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INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



A HISTORY OF ABORIGINAL AND TERRITORIAL 

INDIANA AND THE CENTURY OF 

STATEHOOD 



JACOB PIATT DUNN 

AUTHOR AND EDITOR 



VOLUME II 






. •••/ 



* 



THE AMERICAN HISTORICAL SOCIETY 

CHICAGO AND NEW YORK 
1919 



570 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Europe, and probably induce alliances there, consolidate Democratic 
sympathy in the North with secession, and present a front of hostility 
against which the government might be broken hopelessly. Considering 
the condition of Indiana after the elections of 1862, — and Indiana was 
no worse than other states — and the course of the Legislature of 1863, 
and the active sympathy with the rebellion that made draft riots all 
over the country, with numerous murders of draft officers, and con- 
sidering further, our narrow escape from an English war in the Trent 
case, it is now far from clear that the aggressive policy would have been 
wise or successful. But all differences were blown to pieces by the 
first gun fired at Major Anderson's little garrison. Those who ditfered 
about aggression could have no difference about resisting aggression.!' ^ 
This statesmanlike view of the situation is hardly borne out by the 
record. On election day, November 6, 1860, the Journal scoffed at 
Southern threats of secession as campaign buncombe. On November 
10, after South Carolina had begun active and open preparations for 
secession, the Journal said: ** South Carolina and Georgia seem to be 
the most active in the folly, but probably Alabama and Mississippi 
will join them. If they do, we say 'Amen'. • • • When they have 
suffered the benefits of disunion about a year they will be glad to get 
back on any terms. We are sick of this insanity, and believe its only 
cure is to let it run its course. Let the two or three or four states 
which are bent on disunion go out, and go to ruin. They solicit their 
peril, and we are willing they should experience its virtues. Nobody 
need care a straw for such folly. It will never amount to more than 
words, and if it does it can only damage those who are engaged in it. 
The Union is too strong, and too good to suffer from the madness of 
such men." On November 13, it said : **Tho parade of military organi- 
zation and forcible resistance which they are making is the acme of 
absurdity. • • • They know very well that if they are determined 
to leave the Union no Republican will care to have them stay. A 
Union preserved only by intimidation and force is a mockery, and it is 
better broken than whole. If South Carolina and her associates in 
folly really want to leave the Union they can go without a word of 
objection from any man North of Mason and Dixon's line.''' On No- 
vember 15, it said: ** Coercion we regard as out of the question in any 
case. And South Carolina is not going to use her troox)s to assault the 
United States forces unless they come with coercion in view. We have 
no fears of a bloody collision therefore." On November 19, it said : **In 
the present case it seems clear to us that if the enforcement of the Con- 
stitution leads to civil war, we shall be better off to let the Constitution 



1 History of Indianapolis, p. 305. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 571 

be broken and save bloodshed. • • • We can imagine no evil equal 
to an American civil war. The separation of the whole confederacy into 
independent nations would be harmless beside it. We cannot endure the 
thought of it. The main question therefore is not the constitutionality 
of secession, but the blood and horror of coercion, • • • Of what 
value will a Union be that needs links of bayonets and bullets to hold it 
together? • • • If any state will go from us, let it go. • • * 
Of course peaceable secession implies the adjustment of some very com- 
plicated and delicate questions of debt, common property and future 
intercourse, but it is better to settle them by a commission than by a 
campaign." 

This last editorial called forth a strong protest from Abel D. 
Streight, which is notable as the first clear pronouncement in favor 
of forcible resistance to secession in a State, the vast majority of whose 
people were devoted to the Union. Streight 's letter, published in the 
Journal of November 21, closed with these words : * * Is war so dreadful 
or peace so desirable that we should consent to the overthrow of the 
Constitution prepared by the fathers of our country as a sacred guar- 
antee for our liberties and the basis of our unexampled prosperity? 
May it never be said that we are the degenerate sons of a brave and 
noble ancestry, who are too timorous to preserve the liberties so gal- 
lantly won by the immortal heroes of the Revolution." Streight was 
a notable character. His father, a native of Vermont, moved to Steuben 
County, New York, and settled on a farm, where Abel D. was born 
June 17, 1828. At the age of seventeen, having passed his boyhood on 
the farm, with ordinary common school advantages, he *' purchased his 
time" of his father, until twenty-one, at sixty dollars a year, and 
started out for himself. He learned the carpenter's trade, and at 
nineteen took a contract for a large mill, which he successfully com- 
pleted. He purchased a saw-mill, and engaged in the lumber business 
at Wheeler, N. Y., until 1858, when he removed to Cincinnati. The 
following year he removed to Indianapolis, and engaged in publishing. 
Not satisfied with newspaper articles, he published a pamphlet on the 
duty of the hour, urging the preservation of the Union at all hazards, 
and reproducing articles from The Federalist, President Jackson's seces- 
sion message, and other standard expressions of American statesmen 
on the same patriotic lines. In September, 1861, he joined the army, 
as Colonel of the Fifty-First Indiana Volunteer Infantry, and went to 
the front, seeing actual service first at the siege of Corinth. In April, 
1863, Streight was sent by Rosecrans, with a force of 1,800 men, to cut 
the railroads in western Georgia, over which supplies were sent to 
Bragg 's army. The force divided, and Streight, with about two-thirds 
of it, was surrounded on ilay 3 by a large force under General Forrest, 



570 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Europe, and probably induce alliances there, consolidate Democratic 
sympathy in the North with secession, and present a front of hostility 
against which the government might be broken hopelessly. Considering 
the condition of Indiana after the elections of 1862, — and Indiana was 
no worse than other states — and the course of the Legislature of 1863, 
and the active sympathy with the rebellion that made draft riots all 
over the country, with numerous murders of draft officers, and con- 
sidering further, our narrow escape from an English war in the Trent 
case, it is now far from clear that the aggressive policy would have been 
wise or successful. But all differences were blown to pieces by the 
first gun fired at Major Anderson's little garrison. Those who differed 
about aggression could have no difference about resisting aggression.'.' ^ 
This statesmanlike view of the situation is hardly borne out by the 
record. On election day, November 6, 1860, the Journal scoffed at 
Southern threats of secession as campaign buncombe. On November 
10, after South Carolina had begun active and open preparations for 
secession, the Journal said: ** South Carolina and Georgia seem to be 
the most active in the folly, but probably Alabama and Mississippi 
will join them. If they do, we say * Amen'. • • • When they have 
suffered the benefits of disunion about a year they will be glad to get 
back on any terms. We are sick of this insanity, and believe its only 
cure is to let it run its course. Let the two or three or four states 
which are bent on disunion go out, and go to ruin. They solicit their 
peril, and we are willing they should experience its virtues. Nobody 
need care a straw for such folly. It will never amount to more than 
words, and if it does it can only damage those who are engaged in it. 
The Union is too strong, and too good to suffer from the madness of 
such men." On November 13, it said : **Tho parade of military organi- 
zation and forcible resistance which they are making is the acme of 
absurdity. • • • They know very well that if they are determined 
to leave the Union no Republican will care to have them stay. A 
Union preserved only by intimidation and force is a mockery, and it is 
better broken than whole. If South Carolina and her associates in 
folly really want to leave the Union they can go without a word of 
objection from any man North of Mason and Dixon's line.''' On No- 
vember 15, it said: ** Coercion we regard as out of the question in any 
case. And South Carolina is not going to use her troox)s to assault the 
United States forces unless they come with coercion in view. We have 
no fears of a bloody collision therefore." On November 19, it said : **In 
the present case it seems clear to us that if the enforcement of the Con- 
stitution leads to civil war, we shall be better off to let the Constitution 



1 History of Indianapolis, p. 305. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 571 

be broken and save bloodshed. • • • We can imagine no evil equal 
to an American civil war. The separation of the whole confederacy into 
independent nations would be harmless beside it. We cannot endure the 
thought of it. The main question therefore is not the constitutionality 
of secession, but the blood and horror of coercion, • • • Of what 
value will a Union be that needs links of bayonets and bullets to hold it 
together? * • • If any state will go from us, let it go. * * * 
Of course peaceable secession implies the adjustment of some very com- 
plicated and delicate questions of debt, common property and future 
intercourse, but it is better to settle them by a commission than by a 
campaign.'' 

This last editorial called forth a strong protest from Abel D. 
Streight, which is notable as the first clear pronouncement in favor 
of forcible resistance to seifeession in a State, the vast majority of whose 
people were devoted to the Union. Streight 's letter, published in the 
Journal of November 21, closed with these words: **Is war so dreadful 
or peace so desirable that we should consent to the overthrow of the 
Constitution prepared by the fathers of our country as a sacred guar- 
antee for our liberties and the basis of our unexampled prosperity? 
May it never be said that we are the degenerate sons of a brave and 
noble ancestry, who are too timorous to preserve the liberties so gal- 
lantly won by the immortal heroes of the Revolution.*' Streight was 
a notable character. His father, a native of Vermont, moved to Steuben 
County, New York, and settled on a farm, where Abel D. was born 
June 17, 1828. At the age of seventeen, having passed his boyhood on 
the farm, with ordinary common school advantages, he *' purchased his 
time" of his father, until twenty-one, at sixty dollars a year, and 
started out for himself. He learned the carpenter's trade, and at 
nineteen took a contract for a large mill, which he successfully com- 
pleted. He purchased a saw-mill, and engaged in the lumber business 
at Wheeler, N. Y., until 1858, when he removed to Cincinnati. The 
following year he removed to Indianapolis, and engaged in publishing. 
Not satisfied with newspaper articles, he published a pamphlet on the 
duty of the hour, urging the preservation of the Union at all hazards, 
and reproducing articles from The Federalist, President Jackson's seces- 
sion message, and other standard expressions of American statesmen 
on the same patriotic lines. In September, 1861, he joined the army, 
as Colonel of the Fifty-First Indiana Volunteer Infantry, and went to 
the front, seeing actual service first at the siege of Corinth. In April, 
1863, Streight was sent by Rosecrans, with a force of 1,800 men, to cut 
the railroads in western Georgia, over which supplies were sent to 
Bragg's army. The force divided, and Streight, with about two-thirds 
of it, was surrounded on I^Iay 3 by a large force under General Forrest, 



572 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



and forced to surrender. The prisoners were token to Libby prison, 
where in a few weeks the enlisted men were exchan^d, but the ofB- 
cers were held, under various pretexts. After eight months impris- 
onment Streight escaped, but was recaptured, put in irons, and con- 
fined in a dungeon for twenty-one days. On February 9, 1864, he 
escaped with 108 others, through a tunnel under the prison wall. The 




Col. Abel D, Streight 



tunnel was sixty feet long, and they were three weeks digging it. 
After hiding in Richmond for eight days, Streight made his way north 
and reached Washington on March 1. He stopped for a few weeks at 
Indianapolis, during which he got out a new edition of his war pam- 
phlet, with additions concerning the draft law, after which he went to 
the front again to remain till the close of the war, when he was mus- 
tered out a brevet brigadier-general. 

Another forcible expression quickly followed. The "Rait Maulers" 
had arranged for a Republican jollification on November 22, and Lane 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 573 

and Morton spoke. Lane followed the general and popular line of 
conciliation, referring especially to the friendly relations that had 
always existed between Indiana and Kentucky. Morton ignored 
conciliation, and turned his guns on the Journal's position against 
coercion. He said: ''We hear much said against the policy of co- 
ercing South Carolina in case she attempts to secede. What is coer- 
cion but the enforcement of the law? Is anything else intended or re- 
quired? Secession or nullification can only be regarded by the general 
government as individual action upon individual responsibility. Those 
concerned in it can not entrench themselves behind the forms of the 
state government so as to give their conduct the semblance of legality, 
and thus devolve the responsibility upon the state government, which 
of itself is irresponsible. The constitution and laws of the United 
States operate upon individuals, but not upon states, and precisely as 
if there were no states. In this matter the President has no discretion. 
He has taken a solemn oath to enforce the laws and preserve order, 
and to this end he has been made commander-in-chief of the armv and 
navy; • • • There is but one way in which the President can be 
absolved from his duty to enforce the laws in South Carolina, and 
that is by our acknowledgment of her independence. • • • If 
Congress possesses the power to acknowledge the independence of a 
state, and thus to place it without the pale of the Union, that power 
must result from an inexorable necessity produced by a successful 
revolution. While a state is in the Union, there is no power under the 
constitution permitting the general and state governments to enter into 
negotiations with each other. No government possesses the constitu- 
tional power to dismember itself. If the right does exist in this gov- 
ernment to acknowledge the independence of South Carolina, or of 
any other state, that right can only be exercised by an act of Congrew. 
The President, of himself, does not possess it, and consequently, until 
released from his duty by such acknowledgment, he must exert his 
power to enforce the laws. • • • 

''The right of secession conceded, the nation is dissolved. Instead of 
having a nation — one mighty people — ^we have but a collection and 
combination of thirty-three independent and petty states, held together 
by a treaty which has hitherto been called a constitution, of the in- 
fraction of which constitution each state is to be the judge, and from 
which combination any state may withdraw at pleasure. It would not 
be twelve months until a project for a Pacific empire would be set on 
foot. California and Oregon, being each sovereign and independent, 
would have a right to withdraw from their pres^it partnership and 
form a new <me, or form two separate nations. • • • We should 
then have before us the prospect presented by the history of the petty 



574 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

states of Greece and Italy and the principalities of Gennany. Need I 
stop to argue the political, intellectual, social and commercial death 
involved in this wreck and ruin ? We must then cling to the idea that 
we are a nation, one and indivisible, and that, although subdivided by 
state lines, for local and domestic purposes, we are one people, the citi- 
zens of a common country, having like institutions and manners, and 
possessing a common interest in that inheritance of glory so richly 
provided by our fathers. We must, therefore, do no act, we must 
tolerate no act, we must concede no idea or theory that looks to or in- 
volves the dismemberment of the nation. And especially must we 
of the inland states cling to the national idea. If South Carolina may 
secede peaceably, so may New York, Massachusetts, Maryland and 
Louisiana, cutting off our commerce and destroying our right of way 
to the ocean. We should thus be shut up in the interior of a con- 
tinent, surrounded by independent, perhaps hostile nations, through 
whose territories we could obtain egress to the seaboard only upon 
such terms as might be agreed to by treaty. • • • But we are 
told that if we use force to compel submission to the laws in South 
Carolina, this act will so exasperate the other slave states as to lead 
them to make common cause with her; I am not willing to believe that 
treason is so widely spread, and that sympathy with South Carolina 
will be stronger than devotion to the Union. • • • But if they 
intend to secede we can mot know' the fact too soon, that we may pre- 
pare for the worst. I am not willing to believe that the bad example 
of South Carolina will be followed by any other states — certainly 
not by more than one or two. If South Carolina gets out of the Union, 
I trust it will be at the point of the bayonet, after our best efforts 
have failed to compel her submission to the laws. Better concede her 
independence to force, to revolution, than to right and principle. Such 
a concession can not be drawn into precedent and construed into an 
admission that we are but a combination of petty states, any one of 
which has a right to secede and set up for herself, whenever it suits her 
temper, or her views of her peculiar interest. • • • 

** Shall we now surrender the nation without a struggle and let 
the Union go with merely a few hard words? Shall we encourage 
faint-hearted traitors to pursue their treason, by advising them in 
advance that it will be safe and successful? If it was worth a bloody 
struggle to establish this nation, it is worth one to preserve it ; and I 
trust that we shall not, by surrendering with indecent haste, publish to 
the world that the inheritance which our fathers purchased with their 
blood, we have given up to save ours. Seven years is but a day in the 
life of a nation, and I would rather come out of a struggle at the end 



INDIANA AND DCDIANANS 575 

of that time, defeated in arms and c<meeding independence to sao 
eesBfnl revolntion, than purchase present peace by the concession of a 
principle that must incTitablj eiq>Iode this nati<m into small and dis- 
honcMed fragments. * * * I will not btop to argue the right of 
secession. The whole question is summed up in this prt^Misitioii : ^Are 
we one nati<m, (me people, or thirtv-three nations, thirty-three independ- 
doit and petty states f The statement of the proposition furnishes the 
answar. If we are one nation, then no state has a ri^t to secede. Se- 
cession can only be the result of successful revolution. I answer the 
questum for you — and I know that my answer will find a resp<mse in 
erery true American heart — ^that we are one people, one nation, un- 
divided and indivisiUe." The Journal did not print a report of this 
meeting on the foUowing day. The 'Moeal editor'" said that he did 
not attttid the meeting. It was not until the 27th that Morton's speech 
appeared in the columns of the Republican organ; and it was offset to 
some extent by a long argument from Robert Dale Owen against co- 
ercion published on the 28th. Streight answered Owen in a long article 
in the Sentinel. 

At the close of Morton's speech a paper was handed to him from 
which he read as follows: *'This is understood to be meeting of re- 
joicing over the election of Abraham Lincoln. Will the speaker please* • 
state to his audience: *1. Whether or not he and his party rejoice 
over the universal bankruptcy and ruin now about to fall upon our 
country, as a consequence of that election? 2. Whether they rejoice 
that the free laborers, about which they have told us so much, are 
on the eve of being turned out and starved as a consequence of that 
election! 3. Whether they rejoice at the prospect of fraternal strife 
and internecine war, which now presents itself in the immediate future 
as a consequence of that election? 4. Whether they rejoice in the 
humiliation of being comj)elled, by the exigencies of the times, to ac- 
cept the very principle announced and maintained by Stephen A. 
Douglas (whom they have denounced and vilified for his steadfast ad- 
vocacy of it) as the only basis of Union and peace hereafter; or. on 
the other hand, whether they rejoice in the certainty that the honest 
adherence to their own principles and doctrines will insure the speedy 
desptruction of their country, and demonstrate the failure of republi- 
can governments to the world?" Morton said that has he recognized 
the signer of the paper as a gentleman, though a Democrat, he would 
take pleasure in answering. He answered on political lines, as was 
fully justified, that he and his party were not rejoicing at any public 
calamity, present or to come, but that any such calamity was due tto 
the Democratic party refusing to submit to the result of a legal and 



576 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

fair election. He * * called for a division ' ' of the fourth question, which 
he truly characterized as ** quite lengthy, and has a very considerable 
stump speech injected into the body of it,'' and said: **To the first 
branch of the question, I answer that we have not * vilified' Stephen 
A. Douglas for his 'steadfast advocacy' of a principle or for any other 
cause. He has been upon all sides of the vexed question. Within the 
last twelve months he has undergone more changes than the moon. He 
has advocated nothing steadfastly but Stephen A. Douglas. To the last 
branch of the question, I answer that we do not rejoice in the certainty 
that an honest adherence to our principles *will insure the speedy 
destruction of our country and demonstrate the failure of republican 
government to the world. ' On the contrary, we believe that our princi- 
ples are those of the constitution of the fathers, and that peace can only 
be restored and the safety of our institutions secured by bringing the 
government to that ancient, just and liberal policy upon which it was 
founded and administered for many years." 

