

Avitable, General, in the service of Runjeet Singh, 674, 676 note. 

Ayodhya, or Oude, Aryan kingdom of, 12; Raj of, 20; the scene of the 
Ramayana, 42; known as Kosala, ib.; rejoicings at the expected 
installation of Rama, 43-4; conquered by the Maharaja of Magadha, 
64; Raja of, engages Nala as his charioteer, 91. 

Azam Shah, second son of Aurangzeb, 214, 241; defeated and slain by 
his elder brother, ib. 

Azim Khan, son of Dost Muhammad Khao, and brother of Afzal Khan, 
captures Kabul, 769; his oppressive government, 770; defeats Sher 
Ali, ib.; succeeds Afzal Khan as Amir of Afghanistan, ib.; deposed, 
ib.; his subsequent fate, ib. 


Baber, his invasion of India, 110; the founder of the Moghul empire, 
152 ; descent and early life, ib.; character, ib.; conquers the Afghans 
of Delhi. 154; advances to Agra, ib.; defeats the Rajputs under the 
Rana of Chitor, ib.; his death, 155; a bad Muhammadan, ib. 

Bahadur Shah, eldest son of Aurangzeb, succeeds to the throne of Delhi, 
241; letters to Mr. Thomas Pitt, governor of Madras, ib.; revolt of 

INDEX 827 

the Sikhs, 242; settlement with the Mahrattas, 343; death, 245. See 
also Shah Alam. 

Bahadur Shah, last titular king of Delhi, 713; dealings with the British 
government, 713-14; makes common cause with the rebel sepoys, 
734-5; held responsible for the massacre of Europeans at Delhi, 726; 
flight to the tomb of Humayun, 747; arrested by Hodson, ib.; sent 
as a state prisoner to Rangoon, 752; his death, ib. 

Bahmani empire in the Dekhan, 114; dismembered into the five king- 
doms of Ahmadnagar, Berar, Bider, Bijapur, and Golkonda, 118. 

Bairam Khan, regent and minister of Akbar, 157; kills the Hindu Hemu, 
158; discarded by Akbar, ib.; assassinated, ib. 

Baiza Bai, widow of Daulat Rao Sindia, her ambitious designs on the 
throne of Gwalior, 606; refusal of Lord William Bentinck to inter- 
fere, ib.; forced to retire in favor of Jankoji Rao Sindia, ib.; her 
able administration, 648. 

Baj-baj, curious capture of, 320 note. 

Baji Rao, second Peishwa, rules the Mahratta empire from 1720 to 1740, 
as minister of Maharaja Sahu, 257, 3S6note; dealings with Nizam- 
ul-mulk and the Moghul Padishah of Delhi, 259; extorts cessions of 
territory and tribute from Muhammad Shah, 259-60; advances on 
Agra and Delhi, 260; repulses by Saadut Ali Khan of Oude, ib.; his 
dealings with Nizam-ul-mulk, 261-3; his death, 269. 

Baji Rao, son of Rughonath Rao, eighth and last Peishwa, his early 
struggles against Nana Farnavese, 463; intrigues with Daulat Rao 
Sindia, 464; permits Sindia to plunder Poona, 465; treacherous 
designs against Sindia, ib. ; forced reconciliation with Nana Farna- 
vese, 468; refuses to engage in a subsidiary alliance with the British 
government, 493; intrigues against Nana Farnavese, 497; cruelties 
at Poona, 498; defeated by Jaswant Rao Holkar, 499; flight into 
British territory, ib. ; signs the treaty of Bassein proposed by Lord 
Wellesley, ib.; reduced to the conditionof a feudatory of the British 
government, ib.; restored by the British to the throne of Poona, 
500; his duplicity and treachery, ib.; intrigues against the British 
government during the administration of Lord Hastings, 550; un- 
derhand bi'eaches of treaty, ib.; strange reception of Gungadhur 
Shastri, the minister from the Gaekwar of Baroda, 551; murder of 
the minister, 552; implication of Baji Rao and Trimbukji Dainglia, 
ib.; imprisonment and escape of Trimbukji, 552-3; fresh intrigues, 
553; threats of Mr. Elphinstone, the British Resident, 554; treaty of 
Poona, ib.; desperate designs, 560; duplicity, i&.; outwits Sir John 
Malcolm, 561; treacherous movements, 562; repulsed by the British 
at Khirki, 563; flight from Poona. ib.; appoints Appa Sahib of Nag- 
pore his commander-in-chief, 564; disgraceful repulse at Korygaum, 
568; flight, ib.; final settlement, 570; death, 706. 

Bakhtiyar, 101; captures Bihar and Nuddea, i6. ; Viceroy of Bihar and 
Bengal, ib. 

Bala Hissar, the "palace of kings" at Kabul, surrendered to Ahmad 
Shah Abdali by the Kuzzilbashes, 623; removal of the British gar- 
rison, 638. 

Balaji Rao, third Mahratta Peishwa, 1740-61, 269; schemes to gain the 
sovereignty, 886; cruel treatment of Sukwar Bai, widow of Maha- 
raja Sahu, t6.; behavior toward Tara Bai, i6.; removes the capital 
to Poona, 387; invasion of the Carnatie and Dekhan. 388; recalled to 
Satara, ib.; counterplots against Tara Bai, ib.; aggressions and out- 
rages in the Dekhan and Carnatie, ib.; intrigues with the Moghul 
Court at Delhi, 389; general reconciliation with the Gaekwar and 

828 INDEX 

Tara Bai, t6.; relations with Bombay, 390; the capture of Gheria, 
ib.; his wrath against the English, ib.; his administration, ib.; 
death, 393. 

Balaji Visvanath, first Mahratta Peishwa, S8Qnote. 

Bali, Raja of monkeys, 57; slain by Rama, ib. 

Balkh, disaffection in, 624; its situation, ib. note. 

Bandu Guru leads the Sikhs to vengeance, 243; his martyrdom, 250. 

Bangalore, captured by Lord Cornwallis, 455; visited by Buchanan, 477; 
its foundation and history, 477-8. 

Banghel, Raja of, his marriage with the queen of Olaza, 143; annexation 
of the Raj by Venlc-tapa Naik, ib. 

Banians, or Bunniahs, corresponding to the Vaisyas, 77 note; their 
attempt to ransom thugs, 218. 

Bapoji Sindia, a treacherous ally of the English, 509-10. 

Barace, the modern Baroche, an ancient Malabar port, 124-5 no^e. 

Bari Doab, construction of the canal of, 694no^e. 

Barlow, Sir George, Governor-General, 517; his character, ib.; his 
political apostasy, ib.; mistaken concessions, 518; annulment of 
protective treaties with Rajput states, ib.; vain remonstrances with 
Nipal, 543. 

Barnard, Sir Henry, advance to Delhi of, 743; his death, 742 note. 

Baroche. a fort at the mouth of Nerbudda river, the ancient Barace, 
124-5 note; cefled to the English by Rughonath Rao, 420; refusal of 
the Poonah council of regency to sanction the cession, 421; given 
back to Mahadaji Sindia by Warren Hastings with other cessions, 
436, o02note; fears of Lord Wellesley respecting a French landing, 

Baroda, the Gaekwar of, becomes a feudatory, 506. See Gaekwar. 

Barrackpore, or "Chanuk," early English settlement at, 237; panic at, 
717; incendiary fires, 719; mutiny, ib.; outbreak of Mungal Pandy, 
720; previous mutiny during the first Burmese war, 727. 

Barukzais, an Afghan tribe, an offshoot of the Abdalis, 622; plot at 
Kandahar against Zeman Shah, 627; slaughter of the conspirators, 
ib.; vain attempts to set up a Durani puppet as sovereign of Af- 
ghanistan, 631-2; struggles against the Duranis after the British 
retreat from Kabul, 642. See also Dost Muhammad Khan. 

Barwell, Mr., a Company's civil servant appointed member of council, 
412; sides with Warren Hastings against Clavering and Francis, 
425; goes to England, 426; loses twenty thousand povinds at whist 
to Francis, 449. 

Basalut Jung, son of Nizam-ul-mulk, 367 note; dealings with Governor 
Rumbold respecting Guntoor, 430. 

Bassein, near Bombay, Portuguese fort there, 130; anxiously desired by 
the East India Company, 399; ceded to Bombay by Rughonath Rao, 
420; restored to the Mahratta. 421. 

Bassein, treaty of, concluded with Baji Rao Peishwa, 499; objections to 
the treaty, 500. 

Bassein, in Burma, captured by the English, 697. 

Bayley. Mr. Butterworth, provisional Governor-General, 600 note. 

Behar or Bihar, 306 note; invaded by the Nawab Vizier of Oude and 
Shah Alam. 353. 

Begums, the Oude, 415; preposterous claims to the state treasures of 
Oude, ib. ; torturing of their servants with the cognizance of Warren 
Hastings, 435. 

Benares, Raja of, conquered by Bhishma, \Anote; old name of Attock, 
ib.; Buiwunt Singh, Raja of, 355; acquisition of, carried out by 

INDEX 829 

Philip Francis in opposition to Warren Hastings, 414-15; Cheit 
Singh, Raja of, pressed for money by Warren Hastings, 433-4; insur- 
rection at Benares against Warren Hastings, 434. See Cheit Singh. 

Benfield, Paul, his fabricated claims on Muhammad Ali, Nawab of the 
Carnatic, 427; his subsequent career, 440 7iote; appearance of his 
wife in London, ib.; denounced by Burke, 441 note. 

Bengal, conquered by Bakhtiyar in the reign of Kutub-ud-din, 101; 
flight of the Raja of Nuddea, ib.; old capital at Gour, ib.; Portu- 
guese mission to, in the sixteenth century, 131; horrible sviccession 
of tyrants, ib.; conquest of Sher Khan the Afghan, 156; English 
settlements in Bengal, 234; Mr. Job Charnock, governor, 235; 
fortifications and cannon prohibited bj" the Moghuls, ib.; English 
declare war against the Moghul Nawab, 236; flight of the English 
to Madras, ib.; foundation of Calcutta, 237; memories of Job 
Charnock, ib.; Hindu rebellion against the persecutions of Aurang- 
zeb, ib.; notices of Bengal by Captain Hamilton, 238; refractory 
Rajas between Murshedabad and Patna. 239, 310; political isolation 
of the Nawabs of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, 255; up-country fac- 
tories, 308; rise of Murshed Kuli Khan, ib.; harsh treatment of 
Hindus, 309; rise of Alivardi Khan, 310; story of the baskets of 
human heads, 311; the Seth family insulted by Nawab Sarfaraz 
Khan, 312; destruction of Sarfaraz Khan, and proclamation of Ali- 
vardi Khan as Nawab, 312-13; Mahratta invasions, 313; treacher- 
ous assassinations, 314; Mahratta revenge, ib.; domestic life of the 
Nawab of Bengal, 315; hostility of his son, Suraj-ud-daula, 316; the 
young Nawab marches an army against Calcutta, 317; tragedy of 
the Black Hole. 318; alarm of the Nawab, 321; vacillations, ib.; 
plottings of Mir Jafir and the Seths against Suraj-ud-daula, 322; 
conspiracy joined by Clive, ib.; treachery of Omichund, ib.; battle of 
Plassj^ 323; Mir Jafir installed Nawab, ib.; cessions to the English, 
ib.; incapacit}^ of Mir Jafir, 324; general dependence on Clive. ib.; 
revolution of political ideas, 325; disaffection of Hindu grandees, 
826; English blamed for non-interference, i?).; Mahrattas demand 
chout, ib.; territorial claims of the Shahzada, 327; his defeat and 
flight, 329; Clive appointed Governor of the English settlements, 
336; succeeded by Holwell and Vansittart, ib.; necessity for a per- 
manent European force, ib.; Clive's scheme for the acquisition of 
Bengal by the British nation, ib.; similar proposals of Colonel 
James Mill, 337 note; off"er of the Dewani of Bengal, Behar, and 
Orissa to Clive, 337; objections of Mr. Pitt, ib.; dealings of Vansit- 
tart with Mir Jafir, 340; treaty with Mir Kasim, 341; Vansittart re- 
fuses a bribe, t6. ; peaceful change of Nawabs, 342; installation of 
Shah Alam at Patna as the Great Mo.shul, 343; offer of the Dewani 
to Vansittart, 344; suspicions of Mir Kasim, ib.; secret preparations 
for war, ib.; quarrel about private trade, ib.; collision between the 
English and the Nawab's officers, 346; violence of the English at the 
up-country factories, 348; capture of Patna, 349; recovery of Patna 
by the Nawab's people, i6.; flight and surrender of the English, 
349-50; elation of the Nawab, 350; murder of Amyatt, ib.; Mir 
Jafir proclaimed Nawab, 351; advance of an English army to Mon- 
ghvr, ib.; massacre of the English at Patna. 352; flight of Mir 
Kasim into Oude, 353; battle of Buxar, 354; death of Mir Jafir, 357; 
corrupt sale of Bengal and Behar to his illegitimate son, ib.; return 
of Lord Clive to Calcutta, 359; his wrath at the sale, 360; introduces 
a system of double government, ib.; English sovereignty veiled by 
Moghul forms, ib.; office of Dewan of Bengal, Behar, and Orissa 

830 INDEX 

vested in East India Company, 362-3; political results. 363; golden 
prospects, 364; Clive succeeded by Verelst, 367; financial crisis, 370; 
evils of double g-overnment, 371; protection of a vicious sx^steiu of 
native government, ib.; character of the Zemindars, 372; oppressive 
treatment of the Ryots, ib.; deputy Nawabs, 373; ag-gravation of 
evils under the double government, ib.; mock pageantry at Mur- 
shedabad, 374: Bengal drained of silver, ib.; Verelst's experiences of 
native administration, 375; appointment of Englisii supervisors and 
committees, it>. ; closer relation between the English and natives, 
ib.; native administration of justice, 376; Mr. George Vansittart 
gulled by Raja Shitab Rai at Patna, 377; results of the collision be- 
tween Europeans and Hindus, 378; general corruption in Bengal, 
880; native opinion turned against the English, ib.; horrible famine, 
381; Warren Hastings appointed Governor, ib.; reforms in the rev- 
enue adnainistration, 404; judicial reforms, 405; charges against 
the deputy Nawabs, ib. ; transfer of the capital from Murshedabad 
to Calcutta, 406; flight of Shah Alam to Delhi severs the English 
from the Great Moghul, ib.; tribute for Bengal and Behar with- 
held by the English, 408; question of equity, ib.; reorganization of 
Bengal under a Governor-General, 412; creation of a Supreme Court 
at Calcutta, ib.; Philip Francis member of council, ib.; factious op- 
position to Hastings, 413; trial and execution of Nund-komar, 416; 
quarrel between Bengal and Bombay respecting the Mahratta war, 
420; struggle between Hastings and Clavering for the post of Gov- 
ernor-General, 425; failure of the land settlement by five years' 
leases in Bengal, ib.; return of Philip Francis to Europe, 436; in- 
terference in Madras affairs, 431; spirited proceedings of Hastings, 
433; empty treasury, ib.; return of Hastings to Europe, 441; per- 
manent land settlement by Lord Cornwallis, 450. 

Bentinck, Lord William, Governor of Madras, recalled in consequence 
of the niutiny at Vellore, 521; tardy redress, ib.; appointed Gover- 
nor-General, 600; his successful domestic administration, 600-1; 
political relations with Mahrattas and Rajputs, 601; his political ad- 
ministi-ation, 604; his forced interference in Gwalior affairs, 606; his 
interference in Indore affairs, 607; declines to interfere in Bundel- 
kund affairs, t6.: or in Jaipur affairs, 608; threatens the king of 
Oude, 609; annexes Coorg, 613; his vacillations with regard to My- 
sore, 616; embarks for England, ib. ; successful administration, 617. 

Berar, Muhammadan kingdom of, in the northern Dekhan, 118; con- 
quered by Akbar, 171; Berar and Nagpore formed into a feudatory 
Mahratta kingdom by the Bhonsla Raja, 384; plundered by the 
Mahratta Peishwa, 395; ceded to the English, 506; made over to 
Nizam Ali, ib.; restoration demanded by Rughoji Bhonsla, 519; 
ceded to the British government by the Nizam for the support of 
the Nizam's Contingent, 708. See Bhonsla and Nagpore. 

Berhampore, sepoy mutiny at, 719. 

Bernier, account of a false astrologer at Delhi, 198. 

Bharadars, the Ghorka, 534; council of, at Khatmandu. 544, 546, 665. 

Bharadwaja, his hermitage at Prayaga, 49; entertains Rama, ib,; won- 
derful miracle, 54 note, 

Bharata, liero ancestor of Santanu, 12; all India called the land of 
Bharata, ib.; the Maha Bharata, ib, 

Bharata, son of Dasaratha by Kaikeyi, 43; sent to Giri-vraja, ib,; pos- 
sible representative of a Buddhist faction, ib. note; installed as 
Yuva-raja, 44: returns to Ayodhya, 50; celebrates funeral of Dasa- 
ratha, 51; performs the Sraddha, 52; refuses the Raj of Ayodhya, ibr, 

INDEX 831 

marches to Chitra-kuta to seek Rama, ib.; passage of the Ganges, 
53: meeting with Rama, 54; second return, 54-5. 
Bharata, son ofDushyanta and Sakuntala, 88-9. 

Bhils or Bheels, occupied the hills and jungles to the south, 12; an ex- 
isting type of so-called aborigines, 78; their superstition, 17; legend 
of the Bhil prince and Drona, ib.; Sivaji's alliance with them, 203. 
Bhilsa, Buddhist temples plundered by Ala-ud-din, 102. 
Bliima, son of Kunti, 15; the second of the Pandavas, 16; jealousy of 
Duryodhana, ib.; his rivalry with Duryodhana at the exhibition 
of arms, 18; slays Hidimba and marries Hidimbi, 21; slaj's the 
cannibal Vaka, ib.; vows revenge against Duryodhana and Duhsa- 
sana, 27; serves as cook at the court of Virata, 29; slays Jimuta and 
Kichaka, 30; slays Duryodhana by a foul blow, 34; slays Duhsasana 
and fulfils his vow, ib. 
Bhim Sein Thapa of Nipal accompanies Run Bahadur to Benares, 539; 
his return to Nipal, 541; the prime minister of Run Bahadur, ib.; 
orders a massacre at Khatmandu, 542; his relations with Run 
Bahadur's chief queen, ib.; summons a council of Bharadars at 
Khatmandu, 544; advises war, 544, 546; sues for peace, 547; renewal 
of war, 548; concludes the treaty of Segowlie, ib.; premier and 
paramour, 657; provokes the elder queen, 658; dealings with the 
Resident, tt).; his fall, 659; released from prison, 659-60; pensioned, 
660; his condemnation, 661; his doom, ib. 
Bhishma, son of Santanu, resigns all claim to the Raj of Hastinapur, 
14; the dreadful vow, ■ib.; the faithful guardian, tb.; proposes the 
division of the Raj of Hastinapur between the Pandavas and 
Kauravas, 24; slain by Arjuna, 34; reappears in the Ganges, 40. 
Bhodau Phra, king of Burma, reign of, 590; conquests and cruelties, ib.; 

pride and ignorance, 593. 
Bhonsla family, rise of, 259. 

Bhonsla, Rughoji, founds the feudatorj' kingdom of Berar and Nagpore 
under the suzerainty of Maharaja Sahu and the Peishwas, 384-5; 
his kinship to Sivaji, 386; suspicious of the designs of Balaji Rao 
Peishwaand the legitimacy of Raja Ram, 387; his death, 394. 
Bhonsla, Janoji, succeeds Rughoji, claims chout for Bengal and Behar 
from Mir Jafir. 326 note; Clive inclined to yield, 365, 399; refusal of 
the Court of Directors, tb. ; negotiations with Nizam Ali for get- 
ting the regency at Poona, 395; engages to desert Nizam Ali, 396; 
treacherous slaughter of half the Nizam's army, ib.; strange recon- 
ciliation, ib.; his death, 419 note, 
Bhonsla, Mudaji, brother of Janoji, usurps the throne of Berar, 419 
note; betrays the hostile confederacy of Hyder Ali, Nizam Ali, and 
the Mahrattas to Warren Hastings, and renews the demand for 
chout, 432; his neutrality secured, 433; his death, 500 note. 
Bhonsla, Rughoji, the Second, succeeds to the throne of Berar, 500 
note; joins in the war against Nizam Ali, 462-3; stupefaction at the 
treaty of Bassein, 500; anxious for the help of Jaswant Rao Holkar, 
501; feeble operations in the field against Colonel Welleslej', 503; 
defeated at Assaye, ib.; his flight, ib.; cedes Cuttack and Berar to 
the British government, 506; demands their restoration, 519; his 
death, 563. 
Bhonsla, Appa Sahib. See Appa Sahib, and Nagpore. 
Bhopal, Pindhari chiefs settled in, 559; loyalty of the Begum during 

the sepoy mutiny, 742 note. 
Bhowani, the goddess, 201 note. 
Bhurtpore, Jat principality at, 400; feudatory to the British govern- 

832 INDEX 

merit, 506; the Raja throws off his allegiance, 511; the fortress be- 
sieged by Lake, ib.; the Raja frightened into submission, ib.; out- 
break in, 597; growing danger, 598; capture of the fortress by Lord 
Combermere, 599. 

Bhutan, 531; missiou to, 763; country described, ib.; the people, 763; 
corrupt Buddhism, ib.; Dharma and Deva Rajas, ib.; Penlows, 
Jungpens, and Zingaffs. 763-4; constitutional element. 764; border 
aggressions, ib.; historical importance of the mission, ib.; civil 
war, ib.; dealings with England, 765-6; failure of the mission, 
766-7; war with England, 767. 

Bider, the ancient Vidarbha, 90 note; one of the five Muhammadan 
kingdoms of the Dekhan, 118. 

Bihar, or Vihara, the land of Buddhist monasteries, anciently called 
Magadha, 64; captured by Bakhtiyar, 101. See Behar. 

Bijapur, one of the five Muhammadan kingdoms of the Dekhan, 118; 
alliance of the Sultan of with Ram Rai. 121; flight of the Bijapur 
army, 202; conquered by Aurangzeb, 217. 

Bithoor, Nana Sahib, Raja of, 732. See Nana Sahib. 

Blackburne, Major, Resident at Tanjore, 486 note: investigation of dis- 
pute between the Tondiman aud Sivaganga Rajas, ib. 

Black Hole, tragedy of at Calcutta, 318-19. 

Blake, Mr., murdered at Jaipur, 608. 

Board of Control, created in 1784. 439; its constitution, ib. note; its 
orders with reference to the Carnatic, 440-1. 

Bobili Raja, feud with the Raja of Vizianagram, 330-1; self-sacrifice of 
Rajputs, ib. 

Bogle, his mission to Thibet, 536 note. 

Bokhara, an Usbeg kingdom, 619; fate of Stoddart and Conolly at, 
645-6; Russian advance to, 771. 

Bombay, Portuguese fort at, ISO note; ceded to the English by the 
Portuguese, 230; gardens and terraces turned into ramparts, ib.; its 
situation, 383; relations with Poona, 417; negotiations with Rug- 
honath Rao for tlie cession of Salsette and Bassein, 420; condemned 
by the Bengal erovernment, ib.; sends an expedition to Poona, 422; 
convention of Wurgaum, 423. 

Bonairs, their behavior in the Sitana campaign, 760-1. 

Boscawen, Admiral, 287; raises the siege of Pondicherrv. ib.; his return 
to England, 296, 

Bowring. Sir Lewin, Chief Commissioner of Mysore, his account of the 
Coorg Raja, 611 7iote. 

Brahma, worship of, 82. 

Brahmans, priests and sages, 23 note; surprise at seeing a Brahman 
contend at a Swayamvara. 23; hatred of Buddhists, 21 note; the 
first of the four great castes, 25 ?tote, 77; Brahman envoy at the 
court of Hastinapur. 31-2; persecuted by the Rakshasas, .55; excite 
the wrath of Alexander the Great, 66; rise and growth of their 
power, 88; Purohitas, Gurus and Swamis, 84; modern Brahmanism, 
87. 113; Brahm.Tn element in Mahr.atta constitution. 244; tlieir sects 
in Southern India, 474; distinction between spiritual and secular, 
Vaidikas and Lokikas, 476; officials of Tippu, 478; corrupt and op- 
pressive, ib.: satires against, 482; Dubois' story of the four Brah- 
mans, 482-5. 

Brinjarries or carriers (see Manaris) engaged by Cornwallis, 456. 

Bristow, Mr., supersedes Middleton as Resident at Lukhnow, 414; im- 
politic interference in the question of the Oude treasures, 415; 
supported by Fraacis, ib. 

INDEX 833 

Brodie, Sergeant, his heroism during- the Vellore mutiny, 520. 

Brydon, Dr., his escape from the massacre in the Khaiber Pass, 641. 

Buchanan, Dr., sent by Lord Wellesley from Madras to Malabar, 472-3; 
journey through Mysore, 472; sights and experiences, 472-82. 

Buddhism, Kanishka, a hberal patron of, 71; missionaries sent out by 
Asoka, 73; Buddhist pilgrims from China, ib.; Buddhism, a revolt 
against the Brahmanical system of Manu, 87; doctrine of deliver- 
ance in annihilation, ib.; transplanted from Hindustan into Thibet, 
531-2; rival sects of the red and yellow, 532 note; cheerful form of 
Buddhism in Burma, 576-7; corrupt form prevailing in Bhutan, 763. 

Budge-budge. See Baj-baj. 

Buhler's, Professor, Introduction to the Vikramankakavya, 88 notes. 

Bulaki, son of Khuzru, 183; declared successor to the throne by Jehan- 
gir, ib.; his short reign, 185; his fate, 186. 

Bulwunt Singh, Raja of Benares, detached from the cause of Shuja-ud- 
daula, Nawab Vizier of Oude, 355; father of Cheit Singh, 433. 

Bundlekund, ceded by the Peishwa to the British government, 522; 
turbulence and anarchy suppressed by Lord Minto, ib.; evils of 
non-intervention, case of Sumpthur, 607. 

Bundula, the Burmese general, invades the countries between Burma 
and Bengal, 594; repulsed at Rangoon, 595; his earthworks at Don- 
abew, ib.; death, ib. 

Burdwan, ceded to the English by Mir Kasim, 341, 343. 

Burhanpur, Sir Thomas Roe at, 175-6. 

Burke's denunciation of Benfield and Dundas, 441 note; his charges 
against Hastings, 441. 

Burma, geography of, 575; its inhabitants described, 575-6; their life 
and manners, !&.; Buddhist institutions, 576-7; marriage institu- 
tions, 578; devastating wars, ib,; Portuguese adventurers, 579; a 
Burmese hero, ib.; his career, 579-87; publiclifeof the kings, 590-1; 
the administration a network of officialism, 591; origin of the war 
with England, 593; pride and ignorance of the court, ib.; violence 
and insolence of ofilcials, ib.; hostile incursions, 594; flight of the 
soldiery at the approach of the English. 595; the army repulsed at 
Rangoon, ib. ; the panic at Donabew, ib. ; the treaty of Yandabo, 596; 
second war with England, 097; capture of Rangoon, Bassein, and 
Prome, ib.; annexation of Pegu, ib. 

Burma, British, formation of, 698; prosperity, ib. ; visit of Lord Mayo, 773. 

Burnes, Sir Alexander, at Kabul, 638; his defence against the Afghan 
outbreak at Kabul, 639; his murder, ib. 

Burney, Colonel, Resident at Ava, 654; withdrawal, 655. 

Bushire, captured by the English, 715. 

Bussy, M"., captures Jinji, 293; accompanies Muzaffir Jung, 295; pro- 
claims Salabut Jung Nizam of the Dekhan. 296; his rupture with 
Salabut Jung, 306; marches to H^'derabad, ib.; letter to Alivardi 
Khan, 316; his wars against the Hindu Poligars, 330; sides with the 
Raja of Vizianagram against the Bobili Raja, 331; his successes 
against the English, 332; contrast with Clive, ib.; recalled by 
Lally, 333; reluctant obedience, ib. 

Buxar, battle of, 354. 

Byadeit, or privy council of the Burmese, 592. 

Bj'een-noung, a Burmese hero, 579; conquest of Pegu, 580; siege of 
Martaban, ib.; plunder and sack of Martaban, 583; his terrible ven- 
geance on the ladies of Martaban, 584r-6; he invades Siam, 586; re- 
called to Pegu, ib.; assassinated, 587; career of his foster-brother, 
587-8; himself a type of Burmese conquerors, 589. . 