Morton's fling at Douglas was justifiable only from the purely politi- 
cal standpoint, as it was both illogical and impolitic. During the cam- 
paign just closed Douglas had sturdily preached the very doctrine 
that Morton had just been preaching ; and historians accord him a large 
•part in the salvation of the Union. Judge Howe, a Republican and 
an old soldier — old soldiers are usually far more just than civilians in 
their discussions of the Civil war — says of Douglas, in the campaign 
of 1860 : ' ' He entered upon a speaking campaign, making speeches in 
many places in the South as well as in the North. To a question put 
to him at Norfolk, Virginia, whether the Southern States would be 
'justified in seceding from the Union if Abraham Lincoln was elected 
President', Douglas, promptly and without any attempt at evasion, 
replied: 'It is the duty of the President and of others in authority 
under him to enforce the laws of the United States as Congress passes 
and the courts expound them ; and I, as in duty bound by my oath of 
fidelity to the Constitution, will exert all my power to aid the govern- 
ment of the United States in maintaining the supremacy of the laws 
against all resistance from any quarter whatever.' At Petersburg, 
Virginia, he said there was 'no grievance that can justify disunion.' 
Goaded by the bitter opposition of both the Buchanan Administration 
and the Southern Democratic leaders, Douglas's courage and patriotism 
both seemed to rise to the occasion. At Raleigh, North Carolina, he said 
that ' there is one thing remaining to be done, in order to prove us capable 
of meeting any emergency; and whenever the time comes I trust the 
Government will show itself strong enough to perform that final deed- 
hang a traitor.' To Douglas's great credit, it is to be said that through- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 577 

out the campaign he never abated one iota of his unflinching patriotism 
in order to court favor in the South.'' After noting the votes of the Sep- 
tember and October states for Lincoln, Judge Howe continues: **It was 
now plain to Douglas, as to all others, that he could not be elected, but 
he did not despair. *Mr. Lincoln,' he said, 'is the next President. We 
must try to save the Union. I will go South. ' He at once cancelled all 
his speaking engagements in the North and made a tour through the 
South, making an heroic but hopeless effort to stem the rising tide 
of secession. • • • And when the crisis came with the firing on 
Fort Sumter, his attitude was that of unswerving and uncompromising 
loyalty to the Union. He will be remembered in future history, not for 
his record as a politician, but for his services as a patriot. ' ' ^ 

Naturally, the example of Judge Douglas had great influence with 
his political adherents, and they included nearly half, of the voters of In- 
diana. There is a striking illustration of this influence in this con- 
nection. While Morton was answering the questions just quoted, he was 
interrupted by Richard J. Ryan, an impulsive young war Democrat, who 
asked ** whether those questions were really prepared by a Democrat?" * 
Gordon Tanner then arose and stated that he was the author of the 
the questions. Tanner was a Democrat of some prominence. He was 
bom near Brownstown, Jackson County, Indiana, July 19, 1829. He 
was of Revolutionary stock, and his father was a militia colonel for 
fifteen years. Not strong physically, Gordon became a great reader, 
and at thirteen began preparation to enter college, but the death of his 
father in 1845 stopped this for the time. He enlisted for the Mexican 
War, but contracted yellow fever at New Orleans, and after three months 
confinement returned home, and served as recruiting oflScer of the 
Third Indiana during the remainder of the war. He attended Bloom- 
ington Uaiiversity in 1848 and 1849, and began the study of law. In 
1850 he. published the Brownstown Observer, but disposed of it to join 
Walker's Cuban expedition. Fortunately he reached New Orleans 
after the ill-fated expedition had started, and returned home and re- 
sumed the study of law. In 1850-51 he was Assistant Secretary of the 
Constitutional Convention; and in 1854 was elected State Librarian, 
aiding in editing the Democratic Review while in that position. In 185G 
he edited the Democratic Platform, a campaign paper and in the same 
year was elected Reporter of the Supreme Court. His biographer says : 
**He was an enthusiastic admirer and devoted friend of Stephen A. 
Douglas, and followed the political fortunes of that great statesman and 
political leader with unswerving fidelity. • • • The great speeches 



2 Political History of Secession, pp. 444-447. 



578 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

of Mr. Douglas, just before and after the inaugpiration of President 
Lincoln, expressed the sentiments which Major Tanner thought should 
be entertained by every patriotic citizen," His question to Morton 
did not come from any sympathy with secession. Two months later 
he responded to a toast to Indiana at a re-union, at Cincinnati, of the 
legidatures of Kentucky, Tennessee, Ohio and Indiana, and said : ' ' On 
behalf of the citizens of Indiana, from the lake to the Ohio, from the 
Miami to the Wabash — on behalf of the whole people of our state, the 
humblest of her citizens may express gratitude to the Divine Providence 
which has brought together, in peace and harmony, the contending 
brethren of sister republics. Indiana responds, throughout all her 
borders, to each and every expression of patriotism and devotion to 
the Union which has been uttered by the eloquent and honored repre- 
sentatives of her elder and greater sisters. Thank God ! Indiana needs 
no panegj'ric. Not one word need hv said of her devotion to the union of 
these States. Her past historj' speaks for her. There is not this day 
one disunionist, one secessionist, within her boundaries. There is not a 
battalion of drilled soldiers- in tlie northwest that could prevent the 
eonser\'ative masses of Indiana from hanging a professed disunionist on 
the nearest tree. She has been in some sort a silent member. She has 
been the Cinderella of a more brilliant and favored sisterhood. What 
influences have brought a great and powerful State to this position, I do 
not now propose to point out. But from this time forth she intends that 
her voice shall be heard and her power felt in determining the destinies 
of this republic. The time for action has come. We have among us 
those who can move the people by their eloquence. We have among us 
those who have fought more wordy battles for the Union, against more 
fearful odds, than have been fought by the citizens of any State in the 
Confederacy. But we are tired of talking al)Out disunion. We are 
ready for the *overt aot.' We are ready to pledge our wealth, our in- 
tellect, our muselo, and honor t(» the people of the Mississippi Valley 
to 'crush out treason wherever it may raise its head'/'^ 

This is a broad statement, but it was no ** bluff" so far as Tanner 
was concerned. He went into the army as Major of the Twenty-Second 
Regiment, which was sent to Missouri. On September 18, 1S61, he 
was sent with three eompanies on a reconnoissance near Glasgow, in that 
state: and in the night was fired on by Union pickets, who thought it 
a hostile party. The fire was returned, and in the engagement thirteen 
men were kille<l, and Tanner was severelv wounded. He died eleven 
days later from his wounds. He was buriet! at Indianapolis on October 

' Indiana 'n Roll of Honor, Vol. 1, pp. 499-506. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



579 



4, with lU the honon of war. It does not seem strange that a Jackson 
Democrat should readily see his place on the Union side, for Morton's 
^>eech, and those of Donglas, were exactly on the line of Jackson's 
celebrated nullification message ; but that was twenty-eight years 
earlier, and for a generation the attention of Americans has been cen- 
tered on the Bomcwhat ahutract question of the constitutional rights of 




Maj. Oobkox Tanner 



slave-owners in the territories, and ninc-tcntha of them had been de- 
nouncing the disturbing agitation of altolition. Even Lew Wallace, 
an original Whig, found the problem a hard one. He portrays his 
mental struggle at length, and concludes: "I grouped all the interests 
together — Prcedom. Slavery, Individual Rights, Popular Government 
— and trie<l to weigh them dLspaiwinnatcly. There was immense worry 
to me while the Huhje^rt was in the fu-ales but at last it became sunlight 
Hear that the imc thing upon which all the rest depended, was the union 



580 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

of the states. • • • i resolved to hold myself in readiness to go 
with the side proposing to uphold the integrity of the Union — this with- 
out regard for section or party. " * It was a time of mental readjust- 
ment all over the country, but the people of the North were spared 
one hard choice — ^that between loyalty to the Union and loyalty to the 
State. In the election of 1860 the Bell Union party came as near divid- 
ing the South with Elreckenridge as Douglas divided the North with 
Lincoln; but when secession came, thousands of these Union men went 
with their states. On the other hand, many of the original Abolition 
ists did not want any ** Union with slaveholders,*' and had no use for 
the ** Constitution as it is*' — in fact the Garrison following had pub- 
licly burned that ** covenant with death and an agreement with Heir^ 
on July 4, 1854, and took no interest in the suppression of the Rebel- 
lion until after the Emancipation Proclamation.^ Sulgrove had a 
strenuous time getting the Journal into a consistent position. He held 
to his position against coercion for two months, and urged conciliation 
even to the extent of declaring his willingness to allow slave ownera 
to bring their slaves temporarily into free territory;® but in January, 
1861, he reconciled himself and his paper on the theory that while he 
was in favor of letting South Carolina secede if she desired to do so, 
yet if she opposed the enforcement of United States laws within her 
borders, that would constitute aggression which must be resisted; and 
thereafter he vehemently denounced as traitors all those who adhered 
to his original position.'^ However, on February 5, he published with 
approval a letter of W. S. Holman, Democratic Congressman from Indi- 
ana, declaring himself in favor of conciliation, **But if the Union can- 
not be preserved by such sacrifices I am unwilling at any time or under 
any circumstances whatever that this Union shall be dissolved. 1 hope 
Indiana will be willing to make any reasonable concession, but at every 
peril to her sons I trust she will never by her acts or by her silence 
consent to the dissolution of the Union." 

MortOB was opposed to any conciliation. He appointed as dele- 
gates to the Virginia Peace Congress Caleb B. Smith, Pleasant A. 
Hackleman, Godlove S. Orth, Thomas C. Slaughter, and Erastus W. H. 
Ellis, all well known Republicans, but Foulke says that before appoint- 
ing them he submitted to each four written questions: **1. Would you 
favor any proposition of compromise that involves an amendment of 
the constitution of the United States? 2. Would you be in favor of 



4 Autobiography, pp. 236-243. 

s Howe's Political History of Secession, pp. 77-83; Julian's Speeches, pp. 184, 205. 

« Journal, December 1, 7, 22, 1860. 

7 Journal, Jan. 1, 7, 1861. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 581 

any proposition by which slavery should be recognized as existing in 
any of the territories of the United States, present or to be acquired T 

3. Would you favor granting to slavery any additional guarantees} 

4. Are you in favor of maintaining the constitution of the United 
States as it is, and of enforcing the lawsT" To these questions the 
appointees answered the first three in the negative and the last in the 
afBrmative,^ Poalbe says: "The commissioners from Indiana did not 
carry out in full the views they had expressed in their lettere to Morton. 
But nothing came of the proposed amendments (to the constitution), 
80 it was not necessary (or him to disclose the change of front on the 




Old Bates House Where Lincoln Spoke 

part of the men he had chosen." This action was characteristic of 
Morton. On February 11, Lincoln arrived at Indianapolis, on his way 
to his inauguration and spoke briefly to an enthusiastic welcoming 
throng from one of the balconies of the Bates House. Foulke says: 
"Lincoln had not spoken at this time of his policy or intentions, and 
Governor Morton desired, if possible, to draw out some expression of 
the views of the President-elect. So he delivered a brief speech of 
welcome, in which he referred to the Union as 'the ideal of our hopes, 
the parent of our prosperity, our shield and protection abroad, and 
our title to the respect and consideration of the world.' He then con- 
tinued: 'You are about to enter upon your official duties under cir- 
cumstances at once novel and full of difficulty, and it will be the duty 
of all good citizeas, without distinction of party, to yield a cordial 

■ Life of Morton, p. IDA. 



582 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

and earnest support to every measure of your administration calculated 
to maintain the Union, promote the national prosperity and restore 
peace to our distracted and unhappy country. Our government • • • 
is today threatening to crumble into ruins, and it remains to be seen 
whether it possesses a living principle, or whether, in the fullness of 
time, the hour of its dissolution is at hand. But we are full of confi- 
dence that the end is not yet, that the precious inheritance of our 
fathers will not elude our grasp or be wrested from us without a 
struggle. • • • " 

But Lincoln was too wise to be caught in that way. He knew that 
the time for him to talk had not arrived. For weeks he had resolutely 
kept silent while everylwdy else was talking, while newspapers were 
asking why he did not announce what he was going to do, and while 
zealous citizens were calling at his home and trying to get him to com- 
mit himself. In response to Morton, after returning thanks for his 
reception, he said: **You have been pleased to address yourself to me 
chiefly in behalf of this glorious Union in which we live, in all of which 
you have my hearty sympathy, and, as far as may be in my power, 
will have, one and inseparably, my hearty consideration. I will only 
say that to the salvation of this Union there needs but one single thing, 
the hearts of a people like yours. Of the people, when they rise in 
mass in behalf of the Union and the liberties of their country, truly 
may it be said, 'the gates of hell can not prevail against them.' In all 
the trying positions in which I shall be placed, and, doubtfess, I shall 
be placed in many such, my reliance will be upon you, the people of 
the United States, and I wish you to remember, now and forever, that 
it is your business, and not mine ; that if the union of these states and 
the liberties of this people shall be lost, it is but little to any one man 
of fifty-two years of age, but a great deal to the 30,000,000 of people 
who inhabit these United States, and to their posterity in all coming 
time. It is your business to rise up and preserve the Union and liberty 
for yourselves and not for me. I am but an accidental instrument, 
to serve but for a limited time, and I appeal to you again to bear con- 
stantly in mind that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presi- 
dents, not with office-seekers, but with you is the question, * Shall the 
Union, shall the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest 
generation?' " ® He expressed his own desire, but he knew he was talk- 
ing to the entire nation, and not merely an Indianapolis audience ; and 
closed no door through which salvation could possibly enter. 

The legislature which met in January, 1861, had a Republican ma- 



9 Journal, Feb. 12, 1861. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 583 

jority, but it exhibited much of the chaotic condition of public senti- 
ment that existed outside, as well as much of the political feeling of 
the preceding campaign. There were charges of frauds and irregu- 
larities made, one reflecting on the late Governor Willard, which was 
of course resented by his friends. There was a congressional appor- 
tionment bill urged, which like the ordinary Indiana apportionment 
bill, favored the dominant party. There was a militia bill, abolishing 
the existing militia establishment, and creating a new one, in which the 
appointments would be made by Morton, who had advanced to a new 
position on national questions. It was decided to raise the national 
flag over the State capitol on January 22, with public ceremonies, in- 
cluding a review of the militia companies. There is no room to doubt 
that the large majority of the legislature were disposed to be con- 
ciliatory, if there was any chance to save the Union by reasonable con- 
cessions, for ten days later they passed a joint resolution for the ap- 
pointment of delegates to the Virginia Peace Congress. The speakers 
were Senator Lane, ex-Governor Hammond. Thomas A. Hendricks, 
Daniel W. Voorhees, and Governor Morton. The first four spoke on 
conciliatory lines, such as were commonly discussed at the time. Ham- 
mond favored the ** Crittenden Resolution,'^ and Hendricks advocated 
the concession of '* state equality,'' i. e., to give slave owners the right 
to carry their slaves into the territories, which the Supreme Court 
had asserted they already had, in the Dred Scott case. Morton said; 
**I came not here to argue questions of state equality, but to denounce 
treason and uphold the cause of the Union. We live at a time when 
treason is running riot through the land. Certain states of this Union, 
unmindful of the blessings of liberty, forgetful of the duties they owe 
to their sister states and to the American people as a nation, are at- 
tempting to sever the bonds of the Union, and to pull down in irre- 
trievable ruin our fabric of government, which has been the admiration 
and wonder of the world. • • • In view of the solemn crisis in 
which we stand, all minor, personal and party considerations should be 
banished from every heart. There should be but one party, and that 
the party of the Constitution and the Union. No man need pause to 
consider his duty. It is inscribed upon every page of our history, in 
all our institutions and on everything by which we are surrounded. The 
path is so plain that the wayfaring man, though he be a fool, can not 
err therein. It is no time for hesitation ; the man who hesitates under 
circumstances like these is lost. I would here in all kindness speak a 
word of warning to the unwary. Let us beware how we encourage 
them to persist in their mad designs by assurances that we are a divided 

house, that there are those in our midst who will not permit the en- 
voi, n— 1 



584 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

forcement of the laws and the punishment of their crimes. Let us 
diligently search our hearts and see if there are any partisan preju- 
dices, any party resentments that are, imperceptibly and unknown to 
ourselves, leading us aside from the path of duty, and if we find them 
there, pluck them out and hastily return. For myself, I will know 
no man who will stop and prescribe the conditions upon which he will 
maintain that flag, who will argue that a single star may be erased, or 
who will consent that it may be torn, that he may make choice between 
its dishonored fragments. I will know that man only who vows fidelity 
to the Union and the constitution, under all circumstances and at all 
hazards; who declares that he will stand by the constituted authorities 
of the land, though they be not of his own choosing; who, when he 
stands in the base presence of treason, forgets the contests and squab- 
bles of the past in the face of the coming danger; who then recognizes 
but two parties — the party of the Union, and the base faction of its 
foes. To that man, come from what political organization he may, by 
whatever name he may have been known, I give my hand as a friend 
and brother, and between us there shall be no strife. ' ' 

It would be hard to imagine a more patriotic position than these 
words imply at first blush ; but what Morton meant was that there must 
be only one political party at the North, and that must be his party. 
He announced here his opposition to all the ** peace panaceas" that 
were being considered by nine-tenths of the Union men of the country, 
though not as explicitly as in his questions to the delegates to the 
Virginia Peace Congress; and this was ten weeks before the firing on 
Port Sumter. When that came, there seemed for a while a complete 
realization of Morton's program. It is thus stated by John H. HoUi- 
day, a life-long Republican, who lived through this epoch : ' * The blow 
fell with the attack on Ft. Sumter. Sentiment crystallized in a flash. 
War had come unprovoked. The flag had been fired on and humiliated 
by defeat. There was but one voice — sustain the government and put 
down the rebellion. The 13th day of April was another great day in 
Indianapolis, the greatest it had yet seen; and probably it has never 
been surpassed in the intense interest, anxiety and enthusiasm exhibited. 
Never were its people so aroused. It was Saturday. Business was 
practically forgotten; the streets were crowded; the newspaper neigh- 
borhoods were thronged ; a deep solemnity was over all as they waited to 
hear the news, or discussed in low tones the crisis that was upon them. 
In the afternoon dodgers were issued calling for a public meeting at 
the Court-house at seven o'clock. Before the time the little room was 
packed. Ebenezer Dumont, a Democrat, who had been an officer in 
the Mexican war, was made chairman, and immediately a motion was 



INDIANA AND IXDIANANS 



585 



made to adjourn to the Metropolitan theater. The crowd, constantly 
augmenting, hurried down Washington street to the theater, which 
was soon filled to overflowing. The JIasonie Hall, across the street, 
was opened and filled, with hundreds standing in the streets. The 
meetings were full of the war spirit. Governor Morton and others 
spoke. Patriotic resolutions were adopted declaring in favor of armed 




Gen. Lew Wallace 
(In 1864} 

resistance. Ztlajor Gordon announced that he would organize a flying 
artillery company, for which Governor Morton had already secured six 
guns, and forty-five men enrolled their names for the war. At the close 
the surrender of Ft. Sumter was announced, and the meetings dispersed 
in deep gloom but with firm purpose."^" 

The Union spirit grew as by infection. On the 16th the Journal 



o Ind. HiBt. Soc. Pubs., Vol. . 



p. 548. 



582 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

and earnest support to every measure of your administration calculated 
to maintain the Union, promote the national prosperity and restore 
peace to our distracted and unhappy country. Our government • • • 
is today threatening to crumble into ruins, and it remains to be seen 
whether it possesses a living principle, or whether, in the fullness of 
time, the hour of its dissolution is at hand. But we are full of confi- 
dence that the end is not yet, that the precious inheritance of our 
fathers will not elude our grasp or be wrested from us without a 
struggle. • • • " 

But Lincoln was too wise to be caught in that way. He knew that 
the time for him to talk had not arrived. For weeks he had resolutely 
kept silent while everybody else was talking, while newspapers were 
asking why he did not announce what he was going to do, and while 
zealous citizens were calling at his home and trying to get him to com- 
mit himself. In response to Morton, after returning thanks for his 
reception, he said : * * You have been pleased to address yourself to me 
chiefly in behalf of this glorious Union in which we live, in all of which 
you have my hearty sympathy, and, as far as may be in my power, 
will have, one and inseparably, my hearty consideration. I will only 
say that to the salvation of this Union there needs but one single thing, 
the hearts of a people like yours. Of the people, when they rise in 
mass in behalf of the Union and the liberties of their country, truly 
may it be said, 'the gates of hell can not prevail against them.' In all 
the trying positions in which I shall be placed, and, doubtfess, I shall 
be placed in many such, my reliance will be upon you, the people of 
the United States, and I wish you to remember, now and forever, that 
it is your business, and not mine; that if the union of these states and 
the liberties of this people shall be lost, it is but little to any one man 
of fifty-two years of age, but a great deal to the 30,000,000 of people 
who inhabit these United States, and to their posterity in all coming 
time. It is your business to rise up and preserve the Union and liberty 
for yourselves and not for me. I am but an accidental instrument, 
to serve but for a limited time, and I appeal to you again to bear con- 
stantly in mind that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presi- 
dents, not with office-seekers, but with you is the question, 'Shall the 
Union, shall the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest 
generation?' " ® He expressed his own desire, but he knew he was talk- 
ing to the entire nation, and not merely an Indianapolis audience ; and 
closed no door through which salvation could possibly enter. 

The legislature which met in January, 1861, had a Republican ma- 



9 Journal, Feb. 12, 1861. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 583 

* 

jority, but it exhibited much of the chaotic condition of public senti- 
ment that existed outside, as well as much of the political feeling of 
the preceding campaign. There were charges of frauds and irregu- 
larities made, one reflecting on the late Governor Willard, which was 
of course resented by his friends. There was a congressional appor- 
tionment bill urged, which like the ordinary Indiana apportionment 
bill, favored the dominant party. There was a militia bill, abolishing 
the existing militia establishment, and creating a new one, in which the 
appointments would be made by Morton, who had advanced to a new 
position on national questions. It was decided to raise the national 
flag over the State capitol on January 22, with public ceremonies, in- 
cluding a review of the militia companies. There is no room to doubt 
that the large majority of the legislature were disposed to be con- 
ciliatory, if there was any chance to save the Union by reasonable con- 
cessions, for ten days later they passed a joint resolution for the ap- 
pointment of delegates to the Virginia Peace Congress. The speakers 
were Senator Lane, ex-Governor Hammond, Thomas A. Hendricks, 
Daniel W. Voorhees, and Governor Morton. The first four spoke on 
conciliatory lines, such as were commonly discussed at the time. Ham- 
mond favored the ** Crittenden Resolution,*^ and Hendricks advocated 
the concession of ''state equality," i. e., to give slave owners the right 
to carry their slaves into the territories, which the Supreme Court 
had asserted they already had, in the Dred Scott case. Morton said: 
**I came not here to argue questions of state equality, but to denounce 
treason and uphold the cause of the Union. We live at a time when 
treason is running riot through the land. Certain states of this Union, 
unmindful of the blessings of liberty, forgetful of the duties they owe 
to their sister states and to the American people as a nation, are at- 
tempting to sever the bonds of the Union, and to pull down in irre- 
trievable ruin our fabric of government, which has been the admiration 
and wonder of the world. • • • In view of the solemn crisis in 
which we stand, all minor, personal and party considerations should be 
banished from every heart. There should be but one party, and that 
the party of the Constitution and the Union. No man need pause to 
consider his duty. It is inscribed upon every page of our history, in 
all our institutions and on everything by which we are surrounded. The 
path is so plain that the wayfaring man, though he be a fool, can not 
err therein. It is no time for hesitation ; the man who hesitates under 
circumstances like these is lost. I would here in all kindness speak a 
word of warning to the unwary. Let us beware how we encourage 
them to persist in their mad designs by assurances that we are a divided 

house, that there are those in our midst who will not permit the en- 
voi, n— 1 



582 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

and earnest support to every measure of your administration calculated 
to maintain the Union, promote the national prosperity and restore 
peace to our distracted and unhappy country. Our government • • • 
is today threatening to crumble into ruins, and it remains to be seen 
whether it possesses a living principle, or whether, in the fullness of 
time, the hour of its dissolution is at hand. But we are full of confi- 
dence that the end is not yet, that the precious inheritance of our 
fathers will not elude our grasp or be wrested from us without a 
struggle. • • • '' 

But Lincoln was too wise to be caught in that way. He knew that 
the time for him to talk had not arrived. For weeks he had resolutely 
kept silent while everylwdy else was talking, while newspapers were 
asking why he did not announce what he was going to do, and while 
zealous citizens were calling at his home and trying to get him to com- 
mit himself. In response to Morton, after returning thanks for his 
reception, he said: **You have been pleased to address yourself to me 
chiefly in behalf of this glorious Union in which we live, in all of which 
you have my hearty sympathy, and, as far as may be in my power, 
will have, one and inseparably, my hearty consideration. I will only 
say that to the salvation of this Union there needs but one single thing, 
the hearts of a people like yours. Of the people, when they rise in 
mass in behalf of the Union and the liberties of their country, truly 
may it be said, 'the gates of hell can not prevail against them.' In all 
the trying positions in which I shall be placed, and, doubtfess, I shall 
be placed in many such, my reliance will be upon you, the people of 
the United States, and I wish you to remember, now and forever, that 
it is your business, and not mine; that if the union of these states and 
the liberties of this people shall be lost, it is but little to any one man 
of fifty-two years of age, but a great deal to the 30,000,000 of people 
who inhabit these United States, and to their posterity in all coming 
time. It is your business to rise up and preserve the Union and liberty 
for yourselves and not for me. I am but an accidental instrument, 
to serve but for a limited time, and I appeal to you again to bear con- 
stantly in mind that with you, and not with politicians, not with Presi- 
dents, not with oflSce-seekers, but with you is the question, * Shall the 
Union, shall the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest 
generation?' " * He expressed his own desire, but he knew he was talk- 
ing to the entire nation, and not merely an Indianapolis audience ; and 
closed no door through which salvation could possibly enter. 

The legislature which met in January, 1861, had a Republican ma- 



9 Journal, Feb. 12, 1861. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 583 

jority, but it exhibited much of the chaotic condition of public senti- 
ment that existed outside, as well as much of the political feeling of 
the preceding campaign. There were charges of frauds and irregu- 
larities made, one reflecting on the late Governor Willard, which was 
of course resented by his friends. There was a congressional appor- 
tionment bill urged, which like the ordinary Indiana apportionment 
bill, favored the dominant party. There was a militia bill, abolishing 
the existing militia establishment, and creating a new one, in which the 
appointments would be made by Morton, who had advanced to a new 
position on national questions. It was decided to raise the national 
flag over the State capitol on January 22, with public ceremonies, in- 
cluding a review of the militia companies. There is no room to doubt 
that the large majority of the legislature were disposed to be con- 
ciliatory, if there was any chance to save the Union by reasonable con- 
cessions, for ten days later they passed a joint resolution for the ap- 
pointment of delegates to the Virginia Peace Congress. The speakers 
were Senator Lane, ex-Governor Hammond, Thomas A. Hendricks, 
Daniel W. Voorhees, and Governor Morton. The first four spoke on 
conciliatory lines, such as were commonly discussed at the time. Ham- 
mond favored the ** Crittenden Resolution,'" and Hendricks advocated 
the concession of *' state equality,'' i. e., to give slave owners the right 
to carry their slaves into the territories, which the Supreme Court 
had asserted they already had, in the Dred Scott case. Morton said: 
**I came not here to argue questions of state equality, but to denounce 
treason and uphold the cause of the Union. We live at a time when 
treason is running riot through the land. Certain states of this Union, 
unmindful of the blessings of liberty, forgetful of the duties they owe 
to their sister states and to the American people as a nation, are at- 
tempting to sever the bonds of the Union, and to pull down in irre- 
trievable ruin our fabric of government, which has been the admiration 
and wonder of the world. • • • In view of the solemn crisis in 
which we stand, all minor, personal and party considerations should be 
banished from every heart. There should be but one party, and that 
the party of the Constitution and the Union. No man need pause to 
consider his duty. It is inscribed upon every page of our history, in 
all our institutions and on everything by which we are surrounded. The 
path is so plain that the wayfaring man, though he be a fool, can not 
err therein. It is no time for hesitation ; the man who hesitates under 
circumstances like these is lost. I would here in all kindness speak a 
word of warning to the unwary. Let us beware how we encourage 
them to persist in their mad designs by assurances that we are a divided 

house, that there are those in our midst who will not permit the en- 
voi, n— 1 



582 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

and earnest supi>ort to every measure of your administration calculated 
to maintain the Union, promote the national prosperity and restore 
peace to our distracted and unhappy country. Our government • • • 
is today threatening to crumble into ruins, and it remains to be seen 
whether it possesses a living principle, or whether, in the fullness of 
time, the hour of its dissolution is at hand. But we are full of confi- 
dence that the end is not yet, that the precious inheritance of our 
fathers will not elude our grasp or be wrested from us without a 
struggle. • • • " 

But Lincoln was too wise to be caught in that way. He knew that 
the time for him to talk had not arrived. For weeks he had resolutely 
kept silent while everyl>ody else was talking, while newspapers w^ere 
asking why he did not announce what he was going to do, and while 
zealous citizens were calling at his home and trying to get him to com- 
mit himself. In response to Morton, after returning thanks for his 
reception, he said: **You have been pleased to address yourself to me 
chiefly in behalf of this glorious Union in which we live, in all of which 
you have my hearty sympathy, and, as far as may be in my power, 
will have, one and inseparably, ray hearty consideration. I will only 
say that to the salvation of this Union there needs but one single thing, 
the hearts of a people like yours. Of the people, when they rise in 
mass in behalf of the Union and the liberties of their country, truly 
may it be said, 'the gates of hell can not prevail against them.' In all 
the tr>'ing positions in which I shall be placed, and, doubtfess, I shall 
be placed in many such, my reliance will be upon you, the people of 
the United States, and 1 wish you to remember, now and forever, that 
it is your business, and not mine; that if the union of these states and 
the liberties of this people shall be lost, it is but little to any one man 
of fifty-two years of age, but a great deal to the 30,000,000 of people 
who inhabit these United States, and to their posterity in all coming 
time. It is your business to rise up and preserve the Union and liberty 
for yourselves and not for me. I am but an accidental instrument, 
to serve but for a limited time, and I appeal to you again to bear con- 
! ' stantly in mind that with you, and not with p>oliticians, not with Presi- 

j * denfs, not with office-seekers, but with you is the question, 'Shall the 

! Union, shall the liberties of this country be preserved to the latest 

' generation!' "• He expressed his own desire, but he knew he was talk- 

1 ing to the entire nation, and not merely an Indianapolis audience; and 

closed no door through which salvation could possibly enter. 
t The legislature which met in Januar>', 1861, had a Republican ma- 

I - -- 

\ • Journml, Feb. 12, 1S61. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 583 

jority, but it exhibited much of the chaotic condition of public senti- 
ment that existed outside, as well as much of the political feeling of 
the preceding campaign. There were charges of frauds and irregu- 
larities made, one reflecting on the late Governor Willard, which was 
of course resented by his friends. There was a congressional appor- 
tionment bill urged, which like the ordinary Indiana apportionment 
bill, favored the dominant party. There was a militia bUl, aboUahing 
the existing militia estahlinhment, and crvating a new one, in which the 
appointments would bo made by Morton, who had advanced to a new 
position on national questions. It was dei*ided to raise the national 
flag over the State capitol on January 22, with public ceremonies, in- 
cluding a review of the militia companies. There is no room to doubt 
that the large majority of the legislature were disposed to be con- 
ciliator>', if there was any chance to save the (nion by reasonable con- 
cessions, for ten days later they passed a joint resolution for the ap- 
pointment of delegate's to the Virginia Peace Congress. The speakers 
were Senator Ijane, ex-Ciovernor Hammond. Thomas A. Hendricks, 
Daniel W. Voorhees, and Governor Morton. The first four spoke on 
conciliatory liiu*s, such as were eommonly discussed at the time. Ham- 
mond favored the 'MVittenden Resolution,*' and Hendricks advocated 
the concession of ** state equality/* i. e., to give slave owners the right 
to carry their slaves into the territories, which the Supreme Court 
had asserted they already had, in the Dred Scott case. Morton said: 
''I came not here to argue ({uestions of state equality, but to denounce 
treason and uphold the cause of the Union. We live at a time when 
treason is running riot through the land. Certain states of this Union, 
unmindful of the blessings of liberty, forgetful of the duties they owe 
to their sister states and to the American people as a nation, are at- 
tempting to sever the bonds of the Union, and to pull down in irre- 
trievable ruin our fabric of government, which has been the admiration 
and wonder of the world. • • • In view of the solemn crisis in 
which we stand, all minor, personal and party considerations should be 
banished from everv' heart. There should be but one party, and that 
the party of the Constitution and the Union. No man need pause to 
consider his duty. It is inscribed upon every page of our history, in 
all our institutions and on everv'thing by which we are surrounded. The 
path is so plain that the wayfaring man, though he be a fool, can not 
err therein. It is no time for hesitation ; the man who hesitates under 
circumstances like these is lost. I would here in all kindness speak a 
word of warning to the unwarv'. Let us beware how we encourage 
them to persist in their mad designs by assurances that we are a divided 

house, that there are those in our midst who will not permit the en- 
TfL n— t 



li 



I 



584 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

forcement of the laws and the punishment of their crimes. Let us 
diligently search our hearts and see if there are any partisan preju- 
dices, any party resentments that are, imperceptibly and unknown to 
ourselves, leading us aside from the path of duty, and if we find them 
there, pluck them out and hastily return. For myself, I will know 
no man who will stop and prescribe the conditions upon which he will 
maintain that flag, who will argue that a single star may be erased, or 
who will consent that it may be torn, that he may make choice between 
its dishonored fragments. I will know that man only who vows tidelity 
to the Union and the constitution, under all circumstances and at all 
hazards: who declares that he will stand bv the constituted authorities 
of the land, though they be not of his own choosing; who, when he 
stands in the bast* presence of treason, forgets the contests and squab- 
bles of the past in the face of the coming danger; who then recognizes 
but two parties — the party of the I'nion, and the base faction of its 
foes. To that man, come from what political organization he may, by 
whatever name he may have been known, I give my hand as a friend 
and brother, and between us there shall l)e no strife/* 

It would be hard to imagine a more patriotic position than these 
words imply at first blush ; but what Morton meant was that there must 
be only one political party at the North, and that must be his party. 
He announced here his opposition to all the ** peace panaceas'' that 
were being considered by nine-tenths of the Tnion men of the country, 
though not as explicitly as in his questions to the delegates to the 
Virginia Peace Congress; and this was ten weeks before the firing on 
Fort Sumter. When that came, there seemed for a while a complete 
realization of Morton's program. It is thus stated by John H. Holli- 
day, a life-long Republican, who lived through this epoch: **The blow 
fell with the attack on Ft. Sumter. Sentiment crystallized in a flash. 
War had come unprovoked. The flag had l»een fired on and humiliated 
by defeat. There was but one voice — sustain the government and put 
down the rebeilicm. The 13th day of April was another great day in 
Indianapolis, the greatest it had yet seen ; and probably it has never 
been surpassed in the intense interest, anxiety and enthu.siasm exhibited. 
Never were its people so aroused. It was Saturday. Business was 
practically forgotten; the streets were crowded: the newspaper neigh- 
borhoods were thronged : a deep solemnity was over all as they waited to 
hear the news, or disousse<l in low tones the crisis that was upon them. 
In the afternoon dodgers were issued calling for a public meeting at 
the Court-house at seven o'clock. Before the time the little room was 
packed. Ebenezer Dumont, a Democrat. \^ho had been an officer in 
the Mexican war, was made chairman, and immediately a motion was 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



!>85 



made to adjourn to the Metropolitan theater. The crowd, eoiiHtantly 
aiigmenting, hurried down Washington street to the theater, which 
was soon fillet] to overHowing. The Masonie Hall, aerom the street, 
was opened an<l filled, with hundreds standing in the streets. The 
meetings were full of the war spirit. Uovemor Morton and others 
H|M>ke. I'atriotie resolutions were adopted declaring in favor of armed 




Oex, IjEw W.vuacE 

(In ]t«64) 

resistance. Major Gordon announced that he would organize a flying 
Hrtiller.v company, for which <Jovcni»r Morton had already oeeured six 
guns, and forty-flvc men enroUn) their names for the war. At the close 
the surrender of Ft. Sumter was announced, and the meetings dispersed 
in deep gloom but with firm purpose." '" 

The I'nion spirit grew as hy infection. On the 16th the Journal 

■ "Ind. Hirt. Hot. Pub*., Vol. *. |i. 54H. 



586 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

said : * * There is but one feeling in Indiana. We are no longer Repub- 
licans or Democrats. Never did party names lose their significance so 
rapidly or completely as since the news of Saturday. Parties are for- 
gotten and only common danger is remembered. Here and there in- 
veterate sympathizers with Southern institutions and feelings scowl and 
curse the mighty tempest of patriotism they dare not encounter; but 
they are few, as pitiful in strength as in spirit. Even the Sentinel 
now avows its devotion to the stars and stripes, and gives us some cause 
to modify if not recall the harsh . censures we expressed yesterday. 
• • * In the full spirit of the times (Governor Morton has sunk party 
distinctions, and yesterday appointed to the important post of Adjutant 
General of the state, Capt. Lewis Wallace of. Montgomery County, 
a prominent Democrat and widely known for his military' zeal and 
skill. Lewis H. Sands, of Putnam, another Democrat devoted to his 
country, has been appointed colonel. There will be no more Republicans 
or Democrats hereafter till the country is at peace.'' But the rift in the 
lute was at hand. Mr. HoUiday says : * * Candidates at the election of 
city officers on May 3d had been nominated before the war began. A 
few days later C. A. R., in a communication to the Journal, advises 
that *the Republican candidates should resign in favor of a patriotic 
ticket or a new party,' * embracing all its country's friends.' ^Let us 
all unite now and forget party till the war is over.' Sound advice, that 
if heeded and followed up would have been of untold value, but the 
selfish desire for office was too great and the election was held on party 
lines with Republican success. Soon after two new wards were organ- 
ized, but the councilmen were Democrats and they were kept out of 
office by the Republican majority until their teims were almost out. 
Such peanut politics bore bitter fruit in increasing partisan hostility. 
The Sentinel, though professing extreme loyalty, soon began a course 
of censorious criticism and opposition to the State and Federal adminis- 
trations that grew fiercer as the war progressed, and was terribly effect- 
ive for hahn to the national cause. Possibly a different attitude on the 
part of the Republicans might have prevented this, or at least modified 
it. Later in the summer the Democrats offered to withdraw their 
candidates for county and township officers and unite with the Re- 
publicans on a union ticket, but the offer was treated wtih contempt 
and another opportunity- for conciliation lost."^^ In succeeding cam- 
paigns the Republicans dropped their party name, and adopted the 
title of *'the Union party/' designating all Democrats as *' butternuts." 
*' copper-heads," ** rebels" or ''Southern sympathizers." 