834 INDEX 


Cachar, English acquisition of, 617. 

Csesar Frederic, his visit to Vijayanagar, 122. 

Calcutta, foundation of the English settlement at, 337; fortifications 
round the factory, 238: social life of the English in the beginning 
of the eighteenth century, ib.; garrison of Fort William, ib.; En- 
glish mission to Delhi, 248: government, 307; French and Dutch 
neighbors at Chandernagore and Chinsura, ib.; up-country fac- 
tories, 308; experiences of Muhammadan rule, 311; the Mahratta 
ditch, 314; hostility of the young Nawab, Suraj-ud-daula, 316; at- 
tack on Calcutta, 317; inefficient defence of the English, 318; sur- 
render of Fort William, ib. ; tragedy of the Black Hole, 318-19; 
indifference of -Asiatics, 319; recapture of Calcutta by Clive and 
Watson, 320; decisive battle of Plassy, 323; wild joy of the inhab- 
itants of Calcutta, ib.; collision with Mir Kasim, 344; stormy 
councils, 346; deputation of Arayatt and Hay to Monghyr, 348; 
murder of Amyatt, 350; Mir Jafir proclaimed Nawab at Calcutta, 
351; massacre of a hundred and fifty Englishmen at Patna, 352; 
corrupt proceedings of the Calcutta council at Murshedabad, 357; 
Lord Clive appointed governor, 359; introduces a double govern- 
ment, 363; political outlook of Calcutta in the eighteenth century, 
382-3; I'elations with Delhi, 401; transfer of the capital of Bengal 
from Murshedabad to Calcutta, 406. 

Calicut, court of the Zamorin. or suzerain of Malabar, 126; audience of 
Vasco de Gama in the palace, 127; hostility of the Muhammadan 
merchants, ib.; massacre of Portuguese by the Nairs, 129; Portu- 
guese mission to the Zamorin, 144; description of the city and 
bazars, 146; Delia Valle's audience with the Zamorin, ib. ; scanty 
costume of ladies and courtiers, 146-7. 

Calliaud, General, expedition to the Northern Circars, 367; treaty with 
Nizam All, ib. 

Campbell, Sir Colin (Lord Clyde), Commander-in-chief, 748; his relief 
of Lukhnow, 749; defeats the Gvvalior rebels at Cawnpore, 751; his 
campaign in Oude and Kohilkund, 752. 

Cannanore, port of, 125. 

Canning, Lord, Governor-General of India, 712; dealings with the Delhi 
family, 713-14; undisturbed by the rumors forerunning the mutiny, 
715; sympathies with the sepoys, 727; vigorous measures, ib.; his 
durbar at Agra, 757: departure and death, ib. 

Canning, Capt., his mission to Ava, 593. 

Caravanserais in Moghul India, 221. 

Carnac, Major, defeats the army of Shah Alam and the Nawab Vizier, 
342; installs Shah Alam as the Great Moghul in the English factory 
at Patna, 342-3, 

Carnac, Sir James, his dealings with the Raja of Satara, 708. 

Carnatic, governed by a Nawab nominated by the Nizam of the Dekhan, 
subject to the confirmation of the Great Moghul, 275; geographi- 
cal boundaries, ib.; politically divided by the river Koleroon, ib.; 
Moghul Carnatic and Hindu Carnatic, ib.; Rajas, i&.; Poligars, 276; 
Moghul rule more oppressive than the Hindu, ib.; ravages of the 
Mahrattas in the Upper Carnatic, ib.; succession of Nawabs, 277; 
revolution in the Hindu Carnatic, 278; old wars between Trichinop- 
oly and Tanjore, ib.; Trichinopoly seized bj' Chunder Sahib, 279; 
Mahratta invasion, ib.; takes possession of Trichinopoly, 280; suc- 
cession of Subder Ali as Nawab, 281; wrath of the Nizam, ib.; per- 

INDEX 835 

plexities of the Nawab, i5.; assassination of Subder Ali, 283; set- 
tlement of affairs by Nizara-ul-mulk, 283-4; murder of the boy 
Nawab at a wedding feast, 284; Auwar-ud-din appointed Nawab, 
285; war between England and France, ib.; defeat of the Nawab's 
army by the French, 286; peace between England and France, 287; 
restoration of Madras to the EngUsli, ib.; struggle between two rival 
Nawabs, 288; English and French take opposite sides, ib.; defeat and 
death of Anwar-ud-din at Amboor, 290; contest between Muham- 
mad Ali and Chunder Sahib, ib.; interference of Nasir Jung, Nizam 
of the Dekhan, 293; brilliant success of the French, 295; bewilder- 
ment of the English, 296; crisis at Trichinopoly, 297; Clive's defence 
of Arcot, 299; triumph of the English and Muhammad Ah, 300; 
peace between the English and French. 304; invasion of Hyder Ali 
and Nizam Ali, 369; invasion of Balaji Rao Peishwa, 388; later in- 
vasions of Hyder Ali, 431; disasters of the English, 432-3; corrupt 
dealings of the English at Madras with the Nawab, Muhammad Ali, 
426; claims of Paul Benfield, 427; Macartney's assumption of the 
revenue, 437; miscellaneous adventurers, 440 note; revenues re- 
stored to the Nawab, 441; settlement of the Nawab's debts, ib.; in- 
vasion of Tippu, 455; Carnatic brought under British administration 
by Lord Wellesley, 485; necessity for the transfer, 489; treacherous 
correspondence of the Nawab with Tippu of Mj^sore, ib.; final settle 
ment by Lord Dalhousie, 706. 

Cartier, governor of Bengal, 370. 

Carumnassa river, 308 note; boundary of British territory in Bengal laid 
down to Lord Clive, 365. 

Castes, division into four, 25 note, 77. 

Catherine II. of Russia, Russian aggression in Persia during the reign 
of, 496 note. 

Catholic missionaries, denunciations of cruelties of Hindu Rajas, 276 

Cawnpore, its history, 731; its garrison, 732; the place of refuge, 732; 
mutiny at, 733; besieged by Nana Sahib, 734; massacre io the boats, 
735; imprisonment of women and children, 736; massacre of women 
and children, 738; defeat of Nana Sahib, ib.; entry of Havelock, ib.; 
occupied by the Gwalior rebels, 751; their defeat, ib, 

Chakrantikam, ceremony of, 481. 

Chamba Iriver, 194, 241; boundary between Malwa and Rajputana, 421 
note, 505. 

Chamberlain, General Sir Neville, his conduct of the Sitana campaign, 

Chandernagore, founded by the French, 238, 307; captured by Clive and 
Watson. 321; restored to France, 361 note. 

Chandra-gupta. See Sandrokottos. 

Chandu Lai at the head of the Nizam's administration, 571; the sham 
loan, 572; resigns office, 708. 

Charioteers, exercised political influence in ancient Hindu courts, 32 

Charnock, Job, governor of English settlements in Bengal, 235; ar- 
rested and scourged, 236; return to Calcutta, 237; the patriarch of 
Bengal, ib. 

Cheit Singh, Raja of Benares, 433; his political status, 433-4; heavy de- 
mands of Hastings, 434; submission and rebellion, ib.; flight and 
deposition, ib.; one of the charges against Hastings, 441. 

Chetu, a Pindhari leader, 527; killed by a tiger, 559. 

Chilianwallah, the battle of, 688. 

836 INDEX 

Chiasura, founded by the Dutch, 238, 307. 

Chitor, old Rajput king-dom under the Rana, or Rajput suzerain, con- 
quered by Ala-ud-din, 105; self-sacritice of the Rajputs at, ib.; hos- 
tility of the Rana to Baber, 154; defeated, ib.; invaded by the 
Sultan of Guzerat, 155; headship of the Rajput league, 160-1; ob- 
stinate resistance to Akbar, 162; destruction of the city, ib, ; Sir 
Thomas Roe's visit to the ruins, 177. 

Chittagong, Portuguese mission to, 131; ceded to the English by Mir 
Kasim, 341. 

Choultries, description of, 473. 

Chout, collected by Sivaji, 211. See Mahrattas. 

Chunder Sahib, son-in-law of Dost Ali, Nawab of the Carnatic, 278; gulls 
the Rani of Trichinopol.y, ib.; imprisoned over six years at Satara 
by the Mahrattas, 280; liberated by the help of Dupleix, 288; pro- 
claimed Nawab of the Carnatic, ib.; joins MuzafRr Jung, a claim- 
ant for the throne of Hyderabad, 290; delays at Tanjore, 292; flight 
to Pondicherry, 293; unexpected success, 295; surrender and mur- 
der, 300. 

Clavering, General, a member of council at Calcutta, 412; contest with 
Warren Hastings for the post of Governor-General, 425; death, ib. 

Clive, Robert, wins his first laurels at Pondicherry, 287; his early 
career, ib.; realizes the situation at Trichinopoly, 297; his plans, 
298; his expedition to Arcot, ib.; defence at Arcot, 299; his career 
of conquest, ib.; leaves for England, 803; return to Bombay, 305; 
captures Gheria with Watson, 306; goes to Madras, ib.; recaptures 
Calcutta with Watson, 319-20; his anxiety for peace, 321; joins the 
conspiracy against Suraj-ud-daula, 322; deceives Omichund with a 
sham treaty, ib.; wins the battle of Plassy, 323; creates Mir Jafir 
Nawab, ib.; his jaghir, 324; his jackass, 325; his relations with the 
Moghul court at Delhi, 329; contrast to Bussy, 332; sends Colonel 
Forde to the Northern Circars, 333; appointed governor of Bengal, 
336; his departure for England, ib.; convinced of the necessity of 
garrisoning Bengal, ib.; his scheme for the acquisition of Bengal, 
ib.; rejected by William Pitt, 337; his return to India, 357, 359; 
contemplated policy, 359-60; his wrath with Governor Spencer at 
Calcutta, 360; his negotiations at Murshedabad and Patna, ib.; his 
policy as regards the Great Moghul, 861; his restorati6n of Oude to 
the Nawab Vizier, ib.; his settlement with Shah Alam at Allaha- 
bad, 362; his office of Dewan, 363; resvilts of his policy, 363^; his 
external policy, 364; his misgivings about the Mahrattas, 365; his 
breach with Nizam Ali, ib.; obtains a firman from Shah Alam for 
the Northern Circars, 366; a Moghul Peishwa, ib.; thwarted by 
Madras, 367; leaves India for England, ib.; failure of his political 
system, 370-1; his double government and its results, 371-4. 

Clyde, Lord. See Campbell, Sir Colin. 

Cochin, ancient Cothinara, famous for pepper, 125 note; alliance with 
Portuguese, 129; feud with the Zamorin of Calicut, 145, 148. 

Combermere, Lord, captures Bhurtpore, 599. 

Company. See East India. 

Conjeveram, or Kanchi-puram, visited by Buchanan, 473; its streets 
and houses, 474; the temple, ib,; headquarters of Ramanuja 
Acharya, 475 note. 

Conolly, Captain, liis fate at Bokhara, 645-6. 

Cooper, Mr., military executions carried out by, 743 noife. 

Coorg, description of the country, 609; its isolation, ib.; warlike popu- 
lation, ib.; religious origin of the Raj, ib.; aggressions of Hyder 

INDEX 837 

Ali, 610; and of Tippu, ib,; non-intervention of the British, ib.; mis- 
taken interference in the succession, 611; madness of the ViraRaja, 
ib,; Chikka Vira Raja declares war against England, 612; valor of 
the Coorgs, ib.; their preference for British rule, 613; annexation, 
ib.; stipulation concerning cows, ib. note. 

Coote, General Sir Eyre, defeats Lally at Wandiwash, 335; siege and 
capture of Pondicherry, ib. 

Cornwallis, Lord, Governor-General of India. 449; introduces social re- 
forms in Calcutta, ib.; permanent land settlement with the Bengal 
Zemindars, 450; judicial and administrative reforms, 450-1; war 
against Tippu, Sultan of Mysore, 454; dealings with Nizam Ali and 
the Mahrattas, 454-5; rebuffed by Mahadaji Sindia, 455; capture of 
Seringapatam, 457; attempts to establish a balance of power in 
India, 457-8; departure for England, 460; treaty with the Nawab of 
the Caruatic, 489; returns to India as Governor-General in succes- 
sion to Lord Welleslej', 511; his extreme views, 516; his death, 517. 

Coryat, Tom, his meeting with Roe at Chitor, 177; his travels, ib. 

Cotton, Gen. Sir Sydney, drives Hindustani fanatics out of Sitana, 759. 

Court. General, in the service of Runjeet Singh, 674, 676 note. 

Cox, Captain, his mission to Ava, 593. 

Crawfurd, Mr. John, liis mission to Ava, 596. 

Currie. Sir Frederic, Resident at Lahore, 685; accepts the resignation oi 
Mulraj. ib. 

Cuttack ceded to the English, 506. 


Dabul in Konkan, Portuguese fort at, 131. 

Dada Khasji, aspires to be premier of Gwalior, 649; his elevation by 
Tara Bai, 650; submission to the British government, 651. 

Dacca, inland English factory at, 308; court of appeal at, 451. 

Dalhousie, Lord, Governor-General, 685; resolves on the conquest of 
the Sikhs, 687-8; annexes the Punjab, 689-90; his genius, 691; ad- 
ministrative culture, ib.; creation of a government in the Punjab, 
691-8; defence of the frontier westward of the Indus, 693^; reduces 
the land revenue, 694; dealings with Burma, 695-8; annexes Pegu, 
697; general energy and capacity', 698; suppression of barbarous 
usages in native states, 699; political dictum that no rightful op- 
portunity should be lost of acquiring native territory, ib.; refuses 
to allow the right of adoption to cover a claim to the heirship of a 
principality in the case of dependent states, 703; case of the Raja of 
Satara, 703; recognition of the adopted son of the Kerauli Raja,704; 
annexation of Nagpore, 706; dealings with the Carnatio and Tanjore 
families, ib.; dealings with Hyderabad and acquisition of Berar, 
707-8; annexation of Oude, 710; deals with the Santals as Beutinck 
dealt with the Koles, 711; succeeded hj Lord Canning, 712; agree- 
ment with the Moghul family at Delhi, 713. 

Damaji Gaekwar, dynasty of, 384; espouses the cause of Tara Bai, 388; 
imprisoned by Balaji Rao. 388-9; joins Rughonath Rao. 395. 

Damayanti. See Nala. 

Danduka, wilderness of, 49. 

Dara, eldest son of Shah Jeban, 190; thwarts the pi'ojects of Aurang- 
zeb, 191; defeated by Aurangzeb and Murad, 193; escape to the 
Punjab. 194; his second defeat, 195; assassination, ib. 

Dasaratha, Maharaja of Ayodhya. 42; his four sons, ib,; cajoled by 
Kaikeyi, 44; his death, 50; funeral rites of, 51-3. 

838 INDEX 

Diuid Khan, 234; besieges Madras. t6.; Viceroy of Guzerat, 248; collision 
with Husain Ali Khan, ib.; death, ib. 

De Boigne, General, in the service of Mahadaji Sindia, 446, 458; his re- 
turn to Europe, 501. 

De Gingen, Captain, 297. 

Dekhan, conquests of Ala-ud-din, 103, 106; Sultans of (see Bahmani 
Sultans), 114; division of the Bahmani empire into five Muham- 
madan kingdoms, 118; Akbar's embassy to, 171; its failure, ib.; 
state of affairs in the time of Aurangzeb, 199; struggle for the 
throne of the Nizam, 289; acquisition by the French of the Nortii- 
ern Circars. 330; dealings of Bussy with Bobili and Vizianagram, 
330-1; Lord Clive obtains the Northern Circars, 333--i, 366; Mahratta 
invasions, 387-8. See Mahrattas and Nizam. 

Delhi, the Raja of, present at the Swayamvara of the princess of Ka- 
nouj, 98; capture of the city by the Afghans, ib.; riseof the Sultans 
of, 100; fatal removal of the capital toDeoghur in the Dekhan, 109; 
revolutions at the death of Jehangir, 185; sack of, by Nadir Shah's 
soldiery, 266; distractions between 1748 and 1758, history of, 327; 
struggles between the Afghans and Mahrattas at, 338; recovery 
of Delhi by the Mahrattas, 391; secret negotiations of Ahmad Shah 
Abdali with Alamgliir, ib. ; expulsion of the Mahrattas under Rugho- 
nath Rao and re-establishment of Afghan supremacy, 392; progress 
of affairs during the regency of Najib-ud-daula, 400; relations with 
Calcutta, 401; plots and assassinations under the Amir of Amirs, 
444; ascendency of Mahadaji Sindia, 445; horrible excesses of 
Gholam Kadir, 451; General Lake's victory at, 504; audience with 
Shah Alam, ib.; treatment of the Moghul family by Lord Dal- 
housie, 713; tidings of the sepoy mutiny at Meerut, 724; approach 
of the mutineers, ib.; its defence by Brigadier Graves, 725; explo- 
sion of the magazine, ib.; tragedies in the palace, 726; flight of 
Europeans, ib.; the head-centre of revolt, 742; description of the 
defences, 744; the gates, ib.; the Ridge, 744-5; the old suburbs, 745; 
preparations for assault, 746; final assault, ib.; fighting inside the 
town, 747; reoccupation, 748; the Imperial Assemljlage, 774. 

Delia Valle, his travels in India, 135; his account of the festival in hon- 
or of Hanuman, 57 note: his description of the war dances in the 
Dekhan, 116; description of Goa, 135-6; accompanies the Portuguese 
mission to Venk-tapa Naik, king of Ikkeri, 137^1; goes to Manga- 
lore, 141; meeting with the queen of Olaza, 142-3; visits the king of 
the Yogis, 143; visits the city and bazar of Calicut, 145-6; audience 
with the Zamorin and the Malabar princesses, 146-7; departure 
from Calicut, 147. 

Denison, Sir William, provisional Viceroy after the death of Lord Elgin, 
761; orders the advance of the Bhutan mission, 765; his recognition 
of Sher AliKhan, 768. 

Deoghur, capital of a Mahratta kingdom in the Dekhan, captured by Ala- 
ud-din, 103; removal of the Muhammadan capital from Delhi by Mu- 
hammad Tughlak, 109; identified with the ancient Tagara, 125 note. 

Deva Rai, assassination of his son, 117; submits to the Sultan of the 
Dekhan, ib.; marriage of his daughter, ib.; unpropitious parting 
with the Sultan of the Dekhan, ib.; defeats the Sultan, 118; his 
death, 119. 

Deva or Deb Rajas in Bhutan, historical significance of the term, 763. 

Devicotta in Tanjore, 287; ceded to the English, 288. 

Dewal Devi, the Rajput princess of Guzerat, her strange adventures, 

INDEX 839 

Dewan, or accountant-general, 254; explanation of the term in refer- 
ence to the Dewani of Bengal, 337, 344, 363. 

Dhalimkote, Jungpen of, his conduct toward the Bhutan mission, 765. 

Dharma Rajas in Bhutan, religious significance of the term, 763. 

Dhian Singh, brother of Gholab Singh of Jamu. prime minister at La- 
hore, 675; dismissed by Kharak Singh and murders his successor, 
ib.; suspected of murdering the j'oung Maharaja by the fall of an 
archway, ib.; checkmated by the queen-regent, 676; places Sher 
Singh on the throne, ib.; murdered, 677. 

Dhrishta-dyumna, the brother of Draupadi, 23; slays Drona, 35; slain 
by Aswatthama, ib.; reappears in the Ganges, 41. 

Dhritarashtra, the blind grandson of Santanu, married to Gandhari, 14; 
supplanted by his brother Pandu on account of his blindness, 15; 
becomes Maharaja of Hastinapur, ib.; his sons called the Kauravas, 
ib.; appoints Yudhishthira, eldest son of Pandu, to be Yuva-raja, 20; 
his vacillations, i&. ; sends the Pandavas to Varanavata, and ap- 
points his son Duryodhana to be Yuva-raja, ib. ; sends his charioteer 
on a mission to the Pandavas, 32; affecting submission to the Pan- 
davas, 36-7; retires with Gandhari to the banks of the Ganges, 37. 

Dhulip Singh, infant son of Runjeet Singh, Maharaja of Lahore, 677; 
becomes a pensioner of the British government, 690. 

Dhundu Punt. See Nana Sahib. 

Diego Suarez, his extraordinary career in Burma, 588; murdered by the 
mob of Pegu, 589. 

Digarchi, seat of the Teshu Lama, 532; temples of, plundered by the 
Ghorkas, 536. 

Dinkur Rao, minister of Sindia, his conduct during the sepoy mutiny, 753. 

Diu, Portuguese fort at, 130; repulse of the Turks at, by the Portu- 
guese, 131. 

Doab, grant of the revenue to Mahadaji Sindia, 459; its position, ib. 

Donabew, on the river Irawadi, Bundula's stand at, 595; panic of the 
Burmese, ib. 

Dost Ali, Nawab of the Carnatic, 277; withholds the tribute to the 
Nizam, ib.; appoints Chunder Sahib Dewan, ib. note; interferes in 
Trinchinopoly, 278; defeated and slain by the Mahrattas, 279. 

Dost Muhammad Khan, first appearance of, 630; plunders the ladies of 
their jewels in the zenana at Herat, ib.; takes possession of Kabul, 
631; proclaimed Amir, 632; his critical position, ib.; his anxiety to 
recover Peshawar, 634; applies for help to England and Russia, ib.; 
flight to Bokhara, 635; surrender, 636; an English prisoner, ib.; 
joins the Sikhs during the second Sikh war, 688; takes Peshawar 
and besieges Attock, ib.; driven out of Peshawar, 690; contends 
with Persia for Herat, 714; helped by England, 715; his death, 767; 
a faithful ally and successful ruler, 768; his treaty with Sir John 
Lawrence, 772; objections of Sher Ali Khan, ib. 

Douglas, Captain, commandant of the palace guards at Delhi, killed in 
the sepoy mutiny, 726. 

Doveton, Major, iiis futile mission to Tippu, 470. 

Drake, Mr., governor of Calcutta, 317; demands of Suraj-ud-daula, ib.; 
escape from Calcutta, 318. 

Draupadi, daughter of the Raja of Panchala, 22; her Swayamvara, ib.; 
rebuffs Kama. 23; won by Arjuna, ib.; her marriage, 24; gambled 
away by Yudhishthira, 27; her vow, 28; becomes a lady's-maid in 
the palace at Virata, 29; her Gandharva lovers, 30; saved from 
burning by Bhima, 30-1; her pei'il in the camp of the Kauravas, 35; 
her grief at the slaughter of her sons, 36; the funeral rites, ib. 

840 INDEX 

Drona, the tutor of the Kauravas and the Pandavas, 16; his feud with 
the Raja of Panchala, ib.; marries a dauo;hter of the house and 
educates the young princes at Hastinapur, ib.; his fame as a teacher 
of archery, 17; refuses to instruct the Bhil prince, ib.; worship of his 
image, ib.: his treatment of the Bhil prince, ib.; stops the combat 
between Duryodhaua and Bhima at the exhibition of arms, 18; 
divides the Raj of Panchala with Drupada, 19; slays Drupada in the 
war of the Maha Bharata, 35; slain by Dhrishta-djaimna, ib.; re- 
appears in the Ganges, 40; difference of his exile from that of 
Rama, 48 note. 

Drupada, Raja of Panchala, 16; his feud with Drona, ib.; defeated by 
Drona, 19; celebrates the Swayanivara of his daughter Draupadi, 
22; sends an envoy in behalf of the Pandavas to Hastinapur, 31 
slain by Drona, 84. 

Dubois, Abbe, his description of a feud between the right and left hands, 
480 note; reproduces the story of the four Brahmans, 482. 

Duhsasana, treatment of Draupadi, 27; slain by Bhima, 34. 

Dundas (Lord Melville) first president of the Board of Control, 439 note; 
denounced bj' Burke, 441 note. 

Dupleix, governor of Pondicherry, 285; his alarm at the English fleet, 
ib,; deceives the Nawab of the Carnatic as regards Madras, 286; 
secures the release of Chunder Sahib from the Mahrattas, 288: 
schemes to make Chunder Sahib Nawab of the Carnatic in order to 
drive out the English, ib.; larger scheme regarding the Dekhan, 
290; reception of Chunder Sahib and MuzafRr Jung at Pondiclierry, 
ib.; worried by the delay at Tanjore, 292; checkmated by the in- 
vasion of Nasir Jung, 293; successful campaigns, ib.; cleverness of 
his wife, 294; sudden revolution at the death of Nasir Jung, 295; 
rejoicings at Pondichei-ry, ib.; appointed governor for the Great 
Moghul of all the countries to the south of the Kistna, ib.; sudden 
establishment of French ascendency in India, 296; misrepresenta- 
tions as regards the English, 302; arrogates all the powers of a 
Nawab of the Carnatic, 303; refuses peace unless the English 
recognize his claims, ib.; sacrificed by the French government in 
Europe, 304; despair and death, ib. 

Dupleix, Madame, her mixed parentage, 294; her knowledge of native 
languages and correspondence with native courts, ib.; known as 
Jan Begum, ib. note. 

Durand, Sir Henry, at the storming of Ghazni, 635 note; political agent 
at Bhopal during the mutiny, 742 note. 

Durani, modern name for the Abdalis, 622 note; dynasty of, founded by 
Ahmad Shah Abdali, 623. 

Durani Shahs, and Barukzai Viziers. 629; expulsion of Shah Shuja, the 
Durani, 632; elevation of Dost Muhammad Khan, the Barukzai, ib.; 
restoration of Shah Shuja carried out by the English, 635; its fail- 
ure, 639; murder of Shah Shuja, 642; civil war at Kabul between 
Barukzais and Duranis, ib. 

Durbar, council of elders under the Raja, 11; hall of audience of Akbar, 
169; Roe's audience with Jehangir at Ajmir, 177; wine-drinkers 
flogged at, 180; description of, at Delhi, 199; Sivaji at the durbar of 
Aurangzeb, 206. 

Durga. See Kali. 

Durjan Sal, of Bhvu-tpore, usurps the throne, 597-8; kept as a state 
prisoner, 599. 

Duryodhana, the eldest of the Kauravas, 16; rivalry with Bhima at 
the exhibition of arms, 18; appointed Yuva-raja, 20; challenges 

INDEX 841 

Yudhishthira to a gambling match, 36; wins the Raj and wife of 

the Pandavas, 27; mortally wounded by a foul blow from Bhima, 

34; his death, 36; reappears in the Ganges, 41. 
Dushj'anta marries Saknntala in Kalidasa's drama, 89; mythical father 

of Bharata, ib.; his bodyguard of Tartar women, 194 note. 
Dustuck, or "permits" of the East India Company, 345; sale of dustiicks 

by the Company's servants, ih. 
Dutch at Pulicat and Sadras, 374; war with the English, 437 note. 


East India Company, formation of, 173; checked by a Board of Control, 
439; charter renewed in 1833, its results, 616; government of India 
transferred to the Crown, 756. 

Edinburgh, visit to India of H.R.H. the Duke of, 774. 

Edvvardes, Lieutenant Herbert, successful operations against Multan, 
686-7; deserted by Sher Singh, 687; left in charge of Multan, 689. 

Egypt, Sultan of, interference with the Portuguese, 129-30. 

Ekachakra, the modern Arrah, resting-place of the Pandavas, 21. 

Elgin, Lord, Viceroy of India, 757; sanctions a mission to Bhutan, 764; 
his death, 761. 

Ellenborough, Lord, Governor-General of India, 641; hesitates whether 
the English armies in Afghanistan should retreat or advance, 643; 
bombast and parade, 645; conquest of Sinde, 647: cliange of policy re- 
specting Sindia and Holkar, 648; causes a regent of Gvvalior to be 
appointed, 650; wrath at the action of Tara Bai, ib.; reduces GwaUor 
to tranquillity, 651; his contemplated measures against Indore, 652; 
his recall, ib. 

Ellis, Mr., chief of the Patna factory, 348; violent conduct in connection 
with the private trade controversy, ib.; perilous position at Patna, 
349; capture of Patna, ib.; flight and surrender, 350; perishes in the 
massacre, 352. 

Elphinstone, Mr., his mission to Kabul, 523 note, 629; British Resident 
at Poona, 552; investigates the murder of Gungadhur Shastri,i6. ; 
discovers the intrigues of the Peishwa and his minister, Trimbukji 
Dainglia, 558; rebukes and threatens Baji Rao Peishwa, 554; con- 
cludes the treaty of Poona, ib.; his scepticism of the professions of 
Baji Rao to Sir John Malcolm, 561; confirmed, 562; preparations for 
defence against the Peishwa, ib.; removes from the Residency to 
Khirki, ib.; destruction of his library, 563. 