11 Ind. Hist. 8oc. Pubs., Vol. 4, p. 560. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 587 

The display of Union spirit was not confined to Indianapolis. A 
special session of the legislature was called for April 24, and Morton's 
message asked all that he thought desirable to put the State on a war 
footing. Poulke says: **The General Assembly, almost to a man, 
seemed animated by the spirit which ran through this message, it 
responded with alacrity to the Governor's recommendations. He asked 
an appropriation of one million dollars and more than two millions 
were appropriated. The bonds were provided for, the militia system 
inaugurated, the additional troops taken care of, treason against the 
state defined and punishment provided, counties authorized to appro- 
priate money for army purposes, and other salutary legislation enacted. 
The law suspending the collection of debts against soldiers was the 
only recommendation neglected, and this was omitted on account of its 
doubtful constitutionality, a matter which in the press of affairs Morton 
had no doubt overlooked. This was par excellence a *star and stripe' 
session. The first glow of the war fever was upon the members of the 
legislature and their resolutions and speeches breathed the fervor of 
enthusiastic patriotism. * * • One who looks into the record of 
this session will find it hard to believe that the same members were 
taking part in it, so great was the change wrought by the inspiration 
of the attack on Sumter. " ^ ^ 

At the opening of the special session, Horace Heffren, Democratic 
nominee for Speaker at the regular session, and former outspoken op- 
ponent of coercion, nominated Cyrus M. Allen, his former opponent, 
for Speaker, saying: ** Times have changed. The Union that you and 
I love, and we all love — the star-spangled banner, which my hands and 
the hands of my gray haired friend here assisted in raising over the 
dome of this building, is in danger. Union and harmony and conces- 
sion should now be our motto." Allen and the other officers were 
elected by unanimous votes. Foulke says: ** Equally emphatic was 
the expression of the House in regard to the conduct of Jesse D. Bright, 
who represented Indiana in the United States Senate, and who had 
avowed his sympathy with secession. On May 23 the House requested 
his resignation, and near the end of the session declared that he was 
no longer 'an inhabitant of the state and had forfeited all right to 
represent it, and the Senate was requested to declare his seat vacant." 
No resolution naming Senator Bright was introduced in the House, 
but on May 23 a committee resolution was reported that any Repre- 
sentative or Senator who may ** sympathize with those engaged in said 
rebellion, and be disinclined f vote mr** and money to aid in the sup- 



12 Life of Morton, pp. 121-3. 



588 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

pression thereof, they are hereby requested to resign their seats" and 
give room for someone who really represented the State. This was 
adopted by a vote of 82 to 2; and in the discussion, Lewis Prosser, 
Democrat from Brown County, said he wanted to know where Jesse 
D. Bright stood; that **a man who had taken the ground he had on 
the Kansas-Nebraska matter was mean enough to go over and join 
Jeflf Davis's army. He had broken up the Democratic party, and the 
Democrats hated him as they did the devil." Before this, however, 
on May 10, Smith Jones, Democratic Senator from Bartholomew County, 
introduced the following: ** Resolved, That the Committee on Federal 
Relations be instructed to inquire and report at any early day whether 
Jesse D. Bright, one of our United States Senators, is a citizen of 
Indiana; and further, whether he can and will represent the people 
of Indiana in the United States Senate truly and fully in the present 
crisis; and further, whether his present position on the questions now 
engrossing public attention does not render his future continuance in 
the Senate of the United States inconsistent with public interests and 
public safety." This was adopted by consent, but no report was made 
on it. 

These notable expressions by Democrats were made long before any 
knowledge of Mr. Bright 's ** overt act," which was the following letter: 

*^ Washington, D. C, March 1, 1861. 
**My Dear Sir — Allow me to introduce to your acquaintance my 
friend, Thomas Lincoln, of Texas. He visits your capital mainly to 
dispose of what he regards a great improvement to fire-arms. I recom- 
mend him to your favorable consideration as a gentleman of the first 
respectability, and reliable in every respect. 

**Very truly yours, 

Jesse D. Bright. 

* * To His Excellency Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederation 
of States." 

Nothing was known of this letter until the arrest of the bearer, 
Lincoln, at Cincinnati, August 17, 1861 ; the account of the letter being 
found on him appearing in the Indianapolis papers of August 22. It 
was brought before the Senate at the next session of congress, and on 
January 13, 1862, the Committee on Judiciary reported that the facts 
were not suflficient to justify expulsion. This was contested on the 
floor, and in the discussion Bright submitted a letter which he had 
written to John Fitch, of Madison, Indiana, on September 7, 1861, con- 
cerning the Lincoln letter, which contained the statement, *'I have op- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 589 

posed, and so long as my present convictions last shall continue to 
oppose the entire coercion policy of the Government.'* This was de- 
nounced as worse than the first letter, which had been written before 
Sumter was fired on, and on February 5, 1862, Bright was expelled 
by a vote of 32 to 14. He sought reelection in 1862, as a ** vindica- 
tion,'* but the Democratic members declined, and elected David Turpie, 
a war Democrat, in his place. Bright devoted the remainder of his 
life to efforts to **get even" with those responsible for his defeat, and 
was probably responsible for the defeat of Hendricks for the Presi 
dential nomination in 1868.^'^ He died at Baltimore, May 20, 1875. 

Morton changed his positions on a great many subjects, but he 
always adhered to this proposition that there could be but one political 
party in the North that was for the Union. It was much as if President 
Wilson should announce that henceforth there would be but two politi- 
cal parties in this coun.try, the Kaiser party and the anti-Kaiser 
party, and, as a matter of obvious convenience, the Democratic organi- 
zation would manage the anti-Kaiser party. There have been many 
persons who have maintained the desirability of an opposition party 
in time of war, to restrain the tendency to undermine the constitutional 
safeguards of personal liberty, which is frequently manifested in such 
times; but no one has had the temerity to avow that it is easy for such 
a party to maintain a strict adherence to the demands of loyalty. Its 
very existence presupposes the criticism of the administration when it 
is supposed to deserve criticism, and in war time this, of itself, is usually 
treated as evidence of disloyalty. The position of the editor of an 
opposition newspaper, in war time, is especially trying, for he is obliged 
to express himself, and is at once responsible for saying things that 
will suit his party, and avoiding anything that will get it into trouble. 
The editor of the Sentinel, Joseph J. Bingham, and the editor of the 
Journal, Berry R. Sulgrove, were neither of them broadminded men, 
merely controversial experts of the old type, whose chief aim in life 
was party advantage. On January 23, 1861, these two were their party 
candidates for State Printer, and Sulgrove was duly elected. Prom 
that time forward he succeeded in avoiding any conflict with Morton's 
ideas, such as he had fallen into on the subject of coercion. Later 
he became Morton's private secretary. Unquestionably, a great deal 
that was said in both papers was purely for political purposes, and 
one who desires to get a true historical perspective must keep this in 
mind. One of the most effective political methods of the time was what 
is commonly known as ** smoking them out.'' This was in part done 



18 Woollen '8 Sketches, pp. 230-2. 



590 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



by so-called "vigilance eommitteea, " who waited on Democrats and 
demanded an expression of their loyalty ; and thereafter if one of them 
appeared in politics, the Journal's sufficient comment was that the 
person had been waited on by a vigilance committee. Another effective 
scheme was to print some unfounded rumor about a prominent Demo- 
crat, and force him to denial. On April 23, 1861, the Journal printed 




Thomab a. Hendricks 



such a report about Thomas A, Hendricks, and Mr. Hendricks at once 
replied as follows; 

"Indianapolis, April 24, 1861. 
"Mr, Editor — My attention has been called to an editorial in the 
Journal this morning, in which it is stated that, at a Union meeting 
held at Shelbyville a few evenings since, a committee was appointed 
to wait on me with the request that I would speak; that bein^ called 
upon by the committee, I refused to speak, saying that I had no hand 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 591 

in originating the difSiculty and would have nothing to do in extricating 
the country from its perilous condition. 

**The writer has been wholly misinformed. I never heard of the 
appointment of such a committee, and suppose that none was appointed. 
No committee waited upon me with such a request. Had I been so 
honored, I certainly should have responded I have never withheld 
my views upon any question of public interest from the people of 
Shelby County. Upon all occasions when it appeared proper, I have 
expressed my opinions in relation to our present troubles. Since the 
war commenced I have uniformly said that the authority of the gov- 
ernment of the United States is not questioned in Indiana, and that 
I regarded it as the duty of the citizens of Indiana to respect and 
maintain that authority and to give the government an honest and 
earnest support in the prosecution of the war until, in the providence 
of God, it may be brought to an honorable conclusion and the blessings 
of peace restored to our country — postponing until that time all con- 
troversy in relation to the causes and responsibilities of the war. No 
man will feel a deeper solicitude in the welfare and proud bearing of 
Indiana's soldiery in the conflict of arms to which they are called 
than myself. 

** Allow me to add that, in my judgment, a citizen or newspaper is 
not serving the country well in the present crisis by attempting to give 
a partisan aspect to the war, or by seeking to pervert the cause of the 
country to party ends.*' 

The Journal printed this, with no apology but that it had not known 
what the views of Mr. Hendricks were; and Mr. Foulke commits a 
more unpardonable offense by saying: **Even Mr. Hendricks thought 
it necessary to avert the suspicion of disloyalty'' by writing this letter. 
The only disloyalty of which Mr. Hendricks was guilty was voting 
and supporting the Democratic ticket. In 1862 he was elected to the 
United States Senate, and twenty years after the war, when the polit- 
ical emergency was gone, Sulgrove himself wrote of Hendricks: **He 
favored the earnest prosecution of the war, and voted for supplies to 
sustain the army. He was opposed to conscription, and favored the 
enlistment of volunteers and payment of soldiers' bounties. • • • 
The extent and character of Governor Hendricks' attainments can be 
well gauged by his public and professional record. The same may be 
said of his political views, although he has stronger convictions than 
are credited to him. Under a somewhat cautious, reserved manner he 
conceals great depth of sentiment and indomitable faith in the triumph 
of right over wrong, truth over envy, malice and detraction." ^^ 



14 Hist, of Indianapolis, p. 201. 



592 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

It may be noted, in this connection, that later writers have in some 
cases out-Joumaled the Journal. For example, Mr. Foulke, in his 
account of the Democratic meeting held on the State House square, on 
May 20, 1863, says: ** About four o'clock in the afternoon, while 
Hendricks was speaking, some eight or ten soldiers with bayonets fixed 
and rifles cocked entered the crowd and advanced slowly toward the 
stand. A great uproar arose. The multitude scattered in every direc- 
tion. A high fence on the east side of the state-house square was 
pushed down by the rushing crowd. A squad of cavalry galloped 
along Tennessee street adding to the tumult. The soldiers who were 
moving towards the stand were ordered to halt by Colonel Cobum, 
who had been guarding the quartermaster's stores north of the state- 
house, but who came out when he heard the disturbance. He asked 
what they were doing. They said they were * going for Tom Hendricks,' 
that he had said too much, and they intended to kill him. Coburn 
expostulated with them and they desisted. There was much confusion 
on the stand. Hendricks closed his remarks prematurely, suggesting 
that the resolution be read and the meeting dismissed. ' ' ^^ The Jour- 
nal report of the same meeting, on May 21, 1863, after speaking of the 
interruption of a speech by Samuel Hamill, earlier in the day, says: 
** There was no disturbance after this of any consequence till Mr. 
Hendricks had been speaking some time. Then, in reply to some mean 
disloyal remark of his, a Union man in the crowd called out something 
which he did not hear. A Copperhead seized him, and he rushed 
towards the stand. A scuffle followed, which was ended by the soldiers 
entering the crowd and taking off the man who committed the assault. 
This affair soon got out into the streets in fifty wild forms, the most 
prevalent of which was that the soldiers had cleared the stand, broken 
up the meeting, and chased Hendricks out of the yard. The truth is 
Mr. Hendricks finished his speech, though interrupted occasionally, and 
improperly, and the resolutions of the committee were read by Mr. 
Buskirk, and adopted, and the meeting adjourned sine die, regularly, 
and without any row at all. It was then that the Union men and 
soldiers took possession of the stand, and held a meeting of their own." 

During the war the four prominent leaders of the Democratic party 
in Indiana were Hendricks, McDonald, Turpie and Voorhees. They 
were personal as well as political friends, and their standing outside of 
their party is, in the main due to the fact that Morton had a personal 
antipathy to Hendricks and Voorhees, and personally liked McDonald 
and Turpie. The Journal reflected these feelings, and others. In the 



15 Life of Morton, Vol. 1, p. 274. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 593 

early part of the war, the national administration did not move fast 
enough to suit Morton, and especially Simon Cameron, the Secretary 
of War. On August 23, 1861, Sulgrove published a remarkable edi- 
torial attack on the administration, under the head '*A Few Plain 
Words,'' in which he said: **The President has acted a good deal as 
if the army were no particular portion of his business, though an affair 
of interest enough to induce him to go out and look at it on-ce in a 
while. He has reviewed the troops a few times, and visited their camps 
for a few moments, probably a dozen times. But we have no informa- 
tion at all that he has busied himself to find out or improve the condi- 
tions of the men. • • • Men have suffered for food within five 
miles of Washington. Whole regiments have been nearly in mutiny 
because their clothes were rags and their food rotten. A visit, not of 
parade, but aid, from the President, and a word to the commissary, 
would soothe the men and rectify the neglect. * * * We believe 
he ought to make the army his place of business now, and let politicians 
and diplomatists go — well, let us say go home. * * * At Fortress 
Monroe there are two regiments actually worthless, so worthless that 
a portion of each has been taken out of the field, and they have become 
so solely because nobody has cared for them. Their food has been 
abominable, their camps filthy, their clothing rotten. Their oflScers 
in disgust have resigned, and the men, sick and without oflScers are 
disorganized. Would these men have become what they are if they had 
seen with their own eyes, that the head of the Government felt so much 
interest in them that he examined into their camps, inquired about their 
clothing, and looked after their food himself? • • • What is true 
of the President is true of the Cabinet. What he can do they can do, 
in some cases better than he. But Secretary Cameron is too busy set- 
tling the conflicting claims of his friends for array contracts and laying 
out anchors to pull round a Presidential nomination by, to bother him- 
self about the clothing and food of the men whose courage alone gives 
him the means of keeping his place. • • • The Administration, 
all through, has apparently regarded the war as a far-off matter, that 
could be attended to with ample care by following the old beaten line 
of oflScial duties. It is time this should change." 

This was the more notable because similar charges of poor supplies 
had been made in regard to the State troops at Camp Morton. Letters 
of complaint appeared in the papers, demonstrating that even at that 
time Indiana had literary talent capable of producing ** best-sellers. " 
One soldier from Hancock County, the home of Riley — ^but he was too 
young to be in the army— declared that **a wild goose could take a 
grain of coffee in its bill, swim down the Mississippi from St. Paul, 



594 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

and make a better beverage all the way to the Gulf than the soldiers 
get at Camp Morton/' A joint committee of the legislature investi- 
gated the matter, and Foulke says they found that Morton's **old 
friend, Isaiah Mansur, commissary general," had issued rations that 
**were not in accordance with the commissary's schedule, that there 
had been favoritism on the part of employees, that the coffee was 
* basely adulterated' with parched beans, and that fourteen-ounce pack- 
ages were distributed as one pound, though it . did not appear that 
Mansur had made anything by this. Bad meat, however, had been 
furnished by the commissary general out of his own pork-house which 
he rather naively explained by saying that the commissary's duties 
were hard and that if anything was to be made out of the sales he 
thought he had as good a right to make it as any one'." It was even 
worse. The committee reported the beans **poor," the meat '*bad," 
and the dried fruit **very bad"; but they thought that nobody should 
be blamed, because it was such a large business, and had to be done so 
hastily that mistakes were unavoidable, though they could not under- 
stand why the contractor went to the trouble of mixing peas and 
beans with the coffee.^ ^ The House was not so exculpatory, and on 
May 25, requested the removal of the commissary by an almost unani- 
mous vote. Morton accepted his resignation, and appointed Asahei Stone 
in his place, after which things went better, though there was complaint 
five months later that the coffee was the ** worst on the market." ^^ 

Obviously, there had been some room for *'camp visiting" at home, 
but after this first miscarriage, the soldiers had no occasion for com- 
plaint of Morton. He went into the war work with feverish zeal. 
There was no trouble about getting men. The first call, for six regi- 
ments, was responded to by more than twice the number of men 
wanted. The total call on Indiana for men in 1861, was 38,832, and 
Indiana actually furnished in that year 48 regiments of infantry, 3 
regiments of cavalry, and 17 batteries, in all 53,035 men, or an excess of 
14,203. But through failure to file muster rolls at Washington, the 
State did not get credit for this excess until after the year 1862. In 
July and August, 1862, President Lincoln called for 600,000 men, Indi- 
ana's quota being 42,500. By September 20, the volunteers were 6,060 
short of this number, and a draft was ordered, to take effect October 
6. By that time the apparent deficiency was reduced to 3,003, for which 
the draft was made, although the State was in reality over 25,000 in 
excess of her quota at the time.^® The drafted men were to serve for 



10 House Journal, Special Session, 1861, p. 213. 

IT Journal, Oct. 1, 1861. 

18 Terrell 's Report, Vol. 1 , p. 76. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 595 

nine months, but all but four companie8 of them (395 men) volunteered 
for three years, and were sent to the front as volunteers. By Decem- 
ber 1, 1863, Indiana had furnished over 110,000 men. But, at the 
outset, there was a 8orr>' lack of equipment and supplies. In March, 
1861, anticipating war, Morton went to Washington for supplies. There 
were 488 muHkets due the State on its 1861 militia allotment, and he 
took a 6-pound cannon and 350 minie rifles in place of them. The State 
had less than 800 muskets, in serviceable condition, mostly in the hands 
of the militia. St*cing that the State would have to purchase arms 
to get them promptly, he sent Calvin Fletcher to find what could be 
done in that line, hut without success. On May 30, he appointed Robert 
Dale Owen agent to purchase 6.000 rifles and 1,000 carbines, and con- 
tinued his service until by Februar>' 6, 1863, he had purchased 30,000 
Enfield rifles. 2.731 carbines, 751 revolvers, and 797 sabres, at a cost 
of $752,694.7'): and had also cxpendod $^5,905 for cavalry equipment, 
$50,407 for blankets, and $84,829 for overcoats. Morton kept the 
telegraph wires warm seeing that these overcoats got to the Indiana 
soldiers. 

Ammunition could not be bought in quantities. Morton found that 
Herman Stunn, an officer in one of the batteries, had learned the busi 
ness in Oerinany. He rentcnl a room in the square south of the State 
House, and put Sturm in charge, with a blacksmith *s forge for melting 
lead, and a detail of men from the Eleventh Regiment to make car- 
tridges. The work was so suceessful that buildings were erected on the 
square north of the State Hoase — now the north half of the Capitol 
grounds — and an extensive manufactory inaugurated in June. At one 
time over 600 pt*ople were engaged in this work, and the total product 
to its close, on April 18, 1864, amounted to $788,838.45, out of which 
the State made a (*lear profit of $77,457.32. In 1862, this arsenal was 
moved to a location a mile and a half east of the State House, and in 
1863, the national government purchased the tract now occupied by the 
Technical High School, and erected buildings for an arsenal there, the 
work being turned over to it thereafter. The western armies were 
largely supplied from this State arsenal when the government could 
not supply them, and several times at criticial periods. In addition 
to the supplies purchased by Owen, the Quartermaster General of the 
State reported in May, 1862, that he had expended $406,484.75 for 
clothing and blankets, and $65,801.77 for camp equipment. Morton 
estaUiahed a Post Bakery at Camp Morton, which furnished the men 
11,000 loaves of freah bread per day. In 1862, he established a Soldiers 
Home on West Street, south of Maryland, which was increased until 
it would accommodate 250 men with lodgings, and 1,000 for meals. In 



596 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

the fall of 1863 he established a Soldiers' Families Home, near the 
Union Station, for the accommodation of women and children visiting 
soldier relatives. On October 10, 1861, Morton issued an appeal to the 
patriotic women of Indiana to furnish socks, underwear, mittens, etc., 
for the soldiers. The State was fairly swamped with such supplies 
within a month. Best of all, in the spring of 1862, he organized the 
Sanitary Commission, which did a great work in raising money and fur- 
nishing the soldiers with all sorts of supplies and comforts not fur- 
nished by the United States. On May 18, 1861, through his efforts, 
the unfinished City Hospital of Indianapolis was turned over to the 
government for a military hospital, and he was also active in securing 
the establishment of military hospitals at Evansville, New Albanj^ Jeff- 
erson ville and Madison. After the battle of Shiloh, he obtained from 
the national government permission to appoint two assistant surgeons 
for each Indiana regiment, which proved so advantageous that Congress 
passed a law providing an assistant for all regiments. He kept agents 
in the South to look after soldiers who needed assistance, and chartered 
steamboats to carry medical and other supplies to the Indiana troops. 
He sent agents to the camps to induce soldiers to send part of their 
pay to their families, and to forward the money for them. As this 
work grew in magnitude, he established an oflBce at Indianapolis which 
attended to forwarding the money without expense. Unquestionably 
Morton fairly earned his title of ''The Soldier's Friend." 

As there had been five Indiana regiments in the Mexican war, the 
Civil war regiments numbered from the Sixth. The first regiment called 
into service was the Eleventh, commanded by Lew Wallace, and com- 
posed largely of militia companies which were already equipped. On 
May 8, a banner was presented to it by the ladies of Indianapolis, Mrs. 
. Abbie Cady making the presentation at the State House ; and then 
Wallace recounted the story of the unfair treatment of the Second Regi- 
ment in the Mexican war by Jeff Davis, and had the men kneel, and 
swear to ** remember Buena Vista." On the evening of the ninth, the 
Eleventh took cars for Evansville, whose people were calling for pro- 
tection from anticipated raids from Kentucky, and commissioned to 
stop the shipment of supplies to the South. The remaining regiments 
were sent into West Virginia, and did the first fighting of the war, after 
the attack on Sumter. The delegates from the western counties of 
Virginia had opposed the secession ordinance adopted by the conven- 
tion of that State, on April 17, 1861, and were supported by their con- 
stituents. On April 20, Gov. Letcher, of Virginia, telegraphed to 
Mayor Andrew Sweeney of Wheeling to **take possession of the Cus- 
tom House, Post Office, all public buildings and public documents, in 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 597 

the name of Virginia.'' Sweeney answered that he had taken posses- 
sion of them **in the name of Abraham Lincoln, President of the 
United States, whose property they are." A convention of Union men 
was called at Wheeling on May 13, but adjourned to June 11 without 
action. Letcher began sending troops into the western counties, and 
trying to enlist recruits there. On May 24, George B. McClellan, who 
had been put in charge of the Department of Ohio, including western 
Virginia, visited Indianapolis, and reviewed the five regiments, which 
had been organized as a brigade, under command of Gen. Thomas A. 
Morris. On May 26, McClellan, at Cincinnati, received word that the 
rebels were burning the bridges on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad. 
He at once issued a proclamation to the Virginians that he was about 
to send troops for their protection, adding, *' Notwithstanding all that 
has been said by the traitors to induce you to believe that our advent 
among you will be signalized by interference with your slaves, under- 
stand one thing clearly — not only will we abstain from all such inter- 
ference, but we will, on the contrary, with an iron hand, crush any 
attempt at insurrection on their part." He called for the Indiana regi- 
ments, which were sent at once, Gen. Morris, with the Sixth, Seventh 
and Ninth regiments going to Grafton, West Virginia. 

Morris was bom in Nicholas County, Kentucky, December 26, 1811. 
In 1821, his father, Morris Morris, moved to Indianapolis, then in its 
infancy, and in 1823 young Morris went to work in the oflSce of The 
Western Censor and Emigrant's Guide, the predecessor of the Journal. 
After three years, during which he became a fair printer, he stopped to 
go to school. At nineteen he was appointed to West Point, and grad- 
uated there in 1834. After a year of service as lieutenant of artillery, 
he was detailed to aid in the construction of the National Road in 
Indiana and Illinois, and had charge of the division between Richmond 
and Indianapolis. A year later he entered the service of the State, 
having charge of the construction of the Central canal. From 1841 to 
1847, he was chief engineer of the Madison Railroad, the first railroad 
in the State; and thereafter until 1859 was engaged in railroad work, 
as chief engineer of the Vandalia, the *'Bee Line," and the Indianapolis 
and Cincinnati, serving also as President of the last two. At the begin- 
ning of the war, Morton appointed him Quartermaster General, and he 
supervised the equipment of the troops that he commanded in the three 
months service. He was promised appointment as Major General at 
the close of the three months service, but failed to receive it, due, it was 
charged, to the hostility of Gen. McClellan. He then resumed railroad 
work, in connection with the Indianapolis and Cincinnati, and Indian- 
apolis and St. Louis, building the latter from Terre Haute to Indian- 



598 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

apolis. In 1877 he was appointed one of the Commissioners for the 
erection of the present State Capitol — a position which hie father 
held for the one preceding it. He planned and superintended the con- 
struction of the Union Railway and Union Depot at Indianapolis, and 
was later President of the Indianapolis Water Company. He died at 
Indianapolis, April 1, 1904. 




Gen. Thomas A. Morris 



When Morris arrived at Grafton, he learned that Col. Porterfield 
was at Fhilippi, a few miles away, with 1,200 rebel troops, 500 of whom 
were cavalry. He planned a surprise, divided his force into two parties, 
marched twelve miles through rain and mud on the night of June 2, 
and struck Porterfield's camp at dawn of June 3, The rebels fled at 
the first fire, leaving their baggage, 380 stand of arms, and one flag. 
They were reinforced by Gen. Garnett, and took a strong position at 
Laurel Hill, where Morris held them while McClellan made a night 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 599 

inarch and defeated Oen. Pe^am at Rich Mountain. Garnett, learning 
of this, slipped away on the night of July 11, but was followed the next 
morning by Morris, who overtook and defeated him at Carrick's Ford, 
Gamett being killed in the engagement. Pegram was hemmed in, and 
surrendered to MeClellan. In this brief campaign. West Virginia was 
cleared of rebel troops, and five guns, twelve flags, 1,500 stand of 
arms, and 1,000 prisoners were taken. Meanwhile, on June 6, Wallace 
was ordered to take the Eleventh from Evansville to Cumberland, Mary- 
land. On arriving at Piedmont, he made a night march and surprised 
Col. Angus McDonald who was at Romney with 500 Virginia troops 
and two guns, on the morning of June 13. The rebels fled after a 
few shots, and fugitives reported to Gen. J. E. Johnston at Harper's 
Perry, that MeClellan was advancing on him from that quarter, where- 
upon Johnston burned all the bridges over the Potomac from Harper's 
Perry to Williamsport, and fell back to Winchester. So all of the 
three months regiments returned covered with glory, and most of 
them reenlisted for three years. Their achievements also induced many 
others to enlist. In the skirmishing at Laurel Hill, William T. Girard, 
of Company G., Ninth Indiana, was killed; and was the first Union 
soldier killed in battle after Port Sumter was taken. It is a singular 
fact that the last Union soldier killed in battle was John J. Williams, of 
the Thirty-Fourth Indiana, who fell at Palmetto Ranch, Texas, on May 
13, 1865. 

Indiana also got into the illustrated papers early in the war. J. 
P. Gookins, the Indiana artist, enlisted in the Eleventh Indiana as a 
musician, and was at Romney. He made a sketch of the fight at the 
bridge, and sent it with an account of the battle to Harper's Weekly, 
which duly published it; and it remains in striking contrast with other 
battle scenes in the same publication **by our Special Artist,*' who 
probably drew them in some back-room in New York.^® 

It is not within the scope of this work to give the details of the 
movements of Indiana troops in the war. That has been the subject of 
dozens of volumes, and will be the subject of many more. Their serv- 
ice was universal. No history of the Civil War can be written that 
does not include the recital of the achievements in which they partici- 
pated at every turn. After the close of the war, on July 4, 1866, the 
flags of the Indiana troops were formally presented to Governor Morton 
to be deposited in the State House. In making the presentation speech, 
Major General Lew Wallace said: ** Three of our regiments took part in 
the first battle of the war, while another, in view of the Rio Grande, 



1* Harper's Weekly, 1861. 
Vol. n— s 



600 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



fought its very last battle. The first regiment under Butler, to land at 
the wharf at New Orleans, was the Twenty-First Indiana. The first 
flag over the bloody parapet at Fort Wagner, in front of Charleston, 
was that of the Thirteenth Indiana. The first to show their stars from 
the embattled crest of Mission Ridge, were those of the Seventy-Ninth 
and Eighty-Sixth Indiana. Two of our regiments helped storm Fort 
McAllister, down by Savannah. Another was among the first in the 
assaulting line at Fort Fisher. Another, converted into engineers, built 
all of Sherman's bridges from Chattanooga to Atlanta, from Atlanta to 
the sea, and from the sea northward. Another, in line of battle, on 




Battle of Romney — Skirmish at the Bridge 
(From drawing by J. F. Qookin^, in Harper's Weekly) 



the beach of Hampton Roads, saw the frigate Cumberland sink to the 
harbor's bed, rather than strike her flag, and, in looking from the same 
place, the next day, cheered as never men cheered, at the sight of the 
same Merrimac beaten by a single gun in the turret of Worden's little 
Monitor. Others aided in the overthrow of the savages, red and rebel, 
at Pea Ridge, Missouri. Three from Washington, across the peninsula, 
within sight of Richmond evacuated, to Harrison's Landing, followed 
McClellan to his fathomless fall. Five were engaged in the salvation 
of Washington at Antietam. Pour were with Burnside at Fred- 
ericksbut^, where some of Kimball's Hoosiers were picked up lying 
nearer than all others to the pitiless embrasures. Five were at Chan- 
cellorsville, where Stonewall Jackson took victory out of Hooker's hands 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 601 

and carried it with him into his grave. Six were almost annihilated at 
Gettysburg. One, an infantry regiment, marched nearly ten thousand 
miles, literally twice around the rebellion, fighting as it went. Four 
were a part of the besom with which Sheridan swept the Shenandoah 
Valley. Finally, when Grant, superseding Halleck, transferred his 
headquarters to the East, and began the last grand march toward 
Richmond, four of our regiments, joined soon after by another, fol- 
lowed him faithfully, leaving their dead all along the way — in the 
Wilderness, at Laurel Hill, at Spottsylvania, at Po River, at North Anna 
River, at Bethesda Church, at Cold Harbor, in front of Petersburg, 
down to Clover Hill — down to the final halt in the war, in which Lee 
yielded up the sword of rebellion. 

'*But, sir, most of the flags returned to j'ou, belong to regiments 
whose theater of operations cannot well be territorially described; 
whose lines of march were backward and forward through fifteen 
States of the Union. If one seeks the field in which the power of our 
State, as well as the valor of our people, had the finest exemplifica- 
tion, he must look to the West and the South. I will not say that 
Indiana's contributions to the cause were indispensable to final suc- 
cess. That would be unjust to States more populous and wealthy, and 
equally devoted. But 1 will say that her quotas precipitated the re- 
sult; without them the war might yet be in progress and doubtful. 
Let us consider this proposition a moment. At Shiloh, Indiana had thir- 
teen regiments; at Vicksburg she had twenty-four; at Stone River 
twenty-five; at Chickamauga, twenty-seven; at Mission Ridge, twenty; 
in the advance from Chattanooga to Atlanta, fifty ; at Atlanta Sherman 
divided them so that exactly twenty-five went with him down to the sea, 
while twenty-five marched back with Thomas and were in at the annihi- 
lation of Hood at Nashville. What a record is thus . presented ! Ask 
Grant, or Rosecrans, or Sherman, if from the beginning to the end of 
their operations there was a day for which they could have spared 
those regiments?" 

Statistics are almost equally striking. Indiana furnished a total 
of 196,363 men in the war, and only 784 paid money commutation for 
exemption from service. On this basis, Indiana furnished 74.3 per cent 
of her total population capable of bearing arms, according to the census 
of 1860, to the armies of the Union. On this basis, but one State in 
the Union surpassed or equalled her record, and that was Delaware, 
which is credited with 74.8 per cent of her military population of 1860. 
But of the supply credited to Delaware, one-tenth was in money com- 
mutation, and nearly one-tenth of the men were colored. On an esti- 
mate (Pox's Regimental Losses) made on the basis of white troops ac- 



602 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

tually furnished for three years of service, Indiana supplied 57 per 
cent of her military population of 1860 — i. e., the males between 18 
and 45 years of age. On this basis she was surpassed by only one 
State, Kansas, whose record was 59.4 per cent. But Kansas furnished 
in the aggregate less than one-tenth the troops Indiana furnished; 
and the frontier conditions existing then in Kansas made it much 
less onerous for a large proportion of fighting men to go to the front. 
Of the troops sent by Indiana, 7,243 were killed or mortally wounded 
on the battlefield, and 19,429 died from other causes, making a total 
death loss of over 13 per cent of all troops furnished. Clearly, Indiana 
did her full part in the war; and while no just historian could with- 
hold credit from her War Governor for his relentless energy in pro- 
moting the Union cause, the chief credit belongs to the people. The 
conclusive proof of this is that Indiana furnished much more than her 
quota of men by volunteers, and, as before mentioned, the draft in this 
State was due to mistake ; but of the 3,003 men drafted for nine months 
service, all but 395 volunteered for three years. Out of all the host fur- 
nished by Indiana, there were but 395 men who could be said to have 
served unwillingly ; and no doubt the objection with many of that 
little number was to be found in family or business reasons, as is the uni- 
versal rule in such cases. 

In connection with the draft, a rather interesting situation devel- 
oped in Indiana under the provision of the Constitution of the State 
exempting from militia service persons ** conscientiously opposed to 
bearing arms.'* The Constitution provides for payment of an equiv- 
alent for exemption, but none had been fixed by State law. Under the 
draft act of Congress of July 17, 1862, the Secretary of War fixed 
the money commutation at $200. There were 3,169 who claimed ex- 
emption in Indi^gia on conscientious grounds. J. P. Siddall, the Draft 
Commissioner, says' in his report: **A portion of the religious society 
known as Orthodox Friends, objected to its (the money equivalent) col- 
lection on two grounds: First, that no equivalent should be required; 
second, that if the equivalent were required, the mode adopted was not 
equitable. As I was unable to see the force of the objection, they ap- 
pealed from my action in the premises to yourself, and to the War 
Department. • • • l have since had a consultation, at Washington, 
with the Assistant Adjutant General, who had the immediate charge 
of the draft, in relation to the enforcement of the collection of the 
equivalent. After a mature examination of the whole matter, he doubts 
the authority of the war power to enforce payment, deeming it a mat- 
ter more appropriately belonging to State legislation. This conclu- 
sion of the War Department, and the absence of State legislation, make 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 603 

it impossible for me to act further in the premises. I had prepiously 
received, by voluntary payments, about $21,000, on equivalents, from 
members of the religious society known as Bunkers." 

Without invidious distinction, there is one case of personal aerv- 
ice from an Indiana man that deserves commemoration, and that is 
the service of James Buchanan Eads. He was bom at Lawrenceburg, 
Indiana, May 23, 1S20. Both his father, Thomas C. Eads, and his 




Capt, Jahes B. Eads 



mother, whose maiden name was Buchanan, were of Irish stock, and 
came from Maryland to Indiana in the early settlement of the White- 
water Valley. His uncle, William H. Eads, was one of the first busi- 
ness men of Brookville, where he had a store and a tannery, and on 
November 18, 1811, was licensed to keep a tavern; he was made an 
associate judge in 1815, and was a member of the Constitutional Con- 
vention of 1816. His father tried merchandising, but was not suc- 
cessful, due prehaps to his migatory disposition. He lived at Brook- 
ville, Fairfield, Lawrenceburg, Cincinnati, Louisville, and finally at 



604 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

St. Louis, where the family stranded on account of a steamboat fire, 
and Mrs. Eads opened a boarding house. James got a little schooling 
at Lawrenceburg and at Brookville, where he attended Dennison's 
school, in the old log court house. He had however a taste for reading, 
and a mechanical genius which was displayed in making water-wheels, 
toy steamboats, and the like. At St. Louis he peddled apples, and did 
odd jobs until Barrett Williams, one of his mother's boarders, oflfered 
him work as a clerk in his dry-goods store. Here he remained for five 
years, having meanwhile the use of his employer's library, where he 
got his first knowledge of theoretical engineering. Then for three 
years he was clerk on a Mississippi River steamboat, and there got his 
first insight of the mysteries of the Father of Waters. In 1842 he joined 
the partnership of Case & Nelson, and projected a diving-bell boat for 
raising sunken boats and their cargoes. While it was being built, they 
took a contract to salvage a bargeload of pig lead that had sunk in 
the rapids at Keokuk. Eads took charge of the work, with an expert 
diver from the great lakes, but the diver was unable to do anything on 
account of the swift current. Eads improvised a diving-bell of a 
hogshead weighted with lead ; went down in it himself to demonstrate its 
feasibility, and rescued the cargo. The business was very profitable, 
and Eads got his title of Captain as commander of the diving-bell boat. 
In 1845 he married Martha Dillon, daughter of a wealthy St. Louis man, 
and undertook the manufacture of glass. This proved a failure, and 
he went back to the wrecking business, which developed enormously on 
account of his ingenuity in devising apparatus. He used to say that 
there was not a stretch of fifty miles in the river where he had not stood 
on the bottom under a diving-bell. In 1857, on account of ill-health, he 
retired from business with a fortune, and for four years was a man of 
leisure and culture. 

Eads was a Union man, and after the election of Lincoln he and 
three other prominent St. Louis men sent a letter to Lincoln, stating 
their fear of secession, and urging the appointment of a Southern man 
as Secretary of State, as a conciliatory measure. They highly recom- 
mended Edward Bates for this position. Lincoln made Bates Attorney 
General, and three days after Sumter was fired on. Bates wrote to 
Eads that he would be wanted for consultation as to control of the 
Mississippi. The telegram calling him to Washington soon followed, 
and Eads hastened there to give what aid he could. Bates and Eads 
recommended a fleet of gunboats. Lincoln realized the importance of 
the project, and called the Mississippi **the backbone of the rebel- 
lion," and **the key to the whole situation;'' but Secretary of War 
Cameron did not, and, what was worse, claimed jurisdiction of the mat- 



INDIANA A5ID INDIANANS 605 

ter as against Secretary Welles, of the Navy, who favored it. Finally 
Cameron sent an oflSeer with Eads to the West to purchase boats to be 
armed; but he refused Eads' advice, bought three boats at Cincinnati, 
and armed them himself. In July, the government advertised for the 
construction of seven iron-clad gun boats, and when the bids were opened 
on August 5, it was found that Eads offered the lowest bid and the 
quickest work. On August 7, a contract was signed for the seven boats, 
to be delivered at Cairo, on October 10. They were built at Carondelet, 
but the material had to be gathered from eight states. Within two 
weeks 4,000 men were a work, at widely separated points. The btoats 
were not finished by October 10, on account of the failure of the gov- 
ernment to meet payments, and alterations in the plans, which were 
not made by Eads. But they were all launched within one hundred 
d'ays from the date of the contract, and were ready before the crews 
were ready to take charge of them. These boats were 175 feet long, 
and 51^/^ feet beam, with flat sides sloping up and in at an angle of 
about thirty-five degrees. They were intended to fight bow on, and had 
in front 2^2 inches of armor plate, over two feet of solid oak, but their 
only other armor was abreast the "boiler and engines. They had three 
guns forward, four on each side, and two at the stern. These boats 
forced the surrender of Fort Henry, on February 6, 1862, and, speak- 
ing of the Saint Louis (later the De Kalb), the first one of them 
launched, Eads said she **was the first ironclad built in America. She 
was the first armored vessel against which the fire of a hostile battery 
was directed on this continent; and, so far as I can ascertain, she was 
the first ironclad that ever engaged a naval force in the world " In 
September, 1861, General Fremont gave an order for an additional boat, 
and Eads had an opportunity to follow his own designs. He took h 
doublfe-hulled snag boat, which he had before recommended to Cam- 
eron's agent, and converted it into the ** Benton," which was pro- 
nounced **the most powerful warship afloat*' at that time. She was 200 
feet long, and armored all over. The service of these gunboats was 
reckoned equal to that of 5,000 men each. In April, 1862, Eads was 
called to Washington to make plans for six iron boats, with Ericsson 
turrets. He succeeded in getting permission to fit two of them with 
turrets of his own design, with guns operated by steam, on condition 
of replacing them at his own expense if not satisfactory. This was 
the first handling of heavy artillery by steam, and the guns could be 
fired every forty-five seconds, or seven times as fast as in the Ericsson 
turrets. In addition to these fourteen gunboats, Eads made seven 
musket proof transports, commonly called **tinclad8,'' and built four 
mortar-boats. Boynton truly says: **Stich men deserve a place in 



606 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

histonr by the side of those who fonght our battles." It maj be added 
that Eads not only distingoished himself by his generous donations 
of moneT for relief woi^ but also confined himself so closely to his shop, 
in derising war apparatus that his health again gave way. Bates wrote 
to him to take care of himself, adding: "'the country can't spare you, 
and I can't spare you." 