Elphinstone, General, succeeds Sir John Keane in command of the army 
at Kabul, 638: his vacillation, 640. 

Eudemos, appointed by Alexander the Great in the room of Philip at 
Taxila, 67; murders Porus, ib.; driven out of the Punjab by Saa- 
drokottos, ib. 


Fah Hian, pilgrimage of, 73; residence at Pataliputra, 74. 

Faiz-ullah Khan, of Rohilkund, son of Haflz Khan, 412; treaty with the 
Nawab Vizier of Oude. ib. 

Fakirs among the Siklis. 673 7iofe. 

Faria y Sousa, the Portuguese historian, 129 note. 

FarrukhSiyar placed by the two Saiyids on the throne of Delhi, 246; in- 
cessant intrigues against the Saiyids, 247; duplicity respecting the 
Vice-royalty of the Dekhan, 248; connection with Dr. Hamilton, 
249; tragic death, 250. 

842 INDEX 

Ferozeshahar, the assault of, 680. 

Firuz Shah, Sultan of Delhi, 110; burns a Brahman alive, ib. 

Firuz, governor of Herat, 630; sends for aid to Kabul, ib.; taken pris- 
oner, ib. 

Fitzgerald, Captain, his brilliant charge at Sitabuldi, 565. 

Foot-posts in India, 225. 

Forbes, Mr., his primitive administration in Guzerat, 424-5; his regret 
at the restoration of Guzerat districts to Mahratta rulo, 436, 

Forde, Colonel, defeats the French under Conflans and recovers the 
English factories, 333; negotiations with Salabut Jung, 334; drives 
the French out of the Northern Circars, ib. 

Fort St. David, English settlement at, 274, 286; captured by Lally, 333. 

Fort St. George, origin of, 228; streets and houses, 229; English mer- 
chants of, propitiate Sivaji, 211; unsuccessful siege by Lally, 334. 
See Madras. 

Fort William, garrison at, 238. See Calcutta. 

Foujdars of districts, 226; their authority, ib.; at Hughli, 307. 

Fra Joan, the pirate priest in Burma, 579. 

Francis, Philip, appointed a member of the council at Calcutta, 412; 
author of the Lettei's of Junius, 413; his suspicions of the integrity 
of "Warren Hastings, i6. ; hostile measures, 414; abilitj', t6. ; factious 
opposition, ib.; interference, ib. ; acquisition of Benares, 414-15; 
sanctions the interference of Bristow in Oude affairs, 415; his 
charges against Hastings, 416; outwitted by Hastings, 416-17; the 
crisis at Calcutta, 425; plan of permanent land settlement in Bengal, 
ib,; duel with Hastings, 426; depai'ture from India, ib.; excites na- 
tional indignation against Hastings, 441; end, 442. 

Fraser, Mr., Commissioner of Delhi, killed at the outbreak of the 
mutiny, 726. 

French, their settlement at Pondicherry, 274; capture Madras, 285; de- 
feat the Nawab's army, 286; war with the English, ib.; ascendency 
in India of, 296; besiege Arcot, 299; capitulate at Trichinopoly, 300; 
acquire the Northern Circars, 303; provisional treaty with the 
English, 304; loss of Chandernagore, 321; helpless condition in 
Hindustan, 330; desperate condition under Lally, 333^ (See Lally); 
disasters in the Carnatic, 335; loss of military power in the Carnatic, 
ib.; intrigues at Poona, 421; agent at Poona, 446; French battalion 
in the service of Nizam Ali, 462; their conduct at the battle of 
Kurdla, 463; national hatred of the English, 467; Tippu an ally, ib.; 
Nizam All's French battalions disbanded, 468; French successes in 
the eastern waters, 526. See Perron and De Boigne. 

Fryer, Dr., 226; his description of Masulipatam, 227; of Madras, 228; 
crossing the surf, 229; Fort St. George, ib.; description of Bombay, 
230; of Surat, 330-1; return to Bombay, 231; adventures at Joonere, 
ib.; visit to Karwar, 233; leaves India, ib. 
Futih Khan, Barukzai, son of Payendah Khan, of Kabul, 627; dethrones 
Zemau Shah, ib.; the real sovereign of Afghanistan, 628; puts down 
the Ghilzais, ib.; dismissed by Shah Shuja, 629; deposes Shah Shuja 
and sets up Mahmud Shah, ib.; seizes Herat, 630; blinded, ib.; 
cruelly murdered at Ghazni, 631. 
Futtehgurh, mutiny at, 736; massacre of the fugitives at Cawnpore, 

Futtehpore, Havelock's defeat of mutineers and Mahrattas at, 737. 
Fytche, General, Chief Commissioner of British Burma, his work on 
Burma, 596 note; his treaty with the king of Burma, 773. 

INDEX 843 


Gaekwar of Baroda, rise of the family of, 358, 384; interference at 
Satara in behalf of Tara Bai, y88; treacherously imprisoned at 
Poona, ib.; released, 389; dealings with Baji Rao, 551; murder of 
his minister, Gungadhur Shastri, 553. 

Gakkars, hill tribe of, desperate slaughter in the army of Mahmud of 
Ghazni, 96; assassinate Muhammad Ghori, 100. 

Gandhara country, 15 note; Gandarians mentioned by Herodotus, ib.; 
Gandhari marries the blind prince of Hastinapur, 15; her conduct 
toward her blind husband, ib.; attends the exhibition of arms, 18; 
retires with her husband, Dhritarashtra, to the banks of the 
Ganges, 37. 

Gandharvas, or ghosts, Draupadi's lovers, 30; present at the feast of 
Bharadwaja, 54; a hill tribe famous for its beautiful women, 54 

Ganesh, god of good luck, 82; worship of, ib. 

Ganges, worship of hj Sita, 49. 

Garvock, General, his campaign against the tribes of the Mahabun 
mountains, 761. 

Gayatri, or invocation of the sun, 481 note. 

George II., Balaji Rao Peishwa sends angry letters to, 390. 

Georgia, Russian aggression in, 496 note. 

Ghats, the western, 135. 

Ghazi-ud-din, a representative of the Sunnis, 337; appointed Vizier at 
Delhi, ib.; dethrones Ahmad Shah, ib,; places Alamghir on the 
throne, 327-8; removed by Ahmad Shah Abdali, 328; subverts the 
Afghan power, z&., 389; a "hereditary Sunni, 2Slnote; intrigues with 
Balaji Rao, 389; proceedings at Delhi, 391; puts Alamghir to death, 
ib.; flight and perpetual exile, 392. 

Ghazni, the court of Mahmud, 95. See Mahmud, 

Gheria, capital of the piratical Angrias, 306; expedition against, under 
Clive and Watson, 390; conduct of the Mahrattas, ib. 

Ghilzais, children of a concubine, opposed to the Abdalis, 622; driven to 
the mountains, ib. ; risings checked by Futih Kahn, 628; massacre 
the English in the Khaiber Pass, 641. 

Ghor, Afghan fortress of, 97; reappearance of the name in Gour, 630 

Ghorkas. See Nipal. 

Gholab Singh, the Jamu Raja, 675; his negotiations with Sir Henry 
Hardinge, 681; buys Kashmir and Jamu, 682; recognized as Maha- 
raja, 683; his rebellious subjects, 684. 

Gholam Husain AH, his description of Shitab Rai, 376-8. 

Gholam Kadir, horrible outrages committed at Delhi by, 451-2; his 
flight, capture, and death, 453. 

Gillespie, General, prompt action at the Vellore mutiny, 521; death in 
the first Ghorka campaign, 546. 

Giri-vraja, identical with Rajagriha, iSnote. 

Goa, founded by Albuquerque, 130; Viceroy of, sends a mission to 
Bengal, 131; in the sixt<^enth centurj', 132-7; the exchange, 133; 
social life at. ib.; great commercial wealth, 134; expenditure in Goa, 
ib.; government, civil and ecclesiastical, 134-5; visit of Delia Valle, 
135; inhabitants, ib.; religious shows, 135-6; ecclesiastical influences 
in, 137. 

Goddard, Colonel, sent by "Warren Hastings from Calcutta through 
Central India to the Mahratta country, 433; his movements after 

844 INDEX 

the convention at Wurgaum, 423; operations in the first Mahratta 
war, ib. 
Godwin, General, his expedition to Rangoon in the second Burmese 

war. 697. 
Golkonda, a Muhammadan kingdom in the Dekhan, 118; alUance of the 
Sultan with Ram Raiof Vijayanagar, 121; conquered by Aurangzeb, 
217; yearly rent to, paid by the English at Madras, 228-9. 
Gomastas, or native agents, outrageous proceedings in Bengal, 345. 
Gough, Sir Hugh, takes the field against Gwaiior, 651; wins the battle 
of Maharajpore, ib.; battle of Moodkee, 680; postpones operations 
against the rebellion of Mulraj in Multan, 686; commands the En- 
glish army at Ramnuggur and Chilianwallah, 688; wins the battle 
of Guzerat, 689. 
Gour, Afghan capital of Bengal, 101; perhaps named from the Afghan 

stronghold of Ghor, 150 note. 
Graeko-Baktrian kings in Central Asia, 70. 

Graves, Brigadier, at Delhi during the mutiny, 724-5; forced flight, 726. 
Greathed, Brigadier, pursues the rebel sepoys from Delhi, 748. 
Guggun Singh, paramour of the queen of Nipal, reported prime mover 
in the murder of Matabar Singh, 669; a member of the Chountria 
ministry, ib.; threatened by the heir-apparent, ib.; murdered, ib. 
Guha, the Bhil Raja, entertains Rama, 49; his entertainment of Bha- 

rata, 58. 
Gundlaeama river, the real northern boundary of the Carnatic, 275 iiote. 
Gungadhur Shastri, Brahman minister of the Gaekwar of Baroda. his 

mission to Poona, 551; his strange reception, ib.; his murder, 552. 
Guntoor Circar, 3Q7 note; rented to the English by Basalut Jung, 430; 
and to Muhammad Ali by the English, ib.; restored to the Nizam 
by Warren Hastings, 433. 
Guptas, succeed to the dynasty of Kanishka, 71; possibly children of the 
Grffiko-Baktrians, ib.; join the Rajputs against the Indo-Scythians, 
72; victory at Kahror, ib.; their disappearance, ib. 
Guru Goviiid, or Tugh Bahadur, 243 note; his work among the Sikhs, 

671; his execution, ib. 
Gurus, religious teachers among the Brahmans, 84; Hindu saints, 223; 
their ceremonies of initiation and confirmation, 480-1; their money 
demands, 481: and visitations, ib.; satires against them, 482; Gurus 
among the Sikhs, 672. 
Guzerat, conquered by Ala-ud-din, 104; Sultan of, calls in the Turks 
against the Portuguese, 131; defeat of the Turks, ib.; Sultan of, in- 
vades Chitor, 155; driven out by Humayun, 156; Jehangir's descrip- 
tion of, 181; Gaekwar of, a Mahratta feudatory, 384; primitive ad- 
ministration of Mr. Forbes, 424: districts made over to Mahadaji 
Sindia, 436. 
Guzerat, defeat of the Sikhs at the battle of, 689. 

Gwaiior, the capital of Sindia, 421 note; captured by Captain Popham. 
424; non-intervention policy of Lord William Bentinck, 606; civil 
war stopped by intervention, ib.; tlie government remodelled by 
Lord EUenborough, 651: appointment of a council of regency, ib.; 
reduction of the army and formation of a Gwaiior Contingent, ib.; 
revolt of the Contingent, 751; defeat of the rebels, ib. See Sindia 
and Tantia Topi. 
Gymnosophists, or naked philosophers, 66. 

INDEX 845 


Hafiz Khan, the Rohilla Afghan ruler, his dealings with the Mahrat- 
tas 409; demands of Shuja-ud-daula, the Nawab Vizier of Oude, 
409-10; interference of Warreu Hastings, 410; defeat and death 
of, 411. 

Haileybury, establishment of the College at, 513. 

Haji Ahmad, the favoi'ite of Shuja Khan, 310; jealousy of Mustafa 
Khan the Afghan, 314; horrible death at Patna, ib. 

Hamilton, Captain, his description of Calcutta, 238; social life of the 
English, ib.; refractory Rajas in Bengal, 239. 

Hamilton, Dr., accompanies the English mission from Calcutta to Delhi, 
249; heals the disease of Farrukh Siyar, the Moghul king at Delhi, 
ib. ; his death at Calcutta, ib. note. 

Hannman, the monkey hero, 57; helps Rama against Ravana, ib.; mis- 
sion to Sita, ib.; worshipped as a god, ib. note; his burning tail, 58; 
dramatic representation of, ib. note; his temple on the western 
Ghats, 138. 

Hardinge, Sir Henry, Governor-General of India, 652; unprepared for 
the Sikh invasion, 679; present at the battle of Moodkee, 680; his 
negotiations with Gholab Singh, Raja of Jamu, 681; raised to the 
peerage, 682; sells Kashmir to Gholab Singh, 683; refuses to create 
a subsidiary force, or to keep Bi'itish troops in the Punjab, ib.; his 
compromise with the Lahore durbar, ib.; appointment of a British 
Resident at Lahore and council of regency, 684; miscellaneous 
measures, ib.; returns to England, ib. 

Hari Pant, commander of the Mahratta contingent, 456; his grasping 
demands upon Lord Cornwallis, ib. 

Hartley, Captain, accompanies tlie Bomba}' expedition to Poona, 423; 
repulses the Mahrattas, ib.; protests against the convention of 
Wurgaum, ib. 

Harris. General, commands the British army in the last war against 
Tippu, Sultan of Mysore, 470. 

Hastinapur, city of, where situated, 11; extent of Raj unknown, 12; oc- 
cupied by Rajputs, ib.; to all appearance an Aryan colony, ib.; 
reign of Maharaja Santann, ib.; succession of Pandu the pale, 15; of 
Dhritarashtra the blind, ib.; of Yudhishthira, 37; mythical presence 
of Krishna, 38. 

Hastings. Warren, his simplicitj' and moderation. 332 note; sides with 
Vansittart in condemning the claim of tlie Company's servants to 
trade in Bengal duty free, 346; duel with a member of the Calcutta 
council, 348; appointed governor of Bengal, 381; confused history 
of his government, 404; his previous career, ib.; his reforms in the 
revenue administration, ib.; in the judicial, 405; refuses to restore 
Muhammad Reza Khan to the post of deputy Nawab, ib.; his deal- 
ings with the Nawab Vizier of Oude, 410; lays himself open to the 
ciiarge of corruption, 411; not to blame for the Rohilla atrocities, 
412; appoints Mr. Middleton Resident at Lukhnow, t6. ; appointed 
Governor-General of India, ib.; three new members of council sent 
out from England, ib.; violent and vindictive opposition of Philip 
Francis, 414; out-voted, ib.; condemns the interference of Bristow, 
the successor of Middleton at Lukhnow, 415; accused by Nund- 
komar, 416; declines to meet the charg-es, ib.; action against 
Nund-komar, ib.; arrest and execution of Nund-komar for forgery, 
if/.; war with the Mahrattas, 420; secures a majority in the Cal- 
iNDiA. Vol. IL X— 18 

846 INDEX 

cutta council, 421; sends Goddard across India from Calcutta to 
the Mahratta country, 422; resigns the post of Governor-General 
and withdraws his resignation, 425; duel with Francis, 426; discov- 
ers the hostile confederacy of Hyder AH, the Nizam, and the Mah- 
rattas against the British government in India, 432; his spirited 
proceedings, 433; empty treasury, ib.; dealings with Cheit Singh, 
Raja of Benares, 434; narrow escape at Benares, ib.; suspicious ne- 
gotiations with Asof-ud-daula, Nawab Vizier of Oude, 435; his re- 
turn to Europe, 441; impeachment and acquittal, ib.; review of the 
charges, 441-2 and note; sends missions to Thibet, 536 nofe. 

Hastings, Marquis of, Governor-General of India under the title of Lord 
Moira, 528; his conversion from a policy of non-intervention as laid 
down by the home authorities to that of a paramount power as 
laid down by Lord Wellesley, 529; remonstrances with the Ghorka 
rulers of Nipal, 543; recovers British districts from the Nipalese, 544; 
plans a campaign against Nipal, 546; receives the title of Marquis 
of Hastings, 548; treaty of Segowlie, ib.; resolves on the extinction 
of the Pindharies, 549; pi'ovoked at the intrigues of Baji Rao 
Peishwa, 553; his preparations against the Pindharies, 554; resolves 
on disarming the predatory powers — Sindia, Holkar, and Amir 
Khan, 556; negotiations with Sindia, ib.; ignores Sindia's treachery^ 
557; breaks up the Pindhari system, 558; thwarted by Baji Rao 
Peishwa, the Raja of Berar, and the army of Holkar, 560; con- 
structs a new imperial system, 567; resolves on the extinction of 
the dominion of the Peishwas, 569; final decision, 570; his settlement 
of Holkar's*state, t6. ; success of his policy, 570-1; education of the 
natives, 571; dealings with the Nizam, ib.; sanctions the proceed- 
ings of Palmer & Co., 572; his error, 573; leaves India, ib.; re- 
proached by the Directors, ib.; resuscitation of the Raja of Satara 
as a feudatorj' but not as a sovereign, 570, 702. 

Havelock, General, joins Colonel Neill at Allahabad, 737; his early 
career and characteristics, ib.; his advance on Cawnpore, ib.; de- 
feats Nana Sahib at Cawnpore, 738; enters the station, ib.; depart- 
ure for Lukhnow, 739; fails to relieve Lukhnow, 740; his victory at 
Bithoor, 741; return to Cawnpore, ib.; joined by Sir James Outrara, 
748; advances to Lukhnow, ib.; relieves the garrison, 749; his death 
and burial, 750. 

Hawkins, Captain, his mission to Jehangir, 174; forced i-eturn from 
Agra, ib. 

Hay's (and Amyatt's) deputation to Monghyr, 348; kept as a hostage, 
349; perishes in the massacre at Patna, 352. 

Hearsey, General, expostulates with the sepoys at Barrackpore respect- 
ing the greased cartridges, 719; suppresses the mutiny of Mungal 
Pandy, 720. 

Heath, commander of an English fleet in India, 236; his ill-judged naval 
operations against the Moghuls, 236-7. 

Heber, Bishop, his translation of a Mahratta ballad, 553. 

Hemu, Hindu minister of an Afghan sovereign, 156; killed by Bairam 
Khan, 158. 

Herat conquered by Ahmad Sliah Durani, 624; a bone of contention be- 
tween Afghanistan and Persia, 630 and note; seized by Futih Khan, 
ib.; a bone of contention between Great Britain and Russia, 632; 
description of the fortress, ib. note; besieged by Persia, 633; com- 
plications at, 636; withdrawal of the English Envoy, ib.; difficulties 
between England and Persia respecting, 714; Yakub Khan gov- 
ernor, 769. 

INDEX 847 

Herbert, Captain, defends Attock against the Afghans, 688. 

Hidimba, a cannibal Asura, slain by Bhima, 21; his sister, Hidimbi, 
marries Bhima, ib. — an allegorical fiction expressing hostility 
against the Buddhists, ib. note. 

Hill-tribes, non-Hindus, 78. 

Hiinmut Bahadur, a military Guru, 453 note; associated with Ali Ba- 
hadur, ib.: deserts to the English, tb. 

Hindus, their religion, 73; popular deities, 82-3. 

Hindu literature, 87-93; its constituents (non-historical), 88; Hindu re- 
volt at Delhi against Islam. 108; rebellion in Bengal against the 
persecutions of Aurangzeb, 237-8. 

Hindu Rao, house of, at Delhi, 745; a forgotten celebritj^ ib. note. 

Hiouen-Thsang, a Buddhist monk from China, 74; his pilgrimage to 
India, ib.; his description of the people of India, ib.; memories of 
the Maha Bharata, ib.; present at the great festival of imperial 
almsgiving at Allahabad, 75; residence in the huge monastery at 
Nalanda, 76. 

Hira Singh succeeds his father Dhian Singh as minister at Lahore, 677; 
places Dhulip Singh, infant son of Runjeet Singh, on the throne of 
Lahore, ib.; murdered, ib. 

Hislop, Sir Thomas, commands the Madras army in the Pindhari war, 
555; pursuit of the Pindharies, 566-7. 

Hlot-dau, or supreme council of the Burmese, 592. 

Hodgson, Mr., Resident at Kliatmandu, 658; his entanglement, ib. 

Hodson, Captain, arrests the Moghul king of Delhi, Bahadur Shah, 747; 
shoots the two princes, ib. 

Holcombe, Captain, voyage to Patna, 311; baskets of human heads, ib. 

Holkar, Mulhar Rao the First, founder of the family, 258, 897; his death, 
397; his son's widow, Ailah Bai, ib. 

Holkar, Tiikaji Rao the First, commands the army of Ailah Bai, 397; 
sent to Sindia by Nana Farnavese. 452; Sindia demands his recall, 
459; defeated by De Boigne, 460; his death, 497. 

Holkar, Jaswant Rao, an illegitimate son of Tukaji Rao the First, 498; 
his early predatory exploits, ib.; defeats Sindia and the Peishwa in 
the battle of Poona, 499; sets up another Peishwa, tb. ; invited by 
Daulat Rao Sindia and the Bhonsla Raja of Nagpore to join them in 
a war against the English, .501; craftiness of his proceedings, ib.; 
his position outside the pale of Wellesley's political system, 506; 
objections of the English to a protective alliance, 506-7; his pred- 
atory instincts. 507; his plundering ravages in Malwa and Rajpu- 
taua, ib.; his alarm at the victories of the English, ib.; rebuffed bj"^ 
Genei'al Lake, 508; arrogant demands and threats, ib.; campaign of 
Lake in Rajputana, 509; retreat of Monson, ib.; Holkar's advance 
to Muttra, Delhi, and Bhurtpore, 510-11; defeated bj' General Lake, 
511; unfortunate policj' of Sir George Barlow, 517; arrogant pre- 
tensions of Jaswant Rao Holkar, 5l8; driven mad by brandy, 523; 
interference of Amir Khan, the Afghan, 534; his death, 526. 

Holkar, Mulhar Rao the Second, adopted bj'the widow of Jaswant Rao, 
526-7; regency of the widow, 527; sympathizes with the Pindharies, 
554; the government at the mercy of the army, 558; beginning of 
hostilities, 560; murder of the queen-mother by the soldiery, 567; 
defeat of the army of Holkar by Sir John Malcolm at Mehidpore, ib. ; 
settlement of the government of Indore by Lord Hastings, 570; 
death of Mulhar Rao Holkar the Second. 606. 

Holkar, Hari Rao, claims to succeed Mulhar Rao on the throne of In- 
dore, 607; recognized by Lord William Bentinck, ib.; his death, 651. 

848 INDEX 

Holkar, Tukaji Rao the Second, irregular installation of, 652; the pres- 
ent Maharaja of Indore, ib. note. 

Holvvell, Mr. J. Z., voyage to Patna, 311; the baskets of human heads, 
ib.; present at Calcutta during the siege, 318; summoned before 
Suraj-ud-daula. ib.; survives the tragedy of the Black Hole, 319; 
succeeds Clive as governor of the English settlements in Bengal, 336. 

Home, Lieutenant, blows up the Kashmir gate at Delhi, 746. 

Honahwar. See Onore. 

Hughli, English factory at, 234; removed to Calcutta, 237; headquarters 
of the Moghul Foujdar, 307; captured by Clive and Watson, 320; 
curious detail in the capture of, ib. note. 

Humayun, son of Baber, succeeds to the throne of Hindustan, 155; a 
bad Muhammadan, ib.; gulled by Sher Khan the Afghan, ib.; inter- 
ference in Rajput affairs, ib.; gift of the bracelet, ib.; defeated by 
Sher Khan and flies into Persia, 156; fifteen years' exile, ib,; return 
to Delhi, 157; death, ib. 

Husain Ali Khan, the younger Saiyid, helps to place Farrukh Siyar on 
the throne of Delhi, 246; exposed to hostile intrigues of Farrukh 
Siyar, 247; expedition to Jaipur, ib.; appointed Viceroy of the Dek- 
han, 248; defeats Daud Khan, ib.; marches to Delhi with an army 
of Mahrattas, 250; assassinated, 251. 

Hyderabad. See Nizam. 

Hyder Ali, a Naik in the service of the Raja of Mysore, 300 note; excites 
the jealousy of the English by his leanings toward the French, 367; 
his rise to power, ib.; becomes master of the Raj of Mysore, 368; 
joined by Nizam Ali, 369; invasion of the Carnatic, ib.; the eonfed- 
ei'ates defeated, ib.; plot and counterplot, ib. note; successes, 370; 
treaty at Madras, ib.; a natural enem3' of the Mahrattas, 394-7 
note; awkward diplomatic relations with the English, 399; becomes 
the most formidable power in the peninsula, 428; his wrath against 
the English, 439; reception of Swartz, the missionary, ib.; invades 
the Carnatic, 431-2; hostile confederacy with the Mahrattas and 
Nizam Ali, 432; his army, 431 note; defeated by Sir Eyre Coote, 
433; death of, 436; character and home life, 436-7; fall of his dy- 
nasty, 471; alive to the value of Pariahs, 476 note; the founder of 
Bangalore, 477; aggressions on Coorg, 610. 

Ikkeri, capital of Venk-tapa Naik, 138; visited by Delia Valle, 138^1. 

Impey, Sir Elijah, Chief Justice in Bengal, 416; trial and condemnation 
of Nund-komar, ib.; a judicial murder, 417. 

India under the Rajas, 11; Greek and Roman knowledge of, 72-3; con- 
dition in the seventh century, 76; religious revolutions, ib. 

Indore, the capital of Holkar, 421 7iote; foundation of, 497; mutiny at, 
741; contemplated annexation by Lord EUenborough, 648. See 

Indo-Scythian kings in India, 70-1; defeated by Rajputs and Guptas, 72. 

Indra, Vaidik personification of the firmament, 80. 

Indra-prasthra (Delhi), founded by the Pandavas, 25 and note. 

Indus, river, crossed Ijy Alexander the Great, 64; invoked as Saraswati 
in the Vaidik hymns, 83 note. 

Irawadi, the river and valley of, 575. 

INDEX 849 

Jaqat Seth, the great banker of Murshedabad, 312; his family insulted 
by Sarfaraz Khan, ib.; joins in a Hindu and Moghul plot for the 
destruction of Sarfaraz Khan and elevation of Alivardi Khan, ib.; 
joins with Mir Jafir at Plassy in the conspiracy against Suraj-ud- 
daula, 322. 

Jaghir, an estate given in lieu of a salai'y, 170. 

Jains, religion of, 112-13; conversion of Jain Rajas to Brahmanism, ib. 

Jaipal, Raja of the Punjab, 95; defeated by Mahmud of Ghazni, i&.; 
suicide, ib. 

Jaipur, Jai Singh, Raja of, his submission to Akbar, 161; vacillates 
during the wars between the sons of Shah Jehan, 192; deceived by 
Aurangzeb, 205; his son a hostage at Delhi, 207; plans the escape 
of Sivaji, ib. 

Jaipur, Aurangzeb collects Jezya in, 218; submission to Farrukh Siyar, 
247; contributions levied by Jaswant Rao Holkar, 518; the protective 
treaty with England annulled, zb.; quarrels with Jodhpur, 524-5; 
war and anarchy under the policy of non-intervention, 603; type of 
a dissolute Hindu Rani, ib.; forced interference of the British gov- 
ernment, 604; council of Thakurs, a failure, ib.; infatuation of Ben- 
tinck. death of the Rani, and poisoning of the Maharaja, 608; mur- 
der of Mr. Blake, ib. 

Jamu Rajas at the conrt of Lahore, 675; Jamu and Kashmir bought by 
Gholab Singh, 682. 

Janoji Bhonsla. See Bhonsla. 

Jaswant Singh, Raja of Marwar, marries a daughter of Shah Jehan, 193; 
fury of his queen on his flight from the battle of Ujain, ib.; accom- 
panies Shaista Khau in the war against Sivaji the Mahratta, 203; 
suspected of treacherous dealings with Sivaji, ib. 

Jats, Hinduized Scythians, threaten Delhi, 400; found a principality at 
Bhurtpore in Hindustan, ib.; Suraj Mai, the Jat hero of the eigh- 
teenth century, i6.; wars among his sons, 401; contributions levied 
by the Mahrattas, 402. 

Java, Lord Minto's expedition to, 526; captured by the English and re- 
stored to the Dutch, ib. 