There were several natives of Indiana who attained pnmiinence in the 
war, perhaps the most notaUe being 6en« Ambrose £. Bumside — he who 
put the '^side" in side- whiskers. He was of an (dd South Carolina 
family, the son of Judge Ed^iiU Bumside, who was one of the earliest 
settlers of Unicm County. He was bom on his father's farm near 
Liberty, May 23. 1824 : and was christened Ambrose Evert, but at West 
Point his name was entered *' Everett" and so it has remained. He 
served an apprenticeship to John E. Dunham, a tailor at Centerville, 
and opened a tailor shop at Liberty, in partner^ip with John M. 
Myers: but he had a l(»iging for military life, and by the aid of his 
father, who was at the time a state senator, he secured an appointment 
to West Point in 1S43. He graduated, and remained in the service 
until 1857. The government wanted a breech-loading gun, and Bum- 
side invented one. which was pronounced the best, in a competitive test, 
by an examining board. But it was not adopted, and Bumside was 
informed that it would not be unless he shared profits with John B. 
FIoyd« Secretary of War. In disgust, he resigned, sold his uniform for 
^930 to a second-hand dealer, and started West, looking for employment. 
George B. >IcClellan« an old scho(dmate, was vice-president of the Illi- 
nois Central Railroad Company, and offered him a position as Cashier of 
the Land Office of the road. He accepted, and in June. 1860. was made 
Treasurer of the company, with offices at Xew York. While in the 
army. Bumside had been stationed at Fort Adams, near Newport: and 
while there had married >Iiss Mary Bishop of Providence. On April 15, 
1861, he received a telegram from Gov. Sprague, of Rhode Island, ask- 
ing him to take command of a regiment he had raised. He accepted, 
and his regiment was one of the first to arrive at Washington. His sub- 
sequent military career, and his service as Governor of Rhode Island, 
and Senator from that State, are matters of national history. He died 
September 13. ISSl. and was buried at Providence. 

Brigadier GeneraT Pleasant Adams Hackelman was the only general 
officer from Indiana killed in battle. He was bom in Franklin County, 
November 15. 1S14. passed an uneventful youth, with few advantages, 
read law. and was admined to the bar in 1S37. He was elected probate 
judge of Rush County in the same year, representative in 1S41. and was 
county Clerk from 1S47 to 1S55. He was a prominent Odd Fellow, 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



607 



aod was chosen Grand Master of that order in 1857. On May 18, 1861, 
he was appointed Colonel of the Sixteenth Indiana VolanteerB, and on 
April 30, 1862, wtus promoted Brigadier Gleneral. He was fatally 
wounded while leading his brigade at Corinth, October 3, 1862. 

Gen. Robert H. Milroy was bom in Washington County, Ind., June 
11, 1816. When he was ten yeans old his father. Gen. Samuel Milroy, 




Brig.-Gen. Pleasant A. Hackedman 



a prominent pioneer, who was a member of the Constitutional Conven- 
tion of 1816, removed to Carroll County ; and there Robert grew to man- 
hood, receiving a good common school education. In 1840, he entered 
the Military Academy of Captain Partridge, at Norwich, Vermont, from 
which he graduated in 1844, and at once took up the study of law. He 
served through the Mexican war as Captain in the First Indiana, attended 
the law school of Indiana University in 1848-9, and was admitted to 
practice. In 1850 he was elected a member of the Constitutional Con- 



608 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

vention of that year, and in 1853 was appointed Circuit Judge. On 
February 7, 1861, foreseeing hostilities, he issued a call for a volunteer 
company, which was one of the first to report after the attack on Sumter ; 
and he was made Colonel of the Ninth Indiana, the first Indiana regi- 
ment to enter West Virginia. He was made Brigadier General Septem- 
ber 3, 1861, and Major General November 29, 1862 ; but was condemned 
by Gen. Halleck for evacuating Winchester, in the face of a greatly 
superior force, which he warmly resented.^o By order of President 
Lincoln he was transferred to the Army of the Cumberland, where he 
served efficiently. In 1872 he removed to Washington Territory, where 
he was Superintendent of Indian Affairs. He died in Washington, 
March 29, 1890. 

Perhaps the ablest of the Indiana Generals was Jefferson C. Davis, 
who was bom in Clark County, March 2, 1828. He was fond of study, 
and in 1841, he entered the Clark County Academy, an excellent school. 
He left it to volunteer for the Mexican war, through which he served. 
On June 17, 1848, he was appointed second lieutenant in the First U. S^ 
Artillery, for gallantry at Buena Vista, and continued in active service 
until the Civil War. In August, 1858, he was made the first com- 
mander of Port Sumter, where he remained under the command of 
Major Anderson until the surrender, and aco^Jiipanied Anderson to New 
York. He was at once detailed to Indiana^*^' mustering officer, but 
remained only until August, when he went to Missouri as Colonel of the 
Twenty-Second Indiana. He soon made a record ai^ a fighting officer, 
especially at Pea Ridge and Milford, and was promoted Brigadier Gen- 
eral. In 1862, when Bragg and Kirby Smith were threatening Louis- 
ville, Davis was at home on sick leave, but tendered his services, and 
was assigned to the command of the citizen soldiery by Major General 
William Nelson, who was in command. Nelson had originally been a 
naval officer, and was very abusive and overbearing.. He forced a quarrel 
on Davis, over the merest triviality, and finally struck him in the face. 
Davis shot and killed him. He was arrested and confined for twenty 
days, when he was released, and put in command of the forces at New- 
port and Covington, returning to his brigade when the scare was over. 
He was recommended for Major General for service at Stone River, and 
was brevetted Major General August 8, 1864. He was with Sherman in 
the Atlanta campaign and the march to the sea, in command of the 
Fourteenth Corps, winning laurels at Rome, Kenesaw, Jonesboro and 
Bentonville. After the war he resumed army life as Colonel of the 
Twenty-Third U. S. infantry. After the assassination of Gen. E. R. S. 



20 Indiana '8 Roll of Honor, Vol. 2, pp. 408-420. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 609 

Canby, Davis was put ia command of the troops at the Lava Beds, and 
forced the Burrender of the Modocs. He died at Chicago, November 30, 
1879. It may be noted that Qen. Canby is often treated as an Indiana 
man, having been appointed to West Point from this State. He was 
bom in Kentucky, and his parents removed to Indiana when be was a 
child. So likewise, Generals Joseph J. Reynolds, George H. Chapman, 




Gen, Jepf. G. Davie 



Solomon Meredith, William E. Grose, James R. Slack and George F. 
McGinniss, although going into the war from Indiana, and intimately 
connected with the State, were not natives of it. 

Gen. Nathan Kimball was a native of Indiana, bom at Fredericks- 
burg, November 22, 1822. He graduated at Asbury University, read 
medicine, and secured a lai^e practice, residing consecutively at Salem. 
Livonia and Lo(^ootee. He commanded a company in the Second 
Indiana in the Mexican war, where he distinguished himself at Buena 



610 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Vista by rallying his company, after the regimental break, and fighting 
through the rest of the day, as also by publicly refusing to recognize 
Col. Bowles, and leading his company oflf the parade ground when the 
Colonel undertook to inspect them. He was arrested and tried for this, 
but was soon restored to office. At the beginning of the Civil War he 
raised a company of volunteers in Martin County, was made Colonel 
of the Fourteenth Indiana, and sent into West Virginia, where he served 
with distinction, as later at Antietam, Fredericksburg, Vicksburg, Kene- 
saw, and various other points. He was mustered out in August, 1865, 
as Brevet Major General, having been a Brigadier General since April 
15, 1862. He was elected Treasurer of Indiaua in 1870, and was made 
Surveyor General of Utah in 1873, by Gen. Grant. He died at Ogden, 
rjtah, June 21, 1898. 

Another Indiana general who became prominent in the West was 
John Franklin Miller. He was bom in Union County, November 21, 
1831, and his parents removed to South Bend in 1833. He was educated 
in the schools of South Bend, and at an academy in Chicago ; and grad- 
uated from the State and National Law School, at Ballston Spa, N. Y., 
in 1852. He began practice at South Bend, but in 1853 removed to 
Napa, California, for a stay of two years, returning to South Bend in 
1855. In 1860 he was elected to the State Senate. After the special 
session of 1861, he resigned his seat, organized the Twenty-Ninth 
Indiana, and was made its Colonel. His early service was in Kentucky 
and Tennessee, being in command of Nashville during 1862, and having 
numerous encounters with Morgan's cavalry. He was severely wounded 
at Stone River, and again at Liberty Gap, losing his left eye at the 
latter engagement. He was commissioned Brigadier General January 
5, 1864, and brevetted Major General September 25, 1865. He was 
oflFered an appointment as colonel in the regular army, at the close of 
the war, but declined, and went to California, where President Johnson 
made him Collector of the Port of San Francisco. He held this position 
for four years and was prominent in the State thereafter, being elected 
to the U. S. Senate in 1880. He always suffered from his wounds, and 
died March 8, 1886, while serving his term as Senator. 

Another Indiana general who was tendered a regular army appoint- 
ment was Robert Sandford Foster. He was born at Vernon, Jennings 
County, January 27, 1834, and received a common school education at 
that place. At the age of 16 he went to Indianapolis, and learned the 
tinner's trade with his uncle, Andrew Woollen. He went into the 
war at the beginning as Captain in the Eleventh Indiana ; reenlisted as 
Major in the Thirteenth Indiana; and was promoted for meritorious 
service to Lieutenant Colonel, Colonel, and on June 13, 1863, Brigadier 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



611 



Oenera], His service was chiefly with the Army of the Potomac, and 
the Army of the James. , He led one of the columns in the assault on 
Petersburg, and pursued Gen. Lee in retreat so closely that he had the 
honor of making that great Confederate put up his flag of truce, and ask 
for terma of capitulation* ^ For this service he was brevetted Major 
General March 13, 1865. He was oflFered an appointment aa Lieutenant 




Gen. Robert S. Foster 

Colonel in the regular army, but declined. He was a member of the 
Military Commission that tried the assassins of President Lincoln. Re- 
turning to ■ Indianapolis, he was elected City Treasurer for the term 
1867-71. He was V. S, Mar^al for Indiana 1881-5, and was appointed 
Quartermaster General by Gov, Durbin, which office he held at the time 
of his death, March 3, 1903. He organized the G. A. R. in Indiana, and 
was the first Department Commander of the State. 



31 An account of this pursuit, t 
VqI. S, p. 61».' 



Capt. Cbar1«a W. Smith, U in Ind. BUt. Pubs., 



612 . INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Indiana 's naval oflScer who attained greatest prominence was Admiral 
George Brown. He was born at Rushville, June 19, 1835, and appointed 
to the navy in 1849. At the beginning of the Civil War he had reached 
the rank of Lieutenant, and was in continuous service during the war. 
He was in command of the ** tin-clad*' Indianola at Vicksburg; and after 
running the batteries there was engaged single-handed i^ith two Con- 
federate rams and two ** cotton-clad'' steamers. After a fight of an 
hour and a half, during which the Indianola was rammed seven times, 
she was run ashore in a sinking condition. Brown was badly wounded, 
and captured, but was soon exchanged; and commanded the gunboat 
Itasca in Farragut's operations at Mobile. After the war he was in 
widely varied responsible naval employment, and was commander-in- 
chief of the naval forces on the Pacific Station 1889-92. He was made 
Commodore September 4, 1877, and Rear Admiral September 27, 1893. 
He retired June 19, 1897, but performed special duty on the West 
coast during the Spanish-American war. He died at his home at 
Indianapolis, June 29, 1913. Another naval oflScer of the Civil War 
who became an admiral was Napoleon Collins. He is credited to Indiana 
because appointed from the State, but was born in Pennsylvania, May 
4, 1814. His parents removed to Indiana, and he went into the navy in 
1834. He achieved international prominence on October 7, 1864, when 
he captured the rebel raider steamship Florida, in the Brazilian port 
of Bahia, he being in command of the steam sloop Wachusett, which 
was at anchor in the port when the Florida came in. The Florida had 
permission from the Brazilian government to remain for forty-eight 
hours, and a Brazilian corvette dropped in between the two ships, and 
anchored. The next morning Collins got under way, and crossed the 
bow of the Brazilian ship, intending to ram the Florida and sink her. 
He failed in this, but fired two guns into her, after which she surren- 
dered, and he towed her out of the harbor, and took her to Hampton 
Roads. The Brazilian government protested at this infringement of 
neutrality, and the United States disavowed the act, and ordered the 
Florida returned, but a transport managed to run into her and sink 
her. Collins was not officially censured, and on July 25, 1866, he was 
promoted to Captain; January 19, 1871, to Commodore; and August 
9, 1874, to Rear Admiral, and put in command of the South Pacific 
squadron. He died at Callao, Peru, August 9, 1875. 

Lieutenant Commander William Gwin was bom at Columbus, Indi- 
ana, December 5, 1832, and would no doubt have attained greater 
prominence but for his early death. He was well educated, passing 
three years at St. Xavier's College at Cincinnati, and an equal period at 
St. Xavier^s at Vineennes, before his appointment to Annapolis, in 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 613 

1847. Six months later he was ordered to the frigate Brandy wine, and 
began a varied experience in naval service. One of his adventures 
occurred in 1858, while a Lieutenant on the sloop Vandalia, in the 
Feejee islands. The cannibals had captured and eaten three American 
sailors, and Gwin started with sixty men for the chief's town for repara- 
tion. They, were ambushed and attacked by five hundred savages, but 
defeated them, and reduced the island to submission. At the opening 
of the war he was engaged on blockade duty until January, 1862, when 
at his request he was transferred to Commodore Foote's Mississippi 
flotilla. He was put in command of the wooden gunboat Tyler, and 
rendered such effective service that he was put in command of the big 
iron-clad Benton. While attacking the rebel batteries at Haines' Bluff, 
Gwin went on deck to observe the effect of the guns, and was struck 
by a solid shot, from the effect of which he died a week later, January 
3, 1863. He had been married two months earlier to a wealthy young 
lady of New York, and was urged to leave the service, but obeyed the 
call of patriotism, and went back to his death. 

It should be mentioned that in addition to regular war taxes, Indiana 
made large contributions of money for war purposes, as well as con- 
tributions of men. One of the largest items was that of bounties to 
enlisted men, paid by counties, townships and cities, which made a grand 
total of $15,492,876. From the same sources came a contribution of 
$4,566,898 for the relief of the families of soldiers, and the State supple- 
mented this with a contribution of $1,646,809. The contributions to the 
Sanitary Commission were $606,570, and for miscellaneous war pur- 
poses $198,866, making a total of over $22,500,000. The collection and 
distribution of funds enlisted the services of a great number of unpaid 
workers, and so did the relief work of all kinds. In all this the women 
of the State had a large part. More than one hundred Indiana women 
went as nurses. Twd of them died in service — Miss Hannah Powell and 
Miss Asinae Martin, of Goshen — while serving in the hospitals at Mem- 
phis. A notable record was made by Mrs. Eliza E. George, who left home 
and family when over fifty years of age, to care for the wounded. She 
went with the army, to be where help was most needed, and was known 
as ** Mother George'' by the soldiers. She went with Sherman's army 
to Atlanta, and on through Georgia, until at Wilmington, North Cam 
lina, she died of typhoid fever, on May 9, 1865. The people of Fort 
Wayne, her home, erected a handsome monument in memory of her de- 
voted service. 

Mention has been made of the rebel prisoners at Camp Morton, which 
was the only regular prison camp in Indiana, though a few prisoners 
were temporarily confined at Terre Haute, and Lafayette. After the 



614 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



capture of Fort Donelson, Gen, Halleck telegraphed an inquiry to Glov. 
Morton, asking how many prisoners he could care for, and he replied 
"three thousand." Halleck sent 3,700 to Indianapolis, in addition 
to 800 that went to Terre Haute, and a like number to Lafayette, tempo- 
rarily. They arrived on the 22nd of February, 1862. Camp Morton was 
the State Pair Grounds, which had been converted into a camp for our 
soldiers at the beginning of the war. Additional barracks were at once 




built, and bunks, stoves and equipage were furnished as to our own 
troops; and in March the prisoners at Terre Haute and Lafayette were 
all brought to this point. Others followed, and the camp was enlarged 
as needed. A general exchange of prisoners was made in August, 1862, 
and Camp Morton was temporarily closed as a prison, but was opened 
again in 1863, after the Vicksburg campaign, and continued to the end 
of the war. There was some suffering among the prisoners, especially the 
first ones. Gen. Terrell says: "On arrival, especially the Port Donelson 
and Fort Henry prisoners, many were sick from the terrible exposure 
to which they had been subjected. The day after the main body came. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 615 

the surgeons of the city prescribed for more than five hundred, and the 
sick list for some time increased rapidly. The men were thinly clad, 
unaccustomed to the rigors of outdoor life in winter, and had .been poorly 
fed. The prevailing diseases were pneumonia and diarrhea. Ample 
hospital arrangements were made, and everything that kindness or 
humanity could suggest was done to alleviate the distressed condition of 
the prisoners. The citizens of Indianapolis, as well as of Terre Haute 
and Lafayette, responded to the calls of the authorities and did all that 
was possible to be done in furnishing suitable nourishment, delicacies 
and attention. Many very estimable ladies and gentlemen volunteered 
their services as nurses and attendants, and prominent members of the 
medical profession were particularly kind and attentive. Buildings 
were rented outside the camp and converted into infirmaries, with every 
convenience and comfort required by the sick. Despite all these eflPorts, 
the mortality was frightful during the first month or two. All who 
died were decently buried in plain wooden coflSus, in the public ceme- 
teries, and a record made of their names, regiments, etc., for the informa- 
tion of relatives and friends. After the weather moderated and grew 
warm a marked change took place in the general health of the prisoners 
and but few deaths occurred. "22 

Until June 10, 1862, Camp Morton was under command of Col. 
Richard Owen, of the Sixtieth Indiana, and the remainder of that year 
under Col. David Garland Rose, of the Fifty-Fourth. After 1862 the 
prison was taken over by the national government, and Gen. Ambrose 
A. Stevens, of Michigan was in command. There has been some contro- 
versy over the treatment of the prisoners at this camp, arising chiefly 
from criticisms made by Dr. J. A. Wyeth, which were answered by a 
committee of the G. A. R. headed by Gen. Camahan.23 In reality the 
criticisms amount to little more than the statement of the health condi- 
tions by Terrell, and when it is considered that in the Civil War the 
losses of the Union Army from disease were much greater than those from 
battle, the basis for them becomes slight. What there was of it was 
happily disposed of in 1913, when S. A. Cunningham, editor of the 
Confederate Veteran, started a movement for a Confederate memorial 
to Col. Owen, who was in command during the period described by 
Terrell. A fund was raised by contributions from ex-confederate 
prisoners at Camp Morton, and a bust of Col. Owen was made by Miss 
Belle Kinney, the Nashville sculptress, who made the statue of Gen. Jos. 



22 Report, Vol. 1, p. 457. 

2« Wyeth 's *'With Sabre and Scalpel,*' pp. 286-312; Century Magazine, April and 
September, 1891; Southern Historical Soc. Papers, Vol. 18, p. 327; Report of G. A. R. 
Committee. 