Jehanabad, the new city of Delhi built by Shah Jehan, 188. 

Jehandar Shah succeeds to the throne of Delhi, 245; a low drunkard 
under the tutelage of Zulflkar Khan, ib.; defeated and slain by 
Farrukh Siyar and the two Saiyids, 246. 

Jehangir, or Selim, son of Akbar, 171; rebels against his father, ib.; im- 
plicated in the assassination of Abul Fazl, and poisoning of his 
father, ib.; his vices, 172; revenge on his son Khuzru, ib.; horrible 
execution of the followers of Khuzru, 173; infatuated by Nur Mahal, 
the "light of the harem," ib.; his reception of Captain Hawkins, 
174; of Sir Thomas Roe, 175; becomes suspicious of the Khan 
Khanan, 178; shameless attempts at poisoning, ib.; drinking boiit 
on his birthday, 179; punishment of wine-drinkers, 180; imperial 
progress from Ajmir toward the Dekhan, ib.; wonders of his camp, 
181: return to Guzerat and Delhi, ib.; description of Guzerat, etc., 
181-2; headquarters at Lahore, 182; his four sons, ib.; reported 
death, 183; defeat of Shah Jehan at Delhi, 184; capture of Jehangir 
by the Rajputs, 185; sudden death, ib.; nominates Bulaki, son of 
KhiiziMi, to succeed him as Padishah, ib. 

Jews, parallelism between their history and that of the Afghans,776 note. 

Jeypore. See Jaipur. 

850 INDEX 

Jezya, a religious capitation tax imposed by Aurangzeb, S13; attempts 

to collect it in Rajputana, ib.; collected by Aurangzeb at Surat, 231. 
Jhansi lapses to the British government, 706 note; mutiny at, 730; 

treacherous massacre of Europeans by the Rani, ib.; death of the 

Rani in male attire, 754. 
Jharolvha, or public window of Akbar, 169; at Delhi, 199. 
Jhota Ram, the Jain banker at Jaipur, the paramour of the Rani, 603; 

deludes Lord William Bentinck, 608; suspected of poisoning the 

Maharaja, ib.; forced to resign the post of minister, ib.; implicated 

in the murder of Mr. Blake, ib. 
Jinjeera, Abyssinians of, 383; their hereditary chiefs, or Seedees, protect 

Mecca pilgrims against pirates, ib. 
Jinji or Gingee, fortress of. in the Carnatic, a bone of contention between 

Zulfikar Khan and Ram Raja, 234; captured by Bussy, 293 and note; 

surrendered by the French, 335. 
Jirgah, or council of elders among the mountain tribes of the Sulai- 

man mountains, 758. 
Jodhpur, Rajput kingdom of. See Marwar. 
Johur, Rajput rite of, performed at Chitor, 105, 155. 
Joonere, a Mahratta fortress, the birthplace of Sivaji, 200; visited by Dr. 

Fryer, 231-3. 
Jul] under Doab, in the Punjab, taken over by the British government 

after the first Sikh war, 683. 
Jung Bahadur, the famous Ghorka chief at Khatmandu, excites the 

spite of the heir-apparent of Nipal, 664; boasts of the murder of 

Matabar Singh, 669; becomes military minister at Khatmandu, ib. 

note; all-powerful in Nipal, 670; subsequent career, ib. 
Jungpens of Bhutan, 764. 


Kabul, conquered by Akbar, 170; massacre of a Moghul army in the 
KhaiberPass, 209; mysterious outbreak under the missing brother 
of Aurangzeb, 210; captured by Nadir Shah, 263; its surrender by 
the Kuzzilbashes to Ahmad Shah Abdali, 623; taken by Dost Mu- 
hammad Khan, 631; invaded by the English in the first Afghan 
war, 635; British occupation of, 636; insurrection at, 639; distrac- 
tions in, 642; second British occupation under Pollock, 644; recep- 
tion of a British mission refused by Sher Ali Khan, 775; and repulsed, 
ib. ; treacherous attack on the British Residency, 776. 

Kahror, battle of, 72. 

Kaikeyi, youngest queen of Dasaratha, 43; her wrath at the installation 
of' Rama as Yuva-raja, 44; cajoles Dasaratha, ib. 

Kajar, reigning dynasty of Shahs of Persia, quarrels with the Zend 
party, 496; triumph of, ib. 

Kalars, the caste of, 78; included in the people of Marawar, 486 note. 

Kali (Parvati), her place in the worship of the Turanians, 78; worshipped 
by the Brahmaus as a divine mother, 84; the mythical founder of 
the right and left "hands," 479. 

Kalidasa, author of Sakuntala, 88. 

Kama, Hindu god of love, 82. 

Kam Baksh, youngest son of Aurangzeb, a Christian Sultan, 241; death 
in battle, 242. 

Kampilya, the city of Drupada, 22; the modern Kampil, ib. note. 

Kamran Mirza, son of Mahmud Shah, Amir of Kabul, his jealousy of the 
minister, Futih Khan, 630; blinds Futih Khan withhot needles, 631; 

INDEX 851 

murder of Futih Khan, ib.; flight of Kamran to Herat, ib.; becomes 
ruler of Herat, 633; his treacherous plots, 634; his ingratitude toward 
the English, 636. 

Kanara, kingdom of, 135; the country of Venk-tapa Naik, 137; a type of 
a Hindu Raj in Southern India, 138; Raja of, see Venk-tapa. 

Kandaiiar captured by Nadir Shah, 363; plots of the Barukzais at, 637; 
massacre, ib.; captured by the English, 635. 

Kanishka, or Kanerke, founder of the latest dynasty of Indo-Scythian 
kings, 71; brought Persian worship of the Sun into India, ib.; liberal 
patron of Buddhists, ib. 

Kanouj on the Ganges, Aryan kingdom of, 13; the ancient Panchala, 16; 
empire of, 74; Maharaja of, lord paramount of the Rajputs, 98; cele- 
brates the Swayamvara of his daughter, ib.; invites the Afghans to 
capture Delhi, ib.; overthrown by Muhammad Ghori, 100; I'ebellion 
in, 183. 

Kapila, Raj of, associated with the early life of Sakya Muni, 61. 

Kama, a friend of Duryodhana, 19; his ignoble birth as the son of a 
charioteer, ib.; challenges Arjuna at the exhibition of arms, ib.\ is 
made a Raja by Duryodhana, ib.; rebuffed by the Pandavas, ib.; 
bends the bow at the Swayamvara of Draupadi, 23; rebuffed by 
Draupadi, ib.; killed by Arjuna, 34; reappears in the Ganges, 41. 

Karnata, old empire of, 211 note. 

Karra, Ala-ud-din governor of, 103; assassination of Jelal-ud-din, 104. 

Kartakeia, god of war, 83. 

Karwar, an English factory to the south of Goa, 333; visited by Fryer, 
ib.; Sivaji's government at, ib. 

Kashmir, conquered by Akbar, 170; attempts of Aurangzeb to form a 
navy on the lake, 304; conquered by Ahmad Shah Durani, 634; 
bought from the English by Gholab Singh, 682; rebellion, 684. 

Kassimbazar, inland English factory at, 308; captured by Nawab Suraj- 
ud-daula, 317; by Mir Kasim, 350. 

Kathaei, revolt against Alexander, 65; customs of, 66-7. 

Kauravas, rival kinsmen of the Pandavas, 11; jealousy of the Pandavas, 
16; instructed in arms by Drona, ib.; compass the destruction of the 
Pandavas at Varanavata, 20; plot against the Pandavas with 
Sakuni, 26; the gambling match, ib.; invade Virata, 31; discover 
Arjuna, ib.; slaughtered by the Pandavas in the war of the Maha 
Bharata, 34, 

Kausalya, eldest wife of Dasaratha and mother of Rama, 43; her anger 
at the exile of her son, 46; her vain remonstrances, ib. 

Kaveri river, kept asunder from the Koleroon by an embankment, 378; 
delta of the two rivers in Tanjore, ib. 

KazL, or Muhammadan judge appointed to aid the Nawab, 336. 

Keane, Sir John, commands the army for the occupation of Kabul, 635. 

Kerauli, a Rajput principality, notices of, 704; question of adoption, ib.; 
conceded by the Court of Directors, ib. 

Khaiber Pass, massacre of the Moghul army in, 309; destruction of the 
British army in, 641. 

Khalifs, the successors of Muhammad, 94; Khalifs of Damascus and 
Bagdad, 95. 

Khalsa, or holy brotherhood of the Sikhs, 671 and note; condition under 
Runjeet Singh, 673-4; growing disorders, 676; governed by councils 
of five, ib.; final overthrow of the Khalsa army, 689; its soldiers 
under British command, 690. See also Sikhs. 

Khandava-prastha, an uncleared jungle round Delhi, 35; occupied by 
Nagas, ib. ; Raj of, under the Pandavas, ib. 

852 INDEX 

Khan Jehan, the Afghan general of Shah Jehan, 187. 

Khan Khanan, his intrigues in the reign of Jehangir, 176; suspicions 
respecting, 178; attempts of Jeliangir to poison him, ib. 

Kharak Singh, eldest son of Runjeet Singli, succeeds his father as Ma- 
haraja at Lahore, 675; takes fright at the murder of his minister, 
ib.; his death, ib. 

Khatmandu, revolution at, 537; mission of Kirkpatrick, 536; mission of 
Knox, 540; revolution at. 540-1; massacre, 542; ferment during the 
Kabul war, ib.; council of Bharadai's at, 544, 546; frequent revolu- 
tions at, 657; ministerial complications at, 659; political compromise, 
ib.; tragedies, 663-3; anew ministry, 669; horrible massacre, 669-70. 

Khirki, assaults of Baji Rao Peishwa, repulsed by the English, 563. 

Khiva, an Usbeg kingdom, 619; Russian expedition to, 635. 

Khokand on the Jaxartes inherited by Baber, 152; an Usbeg kingdom, 
620; Russian advance to, 770-1, 

Khurim, a Pindhari leader, 527; throws himself on the mercy of the 
English, 558. 

Kliuzru, eldest son of Jehangir, 172; favored by his grandfather, Akbar, 
ib.; excites the jealousy of his father, Jehangir, ib.; breaks out in 
revolt, ib.; its failure, ib.; horrible revenge of Jehangir, 172-3; his 
reconciliation with Jehangir, 180-1; his assassination by Shah 
Jehan, 183. 

Kichaka, brother of the queen of Virata, 30; falls in love with Drau- 
padi, ib.; slain by Bhima, ib.; his brothers try to burn Draupadi 
with his remains, ib. 

Kinloch, Captain, futile expedition against the Ghorkas of Nipal, 534. 

Kinnaras, singers in the heaven of Indra, present at the feast of Bha- 
radwaja, 54. 

Kirkpatrick, Colonel, his mission to Nipal, 536. 

Knox, Captain, liis mission to Khatmandu, 540; its failui'e, 541. 

Koh-i-Baba, mountain system in Afghanistan, 620; includes the rock 
fortress of Zohak, the demon king, ib. note. 

Kolhapore, a Mahratta principality, 384; family of the Rajas of, ib. 
note; intrigues of Nizam Ali, 395. 

Koleroon river, dividing the Moghul Carnatic from the Hindu, 275. 

Koles of Bengal, outbreak suppressed, 710-11. 

Konkan, kingdom of, 125; Mahrattas of, 200. 

Korygaum, glorious defence of, 568. 

Kosala, Raj of, 42 note. 

Kotwal, office of. in towns. 176, 226; criminal jurisdiction, ib.; office at 
Calcutta, 307. 

Krishnaraj, Raja of Mysore. S^ee Mysore. 

Krories, revenue officials, introduced by Todar Mai, 170; their rapacity 
and oppression, ib. 

Kshatriyas, the military caste in India, 23, 25; all who die in battle 
go to the heaven of Indra at Swarga, 41 note; one of the four great 
castes, 77. 

Krishna, the incarnation of Vishnu, 38, 81; part played by him in the 
Maha Bharata, 38; supernatural appearance, ib.; expounds to 
Arjuna the doctrine of metempsychosis, ib. 

Krishna Rai. Maharaja of Narsinga, 114; vengeance against the Sultan 
of the Dekhan, 114, 116. 

Kubraj Pandey, in favor at Khatmandu, 665; his false step and fall, ib. 

Kulbarga, capital city of the Bahmani Sultans, 114. 

Kunti, one of the wives of Pandu, 15; her contest with Madri astoSati, 
ib. ; her sons. ib. 

INDEX 853 

Kurdla, battle of, 463. 

Kvisa, son of Rama and Sita, 59. 

Kutub-ud-din, Viceroy of Muhammad Ghori, 100; Sultan of Delhi, first 

of the slave-kings, ib.; builds the Kutub Minar, 100-1; his death, 

Kuru-kshetra, the plain of, the scene of the war of the Maha Bharata, 

33; exaggeration and grandeur in the description of the battle, 39. 
Kuvera, god of wealth, 82. 
Kuzzilbashes, or Persian colonists, placed by Nidar Shah as a garrison 

in Kabul, 623; surrender the BalaHissar to Ahmad Shah Abdali, ib.; 

protect Timur Shah, 625; slaughtered at Kabul by the Afghan 

Sunnis, 628. 

Labourdonnais, commander of a French squadron, captures Madras 
from the English, 285; his subsequent fate, 28Q note. 

Lahore, Jehangir's headquarters at, 182; massacre of princes at. 185; 
imperial road to Agra, 230; ferment during the Kabul war, 653-4; 
the court and capital of Runjeet Singh, 674; Sikh and Rajput fac- 
tions at, 675; settlement of the government by Lord Hardinge, 683; 
compromise with Lord Hardinge, 683-4. 

Lake, General, Lord Wellesley's instructions to, 502; his campaign in 
Hindustan, 504; its conclusion, 505; rebuffs Jaswant Rao Holkar, 
508; preparations against Holkar, ib.; in Rajputana, 509; defeats 
Holkar and besieges Bhurtpore, 511; reduces Holkar to submission, 
517; disgust at Holkar's pretensions, 508, 518; indignant at the an- 
nulment of the protective treaty with Jaipur, 518-19. 

Lakshmana, second son of Dasaratha, 42; accompanies Rama on his 
exile, 47; drives Sita to Chitra-kuta, 59. 

Lakshmi, the goddess of prosperity, 82; worship of, ib. 

Lally, Count de. arrival at Pondicherry, 332; capture of Fort St. David, 
and recall of Bussy, 333; suspicious of Bussy, ib.; desperate situa- 
tion at Pondicherry, 334; siege of Fort St. George, ib.; retreat, ib.; 
defeat at Wandiwash, 335; capitulation at Pondicherry, ib.; melan- 
choly end, ib. 

Lai Singh, paramour of the queen, and minister at Lahore, 678; his 
treachery to the Sikh army, 679; moves to Ferozeshahar, 680; flight 
at Moodkee, ib.; flight from Ferozeshahar, ib.; recognized as prime 
minister by Lord Hardinge, 683; his treachery in Kashmir, 684; his 
downfall, ib. 

Lamas, or Buddhist abbots of Lhassa and Digarchi, 532. 

Lambert, Commodore, his mission to Rangoon, 695; deceived and in- 
sulted by the Burmese officials, 696; begins the second Burmese 
war, ib. 

Landour built on territory ceded by Nipal, 548. 

Langhorn, Sir William, governor of Madras, 229. 

Lanka, the modern Ceylon, the abode of Ravana, the demon Raja of the 
Raksiiasas, 56. 

Laswari, General Lake's victory at, 505. 

Lava, son of Rama and Sita, 59. 

Law, M., ex-governor of the French settlement at Chandernagore, sup- 
ports the Shahzada and Nawab Vizier of Oude, 327; his helpless con- 
dition, 330. 

Lawrence, George, a hostage in the first Afghan war, 683 note; carried 
off prisoner at Peshawar by Afghans and Sikhs, 688. 

Lawrence, Henry, Major of the Bengal Artillery, afterward General 

864 INDEX 

Sir Henry, 604: note, G92 note; Resident at Khatmandu, 668; prevents 
a massacre, ib.: Resident at Lahore, 683; suppresses a rebellion in 
Jamu and Kashmir, 684; proceeds to England, 685; President of the 
Board of Administration at Lahore, 692; his sympathies for the 
Sikh Sirdars. 693; retires from the Board, ib.; appointed Chief 
Commissioner of Oude, 713; prompt suppression of the outbreak at 
Lukhnow, 721; preparations for the defence of the British Resi- 
dency at Lukhnow, 729; his death, 740. 

Lawrence, Sir John, afterward Lord Lawrence, Commissioner of the 
Jullunder Doab, 683 note; civil member of the Board of Administra- 
tion at Lahore, 692; first Chief Commissioner of the Punjab, 693; 
the savior of India during the sepoy mutiny, 743; Viceroy of India 
in succession to Lord Elgin, 762; policy in Afghanistan during the 
fratricidal war, 769-70; dealings with Sher Ali Khan, ib.; retire- 
ment and death, 771; his treaties with Dost Muhammad Khan, 772. 

Lawrence, Major Stringer, takes the command of the East India Com- 
pany's forces in India during the war against France, 286-7; goes 
to England, 296; returns to Madras, 300; operations at Trichinop- 
oly, ib.; worried by the duplicity of Nawab Muhammad Ali, 301-2. 

Lhassa, the residence of the Teshu Lama, 532; temples at, plundered by 
the Ghorkas, 536. 

Littler, General Sir John, his position at Ferozepore at the breaking out 
of the first Sikh war, 679. 

Lukhnow in 1857, sepoy mutiny of the 3d of May, 721; suppressed by Sir 
Henry Lawrence, ib.; preparations for defence, 728-9; the city and 
cantonment, 729; European and native forces, ib.; outbreak of the 
30th of May, ib.; flight to Delhi, 730; defence against mutineers and 
rebels, 739; death of Henry Lawrence on the 4th of July, 740; as- 
sault of the 20th of July, ib.; failure of Havelock in August, ib.; 
heroism of the besieged, 749; first relief by Havelock, 750; second 
relief by Sir Colin Campbell, ib.; death of Havelock in November, 
ib.; burial in the Alumbagh, ib.; capture of Lukhnow by Outram, 

Lushington. Mr., perished in the massacre at Patna, 353. 

Lytton, Lord, Viceroy of India, 774. 


Macartney, Lord, governor of Madras, 437; treaty with Tippu, Sultan 
of Mysore, ib.; capture of Pulicat and Sadras, ib. note; assumption 
of the revenues of the Carnatic, 437; proposed reduction of the 
Nawab of the Carnatic to a pageant pensioner, 438; its dubious 
equity, 439; zeal of the Nawab's creditors, 440; restoration of the 
Carnatic ordered by the Board of Control, 440-1; his retirement, 441; 
declines the post of Governor-General, 449. 

Macaulay, Lord, his imperfect story of Mir Jafir's jackass, 325 note; ac- 
quits Hastings of money corruption, 442 note. 

Macnaghten, Sir William, appointed English minister and envoy at 
Kabul, 635; excites the disaffection of the Afghans by the abohtion 
or reduction of subsidies, 637; imprudent removal of the British 
troops from the Bala Hissar, 638; vacillation during the insur- 
rection at Kabul, 639; negotiations with the rebel leaders, 64U-1; 
attacked and murdered by Akbar Khan, 640. 

Macpherson, Sir John, provisional Governor-General in succession to 
Warren Hastings, 449. 

Madras, visit of Fryer to, 228; origin of the town, ib.; yearly rent to 

INDEX 855 

Golkonda, 329; surf-boats, ib.; Fort St. George, ib.; Sir William 
Langhorn governor, ib.; population, 230; threatened by Moghuls, 
233; bribery of Zulfikar Khan, ib.; besieged by Moghuls under Daud 
Khan, 234; peace at Madras, ib.; growing commercial importance, 
271; commercial establishment, 271-2; Grovernor in Council and 
Mayor's Court, 272; justices of peace and Pedda Naik, ib.; jealousy 
of the Dutch, t7).; "interlopers," 274; flourishing trade in cotton 
piece-goods, 277; isolation of traders, ib.; captured by the French 
under'Labourdonnais, 285; restored tothe English, 287; interference 
in Tanjore, ib.; wars with the French at Pondicherry, 288; treaty 
with Hyder Ali, 370; situation on the Coromandel coast, 382; its 
individuality, i&.; debts and difficulties of the Nawab of the Car- 
natic, 426; aggression of the Nawab on Tanjore, 427; Lord Pigot 
and Paul Benfleld, ib.; imprisonment and death of Lord Pigot, 428; 
Sir Thomas Rumbold, governor, ib.; formidable power of Hyder Ali, 
ib.; mission of Swartz to Seringapatam, 429; troubles with the 
Nizam about Guntoor, 430; Mr. Whitehill, governor, 431; invasion 
of Hyder Ali of Mysore, ib.; Whitehill deposed by Warren Hast- 
ings, 433; victories of Sir Eyre Coote, ib.; Lord Macartney, gover- 
nor, 437; troubles about the Nawab's debts, 440; orders of the Board 
of Control, 440-1; corruption and inaction under Governor Holland, 
454; settlement of Tanjore, 485, 706; settlement of the Carnatic, 
489, 706. 

Madri, one of the wives of Pandu, 15; contest with Kunti, i6.; performs 
Sati, ib. ; her two sons, ib. 

Maduals, the sect of, in Southern India, 474, 476; their distinctions and 
creed, ib. 

Magadha, the modern Behar, the cradle of Buddhism, corresponding 
with the country of the Rakshasas and Asuras, 20 note. 

Mahabat Khan, 184; captures Jehangir, 185; sham burial of Shah 
Jehan, ib. 

Maha Bharata, war of, told in an ancient Hindu epic written in San- 
skrit, 11; probable date of the war, \2note; character of the war, 33; 
composition of the poem, 37; religious teaching of, 38; grandeur 
and exaggerations of, 39; concluding scene at the Ganges, 40-1; 
memories of, in the time of Hiovien-Thsang, 74. 

Mahabun mountain, inhabited by Hindustani fanatics, 759; English ex- 
pedition under Sir Neville Chamberlain, ib. 

Mahadaji Sindia. See Sindia. 

Mahadeva. See Siva. 

Maharaja, or " great Raja," 12. 

Mahdu Rao, fourth Peishwa, succeeds his father Balaji Rao on the 
throne at Poona, 393; regency of his uncle, Rughonath Rao, ib. ; 
farce of investiture at Satara, ib.; disaffection of the Mahratta 
feudatories, 394; quarrels with his uncle, ib.; imprisoned, ib.; rec- 
onciliation, 395; invades the territories of Hyder Ali, 397; fresh 
quarrels with his uncle inflamed by his mother and aunt, ib. ; joins 
Nizam Ali in his invasion of Berar, ib.; his religious vagaries, 398; 
friendly advances of the English at Bombay, 399; refusal to part 
with Salsette or Bassein, ib.; awkward alliance between the English 
at Madras and Hyder Ali of Mysore, ib.; death by consumption, 
403, 417; succeeded by his brother, Narain Rao, ib. 

Mahdu Rao Narain, seventh Peishwa, infant son of Narain Rao, 419, 
436; his suicide, 463. 

Mahe, captured by the English, 429. 

Mahmud of Ghazni, invades India, 96; twelve expeditions into Hindu- 

856 INDEX 

Stan, ib.', defeats the Rajputs at Somnath, 97; destroys the idol 
pillar in the temple, ib.; returns to Ghazni, ib.; his death, ib. 

Mahomet. See Muhammad. 

Mahrattas, empire at Deog-hur conquered by Ala-ud-din, 102-3; rise in 
the Konkan under Sivaji, 199; career of Sivaji, 200-1; organizes a 
system of blackmail or chout, 211; bootless operations of Aurangzeb 
against, 217; wars between Zulfikar Khan and Ram Raja, 233; 
settlement with Sahu Rao, the grandson of Sivaji, 243; his capital 
at Satara, ib.; indefinite claims to chout, 244; rise of the Brahman 
ministers or Peishwas, 245; their power and policj', 257; importance 
of Mahratta history, 258; military leaders subject to the Brahman 
Peishwas, 259; dealings with the Muhammadan powers, ib.; help- 
lessness of the Moghul court at Delhi, ib.; secret relations between 
the Mahratta Peishwas and the Moghul Padishahs, 260-1; extensive 
ravages after the invasion of Nadir Shah, 269; invasion of the Car- 
natic, 279; dealings with the Nawab, 280; take Trichinopoly by sur- 
prise, ib. ; imprison Chunder Sahib at Satara, ib. ; merciless invasions 
of Bengal for the collection of chout, 313; treacherous massacre of 
Mahrattas by Nawab Alivardi Khan, ib.; quieted by the promise of 
the Nawab to pay yearly chout, 314; demand arrears of chout from 
Mir Jafir, 326; contest with the Afghans for the Moghul empire, 
838, 392; horrible defeat and massacre at Paniput, 338. 392; demand 
chout for Bengal and Behar from the English, 365; Clive inclined 
to pay chout in return for Orissa, ib.; general view of the Mahratta 
empire and its feudatories, 383-4; three seats of home government 
— Poona, Satara, and Kolhapore, 384; four leading feudatories — the 
Gaekwar, Holkar, Sidia, and the Bhonsla Raja of Berar, ib. ; trans- 
fer of power, after the death of Sahu, from the Raja of Satara to 
the Peishwa of Poona, 385-6; administration of Balaji Rao, the 
third Peishwa, 387-8; Mahratta wars from M3'^sore to the Punjab, 
391; crushing defeat at Paniput, 392; Mahdu Rao, fourth Peishwa, 
393; internal distractions, 394; wars against Hyder Ali and Nizam 
Ali, ib.; conduct Shah Alam to Delhi under Mahadaji Sindia, and 
establish the Mahratta ascendency in Hindustan, 403; wrath with 
the English at their refusal to pay tribute for Bengal, 408; threaten 
to march through the Rohilla counti'v into Oude, 409; death of 
Mahdu Rao Peishwa, 417; accession and murder of Narain Rao, fifth 
Peishwa, 417-18; succession of Rughonath Rao, sixth Peishwa, 418; 
Mahdu Rao Narain, seventh Peishwa, 419, 436; negotiations with 
the English at Bombay, 420; condemned by the Bengal govern- 
ment, ib.; treaty of Purundhur (1776), 421; French intrigues at 
Poona, ib.; Bombay invited to restoi-e Rughonath Rao, 422; Bom- 
bay expedition to Poona, ib.; convention of Wurgaum, 423; first 
Mahratta war, ib.; confederacy with Hyder Ali and Nizam Ali, 432; 
close of the first Mahratta war by the treaty of Salbai, 436; regarded 
as the most formidable power in India, 443^ new Mahratta kingdom 
between the Jumna and Ganges founded by Mahadaji Sindia, 446; 
English Resident appointed at Poona. ib.; war between the Peishwa 
and Tippu Sultan, 448; rivalry between Nana Farnavese and Ma- 
hadaji Sindia. 452; dealings with Lord Cornwallis during the first 
war against Tippu, 454-5; grasping demands, 456; their treachery, 
457; installation of the Peishwa as the deputy of the Great Moghul, 
459; death of Mahadaji Sindia, 460; crushing demands on the Nizam 
for arrears of chout, 461; Mahratta envoy insulted at H3'derabad, 
462; defeat of the Nizam at Kurdla, 463; suicide of Mahdu Rao 
Narain, ib.; Baji Rao, eighth Peishwa, ib.; intrigues between Baji 

INDEX 857 

Rao, Daulat Rao Sindia, and Nana Farnavese. 464; reject Lord 
Moraingtoa's offers of an English alliance, 468, 470; their rule in Tan- 
jore described by Swartz, 487; replies of tUe Peishwa to the offers 
of Lord Wellesley, 493; Mahratta affairs. 497; defeat of Baji Rao at 
Poona by Jaswant Rao Holkar, 499; flight to the Bombay Presi- 
dency, t6.; conclusion of the treaty of Bassein,i6. ; second Mahratta 
war, 500, 503; hostility of Sindia and the Bhonsla. 500. 502; cam- 
paign of Wellesley and Stevenson in the Dekhan, 503; English vic- 
tories at Assaye and Argaum, 503-4; Lake's campaign in Hindustan, 
504; English victories at Alighur and Delhi. t6.; Laswari, 505; Sindia 
and the Bhonsla become feudatories of the British government, ib.; 
difficulties with Jaswant Rao Holkar, 506-7; reduced to submission, 
511, 517; reactionary policy of Cornwallis and Barlow, 516-17; brief 
interval of peace, 519; rise of the Pindharies, 537; projected con- 
quest of the Pindharies by Lord Hastings, 549-50; intrigues of Baji 
Rao Peishwa, 550; murder of the Brahman minister of the Gaek- 
war, 553; imprisonment and escape of Trimbukji Dainglia, 553-3; 
remonstrances of the British Resident at Poona, 554; attitude of 
Sindia and Holkar, 555; submission of Sindia, 556; difficulties with 
Holkar, 558; duplicity of Baji Rao, 560; treachery, 563; hostilities 
begun by the Peishwa, 563; flight of the Peishwa, ib.; treachery of 
the Bhonsla of Nagpore, 564; battle of Sitabuldi. 565: Mr. Jenkins 
supreme, 566; defeat of the army of Holkar at Mehidpore, 567; ex- 
tinction of the Peishwas, 569; settlement with Holkar, 570; success 
of Lord Hastings' policy, ib.; political relations during the adminis- 
tration of Lord Amherst and Lord William Bentinck, 601. See also 
Holkar and Sindia. 

Malabar, Rajas of, 112; or western coast of India, 124; Malabar proper, 
125; twelve kings of, ib.; pepper and pilgrims, 136; suzerainty of 
the Zaraorin, 127; Malabar pirates, 130; visit of Delia Valle to the 
court at Calicut, 146; Rajas sacred in battle, 147. 

Malacca founded by Albuquerque, 130. 

Malcolm, Captain John, his mission to Persia, 496; his early career, ib. 
note; negotiations with Daulat Rao Sindia, 505; story of "Old 
Brag," ib. note; his half-hearted ti-eaty with Holkar, 517; sent by 
Lord Minto on a mission to Persia, 523 note; meets Baji Rao at 
Maholi, 561; outwitted, ib.; negotiations with Tulsi Bai, 567; de- 
feats the army of Holkar at Mehidpore, ib.; final settlement of Baji 
Rao, 570. 

Malik Amber, the Abyssinian minister of Ahmadnagar, 176; defeated 
by the Moghul army, 181. 

Malik Kafur, general of Ala-ud-din, 107; plunders Hindu temples in the 
south, ib.; notably those of Madura and Mysore, ib.; a Hindu con- 
verted to Islam, 108. 

Malwa, region of, 90; relative position of, toward Rajputana, 161 note; 
divided between Sindia and Holkar, 421 note. 

Manaris, or hereditary oxen-drivers, 224; division into four tribes with 
caste marks, ib.; women tatooed with flowers, 224-5; identified with 
Brinjarries, 456. 

Mandalay, present capital of Burma, 591. 

Manel, residence of the queen of Olaza, 142. 

Mangalore, Portuguese fort at, 131; treaty at, between Lord Macartney 
and Tippu Sultan, 437. 

Manipura, ancient kingdom of, the modern Munipore, 26. 

Manouchi, the Venetian physician, his memoirs of the reign of Aurang- 
zeb, 209 

858 INDEX 

Mansel, Mr., member of the Punjab Board of Administration, 692 note. 

Man Singh, Raja of Jodhpur, claims the daughter of the Rana of Udai- 
pur, 524; quarrels with Jaipur, 525. See Marwar. 

Mansubdars, rank of, in the Moghul court, 164. 

Manu, impersonality, laws of, 84; based on the transmigrations of the 
soul, 85; merits and demerits, ib.; heaven and hell, ih.; the divine 
spirit, ib.; deliverance of the soul in absorption, 86; four stages of 
life, ib.; Brahman prejudice concerning, 196 note. 

Mara war country, a relic of Hindu antiquity associated with the legends 
of Rama, 486 7iote, 

Marco Polo, his description of Coromandel and Malabar Rajas, 112. 

Mariamma, the Malabar goddess, worshipped by the Portuguese ambas- 
sadors by mistake for the Virgin Mary, 127. 

Martaban, in Burma, besieged by Byeen-noung, 580; surrendered, ib.; 
plundered and sacked, 583; i-evolting execution of the queen and her 
ladies, 584-6. 

Maruts, Vaidik, personification of the winds, 80; followers of Indra, ib. 

Marwar, Jaswant Singh, Raja of, marries a daughter of Shah Jehan, 
19.S; wrath of his wife at his flight from the battle of Ujain, ib. ; won 
over by Auraugzeb, 195; employed in the war against Sivaji, 203; 
suspected of treachery, ib.; his widow resists the collection of 
Jezya, 213; Man Singh claims the daughter of the Rana of Udaipur, 
524; conflicts with refractory Thakurs, 604. 

Masulipatam, Muhammadan port on the coast of Coromandel, visited by 
Fryer, 227; description of, 237-8; cededto the French, 303; captured 
by the English, 334. 

Matabar Singh, of Nipal, nephew of Bhim Sein Thapa, thrown into 
prison, 659; released and pardoned, 660; his mission to Lahore, 662; 
invited to return to Nipal, 667; wreaks his vengeance on the Pandeys 
at Khatmandu, ib.; appointed premier, ib.; his rash and overbear- 
ing conduct, 668; plots against the Maharaja, *.; appointed premier 
for life, ib.; horribly murdered, ib. 

Mathura, temple at, converted into a mosque by Aurangzeb, 212; plun- 
dered by the Afghans under Ahmad Shah AbdaU, 328. 

Mauritius taken from France by the British, 526. 

Mayo, Lord, Viceroy of India, 771; his conference with Sher Ali at Um- 
balla, 772; his conciliatory policy, 773; his interest in Burma affairs, 
ib.; visit to Rangoon, ib.; assassination, 774. 

Max Muller, Professor, his edition of the Rik Vaidha, and translations of 
Vaidik hymns, 80 note. 

Meade, Major, arrests Tantia Topi, 755. 

Meanee, in Sinde, battle of, won by Sir Charles Napier, 647. 

Mecca, Sherif of, repulses the envoys of Aurangzeb, 196. 

Medows, General, his futile campaign against Tippu, 455. 

Meerut, niutinv of the sepoys at, 721-2; terrible rising on Sunday, the 
10th of May, 723; fatal delays, ib.; flight of the mutineers to Delhi 
and beginning of the revolt of the Bengal army, 724. 

Megasthenes, the Greek ambassador at the court of Sandrokottos. 07; 
his description of the city of Pali-bothra, the modern Patna, 68; of 
the people of India, ib. 

Mehidpore, battle of, 567. 

Merivale, Mr. Herman, editor of the correspondence and journals of 
Philip Francis, 413 note. 

Metcalfe, Mr., afterward Lord, his mission to Runjeet Singh, 523; con- 
ducts the negotiations with Amir Khan, 557; appointed Resident at 
Hyderabad, 572; condemns the bank of Palmer & Co., 572-3; con- 

INDEX 859 

venes a council of Thakurs at Jaipur, 604; Governor-Greneral of 
India, 617; grants liberty to the press, ib. 

Metempsychosis, the dogma of, the transmigrations of the soul, 61; 
doctrine of deliverance from taught by Buddha, 63; doctrine of 
merits and deliverance taught by Manu, 85, 86, 

Meywar. See Udaipur. 

Middleton, Mr. superseded as Resident at Lukhnow by Mr. Bristovv, 414. 

Midnapore, ceded by Mir Kasim to the English, 341. 

Mill, Mr., James, his groundless charges against Vansittart, 342 note; 
his opinion of Muhammad Reza Khan and Shitab Rai, 405 note. 

Mill, Colonel James, proposed the conquest of Bengal long before Clive, 
337 note. 

Millennium, the Muhammadan, expected in the reign of Akbar, 167-8. 

Minto, Lord, Governor-General of India, 531; his active policy, 532; de- 
spatches missions to Runjeet Singh, Persia, and Kabul, 533 and note; 
interferes to prevent the aggressions of Amir Khan on Nagpoi-e, 
524; active operations against the French and Dutch, 536; leaves In- 
dia, 528; his remonstrances with Nipal, 530, 543; his ultimatum, 544. 

Misls, or Sikh fraternities, 672; their decay, 673. 

Misr Guru at Khatmandu, 659; forced to go on pilgrimage, 663; recalled 
from Benares, 665. 

Mitchell, Colonel, his proceedings in the sepoy mutiny at Berhampore, 

Mithila, Raj of, the modern Tirhut, 43 note. 

Mithra, or the Sun, worship of, imported into India by Kanishka, 71; 
corresponds with the Vaidik Surya, 80. 

Mir Jafir, posted at Plassy by Nawab Suraj-ud-daula, 322; joins Jagat 
Seth in his conspiracy against Suraj-ud-daula, ib.; his dubious con- 
duct at Plassy, 323; installed as Nawab by Colonel Clive, ih.; his 
money presents and cessions of territory, ib.; confers the quit-rent 
of the Company's territory on Clive, 324; origin of Clive's jaghir, 
ib.; his incapacity as a ruler, ib.; atrocities of his son Miran, 324-5; 
nicknamed "Colonel Clive's Jackass," 325; replaces Hindu com- 
manders by Muhammadans, 326; Mahratta demands for chout, i&.; 
relations with the Shahzada, 337; becomes insufferable, 340; de- 
posed by Vansittart in favor of his son-in-law, Mir Kasim, 341; re- 
stored to the throne by the Calcutta council, 351; his death, 857. 

Mir Kasim, son-in-law of Mir Jafir, his dealings with Mr. Vansittart for 
the Nawabship of Bengal and Behar, 341; the preliminary treaty, 
ib,; his offer of twenty lakhs refused bj' Vansittart, ib.; proclaimed 
Nawab, 342; defeats theMoghul army under Shah Alam, ib.; secures 
letters of investiture from Shah Alam, 343; refuses to join in an 
English expedition to Delhi, ib. ; suspicions of the English. 344; secret 
preparations for war, ib.; quarrel about private trade, 344, 346-7; 
his sudden abolition of all duties, 347; violence of the English 
council at Calcutta, ib.; reception of Amyatt and Hay at Monghyr, 
348; stoppage of a boat-load of arms for the English factory at 
Patna, 349; puffed up with the recapture of Patna. 350; murder of 
Amyatt, ib.; flight to Patna, 352; massacre of 150 Englishmen at 
Patna, ib.; escape into Oude, 353; perishes in obscurity, 355. 

Mlechhas, or barbarians, Hindu name for Guptas, 71. 

Moghuls, their early invasions of India, 102; described as uglj' nomads, 
ib.; massacred by Ala-ud-din, 106; invade the Punjab, 108; bribed 
by Muhammad Tughlak to go away, ib.; invasion of Timur, 150: 
Tartar origin of, 151; a ruling tribe, possibly representatives of the 
Royal Scythians described by Herodotus, 151 and note; religious 

860 INDEX 

toleration, 151; approximate to the Persian type, 152; early life of 
Baber, ib.; invasion of India, 154; defeat of the Rana of Chitor, ib.; 
his death, 155; reign of Humayun, ib.; recovery of Hindustan by 
the Afghans, 156; exile of Humayun, ib.; returns to Delhi and 
dies, 157. 

Moghul empire, founded by Akbar, 157; wars against the Afghans, 158; 
decay of the Muhammadan religion, 160; establishment of political 
and religious equality, ib.; efforts to amalgamate Moghuls and Raj- 
puts, 160-1; introduction of a strong Rajput element, 162; Moghul 
aristocracy without hereditary rights, 163; hereditary aristocracy 
of the Rajputs, 164; antagonism of religion, a political gain, ib.; re- 
ligion of Akbar, 168; public life of the Moghuls, 169; land-tenure, 
170; reign of Jehangir, 173; English appear at Surat, 173: mission 
of Captain Hawkins to Agra, 174; mission of Sir Thomas Roe to 
Jehangir, 175; audience at Ajmir, 177; poisonings at the Moghul 
court, 178; festivals, 179; camp of the Great Moghul, 181; massacres 
of brigands and rebels, 181-2; Rajput wars, 182-3; death of Jehan- 
gir, 185; massacre of princes and accession of Shah Jehan, ib.; in- 
creasing antagonisms between Moghuls and Rajputs, 187; disaffec- 
tion of tributary Rajas, 188; fratricidal wars between the four sons 
of Shah Jehan, 190; early career of Aurangzeb, 191; deceives his 
brother Murad, 192; succession of Aurangzeb to the Moghul throne, 
195; description of Delhi, 197; early alliance with Sivaji and the 
Mahrattas, 202; conflicts with the Mahrattas, 203; suspicious death 
of Shah Jehan, 204; feigned rebellion, 207; history forbidden by 
public edict, 209; mysterious rebellion in Kabul, 210; treacherous 
massacre of Afghans, ib.; persecution of Hindus and destruction of 
idolatry, 212; imposition of the I'eligious poll-tax, known as the 
Jezya, 213; religious wars in Rajputana, 214; splendid march of the 
Moghul army, 215; camp life of Aurangzeb, 216; conquest of Bija- 
pur and Golkonda, 217; revival of Hindu nationality, ib. 

Moghul empire, civilization of, 219; condition of the masses ignored, ib. ; 
superior roads, 220; carriages, 221; caravanserais, ib.; dangers and 
inconveniences of travelling, 222; guards of horsemen, ib.; Thugs or 
stranglers, 223; absence of roads in Hindu kingdoms, ib.; heredi- 
tary oxen-drivers, 224; foot-posts in India, 225; administration of jus- 
tice, ib.; Fryer's travels in India, 226-7; description of Masulipatam, 
227; old Madras, 228; Bombay, 230; Surat, ib.; Joonere, 231; Kar- 
war, 233; English settlements in Bengal, 234; refractory Rajas in 
Bengal and Behar, 239. 

Moghul empire, story of its decline and fall, 240; fratricidal wars of the 
sons of Aurangzeb, 241; persecutions of the Sikhs, 242; growing in- 
dependence of the Viceroys of provinces, 243; Mahratta claims to 
chout, 244; reign of Jehandar Shah, 245; rebellion of Farrukh Siyar 
and the two Saiyids, 246; constant plots and intrigues, 247; English 
mission from Calcutta to Delhi, 248; Mahrattas at Delhi, 250; as- 
sassination and revolution, ib.; decay of the empire, 252; cessation 
of the imperial progresses, ib.; latent force of court routine, 253; 
successions to local governments, ib.; the Padishah, tlie sole foun- 
tain of honor, rank, and title, ib.; provincial Dewans or Account- 
ant-Generals, 254; general corruption, ib.; ostentatious reverence 
to the orders of the Padishah, 255; growing power of the Mahrattas, 
257; secret relations between the Mahrattas and the Moghul court 
at Delhi, 260-1; invasion of Nadir Shah, 263; sack of Delhi, 266; hor- 
rible carnage, ib.; fall of the empire amid the contests between 
Mahrattas and Afghans, 269-70. 

INDEX 861 

Monson, Colonel, appointed a member of the council of Calcutta, 413; 
his advance into Central India, in pursuit of Jaswant Rao Holkar, 
509; disastrous retreat, 510. 

Montgomery, Sir Robert, member of the Punjab Board of Administra- 
tion, 692. 

Moodkee, Harding-e and Gough's victory at, 680. 

Moors, Arab Muhamraadan traders so called, 126; intrigues against 
Portuguese, 127-8. 

Morari, Rao, a Mahratta general at Trichinopoly. 280; declares against 
Mortiz Ali, 283; joins the regent of Mysore. 300; pretended media- 
tion between Major Lawrence and Muhammad Ali, 801-2. 

Mornington, Lord, succeeds Sir John Shore as Governor-General of 
India, 466; lands at Calcutta, 467; alarmed at the power of the 
French, ib. ; abandons the idea of a balance of power, 467-8; alliance 
with Nizam Ali against Tippu, 468; futile negotiations with the 
Mahrattas, ib.; demands explanations from Tippu, 470; downfall of 
Tippu and settlement of Mysore, 471; created Marquis of Wellesley, 
ib. See Wellesley. 

Mortiz Ali, brother-in-law of Nawab Subder Ali, commands Vellore, 281; 
resists demands of conti'ibution, 282; implicated in the massacre of 
Subder Ali, ib.; proclaimed Nawab, 282-3; flight from Arcot, 283; 
implicated in the murder of the boy Nawab, 284. 

Mostyn, Mr., English Resident at Poona, 444: note. 

Mudaji Bhonsla. See Bhonsla. 

Muhammad, the prophet of Arabia, his teaching and death, 94; suc- 
ceeded by the four Khalifs, ib.; Arab conquest of Asia to the Indus 
and Oxus, 95. 

Muhammadans, their conquest of Hindustan, 95-8; of Bengal, 101; of 
the Dekhan and Peninsula, 106; declining power, 110, 160; horrible 
rule in Bengal before the Moghul conquest, 131; antagonism toward 
Rajputs, 184r-7. 

Muhammadan Sultans of the Dekhan, 114; Bahmani dynasty of Kul- 
barga, 116; wars against the Hindu empire of Vijayanagar, 114-18; 
dismemberment into the five kingdoms of Ahmadnagar, Berar, 
Bider, Bijapur and Golkonda, 118; interference in the city of Vijay- 
anagar, 119-20: bribed to retire, 120; unholy alliance with Ram Rai, 
121; league of the Sultans against the Maharaja, ib.; decisive vic- 
tory at Talikota, 121-2, 171; conquest of Ahmadnagar and Berar by 
Akbar, 171; invasion of Jehangir, 180-1; designs of Aurangzeb, 191; 
conquest of Bijapur and Golkonda, 217. 

Muhammad Afzal Khan. See Afzal. 

Muhammad Ali, Nawab of the Carnatic, appointed bj' the Nizam, 296; 
assisted by the English at Trichinopoly, 297; intrigues with Mysore, 
300; his duplicity, 301; helped by the Englisli in the reduction of re- 
bellious Poliirars, 305; his debts. 426; efl'orts to bribe the governor 
of Madras, 427; English adventurers .at his court, 440 note; his death, 
489; treachery of his son and successor, ib.; introduction of British 
administration into the Carnatic, 490; extinction of the titular 
Nawabship by Lord Dalhousie, 706. 

Muhammad Azim Khan. See Azim. 

Muhammad Ghori. his conquest of Hindustan, 98; stabbed to death by 
the Gakkars, 100. 

Muhammad Reza Khan, bargaining with four members of the Calcutta 
council at, 357; becomes deputy Nawab of Bengal, 
ib.; wrath of Lord Clive. 360; corrupt collusion with English offi- 
cials, 379; alleged misconduct during the famine, 381; arrested and 

862 INDEX 

brought to Calcutta, 405; his restoration refused by Warren Hast- 
ings, ib. 

Muhammad Shah, succeeds to the throne of Delhi, 251; decUne of the 
Moghul empire, 252; compelled to submit to Nadir Shah, 264; nom- 
inal sovereignty, 268; his death, 269. 

Muhammad Tughlak, his disastrous reign, 108-9; bribes the Moghuls, 
108; excessive taxation, 109; fatal removal of capital from Delhi to 
Deoghur, ib.; introduces copper counters for gold money, ib,; finan- 
cial anarchy, 110; rebellions and revolutions, ib.; his death, ib. 

Mulhar Rao Holkar. See Hoikar. 

Mulraj, Viceroy of Multan under Sikh rule, 685; his feigned resignation, 
ib.; murder of Mr. Vans Agnew and Lieutenant Anderson, 686; de- 
feated by Herbert Edwardes, 686-7; suspicious of Sher Singh, 688; 
surrenders Multan, 689; imprisoned for life, 690. 

Munro, Hector, his punishment of mutiny at Patna, 354; gains the 
battle of Buxar, ib.; disaster during Hyder Ali's invasion of the 
Carnatic, 432. 

Murshedabad, capital of Bengal, moved from Dacca, 308; expenditure of 
the old Navvabs, 374; decline, 406. 

Murslied Kuli Khan, becomes Nawab of Bengal, Behar and Orissa, 308; 
removes his capital from Dacca to Murshedabad, ib.; harsh treat- 
ment of Hindus, 309; hates his son-in-law^, Shuja Khan, 310; his 
death, ib. 

Muzaffir Jung. See Nizam. 

Mysore, Hindu government of, SOO note; cession of Trichinopoly to the 
Hindu regent, 301; Hindu regent joins the French, 302; rise of 
Hyder Ali, 367; his invasion of the Carnatic, 369; offensive and de- 
fensive treaty with the English, 370; his formidable power, 428; 
mission of Swartz, 429; invasion of the Carnatic, 432; death of 
Hyder Ali, 436; palace life at Seringapatam,i5.; succession of Tippu, 
son of Hyder, 437; treaty of Mangalore, ib.; aggressions of Tippu on 
the lines of Travancore, 454; campaigns of Lord Cornwallis, 455-7; 
submission of Tippu, 457; hostile negotiations of Tippu with the 
French, 467, 470; last war against Mysore, 470; downfall and death of 
Tippu, 471; resuscitation of a Hindu dynasty by Lord Wellesley, ib.; 
travels of Buchanan in Mysore, 472; description of Bangalore, 477; 
government of Purnea, 479, 613; aspires to be a Peishwa, 614; en- 
thronement of Krishnaraj, ib.; ruinous profligacy, 615; fruitless 
warnings, ib.; rebellion in Mysore, ib.; deposition of the Raja, 616; 
prosperity under British rule, ib. 

Nadir Shah, or Nadir Kuli Khan, his rise in Persia, 262; assists Shah 
Tahmasp, ib.; usurps the throne of Persia, 263; unsuccessful em- 
bassies to the Moghul, ib.; captures Kandahar and Kabul, ib.; re- 
ported intercourse with Saadut Ali Khan and Nizam-ul-niulk, i?>. ; 
intrigues, 26. ; march through the Punjab, 264; defeats the Moghuls 
at Kurnal, i6. ; submission of Muhammad Shah, t&.; negotiations 
with the Nizam, ib.; march to Dellii, 265; gloomy entry into Delia, 
ib.; massacre of Nadir Shah's soldiery, ib.; his revenge. 266; Nadir 
Shah in the mosque, ib.; collection of the subsidy, 267; spoils, 268; 
intermarriage and ceded territory, ib.; resuscitation of the Moghul, 
ib.; return to Persia, ib.; declaration of the Sunni faith, ib.; assas- 
sination, t6.; effects of his invasion, 269; his death the commence- 
ment of Afghan history, 622. 

INDEX 863 

Nagas, or suake-worshippers, 12; a Scythic tribe occupying Khandava- 
prastha, 25; an existing type of the so-called aborigines, 78. 

Nagpore, Raja of, demands the restoration of Cuttack and Berar, 519; 
Amir Khan's aggressions on, 524; treachery of Raja Appa Sahib, 
568; espouses the cause of Baji Rao Peishwa, 564; defeat and flight 
of Appa Saliib, 566; succession of a boy Raja, ib.; mixed adminis- 
tration of Mr. Jenkins, 601, 704; deterioration under native rule, 
705; annexation of Nagpore, 706. 

Naiks, or deputy Hindu rulers, 123. 

Nairs, the military caste in Malabar, 125; massacre of the Portuguese 
at Calicut, 129. 

Najaf Khan, career of, 446 note; his son, Afrasiab Khan, ib. 

Najib-ud-daula, appointed by Ahmad Shah Abdali to be guardian of the 
Moghul king at Delhi, 328; a Rohilla Afghan, i6.; driven out by 
Ghazi-ud-din, ib.; regent guardian at Delhi under the title of Amir 
of Amirs, 392, 400; dealings with Suraj Mai, the Jat Raja, 401; in- 
trigues with the English at Calcutta, ib.; behavior toward Ahmad 
Shah Abdali, 402; overtures to the Mahrattas, ib.; his death, 402, 
406 note, 

Nala and Damayanti, the poem of, 89-91; Swayamvara of Damayanti, 
90; the royal gambler, ib.; exile in the jungle, ib.; flight of Nala, 
and agony of Damayanti, 91; reconciliation, ib.; characteristics of 
the poem, ib. 

Nalanda, the Buddhist university of, visited by the Chinese pilgrims, 76. 

Nana Farnavese, the Brahman minister at tlie court of Poona, 418; 
favors St. Lubin, the French adventurer at Poona, 421; plots and 
intrigues, ib.; origin of influence, 422 note; supported by Mahadaji 
Sindia, 422; his action in the convention of Wurgaum, 423; dread 
of Hyder Ali, 435; ratifies the treaty of Salbai, 436; becomes the 
real head of affairs at Poona, 443; schemes for ciiecking Sindia, 452; 
plays a double game with Tippu and Cornwallis, 455; attempts to 
prevent the installation of the Peishwa as deputy of the Great 
Moghul, 459; antagonism toward Mahadaji Sindia, ib.; calls upon 
Sindia for the revenues of the conquered provinces in Hindustan, 
460; tiie rivalry closed by the death of Mahadaji Sindia, ib.; height 
of prosperity, 463; distractions arising from the suicide of the 
Peishwa, ib.; discovers the intrigues of Baji Rao, and declares him 
to be Peisliwa, 464; flies to Satara, ib. ; return and imprisonment, 
ib.; forced reconciliation with Baji Rao, 468; evades an alliance 
with the British government, 470; grounds of his refusal, 493; his 
death, 497. 

Nana Sahib, the adopted heir of Baji Rao Peishwa, 707; claims to inherit 
the pension granted to Baji Rao, ib.; residence at Bithoor, 732; his 
deceitful professions, ib.; his wild dreams of restoring the extinct 
Mahratta empire of the Peishwa, 733; joins the mutineers, ib.; his 
threatening letter to General Wheeler, ib.; besieges Cawnpore, 734; 
his treacherous proposals, ib.; negotiations, 735; massacre on the 
river Ganges, 735-6; installation as Peishwa, 736; defeated by Have- 
lock, 737; orders the massacre of women and children at Cawnpore, 
738; flight from Cawnpore, tb.; reoccupies Bithoor, 740; defeated by 
Havelock, 741. 

Nanuk Guru, founder of the Sikh brotherhood, or commonwealth, in 
the Punjab. 242, 671. 

Nao Nihal Singh, grandson of Runjeet Singh, Maharaja at Lahore, 675; 
his death at his father's funeral, ib. 

Napier, Sir Charles, his campaign in Sindia, 647; wins the battles of 

864 INDEX 

Meanee and Hyderabad, ib.; controversy with Outram, 647-8; ap- 
pointed Commander-in-chief of the Bengal army in succession to 
Lord Gough, 689. 

Napier, Colonel Robert (Lord Napier of Magdala), his engineering work 
in the Punjab, 694 note; his dashing charge on the retreating army 
of Tautia Topi, 754. 

Napoleon Bonaparte, his supposed designs on India, 467, 501-2. 

Narain Rao Peishwa, succeeds his father, Mahdu Rao, on the throne of 
Poona, 417; his murder, ib. 

Narayana, or Para Brahma, the supreme god of the Smartals, 475. 

Narsingh Acharya, successor of Sankhara Achar3'a, 474 7iote. 

Narsiuga, or Vijayanagar, Hindu empire of, 113. See Vijayanagar. 

Nasir Jung. See Nizam. 

Nasik, visited by Rama, 55 note. 

Naths and Svvamis, worshipped as gods, 84, 540. 

Nawab, or governor, a Moghul officer, 225; civil administration, 226. 

Nawabs of Bengal and the Carnatic. See Bengal and Carnatic. 

Nawab of Jooaere, the birthplace of Sivaji, 231; discourses with Dr. 
Fryer, 232; a type of a Moghul fortress, ib.; a converted Brahman 
appointed to the command by Aurangzeb, ib, 

Nawab Nazim, duties of, 361 7iote; distinguished from the Dewan, ib., 
363; reduced to a pageant, ib.; reduction of allowances, ib. note. 

Negrais, English factory at, 590; massacre of English by the Burmese 
under Alompra, ib. 

Neill, Colonel, his advance from Calcutta to Lukhnow, 737; delayed at 
Benares and Allahabad, ib.; joined by a column under Havelock, ib.; 
proceeds to Cawnpore, 739; difficulties at Cawnpore, 740; killed at 
the relief of Luklinow, 749. 

Newars, Buddhist Rajas of Nipal, 533; conquered by the Ghorkas, ib. 

Nicholson, Brigadier John, arrival at the siege of Delhi, 746; commands 
an assaulting column, ib.; his death, 747. 

Niebuhr, Karsten, his prophecy respecting- the English East India Com- 
pany, 716 note. 