Vol. II— 4 



614 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



capture of Fort Donelson, Gen, Halleck telegraphed an inquiry to Gov. 
Morton, asking how many priaonerg he could care for, and he replied 
"three thousand." Ilalleck sent 3,700 to Indianapolis, in addition 
to 800 that went to Terre Haute, and a like number to Lafayette, tempo- 
rarily. They arrived on the 22nd of February, 1862. Camp Morton was 
the State Fair Grounds, which had been converted into a camp for our 
soldierx at the l>eginning of the war. Additional barracks were at once 



TREATMElfT OF PRISONERS AT CAKF ATORKif.' 




fe^-r- 



.1 - - . - 1 = 

•i •. * 1 * 

. - ,. ^ »■ « __^.„ 



intnmfni'niii 



built, and bunks. Htovcs and C'luipa^re were furnished as to our own 
troops; ami in March the prisonem at Terre Haute and Lafayette were 
all brmiftht to this point. Others folli>wetl, and the camj) was enlarp'tl 
as needed. A general exehanire of prisoners was made in Aupist. 1862. 
and Camp Morton was temporarily closed as a prison, hut was opcudl 
afcain in IW6:), after the Viekshurir campai^i. an<I continual to the end 
of tlu' war. There was some aufferinp among the prisoners. espiH'ially the 
first ones, (ien, Terrell says: "On arrival, esperially the Fort Dom-lson 
and Fort Henry prisoners, many were sick friim the terrible ex[iosurc 
to which they had licen subjected. The day after the main liody came. 



616 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



E. Johnston at D&lton, G«orgia, and other monuments at various 
Southern points. It was formally unveiled and presented at the State 
Capitol on June 9, 1913, the presentation speech being made by Qen. 
Bennett H. Young, Commander of the United Confederate Veterans, 
and warm tribute to Col. Owen was made in behalf of his former 
prisoners, before an audience largely composed of Union and Con- 




federate veterans, who fraternized most cordially on the occasion. It 
was an unprecedented tribute, and one in which Indiana takes just pride. 
During the war the soil of Indiana was three times invaded by 
rebels. The first and least important invasion occurred on July 18, 
1862, when about thirty men, under command of a guerrilla chief named 
Adam R. Johnson, seized a ferry-boat, and crossed the Ohio from Ken- 
tucky to Newbui^, in Warrick County. There were no troops at the 
place, except about eighty sick soldiers who were in a temporary hos- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 617 

pital. The raiders took possession of the hospital, but paroled the in- 
mates. They then seized' some arms that were stored in the place^ 
plundered several stores and houses, and returned to the Kentucky 
shore. Within three days ten companies of volunteers had assembled 
at Evansville, under command of Col. James Gavin, of the Seventh 
Indiana, and Col. John T. Wilder, of the Seventeenth Indiana, who 
were at home on leave of absence. They were sent into Kentucky with 
orders from Governor Morton to shoot all guerrillas found under arms, 
and all persons making resistance. In a few days that part of Ken- 
tucky was cleared of guerrillas. The people of Newbury decided that 
the raid had been instigated by citizens of that place, and after the 
raiders left, killed H. H. Carney and Elliott Melford, who had been 
seen in consultation with the raiders. The second raid was under com- 
mand of Captain Thomas H. Hines, of the Ninth Kentucky Cavalry. 
He was attached to the command of Gen. John Morgan, and early 
in June, 1863, was sent by Morgan to scout north of the Cumberland, 
with 120 men. After committing some depredations at Elizabeth town, 
forty miles southwest of Louisville, he was pursued by Union troops, 
and part of his men were captured. He then determined, according to 
Gen. Basil Duke, to cross over into Indiana, ''and stir up the copper- 
heads. ' ' -* He reached the Ohio with 64 men, and early on the morn- 
ing of June 18, crossed at Flint Island, eight miles above Cannelton. 
They were not in uniform, and were variously armed with muskets, 
rifles and shotguns, but each had two revolvers. They rode north 
through Perry County, pretending to be Union troops looking for desert- 
ers, and exchanged their tired horses for fresh ones, giving orders on 
the U. S. Quartermaster at Indianapolis for any agreed difference in 
value. They reached Orange County, near Orleans, that evening, and 
learning that the militia were gathering to oppose them, turned east, and 
rode all night, making towards Leavenworth. They killed one man 
who refused to give up his horse. At three o'clock in the morning they 
reached the house of Bryant Breedon, three miles from Leavenworth, 
and ordered him to conduct them to a crossing of the Ohio near the 
mouth of Blue River. He sent his son to Leavenworth to warn the 
Home Guards, and led them by a circuitous route to an island three 
miles above Leavenworth, where there was a shallow channel on the 
Indiana side, but on the Kentucky side the river was not fordable. 
After they were on the island, the militia came up and cut off retreat 
on the Indiana side, while the steamer Izetta, which had taken on a 
small cannon at Leavenworth, came up and opened fire on them from 
the river. Three of the raiders were killed, two drowned, and fifty-four 



24 Morgan 's Cavalry, p. 431. 



616 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



surrendered. Captain Hiues made his escape across the river. The 
prisoners expressed disappointnieot &t bein^^ treated as enemies by 
everybody they had met io Indiana, and the only kindness shown to 
them was by a man at New Amsterdam, in Harrison County, who was 
found treating some of them after their capture, and was forthwith put 
in jail with them.'^ 




Captain Thomas H. Hines at Twentt-three 
(Afterwards Chief Justice of the Kentucky Court of Appeals) 

This is significant in connection with the later activities of Capt. 
Hines in connection with Indiana. He was an interesting character ; 
a native of Kentucky, bom October 9, 1838, of an old Kentucky fam- 
ily. His father, Judge Warren W. Hines, was in comfortable circum- 
stances, and young Hines received so excellent a private education nt 
home that, in 1859, he began teaching in the Masonic University, at 



» New AlbEmy Ledger, June 2 



INDIANA AND INT)IANANS 619 

Lagrmnge. At tJie beginniiig of the CItQ War, he entered the Confed- 
erate amj as a lientenant. and, after the battle of Shik>h joined Mor- 
gan s eaTairy, for which he raised the eompany he eommanded. He 
was with Morgan in his raid throngh Indiana^ was eaptured with 
him. was the prineipal agent in the escape of Mwgan frcHn the Ohio 
penitentiary in 1S63, and saerificed himself to protect his chief. He 
was the prineipal agent of the South in '"the Northwestern Coniq>ir- 
aev/* and after its collapse escaped to Canada, where he began to read 
law with Gen. J. C. Breckenridge. at Toronto. After the war he re- 
moved to Memphis, where he edited the Memphis Dailv Appeal, and 
finished his legal studies under (jren. Alfred Pike. He was admitted to 
practice, and in 1S70. was elected Judge of the Warren County Court. 
In 1878. he was elected a Judge of the Kentucky Court of Appeals^ and 
was Chief Justice of that Court in 1S^4>5. Later he resumed the prac- 
tice of law. and died on Januarv 23. 1S9S. 

m 

But the great raid was Morgan s. though that of Hines may have been 
an introduction to it. As early as June 20. some of the prisoners of 
the Hines eommand stated that a rebel force of 1.5(30 men would be in 
Indiana within ten days.-^ It appears to have been the purpose to 
reliere the pressure on Bragg 's army by drawing the Union troops out 
of Kentucky in pursuit of Morgan, who. marching without impedimenta, 
could aToid pursuing forces, and safely return south of the Ohio. This 
would probably have been the result, but for an unexpected rise in 
the Ohio, which prevented his crcssing at Buffington Island. Morgan 
marched rapidly through Kemucky. and arrived at Bradenburg on 
July 7, and that night captured the steamer ■*J. T. McComb." which 
landed at the town: anchored in midstream, and put up distress sig- 
nals. The steamer "Alice Dean." coming up the river went to the re- 
lief, and was also eaptured. Morgan had sent out parties to cut the 
telegraph wires in all directions, which was thoroughly done, but citi- 
zens of Brandenburg got across the river, and gave the alarm at Mauck- 
port, from where it was sent to Corydon and Leavenworth. A force 
of Home Guards appeared on the Indiana side, with a six-pound cannon, 
but Morgan had two three-inch Parrott guns and two twelve-pound 
howitzers, and the defenders were driven away, and Morgan's forces 
were all across bv midnicrht of the Sth. (Jenerals Hohsson and Shackel- 
ford, of Kentucky, who were in pursuit of Morgan, were in reach of 
Brandenburg on the evening of the Sth. but did not undertake to enter 
the town until the next morning. A gunboat had come down Salt River, 
and attackcil Monran. but he had the heavier artillery, and it retired. 



2«Xew Albanj I^i^er. Jane 20, IS63. 



620 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Morgan burned the ** Alice Dean/* but not the **J. T. MeComb/' and 
instead of using the latter at once for putting his troops across the 
river, Shackelford sent her up to Louisville for transports, and so Mor- 
gan had twenty-four hours start of his pursuers in Indiana. 

Early on the morning of the 9th, Morgan started north to Corydon. 
Near Corydon he encountered a force of Home Guards, posted behind 
rail barricades, and a fight ensued, in which the Home Guards lost four 
killed and two wounded, while Morgan had eight killed and thirty- 
three wounded. But Morgan 's artillery put an end to the resistance, and 
300 Home Guards surrendered and were at once paroled. They de- 
layed the raiders so much that they made only 14 miles that day, or 
about one-third of their average distance. After a short stay at Cory- 
don, Morgan moved north again, camped for a few hours near Palmyra, 
and. reached Salem at nine o'clock on the morning of the 10th. They 
left there at two in the afternoon, and moved east to Vienna on the 
Indianapolis and Jeffersonville Railroad, where they captured the tele- 
graph operator before he could send out a warning message, and, by 
listening to messages going over the lines, learned of the preparations 
being made for their reception. Word of the invasion reached Louis- 
ville on the afternoon of the 9th, and was at once telegraphed to Gov- 
ernor Morton, reaching him about three oVlock. Morton at once is- 
sued a proclamation calling on all able-bodied white male citizens of the 
counties south of the National Road, to assemble, form companies, arm 
themselves, and drill. By the 11th, 15,000 improvised militia had 
reported, and two days later there were over 60,000. The alarm was 
widespread. Morgan kept parties scouting for five or ten miles on 
both sides of his line of march, and the reports of his force were greatly 
exaggerated, and wild rumors located him at places where he did not 
go. Louisville sent a million and a half of specie north for safety, and 
Indianapolis banks did likewise, for it was thought for a time thai Mor- 
gan was heading for the State capital. But this was no part of his 
plan. From Vienna they moved east to Lexington, near which they 
camped most of the night; then on to Vernon, where they found a 
force of Home Guards out to protect the town. These asked time to re- 
move non-combatants, which was promptly granted; and while they 
were getting ready to fight, Morgan drew his force oflf on the road to 
Dupont and left them. They crossed the Indianapolis and Cincinnati 
Railroad 16 miles north of Lawrenceburg, burning bridges, tearing 
up rails, and cutting telegraph wires, as they did all along their route. 
They reached Harrison on Monday, the 13th, crossed the Whitewater, 
and burned the bridge after them. As the advance of Hobson's pur- 
suing force came down into the valley, to enter Harrison, they saw the 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 621 

rear of Morgan's party moving up the hill to the east. Moi^an was 
out of Indiana, and his further pursuit and capture belong to the his- 
tory of Ohio and of the nation. 




Route of Moboan's Raid 



In this raid Morgan's men not only "lived on the country," in the 
military sense, but robbed private citizens of their ^luables like or- 
dinary highwaymen. Millers, and owners of manufactories were re- 
quired to "ransom" them or have them burned — usually at a price of 
$1,000 or more. Women were not molested, except in the search of 



622 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

houses for money, in the course of which beds were ripped up, furni- 
ture broken, and mirrors thrown down. Stores were plundered promis- 
cuously, and with a wanton spirit that might have been expected from 
a lot of drunken Halloween roysterers. Qen. Basil Duke freely ad- 
mits this, as follows: **This disposition for wholesale plunder ex- 
ceeded anything that any of us had ever seen before. The men seemed 
actuated by a desire to *pay off' in the 'enemy's country' all scores that 
the Federal army had chalked up in the South. The great cause for 
apprehension, which our situation might have inspired, seemed only to 
make them reckless. Calico was the staple article of appropriation — 
each man (who could get one) tied a bolt of it to his saddle, only to 
throw it away and get a fresh one at the first opportunity. They did 
not pillage with any sort of method or reason — it seemed to be a mania, 
senseless and purposeless. One man carried a bird-cage, with thrt<} 
canaries in it, for two days. Another rode with a chafing dish, which 
looked like a small metallic coffin, on the pommel of his saddle, until 
an officer forced him to throw it away. Although the weather was in- 
tensely warm, another, still, slung seven pairs of skates around hib necK, 
and chuckled over his acquisition. I saw very few artiees of real value 
taken — they pillaged like boys robbing an orchard. I would not have 
believed that such a passion could have been developed, so ludicrously, 
among any body of civilized men. At Piketon, Ohio, some days later, 
one man broke through the guard posted at h store, rushed in (trembling 
with excitement and avarice), and filled his pockets with horn but- 
tons. They would (with few exceptions) throw away their plunder 
after a while, like children tired of their toys. • • • Passing 
through Dupont a little aft«r daylight, a new feature in the practice of 
appropriation was developed. A large meat packing establishment was 
in this town, and each man had a ham slung to his saddle. There was 
no difficulty at any time in supplying men and horses, in either Indiana 
or Ohio — forage and provisions were to be had in abundance, stop 
where we would. There is a custom prevailing in those States, which is 
of admirable assistance to soldiery, and should be encouraged — a pra'> 
tice of baking bread opce a week in large quantities. Everj- house is 
full of it. The people were still laboring under vast apprehensions re- 
garding us, and it was a rare thing to see an entire family remaining 
at home. The men met us oftener in their capacity of militia than at 
their houses, and the * Copperheads' and 'Vallandinghamers' fought 
hanler than the others. Wherever we passed, bridges and depots, water- 
tanks, etc., were burned and the railroads torn up, but I knew of but 
one private dwelling being biimed upon the entire raid, and we were 
fired \ipon from that one."" 



ST Hist, of Morgan's GaTaby, pp. 436-9. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 623 

The private dwelling referred to was that of Rev. Peter Qleun, 
south of Corydon. Glenn attempted to enter the house after it was fired, 
after being ordered to desist, and was shot and killed. There were 
about 18 non-combatants killed by the raiders in Indiana, most of them 
for not obeying orders to halt. The amount of damage done was not 
so large as might have been expected. In 1867, the General Assembly 
provided for a commission to pass on claims for damaged in the Mor- 
gan raid, and the State finally allowed and paid $413,599.48 for damage 
done and property taken. The State was later reimbursed in part by 
the United States government. The scare was so widespread, and the 
damage so much less than feared, that the invasion was largely a mat- 
ter of jest for years afterwards; and in fact it was probably worth all 
it cost in rousing the people to the importance of supporting the Union 
cause, and keeping the war as far away from Indiana as possible. It 
also convinced the Confederates that there was very little sympathy 
for them north of the Ohio, as indicated by G^n. Duke, above. This was 
confirmed on all sides at the time. Gen. Shackelford says of Indiana, 
in his official report^: *'The kindness, hospitality, and patriotism of 
that noble state, as exhibited on the passage of the Federal forces, was 
sufficient to convince the most consummate traitor of the impossibility 
of severing this great Union. Ohio seemed to vie with her sister Indi- 
ana in facilitating our pursuit after the great Rebel raider. In each 
of these two great states our troops were fed and furnished with water 
from the hands of men, women and children ; from the palace and hut 
alike we shared their hospitality.'' Gen. Hobson said in his report: 
**And to the citizens of Indiana and Ohio who so generously came to 
our assistance, and so generously provided for our wants, I return my 
thanks, and I assure them they will ever be held in grateful remem- 
berance by all the command." Morton issued a proclamation of thanks 
to the ** minute men," in which he stated that Morgan unquestionably 
intended originally to sack the capital, but had been prevented by the 
popular resistance. **This wonderful uprising will exert a marked 
effect throughout the country, exhibiting as it does in the strongest and 
most favorable light the military spirit and patriotism of our people. 
• • • For the alacrity with which you have responded to my call 
and left your harvest fields, your workshops and offices, and took up 
arms to protect your State and punish the invaders, allow me, on 
behalf of the State to tender my hearty thanks. Your example will 
not t)e lost upon the nation, and you have taught the Rebels a lesson 
which will not be forgotten." 

The Journal joined in the common testimony, on July 15, saying: 
** Political differences were for the moment forgotten, and feuds that 



/ 

I 



» 



624 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

had long separated friends were lost in the overwhelming patriotism, 
and men clasped hands and marched shoulder to shoulder as friends 
again. * * • We thank Morgan for this raid. It has evolved our 
patriotism; it has given us a marvelous -unity; it has organized our 
state forces and rendered them efficient for any emergency ; it has effec- 
tually cowed down sympathy with rebels; more than all it has taught 
the raider, who loves to plunder and lay waste more than he does t(» 
fight, that no part of the North is what Grierson found the South to be, 
a mere, empty shell. ' ' But this did not last. The Journal was soon 
arguing that Morgan could not possibly have got out of Indiana, if he 
had not been aided by copperheads, and the Sentinel was demonstrat- 
ing that Morgan's escape was due to of&cial blundering, and especially 
holding troops to protect Indianapolis. Perhaps the most interesting 
testimony in that connection is the report of Gen. Hascall, made some 
time later, in which he says : * ' It soon became evident that IMorgan had 
no serious intention of attacking the capital, but was trying to escape 
through Ohio. To prevent this Brigadier General Carrington was or- 
dered to proceed with three regiments of minute men and a battery of 
artillery, by way of Richmond and Hamilton, to intercept Morgan at 
or near Loveland, north of Cincinnati. He was ordered to proceed at 
three o 'clock in the afternoon of the 13th day of July, and the trains 
were said to have been in readiness at that time. At nine o'clock at 
night, however, he had not gone, and General Willcox thereupon sus- 
pended him from command, and ordered me to proceed with the troops, 
which I did, arriving at the point of destination *just in time to be too 
late.' The few hours lost in starting from Indianapolis gave the rebel 
marauder ample time to pass the proposed point of attack without de- 
tention, and the last opportunity offered to Indiana troops to inflict 
chastisement on the fleeing enemy was thus lost.^s 

It was in this connection that George W. Julian entered military 
life. Julian says: ** Messengers were at once dispatched to all parts 
of Wayne County conveying the news of the invasion, and the next 
morning the people came pouring in from all directions, while the great- 
est excitement prevailed. The town had eighty muskets, belonging lo 
the Home Guard, and I took one of them, which I afterward exchanged 
for a good French rifle ; And having put on the military equipments, and 
supplied myself with a blanket and canteen, I was ready for marching 
orders. The volunteers who rallied at Centreville were shipped to In- 
dianapolis, and were about seven hours on the way. I was a member 
of Company C, and the regiment to which I belonged was the One Ilun- 



28 Terrell 's R^ort, Vol. 1, p. 277. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 625 

dreJ and Sixth, and was commanded by Colonel Isaac P. Qray. Of the 
force which responded to the call of the Qovernor, thirteen regiments 
and one battalion were organized specially for the emergency, and sent 
into the field in different directions, except the One Hundred and 
Tenth and the One hundred and Eleventh, which remained at Indian- 
apolis. The One Hundred and Sixth was shipped by rail to Cincinnati, 
and but for a detention of several hours at Indianapolis, caused by the 
drunkenness of an officer high in command, it might possibly have 
encountered Morgan near Hamilton, the next morning, on the way 
South. • • * We were reshipped to Indianapolis by rail, where wc 
were mustered otit of service and returned to our homes after a cam- 
paign of eight days. This was the sum of my military experience, but 
it afforded me some glimpses of the life of a soldier, and supplied me 
with some startling facts respecting the curse of intemperance in our 
armies.2® 