Nipal, history of, 531; description of the Nipal vallej', 532; occupied by 
the Newars, or Hiudu Buddhists, 533; conquered by the Ghorkas, 
ib.; atrocities of Prithi Narain, 534; Ghorka constitution, i6.; mili- 
tary organization, 535; early Ghorka Maharajas, ib.; plunder of ihe 
temples of Lhassa and Digarchi, 536; Chinese invasion, ib. ; Ghorkas 
conclude a treaty with the English, ib.; apph' for help against 
China, ib.; refused by Lord Cornwallis, ib.; defeat and humiliation 
of the Ghorkas by the Ciiinese, 536-7; mission of Kirkpatrick, 536; 
its failure, 537; I'evolution at Khatmandu, z7). ; Run Bahadur, the 
Nero of Nipal, i6.; his madness. 538; conspiracy of the Pandeys, 
539; flight of Run Bahadur to Benai-es, ib.; dealings of Lord Welles- 
ley with Run Bahadur, ib.; mission of Captain Knox. 540; revolu- 
tion headed by the chief queen, ib.: failure of Knox's mission, 541; 
return of Run Bahadur to Nipal, ib.; downfall of the Pandeys, ib.; 
counter conspiracy, ib.; murder of Run Bahadur, 543; massacre at 
Khatmandu, ib.; triumph of Bhim Sein Thapa and the chief queen, 
ib.; aggressions on British territory, 543; ultimatum of Lord Minto, 
544; of Lord Moira (Hastings), t7).; council of Bharadars at Khat- 
mandu, ib.; Ghorka debates, peace or war, ib.; slaughter of British 
police, 546; disastrous campaign of 1814, ib.; retrievetl by General 
Ociiterlony, 547; fall of Maloun, ib.; vacillation of the Ghorkas. ib.; 
treaty of Segowlie, 548; differencps about the Terai, ib.; subsequent 
history of Nipal, 657; infant Maharajas, ib.; Bhim Sein Thapa 

INDEX 865 

thwarted by an ambitious queen, 658; entanglement of the British 
Resident, ib.; fall of Bhim Sein Thapa, 659; ministerial complica- 
tions, ib.; political compromise, ib.; quarrel between the two 
queens, 660; great temple of Pusput Nath, ib.; tragedies at Khat- 
mandu, 661; condemnation and suicide of Bhim Sein Tliapa, ib.; 
threatening attitude toward the English, 662; action of Lord Auck- 
land, ib.; violence of the elder queen, ib.; her death, 663; wrath o£ 
the Maharaja at English newspapers, ib.; mad freaks of the heir- 
apparent, ib. ; dangerous treatment of Jung Bahadur and others, 
664; reaction against the British government, 665; great state trial 
of the Pandeys, ib.; national movement against the heir-apparent, 
ib.; Maharaja faces the revolutionary party, ib.; petition of advice 
and remonstrance, 666; attempted arrest of I'evolutionary leaders, 
ib.; regency of the queen, 667; return of Matabar Singh, a nephew 
of Bhim Sein Thapa, to Khatraandu, ib.; revenge of the Thapas 
on the Pandeys, ib.; threatened massacre prevented by Henry Law- 
rence, 668; murder of Matabar Singh, ib.; new ministry at Khat- 
mandu, 669; terrible massacre, 669-70; rise of Jung Bahadur, 670; 
installation of heir-apparent, ib. 

Nirvana, eternal sleep or annihilation, Buddhist dogma of, 63, 87. 

Nizams of Hyderabad, rise of Cliin Kulich Khan, afterward known as 
Nizam-ul-mulk, 255; incurs the wrath of Jehandar Shah, 256; saved 
by Zulfikar Khan, 257; appointed Subahdar of the Dekhan, ib.; 
wars with the Mahrattas, 259 etseq.; negotiations with Nadir Shah, 
264; implores him to stop the massacre at Delhi, 266; anger at the 
growing independence of the Nawabsof the Carnatic, 277; demands 
arrears of tribute from Dost Ali, 281; advances an overwhelming 
army to Arcot, 283; settles the Nawabship, 284; receives an English 
deputation at Trichinopoly, ib. ; returns to Hyderabad, ib.; his 
death, 287; distractions in his family, 289. 

Nizam Nasir Jung, the second son of Nizam-ul-mulk, seizes the throne, 
289; claims of MuzafRr Jung, the grandson, 290; cause of the grand- 
son espoused by Dupleix, i&.; Nasir Jung at Arcot, 293; alarm at 
the capture of Jinji by the French, 294; sudden murder, 295; Nizam 
Muzaffir Jung, grandson of Nizam-ul-mulk, succeeds to the throne, 
295; appoints Dupleix to be governor of the Peninsula for the Great 
Moghul, ib.; murdered, 296. 

Nizam Salabut Jung, placed on the throne by M. Bussy, 296; cedes the 
Northern Circars to the French, 303; rupture, 306; conquests of 
Bussy in the Northern Circars, 330; story of the Poligars of Bobili 
and Vizianagram, 330-1; recall of Bussy by Lally, 333; conquests of 
Colonel Forde in the Northern Circars, ib.; imprisonment and death 
of Salabut Jung, 334; cedes the Northern Circars to the French and 
then to the English, 366 note. 

Nizam Ali succeeds to the throne of Hyderabad, 834; invades the 
Carnatic, 359; proposed alliance by Clive, rejected by the Court of 
Directors, 365; Clive claims the Northern Circars by right of a firman 
from Shah Alam, 366; conclusion of a separate treat}' with Nizam 
Ali by the Madras government, 367; promised yearly tribute for the 
Northern Circars, ib.; joint expedition of Nizam Ali and the English 
against Hyder Ali, ib.; treachery of Nizam Ali, 368; secret intrigues 
with Hyder Ali, 369; deserts Hyder and makes peace with the 
English, ib.; English obtain from Shah Alam a blank firman for all 
the dominions of the Nizam, ib.; intermittent wars and intrigues 
with the Mahrattas, 395; plunders Poona, ib.; strange reconcilia- 
tion with Rughoaath Rao, the sixth Peishwa, 396; further dealings. 

866 INDEX 

419; exasperated at the English occupation of Guntoor, 430; con- 
federates with Hyder Ali and the Mahrattas against the English, 
432; allies with Lord Coruwallis against Tippu, 454^5; inaction, 
455-6; Mahratta claims for arrears of chout, 458, 461; English de- 
cline to interfere, 461; seeks the aid of the French, 463; insults the 
Mahratta envoy at Hyderabad, i6.; utterly defeated by the Mah- 
rattas at Kurdla, 463; submits to every demand, i6.; allies with 
Lord Mornington against Tippu, 468; disbandment of the French 
battalions at Hyderabad, ib.; becomes a feudatory under the sub- 
sidiary system of Lord Wellesley. 493; his dominions threatened by 
Daulat Rao Sindia and Rughoji Bhonsla, 503-3; receives Berar as a 
pure gift from Lord Wellesley, 506. 

Nizams (modern history), territories ravaged by the Pindharies, 528; 
secret negotiations of Baji Rao Peishwa, 551; Charles Metcalfe 
Resident at Hyderabad, 572; affairs of Palmer & Co., ib.; debts de- 
frayed out of the tribute for the Northern Circars, 573; negotiations 
respecting the Nizam's Contingent, 707-8; cession of Berar, 708. 

Northbrook, Lord, Viceroy of India, 774. 

Northern Circars. cession of, to the French, 303; Bussy's conquests of 
the Poligars, 330-1; cession to the English, 365-6 and note; granted 
to the English by the firman of Shah Alam, 366; Madras govern- 
ment agree to pay a yearly tribute. 367; money appropriated to the 
payment of the Nizam's debts to Palmer & Co., 573. 

Nott, General, commands the English force at Kandahar, 635; his wrath 
at the order to retreat, 643; marches to Kabul with the gates of 
Somnath, 644. 

Nuddea, the old capital of Bengal, 101 and note; surprised by Bakhtiyar 
and his horsemen, ib.; flight of the Raja to Jagganath, ib. 

Nur Mahal, or the "Light of the Harem," the favorite wife of Jehangir, 
story of, 173; her intrigues respecting her daughter, 183; baffled by 
the Rajputs and her brother, Asof Khan, 184-5. 

Nund-komar, his charges against Warren Hastings, 416; his infamous 
character, ib.; tried and executed on a charge of forgery, ib.; a 
judicial murder, 417; its results, ib. 

Nynee Tai, hill station of, built on territory ceded by Nipal, 548. 


OCHTERLONY, COLONEL, afterward General Sir David, placed in charge 
of Delhi by General Lake, 505; his successful defence of Delhi against 
Jaswant Rao Holkar, 511; his victorious campaign against Nipal, 
547; capture of Maloun, ib.; active proceedings at Bhurtpore on the 
outbreak of Durjan Sal, 598; condemned by Loi'd Amherst, ib.; his 
mortification and death, ib. 

Olaza, theKanarese queen of, 141; her interview with Delia Valle, 142; 
her strange behavior, 143. 

Omichund, threatens to divulge the conspiracy of Jagat Seth, Mir Jafir, 
and Colonel Clive, to Nawab Suraj-ud-daula. 322; duped by Clive 
with a sham treaty, ib.; the chief blot on the character of Clive, 
ib. note. 

Omrahs, answering to the Amirs at the Moghul court, 164 note. 

Onore, 131; the type of a Portuguese settlement and fortress, 188. 

Oude, the ancient Ayodliya, the principal scene of the Ramayana, 42 et 
seq.; the frontier at Sungroor, 48-9, 53; return of Rama and Si ta, 
59; Ala-ud-dia appointed Viceroy by his uncle, the Sultan of Delhi, 
103; murder of the Sultan on the Ganges, 104; Nawab Viziers of, 

INDEX 867 

see Saadut Ali Khan, Shuja-ud-daula, and Asof-ud-daula; conquered 
and occupied by the Enghsh, 356; restored to the Nawab Vizier by 
Lord Clive, 361; reasons for the restoration, 361-2; satisfaction of 
Shuja-ud-daula, 362; payment of tribute refused to Shah Alam at 
Delhi, 408; threatened by tlie Mahrattas, 409; hostile claims on the 
Rohillas, ib.; obtains the services of a brigade from Warren Hast- 
ings, 410; conquest of the Rohillas, 411; cession of the suzerainty of 
Benai'es to the British government, 414; claim of the two Begums 
to the state treasures, 415; Warren Hastings declines to interfere, 
ib.; Philip Francis interferes in behalf of the Begums, ib.; settlement 
by Hastings, 435; cruel usage of the servants of the Begums by the 
Nawab Vizier, ib.; charges against Warren Hastings, 441; threat- 
ened invasion of the Afghans under Zeman Shah, 494; alarm of 
Lord Wellesley, ib.; his demands on the Nawab Vizier, 495; territo- 
rial cessions to the British government, ib. ; threats of Lord Am- 
herst, 709; of Lord William Bentinck, 609, 709; of Lord Hardinge, 
709; Sleeman's report, ib.; tenderness of Lord Dal housie toward the 
king of Oude, 710; annexation ordered by the Court of Directors, 
ib.; Englisli administration, early mistakes, 712; appointment of Sir 
Henry Lawrence to be Chief Commissioner, 713; general insurrec- 
tion, 739; Lord Clyde's campaign, 752; end of the rebellion, 756-7. 

Outram, Major, afterwai'd General Sir James, his controversy with 
General Sir Charles Napier respecting Sinde, 647-8; commands an 
expedition against Persia, 714; joins Havelock at Cawnpore, 748; 
waives his right to command in favor of Havelock, ib.; advance on 
Lukhnow, ib.; assumes the command, 750; left at Lukhnow by 
Campbell, ib.; drives the rebels out of Lukhnow, 752. 

Oxus river, the natural boundary between the Usbegs and Afghans,- 

Padishha, Moghul, equivalent for emperor, 157 note; fountain head of 
Moghul aristocracy, 163; ostentatious reverence to, 255. 

Pagan Meng, king of Burma, 655; his low character, 656; deposed, 697. 

Paget, Sir Edward, suppresses a sepoy mutiny at Barrackpore with 
grapeshot, 727. 

Pali taug'ht in Burma, 577. 

Palmer & Co., bankers of Hyderabad, 572; their proceedings condemned 
by Metcalfe, 572-3; their insolvency, 573. 

Panchala, kingdom of, mentioned in the Maha Bharata, 16; its frontiers, 
ib. note; identified by Manu with Kanouj, ib. 

Pandavas, rival kinsmen of the Kauravas, 11; the sons of Pandu, 16; 
jealousy of the Kauravas, ib.; the instructions of Drona, ib.; nar- 
row escape at Varanavata, 20; adventures in the disguise of Brah- 
mans among the Rakshasas and Asuras, 21; journey to Ekachakra, 
ib.; attend the Swayamvara of Draupadi, 22; alliance witli Dru- 
pada, 24; obtain the Raj of Khandava-prastha, 25; found Indra- 
prastha, ib.; celebrate the Raja-suj'a, 26; gainbling--match with 
the Kauravas, i&.; become the slaves of Durj'odhana, 27; second 
exile, 28; at Virata, in disguise, 29; send an envoy to Hastinapur, 
32; triumph over the Kauravas, 34-7; celebration of the As- 
wamedha, 39^0. 

Pande_y, a leading Ghorka family, its rise to power in Nipal, 539; Dam- 
odur Pandey, premier, tb.; flight of Run Bahadur and Bhim Sein 
Thapa to Benares, ib.; downfall of the family, 541; imprisonment 
and execution of Damodur Pandey, ib, ; rise of Runjung Pandey, son 

868 INDEX 

of Damodur, 658; supported by the elder queen, ib.; appointed 
premier, 659; removed from office, ib.; flies with the elder queen to 
the temple of Pusput Nath, 660; restoration to power, 661; intrigues 
against the British government, 663; dismissed from office, ib.; re- 
turn from exile, 665; revives old charges that the elder queen had 
been poisoned, i6,; state trial at Khatmandu, tb. ; conviction and 
punishment of Kubraj Pandey, ib.; execution of members of the 
family, 667. 

Pandu, the pale-complexioned grandson of Santanu, 14; marries Kunti 
and Madri. 15; installed on the throne of Hastinapur, ib.; reigns as 
Maharaja, ii*. ; retires to the jungle, i5.; death and Sati, i6. ; his 
sons known as the five Pandavas, 16. 

Pandya or Pandion, identified with Madura, 73; king of, sends an em- 
bassy to Augustus Caesar, ib. note. 

Paniput, battle of, horrible slaughter of Mahrattas by the Afghans 
under Ahmad Shah Abdali, 338, 393. 

Panjani, annual Ghorka festival in Nipal, 535; yearly redistribution of 
all offices and commands, ib. 

Para Brahma. See Naraj'ana. 

Pariahs, or outcasts, 77-8, 476 note; the right and left "hands," 479-80 

Parwiz, son of Jehangir, his command in the Dekhan, 176; his reception 
of Sir Thomas Roe, the English ambassador, ib.; recalled by Jehan- 
gir, 178. 

Patali-putra, the modern Patna, 68; centre of Buddhism in the time of 
Fah Hian, 74. 

Patan kings of Delhi, 150. 

Patell, or head-man of a village, 459. 

Patna, Pali-bothra, or Patali-putra, captured by Sandrokottos, 67; de- 
scription of, 67-9; magistrates, 68; capital of Asoka, 69 note; En- 
glish settlement at, 835; inland English factory for saltpeti'e, raw 
silk, cotton piece goods, and opium, ib., 308; installation of the 
Great Moghul (Shah Alam) at, 342; captured by the English under 
Mr. Ellis, 349; recaptured by the troops of Nawab Mir Kasim, 349- 
50; massacre of 150 Englishmen at, 353; taken bj' the English, 353; 
court of appeal at, 451. 

Paul, the Emperor, i-ecalls the Russian army from Georgia, 496 note. 

Payendah Khan, liereditary chief of the Barukzais, 634: procures the 
succession of Zeman Shah to the throne of Afghanistan, 685-6; re- 
moved from his posts, 636; slaughtered in the presence of Zeman 
Shah, 637. 

Pegu, distinguished from Ava, 575; desolating wars between the Talains 
of Pegu and the Burmese of Ava, 578; conquered by Byeen-noung, 
a Burmese warrior of the sixteenth centur}^ 579-80; revolt of the 
royal monk, 586; massacreof Burmans, 587; assassination of Byeen- 
noung, ib,; i-ecovery of Pegu by a foster-brother of Byeen-noung, 
ib.; execution of the royal monk, 588; Diego Suarez appointed gov- 
ernor of Pegu, ib.; outrage on a marriage procession, /7). ; stoned to 
death by the mob of Pegu, 589; Talain' conquest of Ava in the 
eighteenth century, ib.; conquest of Pegu by Alompra, 590; British 
conquest of Pegu, 697; administrative changes, ib.; glorious 
future, ib. 

Peishwas, hereditary Brahman ministers of the Mahrattas, their rise to 
power, 345; important element in Mahratta historj', 858; Balaji Vis- 
vanath, first Peishwa, 357; his policy, i6.; Baji Rao, second Peishwa, 
ib.; his dealings with the Nizam and Padishah, 859; Balaji Rao, 

INDEX 869 

third Peishwa, 269, 386; schemes for the sovereignty of the Mah- 
ratta empire, 386; leaves a puppet Maharaja at Satara, and removes 
the capital to Poona, 387; Mahdu Rao, fourth Peishwa, 393; Narain 
Rao, fifth Peishwa, 403, 417; murdered, 418; Rughonath Rao, sixth 
Peishwa, lb. ; birth of Mahdu Rao Narain, seventh Peishwa, 419; 
Rughonath Rao applies to the English for help, 420; beginning of 
the first Mahratta war, ih., 423; suicide of Mahdu Rao Narain, 463; 
Baji Rao, eighth Peishwa, 464; flies to Bombay presidency, 499; con- 
cludes the treaty of Bassein with the British government, ib.; sec- 
ond Mahratta war, 502-3; extinction of the Peishwas, 569. See also 

Penlows, or governors, in Bhutan, 763-4. 

Pennakonda, court of the Narsinga Rajas at, removed from Vijayana- 
gar, 123. 

Perron, succeeds De Boigne in the command of Sindia's French battal- 
ions, 501; collects the revenues of the Doab, ib.; excites the alarm 
of Lord Wellesley, ib.; defeat of his cavalry by General Lake at 
Alighur, 504; retires into British territory with his private fortune, 

Persia, Shah of, refuses to give up Bulaki to Shah Jehan, 186; wars 
with the Mog'hul about Kandahar, 189; threatens Aurangzeb, 204; 
modern history of, 261; dynasty of Sufl Shiahs, ib.; usurpation of 
Nadir Shah, 263; Persian invasion of Hindustan, 263-4; Persian 
affairs after the death of Nadir Shah, 496; threatens Herat, 633; 
siege of Herat, ib.; war with England, 714-15. 

Peshawar, defeat of the Rajput league by Mahmud of Ghazni, 96; 
massacre of Afghans at, 210; revolt against Timur Shah, 625; oc- 
cupied by Runjeet Singh, 632; anxieties of Dost Muhammad for 
its restoration, ib., 634; the key of the British frontier, 758. 

Phagyi-dau, king of Burma, successor of Bhodau Phra, reigning during 
the first Burmese war, 590; dethroned in favor of Tharawadi, 654. 

Phayre, Sir Arthur, Commissioner of Pegu, 697; Chief Commissioner of 
British Burma, 698; his treaty with the king of Burma, 773. 

Philip, lieutenant of Alexander at Taxila, 67; murdered by Hindu mer- 
cenaries, ib.; succeeded by Eudemos, ib. 

Pigot, Lord, governor of Madras, 427; restores Tanjore to the Raja, ib,; 
refuses a bribe from Muhammad Ali, Nawab of the Carnatic, ib.; 
I'esists the claims of Paul Benfield, 428; arrested by the opposition 
membei's of the Madras council, ib.; dies in confinement, ib,; his in- 
convenient pledge to the Tanjore Raja, 487. 

Pindliaries, low freebooters attached to the Mahratta armies during the 
wars of the eighteenth century, 527; present at Paniput, ib.; de- 
pendent on Sindia and Holkar, ib.; supported by grants of land to 
different leaders, ib.; Ghetu and Khurim, ib.; depredations in Raj- 
putana and Malwa, ib.; in the Dekhan, 528; their periodical incur- 
sions described by Captain Sydenham, Resident at Hyderabad, ib.; 
induce Lord Moira (Hastings) to adopt the policy of Lord Wellesley, 
529; opposition of the home authorities out of dread of the Mahrat- 
tas, ib.; extend their raids to British territories, 549; resolution of 
Lord Hastings to exterminate them, ib.; revulsion of public opinion 
in England on account of Pindhari atrocities, 550; British cabinet 
authorize hostilities against any native power that protects the 
Pindharies, *6. ; attitude of Sindia, Holkar and Amir Khan, 555; 
preparations of Lord Hastings, 554-6; destruction of the Pindharies 
and extinction of the predatory system, 558-9. 

Pinto, Fernam Mendez, present at the siege of Martaban by Byeen- 
INDIA. Vol. II. X— 19 

870 INDEX 

noung, 581; his veracity as regards what he saw, ih.note; his de- 
scription of the surrender of the king, queen and ladies of Martaban, 
581-3; sack of Martaban, 583; execution of a hundred and forty 
ladies, 584-5; drowning of the king and sixtj' male captives, 586; 
story of rebellions in Pegu, 586-8; execution of a I'oyal monk, 588; 
stoning to death of Diego Suarez in the market-place of Pegu, 589. 

Pitt, Thomas, grandfather of the Earl of Chatham, governor of Madras, 
234; besieged for three months by Daud Khan, Nawab of the Moghul 
conquests in Southern India, ih.; paj's a demand for ten thousand 
pagodas, ib.; his relations with Bahadur Shah, son and successor of 
Aurangzeb, 241. 

Pitt, William, proposal of Clive that the British nation, and not the 
East India Company, should take possession of Bengal, Behar, and 
Orissa, 386; rejected on the ground that it would render the British 
Ci'owntoo powerful, 337-8; creates a Board of Control, 439; refuses 
to recommeud Warren Hastings for a peerage, or for employment 
under the Crown, 442; justified, ih. 

Place, Mr., a Madras civilian, his measures in the Company's Jaghir, 

Plassy, decisive battle on the 23d of June, 1757, won hy Clive, 323: its 
immediate results, ih.; its remarkable effect on BalajiRao, Peishwa 
of the Mahrattas, 390. 

Pliny, his accounts of the coast of Malabar, and the voyages of Ro- 
man merchants thither, 124. 

Poligai-s, minor chiefs of the Carnatic, held their lands by militarj-^ 
tenure, 276; of the Northern Circars, conquered by Bussy, 330; 
mortal feud between Bobili and Vizianagram, 330-1. 

Pollock, General Sir George, commands the force for the relief of Gen- 
eral Sale at Jellalabad, 641; victorious march through the Khaiber 
Pass, 642; negotiates with Akbar Khan for the liberation of the 
prisoners in Kabul, 643; incensed at the orders to retreat, ib.; de- 
feats Akbar Khan at Tezeen, 644; return of the avenging army to 
India, 645. 

Pondicherry, a hundred miles to the south of Madras, French settlement 
at, 274; Dupleix, the governor, persuades the Nawab of the Car- 
natic to prohibit the English from all hostilities, 285; insists on 
keeping possession of Madras, 286; unsuccessful siege under Ad- 
miral Boscawen, 287; meeting at, between Dupleix, Chunder Sahib, 
and Muzafiir Jung, 290; reverses, 293; rejoicings at the death of 
Nasir Jung, 295; treatj' of 1775 at Pondicherry, 305; arrival of a 
French force in 1758 under Count de Lally, 332; rejoicings of the 
French at the retreat of Lally from Madras, 334; siege and capture 
of Pondicherry by Colonel Eyre Coote, 335; restored to the French 
under the treaty of Paris, 361 note; recaptured by the English, 429; 
third English occupation, 461. 

Poona, old Mahratta fortress of, 200; description of, 384; becomes the 
capital of the Mahratta Peishwas, 387; plundered by Nizam All 
and the Bhonsla, 395; revolution against Rughonath Rao, 419; 
Bombay expedition to, frustrated by another revolution, 422; plun- 
dered hy Daulat Rao Sindia, 464; cruelties of Baji Rao Peishwa, 
498; defeat of Baji Rao by Jasvvant Rao Holkar, 499; flight of Baji 
Rao to Bassein, ib.; restored to Poona bj' the English, ib.; treaty 
of, between Mr. Elphinstone and Baji Rao, 554; final extinction of 
the Peishwas, 569. 

Port Blair, assassination of Lord Mayo at, 774. 

Porto Novo, victory of Sir Eyre Coote against Hyder Ali, 433. 

INDEX 871 

Portuguese, early appearance off the coast of Malabar, 124; fleet under 
Vasco de Gama, 126; audience with the Zaraorin of Calicut, 127; 
worship the goddess Mariamnia by mistake for the Virgin Mary, 
ib.; expedition under Alvarez Cabral, 128; violent proceedings, ib.; 
massacre of Portuguese by the Nairs, 129; cannonade Calicut, ib.; 
treaty with the Raja of Cochin, ib.; hostilities and atrocities com- 
mitted on Muhammadan siiips, ib.; anger of the Sultan of Egypt, 
ib.; foundation of Goa and Malacca by Alfonso de Albuquerque, 
130; build forts impregnable to native powers, ib.; mission to Ben- 
gal, 131; repel the Turks at Diu, ib.; conquered like Christians but 
triumphed like Pagans, 132; description of Goa, ib.; social life, 133; 
wealth, 134; government, civil and ecclesiastical, 13^5; visit of 
Delia Valle, 185; pepper dealings with Venk-tapa, Raja of Kanara, 
137; mission to Ikkeri, 138; typical Portuguese fort at Onove, ib.; 
court of Ikkeri, 139; embassy to the Zamorin of Calicut, 144; hos- 
tility toward the early English traders, 173-4; settlement at Hughli 
captured hy Shah Jehan, 186; doom of the inhabitants, ib.; adven- 
turers in Burma, 579-85, 

Porus the elder, suzerain of the Punjab, 64; defeated by Alexander, 65; 
murdered by Eudemos, 67. 

Porus the younger, vassal of Porus the elder, 64; flies at the approach 
of Alexander, 65. 

Pottinger, Lieutenant, his gallant conduct at the siege of Herat, 634. 

Prayaga, the modern Allahabad, sacred ground, 49; Rama entertained 
there, ib.; the field of happiness, 75. 

Prithi Narain, Maharaja of Nipal, the Ghorka hero, 534; his bloodthirsty 
atrocities, ib.; his death, 535. 

Prome, conquered by Byeen-noung, 586; British advance to, 596; cap- 
tured by the English, 697. 

Ptolemy, mention of Plithana and Tagara, 124-5 note. 

Pulicat, Dutch settlement at, 274; captured by Lord Macartney, 437 

Punakha, the capital of Bhutan, 764. 

Punchayet, or jury of five, 671; govern the Sikh army of the Khalsa, 

Punjab, invaded by Alexander, 64; distributed among Rajas, ib.; flour- 
ishing state in time of Alexander, 66; Tartar and Moghul invasions 
of, 110-11; Sikh revolt in, 242; temporary supremacy of the Mah- 
rattas, 391; Mahrattas driven out by Afghans, 392; conquered by 
Ahmad Shah Durani, 624; revolts against Zeman Shah, 626; its 
pacification, ib.; sl political volcano after the deatii of Runjeet 
Singh, 649; rise of the Sikh commonwealth {see Sikhs), 671; career 
of Runjeet Singh, 673; history of his successors, 675; dangerous 
power of the Sikh army of the Khalsa, 676; history of the first Sikh 
war under Lord Hardinge, 679; settlement of the government, 683; 
rebellion of Mulraj at Multan, 685; second Sikh war, 688; British 
administration, 692; contrasted with native administration, 693; 
military defence of the frontier, ib.; its possession the salvation of 
the empire during the sepoy mutinies, 743. 

Purdhans, or ministers in the Mahratta constitution, 387. 

Purnea, the Brahman Dewan of Tippu of Mysore, 478; proposed con- 
version to Islam, ib.; his administration in Mysore, 479; its char- 
acter, 614; aspires to be a Peishwa, ib.; his death, ib. 

Purundhur, treaty at, with the council of regency at Poona, 421; con- 
demned by the Court of Directors, ib. 

Pusput Nath, the great temple at Khatmandu, 660-1. 

872 INDEX 


Rajas of Malabar, the twelve, 125; sacred in battle, 147. 

Rajagriha, or Giri-vraja, the capital of Magadlia, 62 note. 

Raja Ram, his claims to succeed Sahu Rao as Raja of Satara, 269; sup- 
ported by Tara Bai, 385; deserted and imprisoned by Tara Bai, 388; 
his subsequent life as a state prisoner, 389, 393. 

Rajasthan. See Rajputana. 

Rajasuya, or royal sacrifice, celebrated by the Pandavas, 26. 

Rajas, Rajput, 164 note. 

Rajmahal, hill-ranges of, inhabited by the Santals, 711. 

Rajputana, funereal pomp in the exile of princes, 48; founded by Raj- 
puts, 100; invasion of, by Ala-ud-din, 105; wars of Akbar, 161; of 
Aurangzeb, 213; Moghul retreat from, 215; Hindu revolt in, 242; 
quarrels between Jodhpur and Jaipur, 524-5; shattered condition 
of. 602; distractions in, 607. 

Rajputs, claim to be Kshatriyas, 23 note; defeat the Indo-Scythians, 72; 
descended from Surya or the sun, 81; league against the Turks, 
95-6; defeated by Mahmud at Peshawar, 96; afterward at Somnath, 
97; perform the Johur, or solemn self-sacrifice, at Chitor, 105; 
divided into children of the sun and children of the moon, ib, note; 
defeated by Baber, 154. 

Rajput political system, league of princes under the suzerainty of 
Chitor cemented by intermarriages, 160; policy of Akbar, 161; in- 
corporation of the Rajput league with the Moghul empire, 162; 
growing antagonism between Rajputs and Muhammadans during 
the reigns of Jehangir and Shah Jehan, 184, 188; climax in the reign 
of Aurangzeb, 212-15. 

Rakshasas, a term of reproach applied to the aborigines of India, 14 note; 
repre'sented as Asuras, demons and cannibals to the south and east 
of Allahabad, 20; inhabit Magadha, the modern Behar, ib. note; 
connection with Buddhism, 21 note; persecute the Brahmans at 
Chitra-kuta, 55; wars with Rama, ib.; pictures of Rakshasas, 55-6; 
identified with Buddhists, 56, 60. 

Rama, approximate date of, 42 note; the son of Dasaratha, by Kau- 
salya, 43; marries Sita, ib.; preparation for his instalment as Yuva- 
raja, ib.; appears as the champion of the Brahmans, ib. note; con- 
demned to exile, 46; his obedience to his father, ib.; historical 
significance of the story of his exile, 47; contradictions in the story, 
ib.; a political exile, not a religious devotee, 48; difference between 
his exile and that of Drona, 48 note; journeys to Sringavera, ib.; 
meeting with Bharata, 54; performs the Sraddha, ib.; refuses the 
Raj, ib.; wars with the Rakshasas, 55-6; represented as an incarna- 
tion of Vishnu, 56; prepares for war against Ravana, ib.; helps 
Sugriva against Bali, whom he slays, 57; helped by Hanuman, the 
hero of the monkeys, ib.; his miraculous bridge built by monkeys, 
58 note; slays Ravana, ib.; triumphant return to Ayodhya, 59; per- 
forms the Aswamedha, ib.; his cruelty to Sita, ib.; discovery of 
Sita and her two sons, 59; reconciliation, 60; wild distortion of his 
character in order to serve a religious purpose, ib.; an incarnation 
of Vishnu. 81. 
Ramanand, a disciple of Ramanuja Acharya, 475 note; his teaching, ib. 
Ramanuja Acharya, the apostle of the Vaishnavas and A'ayngars, 475 

and note. 
Ramayana reveals a higher stage of civilization than the Maha Bharata, 
42; its conclusion, a religious parable, 56; religious significance of, 

INDEX 873 

Ramisserara, the modern Manaav, its association with Rama's miracu- 
lous bridge, 58 note; procession to, 233. 

Ramnad, estate of, granted to the ancestors of the great Marawar for 
the protection of the pilgrims to Raniisseram, 486 note. 

Ramnuggur, Gough's indecisive action at, 688. 

Rampoora, captured by the English, 509; restored to Jaswant Rao Hol- 
kar, 518. 

Ram Rai, son of Timma the minister, becomes Maharaja of Vijayan- 
agar, 119; his pride and insolence, ib.; dethroned by the revolt of 
Termal Rai, ib.; deceives Termal Rai by pretended submission, 120; 
recovers the throne, 131; alliance with the Muhammadan Sultansof 
Bijapur and Golkonda, i6. ; sacrilege of his Hindu soldiery in Mu- 
hammadan territory, ib.; defeated and slain in the decisive battle of 
Talikota, 133; breaking up of the empire, 123. 

Ram Raja. See Raja Ram. 

Ram Shastri and Mahdu Rao, story of, 398; the upright Brahman, ib.; 
investigates the murder of Narain Rao, 418; retires from Poona, 419. 

Rangoon, maritime capital of Burma, founded by Alompra, 590; British 
expedition to, 594; repulse of Bundula, 595; advance of Tharawadi, 
655; casting of the big bell, ib.; petty oppressions of European and 
American strangers, 656; oppression of British merchants, 695; 
captured by British troops, 697; visit of Lord Maj'-o, 773. 

Rani, or queen, 11; influence over a Raja, ib. 

Ranjit Singh, the Jat, 401. See also Runjeet Singh. 

Raiiuji Sindia, dynasty of, 385; menial duty performed by, 402; rise to 
rank and wealth, ib. See Sindia. 

Ravana, Raja of Rakshasas, 56; oppressor of the gods, ib.; carries off 
Sita, ib.; slain by Rama, 58. 

Rawlinson, Sir H., at Kandahar, 635; the question of retreat or advance, 
643-4; his opinion of the gates of Somnath, 644 note. 

Raymond, the French general in the service of Nizam Ali, 462; his con- 
duct at the battle of Kurdla, 463. 

Reed, General, Commander-in-chief in 1857, his resignation, 743 note. 

Reinhardt, alias Soraers, Sombre, and Sumru, 353-3. 

Ripon, Lord, Viceroy of India, 777. 

Rituparna, Raja of Ayodhya, 43 note. 

Roads of the Moghul empire, 330-1. 

Roe, Sir Thomas, his embassy from James the First to the Great 
Moghul, 175; landing at Surat, ib.; visit to Parwiz at Burhanpur, 
176; journey to Ajmir, 177; visit to Chitor, ib.; meeting with Cor- 
ya,t, ib.; audience with Jehangir, I'b.; failure of mission, 178; Moghul 
festivals, 179; warnings to the Company, 180. 

Rohilkund, Lord Clyde's campaign in, 753. 

Rohilla Afghans, political situation of, 409-10; negotiations of Warren 
Hastings with the Nawab Vizier of Oude, 410; Rohillas defeated by 
the English, 411; unfortunate association of the English in the 
Rohilla war, 413; condemnation of the war by Clavering, Monson, 
and Francis, 413; charges against Warren Hastings, 441, 

Rose, Sir Hugh, his brilliant campaign in Central India, 752-8; defeats 
Tantia Topi, 754; his energeric action in the Sitana campaign, 761. 

Rughoji Bhonsla, Raja of Berar, 384; family of, 419 note; his help im- 
plored by Baji Rao, 500; his stupefaction at the treaty of Bassein, 
ib.; his coalition with Daulat Rao Sindia, 501-3; defeated at Assaye 
and Argaum, 504; sues for peace, t6.; Ijecomes a feudatory of the 
British government, 505-6; demands the restoration of Cuttack and 
Berar, 519; his death, 563. See also Bhonsla. 

874 INDEX 

Rughonath Pundit, leader of the moderate party at Khatmandu, 659; 
made prime minister, ib.; his retirement, 661. 

Rughonath Rao, afterward sixth Peishwa, commander of the Mahratta 
army, 390; supports Ghazi-ud-din at Delhi, 391; advance to Lahore, 
ib.\ driven out of the Punjab by the Afghans, 392; quarrels with 
Mahdu Rao, 394; violet conduct of, ib.; plunders Berar and Hydera- 
bad, 395; secret correspondence with Janoji Bhonsla, ib.; treacher- 
ous slaughter of half the Nizam's army, 396 ; reconcihation with 
Nizam Ali, ib.; fresh quarrels with Mahdu Rao, 897; imprisonment, 
ib.; opposes Mahadaji Sindia, 403; release of, 417; supported by 
Sakaram Bapu, 417-18; second imprisonment, 418; murder of 
Narain Rao, ib.; implication, ib.; sixth Peisliwa, 418-19 and note; 
befooled by Nizam Ali, 419; the revokition at Poona, ib.; applies 
for help to Bombay, 420; treaty with the English at Surat, ib.; 
intrigues and proceedings for his restoration to Poona, 421-3; throws 
himself on the protection of Sindia, 423; set aside and pensioned 
under the treaty of Salbai, 436. 

Rumbold, Sir Thomas, governor of Madras, 428; refuses to recall the 
expedition to Mahe, 429; sends Swartz on a mission of peace to 
Hyder Ali, ib.: dealings with Basalut Jung respecting Guntoor, 
430; inopportune demands upon Nizam Ali, ib.; return to England, 

Run Bahadur, Maharaja of Nipal, grandson of Prithi Narain, 535; over- 
throws his regent uncle, 537; the Nero of Nipal, ib.; his madness, 
538; feigned abdication, i6.; flight to Benares, 539; his dealings with 
the English, 539-40; pledges himself to become aSwami, 540; his re- 
turn to Nipal, 541; his murder, 542. 

Runjeet Singh, rise of, 522; aggressions on the Cis-Sutlej states, 523; 
mission of Charles Metcalfe, ib.; cajoled by Zeman Shah, 626; oc- 
cupies Peshawar, 632; refuses to allow the English army to pass 
through the Punjab. 635; his administration of the Punjab, 693. 

Russian aggression in Persia and Georgia, 496 and note; extension of 
power and influence in Central Asia, 618; advances toward the 
Usbegs, 619; designs on Herat, 632; expedition to Khiva, 635-6; ad- 
vances in Central Asia, 767; dealings with Sher Ali, 775. 

Saadut Ali Khan, Subahdar of Oude, 255; a Persian Shiah, 256; drives 

back the Mahrattas, 260; joins the Moghul imperial army, ib,; 

growing power, 261; rivalry with Nizam-ul-mulk, 263; reported 

secret correspondence with Nadir Shah, z&. ; captured at Kurnal, 

264; treachery, ib.; suicide, 265. 
Saadut Ali, enthroned by Sir John Shore as Nawab Vizier of Oude, 466; 

hoarding of money, ib. 
Sadras, Dutch settlement at, 274; captured by Lord Macartney, 437 

Sahu Rao, Maharaja of the Mahrattas, 243; vassal of the Moghul, ib.; 

his effeminate training, 244; death of, 269, 287, 385; his imbecility, ib. 
Saiyids, the two, conspire for the elevation of Farrukh Siyar to the 

throne of Delhi, 246; successful rebellion, i&.; hostile intrigues of 

Farrukh Siyar, 247; their supremacy at Delhi, 251; their fall, ib.; 

their jealousy of Nizam-ul-mulk, 257. 
Saka, era of, 72. 
Sakaram Bapu, supports Rughonath Rao at Poona, 417-18; intrigues for 

the return of Rughonath Rao, 431; ultimate fate of, 422. 

INDEX 875 

Sakuni, brother of Gandhari and uncle of the Kauravas, 26; a gambler, 
the thrower of false dice, ib.; thi-ows the dice for Duryodhana, ib.; 
reappears in the Ganges, 41. 

Sakuntala, the drama of, written by Kalidasa, 88; marriage of a Raja 
with a Brahman's daughter, 89; supernatural incidents, t6.; charac- 
teristics, ib. 

Sakya Muni, or Gotama Buddha, 61; his parentage and domestic circum- 
stances, ib.; his vision, ib.; old age, disease, and death, ib.; his era, 
ib. note; sees the religious mendicant, ib.; becomes a mendicant, a 
recluse, and a Buddha, 62; his teaching, ib. 

Salabut Jung, Nizam of Hyderabad, 296; cedes the Northern Circars to 
the French, 303; rupture with Bussj^, 306: implores the help of the 
English. i5.; critical position in the Dekhan, 334; dethroned and 
confined, ib.; subsequent fate, ib. note. 

Salbai, the treaty of, 436; Mahadaji Sindia's attempted violation of, 

Sale, General Sir Robert, at Jellalabad, 639; relieved by Pollock, 641. 

Salivahana, era of, 72. 

Salkeld, Lieutenant, at the siege of Delhi, 746. 

Salsette, island of, coveted by the English, 399; ceded to Bombay by 
Rughonath Rao, 420; and by the Mahratta council of regency', 421; 
retained by Bombay in accordance with the treaty of Salbai, 436. 

Sambhaji the First, son of Sivaji, 217; betrayed to Aurangzeb, ib.; suc- 
ceeds to the kingdom of Konkan, 234 note. 

Sambhaji the Second, Raja of Kolhapore, 384 note. 

Sandrokottos, drives Eudemosoutof Taxila, 67; identified with Chandra- 
gupta, ib.; his adventures, ib.; ascends the throne of Magadha and 
drives the Greeks out of India, ib. ; alliance with Seleukos, ib. ; mar- 
riage with the daughter of Seleukos, ib.; his palace, 69; bodyguard 
of Tartar women, 194 note. 

Sangerraano, Father, authentic details of the atrocities of Bhodau Phra 
in Burma, 590. 

Sanjaya, minister and charioteer, his mission to the Pandavas, 32; his 
position, ib. note; failure of the mission, 33. 

Sankhara Acharya, the apostle of the Smartals, 474 and note. 

Santals, revolt of, 771; suppression, ib. 

Santanu, Maharaji of Hastinapur, 12; claimed descent from Bharata, 
ib. ; marriage with a young damsel, ib. ; the dreadful vow of his 
son Bhishma, 14. 

Sarfaraz Khan, son of Shuja Khan, 309-10; favoi'ite grandson of Mur- 
shed Kuli Khan, 310; outwitted by his father, ib.; succeeds to the 
throne of Murshedabad, 312; insolent tyranny, ib.; insults the family 
of Jagat Seth, ib.; destruction, ib. 

Saraswati, goddess of learning and mythical wife of Brahma, 82; con- 
ception and worship of, 83; identified with the Indus river, ib. note. 

Sarayu, river, the modern Gogra, 42, 48 note. 

Satara, the capital of Sahu, the grandson of Sivaji, 384; Tara Bai's in- 
trigues at, 388; invested by Balaji Rao's troops, 389; the pageant 
Raja of, brought to Baji Rao's camp, 567; his proposed elevation by 
the British government, 569; territory assigned for his support, 570; 
partially resuscitated, 702; his extravagant pretensions, 702-3; de- 
throned, 703; adoption refused to his successor, ib,; lapse of the 
Raj, lb. 

Sati, or Suttee, absence of, in the war of the Maha Bharata, 36 note. 

Satrughna, third son of Dasaratha, 43. 

Sawant Waree, 384 note. 

876 INDEX 

Saymbrumbaukum, the great water-tank of, 473. 

Scythians, the Royal, 151 note; probably the Moghuls, 151. 

Seedees or Sidis of Jinjeera and Surat, 383 and note. 

Segowlie, the treaty of, 548. 

Seistan, Sher Ah's grievances respecting, 775. 

Seleukos, alUance with Sandrokottos, 67; marriage of his daughter, ib. 

Selim, Prince, son of Akbar. See Jehangir. 

Selimghur, the state prison at Delhi, 251, 744. 

Serais, 231. 

Serfoji, adopted son of the Raja of Tanjore, his claims to the throne of, 
487-8; imprisoned by Amar Singh, 488; suspected bribery of Madras 
pundits, ib.; a cipher Raja, ib. 

Serin.'^apatam, Hyder All's life at, 436; captured by Cornwallis, 457; 
stormed by General Harris, 471. 

Serpent-worship, among the Manaris, 225. 

Sethipati, title of, granted to the ancestors of the great Mara war, 486 

Shah Abbas the Second, of Persia, threatens Aurangzeb, 204. 

Shah Alam, eldest son of Aurangzeb, 207; commander of the Muham- 
madan army against Sivaji, *6. ; the sham rebellion, 207-8; takes a 
part in the war in Rajputana, 214; struggles with Azam Shah, 241; 
ascends the throne under the name of Bahadur Shah, ib.; rela- 
tions with Madras, i6.; reign, 242; operations against the Sikhs, 
243; death, ib. 

Shah Alam, eldest son of Ahmad Shah, and known as the Shahzada, 
327; threatens Bengal, ib.; Olive's dealings with, 329; proclaimed 
Padishah under the name of Shah Alam, 340; threatens Patna, ib.; 
defeated by Mir Kasim, 342; negotiations with Carnac, ib.; installa- 
tion at Patna, ib.; letters of investiture, 343; secret negotiations 
with Vansittart, 344; accompanies Shuja-ud-daula into Behar, 353; 
joins the English, 354; converted by Clive into an imperial idol for 
the resuscitation of the Moghul empire, 361; dealings with Clive at 
Allahabad, 362; becomes a puppet Padishah, 366; his firman to 
Clive, ib.; the second firman, 369; dealings with Hyder Ali, ib. note; 
throws himself into the hands of the Mahrattas and returns to 
Delhi, 370; Mahadaji Sindia's ambitious designs on, 403; political 
results of his flight from Allahabad to Delhi, 406; severance of all 
political ties with the English, ib.; forfeiture of his claim to tribute, 
408; weak dependence on the Amir of Amirs, 444; invites Mahadaji 
Sindia to Delhi, 445; disavows Sindia's demands for chout, 446; a 
state pi'isoner at Muttra, 448; interviews with Mr. Charles Malet, 
ib. ; his fallen state, ib. ; leaves Muttra for Delhi, 451 ; blinded by 
Gholam Kadir, 452; taken by General Lake under the protection of 
the British government, 504. 

Shah Jehan, son of Jehangir, reported intrigues against his elder 
brother, Khuzru, 180; his character, ib.; aspirations for the throne, 
182; takes charge of Khuzru, 183; implicated in the murder of his 
brother, ib.; excites the wrath of Jehangir, ib.; plots with Asof 
Khan for seizing the imperial treasures at Agra, ib.; sack of Agra, 
184; defeat at Delhi, ib.; ravages in Bengal, ib.; flight to the south, 
ib.; sham death and bui-ial, 185; proclaimed Padishah, ib.; sends an 
embassy to Persia to demand Bulaki, 186; obscurity of his reign, ib.; 
his love of flattery, ib.; spite against the Portuguese, ib.; wreaks 
his vengeance on Hughli, ib.; builds the new city of Jehanabad, 
near old Delhi, 188; builds the Taj Mahal, i&.; zenana influences, 
189-90; his four sons, 190; his rumored death, 191; his captivity at 

INDEX 877 

Agra, 194; imprisoned for life by his son Aurangzeb, 195; his mys- 
terious death, 204. 

Shah Shuja, Amir of Afghanistan, his reception of Elphinstone's mis- 
sion at Peshawar, 538 note; previously appointed governor of Pesh- 
awar by Zeman Shall, 626; supplants his brother Mahmud on the 
throne of Kabul, 629; driven out by Mahmud and the Barukzais, ib,; 
becomes a pensioner of the British government at Ludhiana, t6. ; 
refuses to be a puppet king in the hands of the Barukzais, 631; sup- 
planted on the throne of Kabul by Dost Muhammad, 632; British 
government dethrone the Dost and restore Shah Shuja to Kabul, 
634-5; his unpopular rule, 637; monopolizes the Bala Hissar, 638; 
his perilous position, 642; murdei'ed by the Barukzais, ib. 

Shahs of Persia, their rule, 261. 

Shahryar, youngest son of Jehangir, 182; intrigues of Nur Mahal, ib.', 
his expedition to Persia, 183; captured and blinded, 185. 

Shahzada, his claims to Bengal, Behar, and Orissa, 327; flight from 
Delhi, 329; correspondence with Clive, ib.; defeat and flight, ib.; 
generosit}' of Clive, ib.; becomes Padishah. See Shah Alam. 

Shaista Khan, vincle of Aurangzeb, appointed Viceroy of the Dekhan, 
202; captvxres Poona, ib.; attacked by Sivaji, ib.; his suspicions of 
Jaswant Singh, ib. 

Shastri, Head, his importance in the Mahratta constitution, 387 and 

Shelton, Brigadier, in Afghanistan, 638; fails to enter Kabul, 639. 

Sher Khan the Afghan, 155; gulls Humayun, ib.; defeats Humayun, 
156; his rule in Hindustan, ib. 

Sher Ali Khan, Amir of Afghanistan, Jewish features of, 149 note; his 
rivalry with Afzal Khan, 768; his recognition by the British gov- 
ernment, t&.; treacherous imprisoament of Afzal Khan, z&.; mad- 
ness at the murder of his first-born, 769; flight to Kandahar, ib.; 
recognized by Sir John Lawrence as ruler of Kandahar, ib.; his 
futile effort to recover his throne, 770; flight to Herat, ib.; his sud- 
den restoration to the thi'one at Kabul, ib.: dealings with Sir John 
Lawrence, 771; conference at Umballa with Lord Mayo, 772; his 
grievances, i&.; estrangement, 775; dealings with Russia, i6.; war 
with England, ib.; death, ib. 

Sher Singh, reputed son of Runjeet Singh, becomes Maharaja of Lahore, 
676; begs English help against the army of the Khalsa, 677; his 
violent death, ib. 

Sher Singh, an influential Sikh Sidar, sent to co-operate with Edwardes 
against Muh-aj at Multan, 687; deserts the English, ib.; his cold 
reception by Mulraj, 688; goes to Lahore, ib.; doubtful battle of 
Chilianwallah, 688-9; the final defeat at Guzerat, 689. 

Shiahs, antagonism with Sunnis, 190; their tenets, 190-1; in Persia, 261. 

Shitab Rai, rise of, 355; his proceedings in Oude, 356; negotiations be- 
tween the Nawab Vizier, Shuja-ud-daula, and the English, ib.; 
becomes deputy Nawab at Patna, 360, 371, 374; alarm at the coming 
of Mr. George Vansittart, 376; artful behavior, 377; failings, 377-8; 
origin and rise, 378-9; labors to alleviate the famine in Bengal, 381; 
charges against, 405; acquittal, ib.; death, ib.; Mill's acceptance of 
the acquittal, ib. note. 

Shore, Sir John (Lord Teignmouth), works out the permanent land set- 
tlement, 450; Governor-General, 461 ; his capacity, i6.; refuses to 
help Nizam Ali against the Mahrattas, ib.; his weakness, 465; turns 
attention to Oude, ib.; embarks for Europe, 466; return to the 
policy of, 516; gives up Burmese political refugees, 593. 

878 INDEX 

Showers, Brigadier, pursuit of the rebels by, 748. 

Shuja, son of Shah Jehan, 190; Viceroy of Bengal, ib,; a Shiah, ib.; de- 
feated by Sulaiman and Jai Singh, 192; by Amir Junala, 195; flight 
to Arakan, ib.; his alleged death, ib.; supposed reappearance in 
Afghanistan, 210. 

Shuja Khan, profligate son-in-law of Murshed Kuli Khan, 309-10; out- 
wits his son at Murshedabad, 310; easy reign, ib.; death, 313. 

Shuja-ud-daula, Nawab Vizier of Oude, son and successor of Sufdar 
Jung, 327 note; harbors the Shahzada, 329; his ambitious views, i6.; 
schemes to secure the Bengal provinces, 353; repulsed at Patna, ib.; 
further schemes and return to Oude, 353-4; defeated at Buxar by 
Hector Munro, 354; flight to the Rohilla country, ib.; negotiations 
with the English, 355; final defeat and surrender, 356; the restora- 
tion of Oude to, 361-2; converted by Lord Clive into an ally of the 
English, 364; threatened by tlie Mahrattas, 409; claims against the 
Rohillas, ib.: applies for an English brigade, 410; negotiations with 
Warren Hastings at Benares, ib. ; his cowardice and cruelty in the 
Rohilla war, 411; treaty with Faiz-ullah Khan, the Rohilla, 412; 
his death, 414; his apparent bribe of ten lakhs to Warren Hastings, 
442 7iote. 

Siah Koh, mountains of Afghanistan, 620 and note. 

Siam, invaded by the king of Burma, 586. 

Sikhs, foundation of a brotherhood, 242; religious tenets, ib.; vengeance 
against persecution, 243; operations of Bahadur Shah, tb. ; defeat 
and wholesale executions, 250; invasion of Hindustan, 669; danger- 
ous power of the army of the Khalsa, 676; invade British territory, 
678; cross the Sutlej in force, 679; treacherous genei'als, ib.; de- 
feated at Moodkee, 680; ousted from Ferozeshahar, ib.; flight to the 
Sutlej, ib. ; hostilities x'enewed, ib.; defeated at Aliwal, 681; defeated 
at Sobraon, 681-2; close of the first war with England, 682; growing 
disaffection, 685; general outbreak, 687; joined by Afghans, 688; 
fight the battle of Chilianwallah, 688-9; defeated at Guzerat, 689. 
See Punjab and Runjeet Singh. 

Sikri, defeat of Rajputs by Baber, 154. 

Siladitya, empire of, 74; " Maharaja Adhiraj," ib.; his tolerance in re- 
ligion, ib.; the field of happiness at Prayaga, 75; imperial almsgiv- 
ing, ib. 

Sinala, built on territory ceded by Nipal, 548. 

Sinde, Arab invasion of, 95; conquered by Ahmad Shah Durani, 634; its 
history previous to the English conquest, 647; cause and conduct of 
the war, ib. ; conquest of , by Sir Charles Napier, ib.; annexation, ib. 

Sindias of Gwalior, rise of the familj', 258, 384. 

Sindia, Ranuji, founder of the family, originally keeper of the Peishwa's 
slippers, 403. 

Sindia, Mahadaji, an illegitimate son of Ranuji, his rise to power, 403; 
conducts Shah Alam from Allahabad to Delhi, 403; places him on the 
throne of Delhi, 406; calls on the English to pay tribute for Bengal, 
408; refused, zb.; interferes in Poon-a affairs, 421; capture of Gwalior 
by Captain Popham, 424; negotiates the treaty of Salbai, 436; re- 
warded with the cession of English conquests in Guzerat, ib.; guar- 
antee for the treaty of Salbai, 444; his designs on Delhi and Poona, 
ib.; invited to Delhi, 445; murder of Afi-asiab. 445 and 7iote; founds 
a new Mahratta kingdom in the Doab, 446; his French battalions 
under De Boigne, ib.; demands chout for Bengal and Behar, ib.; re- 
buffed by the English, ib.; hurt by the appointment of a Resident 
at Poona, ib.; compelled to reti'eat from Muttra to Gwalior, 451; 

INDEX 879 

refuses to join Cornwallis against Tippu, 455; his commanding posi- 
tion, 458; installation of tlie Peishwa at Poona as deputy of the 
Givat Moghul, 459; persists in holding the Peishvva's slippers, ib.; 
mock humility, i&.; his demands on the Peishwa, t6.; counter de- 
mands of Nana Farnavese, 460; his death, ib. 

Sindia, Daulat Rao, succeeds Mahadaji Sindia as Maharaja of Gwalior, 
460; his intrigues with Baji Rao Peishwa, 464; plunders Poona, 465; 
narrow escape from assassination, ib.; prevents Baji Rao from form- 
ing an alliance with Lord Wellesley, 468; stubbornly resists all 
overtures from the English to join in the defence of India against 
the Afghans under Zeman Shah, 494; helps Baji Rao against Hol- 
kar, 499; decisive defeat of the united armies a^t Poona, ib.; stupe- 
fied at the treaty of Bassein, 500; forms a junction with the Bhonsla 
Raja of Berar, t6. ; fails to induce Jaswant Rao Holkarto join them, 
501; excites the alarm of Lord Wellesley by his French battalions, 
ib.; vacillating dealings with Colonel Arthur Wellesley, 503; de- 
feated at Assaye, ib.; at Argaum, 504; negotiations with Wellesley 
and Malcolm, 505note; story of his minister, " Old Brag," ib.; offers 
to co-operate with the English ag-ainst Jaswant Rao Holkar, 509; 
treachery of his officers, 510; declares for Jaswant Rao Holkar, 511; 
brought to his senses, ib.; difficulty with his overgrown army, 520; 
ravages Udaipur, 525; entertains Pindharies, 537; dreaded by the 
Court of Directors, 529; his evasive attitude, 555; outwitted by 
Lord Hastings, 556; ultimatum of the British government, 556-7; 
unlucky discovery of his treacherous negotiations witli Nipal, 557; 
concludes a new treaty with the British g'overnment, ib. ; dies with- 
out heirs, 605. 

Sindia, Jankoji Rao, adopted by Baiza Bai, the widow of Daulat Rao, 
606; Baiza Bai bent on being queen regent for life, ib.; civil war, 
ib.; Lord William Bentinck refuses to interfere, ib.; recognition of 
Jankoji Rao by the British government, ib.; settlement of Gwalior 
affairs, ib.; weak and distracted government, 648-9; overgrown 
army, 649; dies without heirs, 650. 

Sindia, Jyaji Rao, adopted by Tai'a Bai, the widow of Jankoji Rao, 649- 
50; disputes about the regenc}^, 650; Lord EUenborough outwitted 
by Tara Bai, ib.; defeat of the army of Gwalior at Maharajpore and 
Punniar, 651; settlement of Gwalior affairs, ib.; loyalty of Jyaji 
Rao during the sepoj' mutiny, 741. 

Singhs, the Sikh lion-warriors of Guru Govind, 671. 

Sirdars, the Afghan, in the service of Nadir Shah, 623; leave the Per- 
sian army and return to Kandahar, ib.; elect Ahmad Abdali to be 
their Shah, ib.; prosperity under Ahmad Shah Durani, 624; starved 
and imprisoned bv Payendah Shah, 625-6; the leaders of the Sikh 
Misls, 672; Puritan and Pindhari types of, 672-3. See also Timur 
Shah aticl Zeman Siiah, 

Sita, wife of Rama, 43; accompanies Rama on his exile, 47; worships 
the Ganges, 49; worships the Jumna, ib.; her abduction by Ravana, 
56; her ordeal of purity, 58-9; cruelly abandoned by Rama, 59; res- 
idence at Chitra-kuta, ib.; her two sons, ib.; reconciliation with 
Rama, 60. 

Sitabuldi, battle of, 565. 

Sitana, the villages of, 758-9; inhabited by Hindu fanatics, 759; the 
British campaign under Sir Neville Chamberlain, 759-61. 

Siva, or Mahadeva, his place in the religion of the Turanians, 78; 
in modern Hindu belief, 82; resolved by the Brahmans into the 
Supreme Being, 84; idol pillar of, at Somnath, 96; destroyed by 

880 INDEX 

Mahmud, 97; worship of at Conjeveram, 474; worshipped by the 
Smartals, 475; and by the Maduals, 476; abhorred by the Vaish- 
navas and A'ayngars, 475. 

Sivaganga Raja, or little Marawar, 486 note; feud with the Tondi- 
nian, ib. 

Sivaji the Mahratta, his appearance as a rebel and a freebooter in the 
mountains of the Konkan, 199; his early career in the neighborhood 
of Poona, 200; Rajput origin, ib.; a Avorshipper of Siva and Bho- 
wani, ib,; reverence for Brahmans, ib.; genius for creating an army, 
201; exploit with the tiger's claws. 201-2; alliance with Aurangzeb, 
202; compromise with Bijapur, ib,; aggressions on the Moghuls, 
ib,; night attack on Shaista Khan, 203; capture and plunder of 
Surat, 203^; calls Surat his treasury, 204; scheme of Aurangzeb 
for entrapping the mountain rat, 205; Sivaji flattered and duped, 
ib.; audience with Aurangzeb at Delhi, 206; wrath at his recep- 
tion, ib.; strange escape from Delhi, 207; attacked by a force of 
Moghuls and Rajputs under Shah Alam, ib.; a sham rebellion, ib.; 
wariness of Sivaji, 208; organizes a sj^stem of blackmail, or chout, 
211; installed as Maharaja of the Konkan, ib,; conquests in the 
Lower Carnatic, ib.; his death, ib. 

Slave-kings, Afghan dynasty of, 100-1. 

Sleeman, Colonel, his report on Oude, 709. 

Smartal Brahmans, the sect of, 474; creed and distinctions, 475; non- 
practice of the Chakrantikam, 481 7iote. 

Smith, General, commanding the Poona Subsidiary Force, 562; his ap- 
pearance at Poona, 563; sets out in pursuit of Baji Rao, ib.; defeats 
the army of Baji Rao at Ashti, 568. 

Smith, Sir Harry, defeats the Sikhs at Aliwal, 681. 

Smith, Colonel Baird, Chief Engineer at the siege of Delhi, 748 note. 

Sobraon, the battle of, 681-2. 

Somnath, 96; the great temple at, ib.; battle of, 97; recovery of the 
sandalwood gates captured by Mahmud, 644. 

Spencer, Mr,, succeeds Vansittart as governor at Calcutta, 356; his cor- 
rupt bargaining with Muhammad Reza Khan respecting the succes- 
sion of the Nawabship of Bengal and Behar, ib. note, and 357; Clive's 
anger at, 360. 

Sraddha, performed by Bharata, 52; description of, ib. note. 

Sringavera, the modern Suugroor, etc., 48; the Aryan barrier, ib. 

Staunton, Captain, his brilliant defence of Korygaum, 568. 

Stevenson, Colonel, moves up the Hyderabad Subsidiary Force toward 
Poona, 500; co-operates with Colonel Wellesley against Sindia and 
Rughoji Bhonsla, 500, 502. 

St. Lubin, arrives at Poona as ambassador from the King of France, 
421; attentions of Nana Farnavese, ib. 

St. Thome, Portuguese settlement at, 229; captured by the generals of 
the Sultan of Golkonda, ib.; by the French, ib. 

Stoddart, Colonel, his public execution at Bokhara, 646. 

Subahdar, 217; the common name for Viceroy of a province, 22Qnote, 

Subder Ali, son of Dost Ali, Nawab of tlie Carnatic, 278; outwitted by 
Chunder Sahib, 279; alarm at the Mahrattas, ib,; agreement wita 
the Mahrattas, 280; proclaimed Nawab, 281; threatened by Nizam- 
ul-mulk, ib.; perplexity, 281-2; levies contributions for the Mahrat- 
tas, 282: assassination, ib. 

Subhadra, the sister of Krishna, marries Arjuna, 26. 

Subzi Mundi, or vegetable market, an old suburb at Delhi, 745. 

Sudder, or Corapan3''s judicial courts, 413?iofe. 

INDEX 881 

Sudi'as, or cultivators, one of the four great castes, 77; not "wearers of 
the thread," ib.\ probably of Turanian origin, ib.; contemned by 
tiie Smartals, 475; separate quarters in towns, 476. 

Sufdar Jung, Nawab of Oude. '621! note. 

Sugriva, the monkey Raja, his alliance with Rama, 57. 

Sukwar Bai, wife of Maharaja Sahu, her intrigues and vow, 385-6; cruel 
death by Sati, 386. 

Sulaiman, mountains of, the northwest frontier adopted by Lord Dal- 
housie, 758. 

Sulaiman, son of Dara, 192; escapes to Kashmir, 195; betrayal, ib. 

Sumru, his massacre of the English at Patna. 352-3; his flight into 
Oude, 358; his surrender demanded from the Nawab Vizier, 355; 
subsequent career, ib. note. 

Sumpthur, death of the Raja of, 607; civil wars, ib.', I'efusal of Lord 
William Bentinck to interfere, ib.; terrible catastrophe, ib. 

Sunnis, their tenets, 190; antagonism with the Shiahs. ib.; fierce con- 
test with Shiahs at Kabul, 628; slaughter of Kuzzilbashes, ib. 

Supreme Courts of Judicature created at the three Presidency capitals, 
412-13 aud 7iote. 

Suraj Mai, the Jat hero, 400; his dealings with the Moghuls, 401; sur- 
rounded and slain, ib. 

Suraj-ud-daula, grandson of Alivai-di Khan, 316; evil character, ib.; bit- 
terness against the English, ib.; succeeds his gi'andfather as Nawab 
at Murshedabad, 316-17; marches against Calcutta, 317; entry into 
the captured town, 318; author of the tragedy of the JBlack Hole, 
318-19; alarm at the advance of the English, 321; vacillations, ib.; 
hostility toward the English, 322; general conspiracy against the 
Nawab, ib.; defeat at Plassy, 323; taken prisoner and murdered, 

Surat, appearance of English at, 173-4; landing of Sir Thomas Roe, 175; 
captured by Mahrattas, 203; called the treasury of Sivaji, 204; de- 
scribed by Dr. Fryer in the reign of Aui-ang-zeb, 230-1; factory at, 
removed to Bombaj', 236; successful war operations of the English 
against the Moghuls, ib.; Abyssinian admirals, or Seedees, of, 383; 
treaty at, between Rughonath Rao and the English at Bombay, 

Surya, the sun-god, Vaidik worship of. 80; ancestor of the Rajputs, 81. 

Suttee, abolition of, bj^ Lord William Bentinck, 617. 

Swamis, worshipped as gods by Brahmans, 84; their ceremonies of ini- 
tiation and confirmation, 480-1. 

Swarga, the heaven of Indra. 41 note, 80. 

Swai'tz, the missionary in Tanjore, his mission to Hyder Ali, 429; his 
description of Hyder All's palace life and administration at Sering- 
apatam, 486-7; his description of Mahratta rule in Tanjore, 487. 

Swatis, their behavior in the Sitana campaign, 760-1; interference of the 
Akhoond, 761. 

Swayamvara, or "self-choice," an ancient marriage festival, 22; that of 
Draupadi, a Rajput romance, 22-3; that of Damayanti, 89-90; that 
of the princess of Kanouj, 98; modern relic of, 161. 

Sydenham, Captain, Resident at Hyderabad, his description of the Pind- 
haries, 528. 

Symes, Colonel, his mission to Ava, 593. 

882 INDEX 

Tagara, the modern Deoghur, 134-5 note. 

Taj Mahal at Agra, description of, 188; built by Shah Jehan as the 
mausoleum of his favorite wife, 189; occupied by Mr. Malet, 448. 

Talains, people of the lower Irawadi. See Pegu. 

Talukdars of Oude, 465 and note; their oppressive rule in Oude, 710; 
hai'shly treated after the annexation, 712; general insurrection 
during the sepoy mutiny, 739. 

Talikota, decisive battle of, between the Muhammadan Sultans of the 
Dekhan and the Hindu Raja of Vijayanagar, 121-2. 

Tamil country, 107; language, ib. note. 

Taujore, king-dom of, south of the Koleroon, 275; Rajas of, originally 
Naiks or viceroys, under the Maharajas of Vijayanagar, ib.; water 
supply dependent on Trichinopoly, 278, 485; conquered by the Mah- 
rattas in the seventeenth century, 485; English aggressions on, 
287-8; hostile demands of Chunder Sahib and Muzaffir Jung, 292; 
delays of the Raja, ib.; aggressions of Nawab Muhammad Ali, 427; 
restored to the Raja by Lord Pigot, ib.; bi-ought under British rule, 
485; death of the Raja, 487; disputed succession, 487-8; Raja re- 
duced to a pageant, 488; extinction of the dynasty, 706. 

Tantia Topi, the Mahratta Brahman in the service of Nana Sahib, 741; 
his militai-y genius, ib. note; defeats General Windham at Cawnpore, 
751; routed by Sir Hugh Rose, 753; intrigues at Gwalior, ib.; raises 
a new rebel army, 753-4; defeated, 754; pursued, captured, and ex- 
ecuted, 755; a type of the old Peishwas, ib. 

Tantras, mystic literature of the Turanians, 79. 

Tara Bai, widow of Raja Ram, her intrigues at Satara, 885 and note; 
her career, ib.; befooled by Balaji Rao, 886; the ordeal of Raja Ram, 
887; her obstinacy, 889; general reconciliation, ib.; deatii of, 393 
and note. 

Tara Bai, widow of Jankoji Rao Sindia, 649; adopts Jyaji Rao, 650; as- 
sumes the regency, ib. ; excites the wrath of Lord Ellenborough, 
ib.; war against the army of Gwalior, 651; the regency intrusted to 
a council of six nobles, ib. 

Tartar invasions, 102; Tartars under Timur Shah, 110; ruling tribe 
known as the Moghuls, 151. 

Tartar women, imperial bodyguard of, 194 and note. 

Tavernier, his description of Indian travel, 221, 224. 

Taxiles, his kingdom in the Punjab, 64; his submission to Alexander, 
ib.; his city of Taxila identified with Attock, 759 note. 

Tej Singh, commander of the army of the Khalsa, 678; his treachery, 
679; left to watch General Littler at Ferozepore, 680; flight from 
Ferozeshahar, 681; flight at Sobraon, 682. 

Telinga country, situated in the eastern Dekhan, 107; conquered by 
Ala-ud-din, ib.; seat of the Telugu language, ib. note. 

Tenasserim, province of British Burma, its position, 575 note; ceded to 
the English, 596. 

Terai, the forest at the base of the lower Himalayan slopes, 532; cause 
of dispute in the negotiations between England and Nipal, 547-8. 

Termal Rai, the mad Maharaja of Vijayanagar, 119; calls in the Mu- 
hammadans, 120; does homage to the Sultan of Bijapur, ib.; be- 
trayed by Ram Rai, ib.; outrageous proceedings in the palace, 121; 
his suicide, ib. 

Thakurs, or feudatory nobles of Rajputana, their refractory character, 
602; their conflicting councils, 604; contest with Jhota Ram at 
Jaipur, 608. 

INDEX oo^ 

Thapa family of Nipal. See Bhim Seiii Thapa. _ 

Tharawadi, brother of the king of Burma, his absurd boasting m the 

first Burmese war. 596; becomes king of Burma, 654; expels the 

British Residency, 655; his empty threats, tb.; his disappearance, £. 

Thibet, geographical position of, 531; invaded by the Ghorkas, 536; 

Bogle's mission to, ih. note; Turner's mission, ih. 
Thugs, or stranglers, execution of, 218; male and female, 233. 
Timur Mirza, Shah of Afghanistan, 624; his rebellious subjects, 625; his 

vengeance, ih.', remorse, madness, and death, ib. 
Timur Shah, invades the Punjab and Hindustan, 110; invades India, 150. 
Tippu, Sultan, son of Hyder Ali, 437; treaty with Lord Macartney, ih.-, 
war with the Peishwa, 448; dangerous power of, 453; enmity against 
the English, ib.; dealings with Nizam Ali, the French and Mah- 
rattas, ih. ; attack on Travancore, 453-4; desolates the Carnatic, 
455; bewilderment and submission to Lord Cornwallis, 457; -an ally 
of France, 467; a hostile alliance, 468; displays open hostility, 470; 
refuses explanations, ih.; overwhelmed, ih.; refuses humiliation, 
471; death and character, ib.; his palace and administration, de- 
scribed by Buchanan. 478; his aggressions inCoorg, 610. 
Todar Mai, employed by Akbar to carry out the revenue settlement, 170. 
Tod, Captain, afterward Colonel, his active interference in Rajputana, 

602; his Annals and Antiquities of Rajasthan, ih. note. 
Todd, Major D'Arcy, his withdrawal from Herat, 636-7; his fate, 637. 
Tondiman. Poligar, helps Major Lawrence and Nawab Muhammad Ali 
during the siege of Trichinopoly by the French, 300; his wrath at 
the Nawab's dealings with the Mysore regtmt, 302; his feud with 
the Sivaganga Rajas, 486 note. 
Tongso Penlovv, or governor of eastern Bhutan, 764, 766 note. 
Tonk, principality of, founded by Amir Khan, 524, 558. 
Tonk Rampoora. See Rampoora. 

Toungoo, its position in the interior of Burma, 579 note. 
Toy-cart, the Sanskrit drama of, 91; story of, 91-2; unsatisfactory de- 
nouement, 93. 
Travancore, Raja of, attacked by Tippu Sultan, 453-4. 
Trichinopoly, kingdom of, 275; war of the succession, 278; interference 
of the Nawab of the Carnatic, ih.; treacherously seized by Chunder 
Sahib, 279; occupied by Muhammad Ali, 296; closely besieged by 
Chunder Sahib and the French, ib. ; relieved by Clive's occupation 
of Arcot, 298; English triumphant, 300; importance of, as the key 
to the Hindu Carnatic, 301. . . 

Trimbukji Dainglia, the minister of Baji Rao, 550; implication in the 
murder of Gungadhur Shastri, 552; surrendered to the English and 
confined, ib.; his romantic escape, 553; his army of rebels, ib.; 
captured and confined, 570. 
Trivadi, victory of Dupleix at, 293. 

Tughlakabad, capital of the Tughlak Sultans, 108. ^ , . „ . , 
Tughlak, Turkish governor of Punjab, 108; captures Delhi, ib.; founder 

of the dynasty of Tughlak Sultans, ib. See Muhammad Tughlak. 
Tukaji Holkar. See Holkar. o ■, , * +u 

Tulsi Bai assumes the government of Indore, 523; declares tor the 

Peishwa, 566; barbarously murdered, 567. 
Turanians, relics of, 78; their religion turning on the mysteries ot lite 

and death, ib. . loi o 

Turkey, Sultan of, makes war on the Portuguese in India, Idl-^. 
Turks'and Afghans, 94 et seq. 
Turner, his mission to Thibet, 536 note. 

884 INDEX 


Udaipur, or Oodeypore, foundation of, 163; Rana of, maintains his in- 
dependence, 208; rejects the insolent demands of Aurangzeb, 314; 
quarrel between Jaipur and Jodhpur respecting the Rana's daughter, 
524-5; unsuccessful appeals of the Rana for British interference, 
535; murder of the pi-incess, 526. 

Udai Singh, Rana of Chitor, 163; founds Udaipur, ib.; his vow, ib, 

Ujain, kingdom of, 71; scene of the Toy-cart, 91; victory of Aurangzeb 
at, 193. 

Ulama, the collective body of Muhammadan lawyers and divines, 165; 
hated by Abul Fazl, 166; their authority derided and usurped by 
Akbar, 167. 

Umballa, conference between Lord Mayo and Sher Ali at, 773. 

Umbeyla Pass, position of the British army during the Sitana campaign, 

Umra Singh, prince of Jodhpur. his refractory conduct at the court of 
Shah Jehan, 187-8. 

Umritsir, the religious centre of the Sikhs, 672. 

Upadasa imparted by Gurus, 480-1 and note. 

Upton, Colonel, sent to Poona as agent of the Bengal government, 430. 

Usbegs, drive Baber out of Bokhai-a, 153; the foes of Persia, 363; serve 
in the army of Nadir Shah, 265; states of Khiva, Bokhara, and 
Khokand, 619; Russian advances, ib. 

Vaidik hymns and Vaidik gods, 79-83; moral influence, 81. 

Vaidika Brahmans, 476. 

Vaishnavas, the sect of, 474, 475; their creed and distinctions, ib. 

Vaisyas, or merchants, one of the four great castes, 25 note. 

Vaka, a cannibal Asura slain by Bhima, 21; the story apparently an 
allegorical fiction, ib. note. 

Vallabhi Rajas supplant the Guptas, 73. 

Valmiki, his hermitage, 49; the mythical author of the Ramayana, 49, 

Vansittart, Mr., succeeds Hoi well as governor of Bengal, 336, 340; 
vacillating proposals for a deputy Nawab, 340-1; his relations with 
Mir Jaflr and Mir Kasim. 341; refusal of a bribe, ih.; the proposed 
advance of the English to Delhi, 343; secret negotiations, 344; the 
debates about private trade, 346-7; failure as an arbitrator, 346; 
factious opposition. 347; proposes to make terms with the Nawab, 
351; i-eturns to England, 356. 

Vansittart, George, sent to overlook the native administration at 
Patna, 376; gulled by Raja Shitab Rai, ib. 

Varanavata, the ancient Prayaga and modern Allahabad, 30. 

Varuna, the Vaidik god of the sea, 80. 

Vasco de Gama, leaves Lisbon with a fleet, 136; anchorage off Calicut, 
ib.\ audience with the Zamorin, 137; fails to establish a trade in 
Calicut, 138; returns to Portugal, ib. 

Vayu, Vaidik god of wind, 56; subject to Ravana, ib.\ personification, 80. 

Vellore, fortress of, twelve miles from Arcot, 379; assassination of Sub- 
der Ali at, 381-3; visited by Buchanan, 477; sepoy mutiny at, 530; 
cause of the mutiny, 531. 

Venk-tapa Naik, Raja of Kanara, 137; receives the Portuguese ambas- 
sadors, 138; annexes the Raj of Banghel, 143. 

INDEX 885 

Ventura, General, in the service of Runjeet Singh, 674. 

Verelst, Mr., governor of Bengal, 367; obtains the blank firman for the 
government of Hyderabad from Shah Alam, 369; returns to Eng- 
land, 370; his experiences of native administration, 375. 

Victoria, Queen, assumes the direct government of India, 756; pro- 
claimed Empress of India at the Imperial Assemblage at Delhi, 774. 

Vidarbha, residence of Nala and Damayanti, 90. 

Viiayanagar, ancient Hindu empire at, associated with the worship of 
Vishnu, 118; same as Narsinga, ih.; city of, 114; Krishna Rai in- 
sulted by the Bahmani Sultan, ih.\ marriage of the Hindu princess 
toaMuhammadanSultan, 117; atrocities at the court, 118; rebellion 
of Termal, 119; recovery of the throne by Ram Rai, 121; hostile 
confederacy of the Muhammadan Sultans of the Dekhan, i5.; terri- 
ble defeat at Talikota, 132; dismemberment of the empire, 123. 

Vikramaditya, era of, 72 note. . 

Virata, the resting-place of the Pandavas, 29; the modern Ban-at, ib. 
note; story of the Raja of Virata, ib. 

Vishnu, his worship, a development of that of Surya the sun, 81; m 
modern Hindu belief, 82; the Supreme Spirit in modern Brahman- 
ism, 87; worshipped at Conjeveram, 474; worshipped by the Vaish- 
navas and A'ayngars, 475. 

Viswakarma, the architect of the gods, helps Bharadwaja, 53. 

Vizagapatam, English driven out of, 332. 

Vizianagram, Raja of, his feud with Bobili Raja, 331; assassmated by 
Rajputs, ib, ^ ^/.i- /. 

Vizier Ali, recognized by Sir John Shore as Nawab Vizier of Oude, 465-6; 
deposed on the score of illegitimacy, 466. 

Vyasa, "the arranger," 37; part played by him in the Maha Bharata, 
38; appears on the banks of the Ganges, 40; invokes the dead war- 
riors of the Maha Bharata, ib. 


Wahabis, sect of, located on the Mahabun mountain, 759. See Sitana. 

Wakiahnawis, court or news-writers of Aurangzeb, 218, 225. 

Wales, H.R.H. the Prince of, his visit to India, 774. 

Wandiwash, battle of, 335. . , . 

Watson, Admiral, joined by Chve, 305; destruction of Gheria, dOb; joint 
recapture of Calcutta, 319-20; joint capture of Chandernagore, 

Wellesley, Colonel, afterward Duke of Wellington, accompanies the 
Madras army in the last war against Tippu, 470; commands the 
Madras army after the restoration of Baji Rao to Poona, 500; 
watches Daulat Rao Sindia and the Bhonsla, 500-1; stops the vacil- 
lations of Sindia, 503; glorious victory at Assaye, 503-4; victory at 
Argaum, 504; negotiations with Sindia, 505; story of " Old Brag, 

ib. note. , n t t t j 

Wellesley, Marquis of, appointed Governor-General of India as Liord 
Mornington, 467; alarm at the French, 467-8, 470, 496, 501-2; seeks 
to establish a balance of power, 467; an impossibility, ib.; alliance 
with Nizam Ali, 468; insists on the disbandment of the French bat- 
talions at Hyderabad, t6.; rebuffed by the Mahratta powers, t&.; 
demands explanations from Tippu of Mysore, 470; conquest of My- 
sore, 471; deputes Buchanan on a journey through Mysore and 
Malabar, 472; assumes the direct administration of Tanjore, 485; of 
the Carnatic, 489; abandons the policy of a balance of power, and 

886 INDEX 

adopts that of a paramount power with subsidiary alliances, 492; 
dealings with the Nizam, 493; proposals rejected by the Peishwa 
and Daulat Rao Sindia, 493^; alarm at the threatened invasion of 
the Afghans under Zeman Shah, 494; demands on the Nawab Vizier 
of Oude, 495; sends Captain John Malcolm on a mission to Persia, 
496; defeat of Baji Rao Peishwa at Poona by Jaswant Rao Holkar, 
499; treaty of Bassein foi'ced on the Peishwa, ib.; objections to the 
ti'eaty, 500; alarm at the French battalions of Daulat Rao Sindia, 
and the designs of Napoleon, 502; campaign of Arthur Wellesley in 
the Dekhan, 503; of General Lake in Hindustan, 504; Great Moghul 
taken under British pi'otection, ib.; protective treaties with Rajput 
and other native princes, 505-6; cedes Berar to the Nizam, 506; 
difficulties with Jaswant Rao Holkar, 506-7; military operations 
against Holkar, 508; disastrous retreat of Colonel Monson, 509-10; 
unexpected successes of Holkar, 511; return of Lord Wellesley to 
England, ib.; compared with Akbar, 512; his ei'rors the outcome of 
genius, ib.; remodels the Indian civil service, 513; reaction against 
his policy, 514-15; his errors, 516; his mortification, t&.; his dealings 
with Nipal, 539-41; his policy adopted by Lord Hastings, 529. 

Wheeler, General Sir Hugh, commanding at Cawnpoi'e, 731; his prep- 
arations for defence, 732; receives a threatening letter fi'om Nana 
Sahib, 733; negotiations with Nana Sahib, 735; the massacre at 
Cawnpore, 735-6. 

Wheler, Mr., a member of council under Warren Hastings, 425. 

Whish, General, retires from Multan, 687; captures Multan, 689; joins 
Gough against Sher Singh, ib. 

Whitehill, Mr., governor of Madras, 431; evil administration, ib.; in- 
vasion of Hyder Ali, ib. ; deposed by Warren Hastings, 433. 

Willoughby, Lieutenant, gallantry in blowing up the arsenal at Delhi, 
725-6; his death, 726. 

Wilson, General, Commander-in-chief at the siege of Delhi, 742 no^e; 
capture of Delhi, 748. 

Windham, left at Cawnpore by Sir Colin Campbell, 750; defeated by 
Tantia Topi, 751; abandons Cawnpore to the Gwalior rebels, ib. 

Wurgaum, convention of, 423. 

Wylde, General, his expedition against the Afghan tribes on the Black 
Mountain, '7Q2 note. 

Wynch, governor of Madras, turned out of the service by the Court of, 427. 

Yakub Khan, son ot Sher Ali Khan, governor of Herat, 769; restores 
his father to the throne of Kabul, 770; imprisoned by Sher Ali 
Khan, 775; his accession to the throne of Afghanistan, ib.; abdi- 
cation, 776. 

Yama, the judge of the dead in the Vaidik mythology, 56, 81. 

Yandabo, treaty of, with Burma, 596. 

Yar Muhammad Khan, the real ruler of Herat, 633; his antagonism to 
Persia, t&.; helped by British gold, 636; treacherous correspondence 
with Persia, ib.; his death, 714. 

Yogis and their king described by Delia Valle, 143-4. 

Yudhishthira, son of Kunti, 15; the eldest of the Pandavas, 16; his jeal- 
ousies, i&.; appointed Yuva-raja, 20; loses his wife in a gambling 
match, 27; takes possession of Hastinapur, 37; celebi'ates the As- 
wamedha, 39. 

INDEX 887 

Yuva-raja, or little Raja, custom of appointing as heir-apparent, still 
prevailing in Hindu courts, 19-20; similar custom among the Jews, 
20 note. 


Zabita Khan, the Rohilla, succeeds his father, Najib-ud-daula, as Amir 
of Amirs at Delhi, 402; flight to the Rohilla country, 403; his death, 

Zamorin of Calicut, 126; receives the Portuguese ambassadors, 127; 
Portuguese embassy to, 144; his troubles, 145; appearance of, 147; 
cause of his feud with the Raja of Cochin, 148. 

Zeman Shah, Amir of Afghanistan, desires to invade India, 494; his in- 
vasion a bugbear, 495; his fate, ib.; story of his reign, 625-8; the 
pacification of the Punjab, 626. 

Zemindars, their judicial and administrative powers, 372; checked by 
the right of petition to the Nawab, 373; authority transferred to 
European collectors, 405; change of prospects under the permanent 
land settlement of Lord Cornwallis, 450. 

Zend party in Persia, their quarrels with the Kajar, 496. 

Zingaflfs of Bhutan, cori*esponding to messengers or chuprassies, 764. 

Zulfikar Khan, Nawab of the conquests of Aurangzeb in the Dekhan 
and Peninsula, 233-4; bribed by the English at Madras, 234; his 
wars with Ram Raja, the Mahratta, ib.; defeats Kam Baksh, 241; 
political supremacy at Delhi, 245; advances against Farrukh Siyar, 
2^6; submission and assassination, ib,; saves the life of Nizam-ul- 
mulk, 257. 



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