The civil history of Indiana during the war is not so gratifying as the 
military history, and the ordinary idea of it has given the State a repu- 
tation that is not deserved. As has been noted, in 1861, after Sumter 
was fired on, Indiana was practically a unit for the suppression of the 
rebellion, as was specially evidenced by the special session of the legis- 
lature which was convened after the war had so begun. It subordinated 
all considerations of party, and gave Go.vemor Morton even more than 
he asked. No governor had ever had such poMjer in Indiana as was 
conferred on j him by law at this time. The Ij^iSliitixe enthusiasm for 
the preservation of the Union was simply an illustration of the general 
feeling. That there were some Southern sympathizerf^ in Indiana is 
unquestionable, but they were few in number, and no ijiore numerous 
than the average in the J^Jorthern States. .gojpCof them left the State 
and went South, as n^Arcasy on accouij^of &^ geographical relation. 



and those who remam^S^were ^eitheif^^l^ve e^*' influential. And yet, 
with a people entnusiastic for war, with himself at the head of the war 
management, with his devotion to the war unquestioned, Morton lost 
political control of the St&te in eighteen months. In 1862 the people 
elected Democratic State officers (excepting the Qovernor and Lieu- 
tenant Qovernor) and a Democratic legislature. There were two sena- 
tors to be elected, one for a full term, and one for the unexpired term of. 
Jesse D. Bright. The Democratic members were unanimously for 
Thomas A. Hendricks for the full term, and practically so for David 
Turpie for the short term, although Bright was on hand asking a re- 
election for ** vindication." The Republicans undertook to control the 



29 Political HecoUections, p. 232. 



630 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Morton's desire for 8 military command was af^ain communicated to 
the President. • A number of leading men from the West urged the 
consolidation of the troops in that section under Morton 's command. ' ' •* 
Simnltaneously with this movement the Journal opened a campaig:n 
against General Grant. Sulgrove visited the army after Shiloh, and 
on April 29, 1862, he wrote, for the Journal: "Of General Grant I 




' Gen. John F. Miller, U. S. A. 

heard much and little to his credit. The army may know nothing of 
the real guilt of the late sacrifice and the real cause of the confusion 
that was left to arrange itself in a storm of bullets and fire, but they 
believe that Grant is at fault. No respect is felt for him and no con- 
fidence felt in him. I heard nobody attempt to exculpate him, and his 
conduct was the one topic of discussion around eamp fires during my 
stay." This attitude was maintained for months. On November 13. 
MLife of Uorton, pp. 180-1. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 627 

Senate to accomplish any great evil in the face of the Republican ma- 
jority, and if his conduct became objectionable in the same way that 
Mr. Bright 's had been, he could be removed by the action of that body. 
There was no need for the Republican senators to assume the extreme 
position which they did at the outset of the session.*' *® Apparently not. 
Turpie says: ** After the election I called at the governor's office. Mr. 
Morton gave me my commission with his best wishes for my personal 
success, observing also that the honors of our party had been justly and 
deservedly awarded. This remark I repeated to Mr. Hendricks, since it 
was doubtless intended as a compliment to both the senators elect. All 
these things were very pleasant.*' ^^ What Mr. Hendricks had said was 
'that in case the South achieved its independence, the interests of the 
Northwest were with it, rather than with New England; which seemed 
rather obvious at the time, as Governor Morton wrote to Lincoln, on 
October 27, 1862 : 

**The fate of the North is trembling in the balance. The result of 
the late elections admonishes all who understand its import that not an 
hour is to be lost. The Democratic politicians of Ohio, Indiana and 
Illinois assume that the rebellion will not be crushed, and that the 
independence of the rebel Confederacy will, before many months, be 
practically acknowledged. Starting upon this hypothesis, they ask the 
question, *What shall be the destiny of Ohio, Indiana and Illinois? 
Shall they remain attached to the old government, or shall they secede 
and form a new one — a Northwestern Confederacy — as a preparatory 
step to annexation with the South ? The latter project is the programme, 
and has been for the last twelve months. During the recent campaign it 
was the staple of every Democratic speech — that we had no interests or 
sympathies in common with the people of the Northern and Eastern 
states; that New England is fattening at our expense; that the people 
of New England are cold, selfish, money-making, and, through the 
medium of tariffs and railroads, are pressing us to the dust; that 
geographically these states are a part of the Mississippi Valley, and, in 
their political associations and destiny, can not be separated from the 
other states of that valley; that socially and commercially their sym- 
pathies and interests are with the people of the Southern states rather 
than with the people of the North and East; that the Mississippi river 
is the great artery and outlet of all Western commerce ; that the people 
of the Northwest can never consent to be separated politically from the 
people who control the mouth of that river; that this war has been 
forced upon the South for the purpose of abolishing slavery, and that 



30 Life of Morton, pp. 214, 219. 

81 Sketches of My Own Times, p. 200. 



628 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

the. South has oflfered reasonable and proper compromises which, if they 
had been accepted, would have avoided the war. In some of these ar^- 
ments there is much truth. Our geographical and social relations are not 
to be denied; but the most potent appeal is that connected with the 
free navigation and control of the Mississippi river. The importance of 
that river to the trade and commerce of the Northwest is so patent as to 
impress itself with great force upon the most ignorant minds, and re- 
quires only to be stated to be at once understood and accepted, and I 
give it here as my deliberate judgment that, should the misfortune of 
our arms, or other causes, compel us to the abandonment of this war 
and the concession of the independence of the rebel states — Ohio, 
Indiana and Illinois can only be prevented from a new act of secession 
by a bloody and desolating civil war. The South would have the prestige 
of success: the commerce of the world would be opened to feed and 
furnish her armies, and she would contend for everv foot of land west 
of the Alleghenies, and in the struggle would be supported by a powerful 
party in these states. 

*'If the states which have already seceded should succeed in their 
rebellion, our efforts must then be directed to the preservation of what 
is left; to maintaining in the Union those which are termed loyal, and 
to retaining the territories of the West. God grant that this contingency 
may never happen, but it becomes us, as men, to look it boldly in the 
face. Let us take security against it if possible, especially when by so 
doing we ghall be pursuing the surest mode for crushing out the rebellion 
in every part, and restoring the Union to its former limits. The plan 
which I have to suggest is the complete clearing out of all obstacles to 
the navigation of the Mississippi river and the thorough conquest of 
the states upon its western bank. Between the state of Missouri and 
the Gulf of Mexico, on the western bank, are the states of Arkansas and 
Louisiana. Arkansas has a population of about three hundred and 
twenty-five thousand white citizens and one hundred and eleven thousand 
slaves, and a very large percentage of her white population is in the 
rebel army, and serving east of the Mississippi. Of the fighting popula- 
tion of western Louisiana not less than fifty per cent is in the rebel 
army, and in service east of the river. The river once in our possession 
and occupied by our gunboats can never be crossed by a rebel army, 
and the fighting men now without those states can never get back to 
their relief. To make their conquest thorough and complete your 
proclamation should be executed in every county and every township 
and upon every plantation. All this can be done in less than ninety 
days with an army of less than one hundred thousand men. Texas 
would then be entirely isolated from the rebel Confederacy, and would 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 629 

readily fall into our hands. She has undoubtedly a large Union element 
in her population, and with her complete separation -from the people 
of the other rebel states, could make but feeble resistance. The remain- 
ing rebel states, separated by the river, would be cut off effectually from 
all the territories and from the states of Mexico. The dangers to be 
apprehended from French aggressions in Mexico would be avoided. The 
entire western part of the continent now belonging to the government 
would be secured to us, and all communication between the rebel states 
and the states of the Pacific entirely stopped. The work of conquest 
in Arkansas and Louisiana would be easy and certain, and the presence 
of our gunboats in the river would effectually prevent any large force 
from coming from the east to the relief of those states. The complete 
emancipation which could and should be made of all the slaves in 
Arkansas, Louisiana and Texas would place the possession of those 
states on a very different footing from that of any other rebel territory 
which we have heretofore overrun. 

^VBut another result to be gained by the accomplishment of this plan 
will be the creation of a guaranty against the further depreciation of 
the loyalty of the Northwestern states by the assurance that whatever 
may be the result of the war, the free navigation and control of the 
Mississippi river will be secured at all events.'* 

Aside from a natur^^J desire to find a foreign explanation for the 
political reverse in Indiana, there is no reason to suspect the sincerity 
of Morton in this letter; though the '^plan'' was a matter of ** carrying 
coals to Newcastle, ' ' as the opening of the Mississippi was what Lincoln 
had been striving for for months. Farragut and Butler had taken New 
Orleans in April, and Natchez in May ; but the gunboats had been un- 
able to reduce the fortifications at Vicksburg, and Grant had been 
ordered to march on it from Corinth. Possibly Morton was demonstrat- 
ing his military capacity, for he persistently sought an appointment from 
Lincoln. Foulke says: *' Morton's restless energy was ill content with 
a merely civil oflBce in time of war. The palpable incompetence of many 
of the men who were conducting great operations provoked in him an 
eager desire to take the field in person. Ilis natural gifts qualified him 
for military leadership. At a very early period he was convinced of the 
importance of dividing the Confederacy along the line of the Mississippi 
and of cutting off the territory west of the river from the rest of the 
seceding states. This was before the country realized the necessity of 
the immense armies which were afterwards required. Morton proposed 
to raise and command a force of ten thousand men for this purpose. 
William R. Holloway, his private secretary, went to Washington to lay 
the plan before the President. • • • In the summer of 1862, 



830 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Morton's desire for a military command was again communicated to 
the President. • A nomber of leadii^ men from the West urged the 
consolidation of the troops in that section under Morton 's command. ' ' " 
Simultaneously witli this movement the Journal opened a campaign 
gainst General Grant. Sulgrove visited the army after Shiloh, and 
on April 29, 1862, he wrote, for the Journal: "Of General Grant I 




* Gen. John P. Miller, U. S. A, 



heard much and little to his credit. The army may know nothing of 
the real guilt of the late sacrifice and tlie real cause of the confusion 
that was left to arrange itself in a storm of bullets and fire, but they 
believe that Grant is at fault. No respect is felt for him and no con- 
fidence felt in him. I heard nobody attempt to exculpate him, and his 
conduct waa the one topic of discussion around Camp fires during my 
stay." This attitude was maintained for months. On November 13, 

" Life of Morton, pp. 180-1. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 631 

1862, the Journal said : ^ ' General Grant has been living a good while 
on whiskey and the reputation he made without any effort of his own 
at Ft. Donelson, and if he has taken on himself to defy his superiors 
and flout his equals, he has about exhausted the patience that his ficti- 
tious honors entitle him to." 

On October 7, 1862, Morton wrote to Lincoln: **In my opinion, if 
our arms do not make great progress within the next sixty days, our 
cause will be almost lost. • • • You have now immense armies in 
the field, and all that they require to achieve victory is that they be 
led with energy and discretion. The cold professional leader, whose 
heart is not in the cause, who regards it as only a professional job, and 
whose rank and importance would be greatly diminished by the conclu- 
sion of the war, will not succeed in a contest like this. I would rely 
with infinitely more confidence upon the man of strong intellect, whose 
head is inspired by his heart, who, although he be unlearned in military 
science, believes that our cause is sacred, and that he is fighting for 
all that is dear to him and his country, rather than upon the polished 
professional soldier, whose sympathies, if he have any, are most likely 
on the other side. It is my solemn conviction that we will never succeed 
until the leadership of our armies i^ placed in the hands of men who 
are greatly in earnest, and who are profoundly convinced of the justice 
of our cause. Let me beg of you, sir, as I am your friend, a friend of 
the administration, and a friend of our unfortunate and unhappy 
country, that you will at once take up the consideration of this subject, 
and act upon the inspiration of your own heart and the dictates of your 
own judgment. Another three months like the last six, and we are 
lost — ^lost.^' But Lincoln was having trouble enough with ''cold profes- 
sional leaders'* to risk any experiments with *'men of strong intellect, 
unlearned in military science, ' ' and Morton was not appointed. And it 
may be doubted whether Lincoln's trials with his generals were much 
more worry to him than listening to their critics. It is related that 
after listening to a visitor berate one of them, he said: *'Now you are 
just the man I have been looking for. I want you to give me your 
advice, and tell me, if you were in my place, and had learned all you Ve 
been telling, and didn't believe a word of it, what would you do?" 

It will be noted that in Morton 's letter of October 27 he ascribes the 

political reversal chiefly to the lack of success in the war, and to a 

belief that its object was to free the slaves, and not to preserve the 

Union. Unquestionably both of these causes had weight. There had 

been many persons who doubted that the South could be conquered, and 

there had not been much apparent progress towards it by the fall of 

1862. War conditions were not pleasant even to those who were not 
Vol. n— 6 



632 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

actively engaged in it. Prices had almost doubled, and taxes had in- 
creased enormonsly. The negro question was quite as prominent as 
before the war, and there had been a lurking suspicion from the first 
that the war was an abolition scheme, and at the beginning of the war 
nine-tenths of the people of Indiana were utterly opposed to abolition, 
and almost equally so to the negro. At the special legislatiTc session 
of 1861, which was so enthusiastically for the war, there were two 
manifestati(His of these sentiments. On April 29, BepresentatiTC Owen 
introduced a bill making any white person who married a negro or 
mulatto incompetent as a witness. On May 9, the Committee on Bights 
and Privileges recommended the indefinite postponement of this bill, 
on the ground that such a marriage was a nullity, and that ''any white 
person who would debase themselves so low as to intermarry with a 
mulatto or negro should not be debased any lower by an act of the 
Legislature. *' This recommendation was defeated by a vote of 58 to 
18, but on May 31, the bill was laid on the table. Both houses had joint 
resolutions ''in relation to neutrality in time of war," and "'constitu- 
tional obligati(ms" of the states and the United States, and on April 
30, the Senate added to its resolutions the declaration ''Nor is it the 
intention of the State of Indiana that any portion of her resources of 
either men or money shall ever be employed, either directly or indi- 
rectly, in any aggression upon the institution of slavery, or any other 
constitutional right belonging to any of the States. "'' This addition 
was reconunended by the Committee on Federal Relations, and adopted 
by consent, and yet within two years the same sentiment was treated 
as disloyal. Two years of war worked a revolution of sentiment that 
was astounding. The abominated abolitionist was having his day, and 
Indiana had her representative in the foremost ranks. On January 
14, 1862, George W. Julian delivered a speech in Congress in which he 
urged that slavery was the cause of the rebellion, and its support ; and 
demanded its abolition. His logic was perfect — his invective terrific. 

He said: ''This black c<mspiraey against the life of the Republic, 
which has armed half a million of men in its work of treason, piracy 
and murder, — this magnificent spectacle of total depravity made easy 
in real life, is the crowning flower and fruit of our partnership with 
the sum of all the villanies. AU the crimes and horrors of this struggle 
for national existence cry out against it, and demand its utter political 
damnation. In the fires of the revolution which it has kindled, it has 
painted its own character with a pencil dipped in hell. The lives sac- 
rificed in the war it has waged, the agonies of the battle-field, the bodies 



u Sen. Jorniud, p. 59. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 633 

and limbs mangled and maimed for Hfe, the widows and orphans made 
to monm, the moral ravages of war, the waste of property, the burning 
of bridges, the robbery of forts, arsenals, navy-yaxds, and mints, the 
public sanction and practice of piracy, and the imminent peril to which 
the cause of free government throughout the world is subjected, all 
write their deep brand upon slavery as a Christless outlaw, and plead 
with us to smite it in the name of God. • • • I know it was not the 
purpose of this administration, at first, to abolish slavery, but only to 
save the Union, and maintain the old order of things. Neither was it the 
purpose of our fathers, in the beginning of the Revolution, to insist on 
independence. Before the first battles were fought, a reconciliation could 
have been secured simply by removing the grievance which led to arms. 
But events soon prepared the people to demand absolute separation. 
Similar facts may tell the story of the present struggle. • • • The 
rebels have demanded a * reconstruction * on the basis of slavery ; let us 
give them a * reconstruction' on the basis of freedom. Let us convert 
the rebel States into conquered provinces, remanding them to the status 
of mere Territories, and governing them as such in our discretion. 

• • • As we are freed from all antecedent obligations, we should 
deal with this remorseless oligarchy as if we were now at the beginning 
of the nation's life, and about to lay the foundation of empire in these 
States for ages to come. Our failure to give freedom to four millions 
of slaves would be a crime only to be measured by that of putting them 
in chains if they were free. • • • A right to subdue the rebels 
carries with it a right to employ the means of doing it, and of doing it 
effectively, and with the least possible cost. * • • The rebels use 
their slaves in building fortifications; shall we not invite them to our 
lines, and employ them in the same business? The rebels employ them 
in raising the provisions, without which their armies must perish ; shall 
we not entice them to join our standard, and thus compel the enemy 
to reinforce the plantation by weakening the army ? The rebels employ 
them as cooks, nurses, teamsters and scouts ; shall we decline such serv- 
ices in order to spare slavery? The rebels organize regiments of black 
men, who shoot down our loyal white soldiers; shall we sacrifice our 
sons and brothers for the sake of slavery, refusing to put black men 
against black men, when the highest interests of both white and black 
plead for it? 

'*Sir, when the history of this rebellion shall be written, its saddest 
pages will record the careful and studious tenderness of the administra- 
tion toward American slavery. I say this with the sincerest regret. 

• • • Instead of making slavery the special point of attack, as the 
weak point of the enemy, the policy of the administration has been that 



634 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

of perpetual deference to its claims. The government speaks of it with 
bated breath. It handles it with kid gloves. Very often has it spread its 
parental wing over it, as the object of its peculiar care. In dealing 
with the interests of rebels, it singles out as its pet and favorite, as 
the spared object of its love, the hideous monster that is at once the 
body, soul, and spirit of the movement we are endeavoring to subdue. 
While the rebels have trampled the Constitution under their feet, and 
pursued their purposes like thugs and pirates, the government has lost 
no opportunity of declaring that the constitutional rights of slavery shall 
be protected by loyal men. • * • To this strange deference to 
slavery must be referred the fact that such swarms of disloyal men have 
been retained in the several departments of the government, and that 
the spirit and energy of the war have been paralyzed from the begin- 
ning. To the same cause must we attribute the recent proclamations of 
General Sherman and General Dix, and the humiliating services of 
our armies in the capture and return of fugitive slaves. Again and 
again have our commanders engaged in this execrable business, in dis- 
regard of the Constitution, and in defiance of all precedent. In numer- 
ous instances fugitives have been delivered to rebel masters, — an of- 
fense compounded of piracy and treason, which should have been pun- 
ished with death. • • • Sir, our treatment of these fugitives has 
not only been disgraceful, but infamous. For the rebels, the Constitution 
has ceased to exist, but were it otherwise, it is neither the right nor the 
duty of our army to return their slaves. • • • The conduct of the 
administration toward General Fremont forms a kindred topic of crit- 
icism. When he proclaimed freedom to the slaves of rebels in Missouri, 
it was greeted with almost universal joy throughout the free States. 
• • • But the President at once modified it, so far as its anti- 
slavery features went beyond the Confiscation Act of July. • • • 
The Confiscation Act bribes all the slaves of the South to murder our 
people, and the President refuses to allow the war power to go beyond 
it. The effect is, that if the slaves engage in the war at all, they must do 
so as our enemies, while, if they remain at home on their plantations, 
in the business of feeding the rebel army, they will have the protec- 
tion both of the loyal and confederate governments. Sir, is not this a 
practical espousal of the rebellion by the administration? • • • 
It is known that General Fremont's proclamation was modified to ac- 
commodate the loyal slave-holders of Kentucky, but what right, I ask, 
had the loyal men of that State to complain if the disloyal men of 
Missouri forfeited their slaves by treason? If pretended loyal men in 
Kentucky or elsewhere value slavery above the Union, then they are not 
loyal, and the attempt to make them so by concessions will be vain. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 635 

A conditional Union man is no Union man at all. Iwyalty must be 
absolute. ■ " • We must cease to regard the rebels as misguided 
men, whose infatuation is to be deplored, whilst we still hope to bring 
them to their senses. • • ' We must abandon entirely Uie delnaon 
that rebels and outlaws have any rights under the Constitution, and 
deal with them aa rebels and ontlaws. • * * If they had the power 




LiBUT.-CoM. WOJ-IAM GwiN 



they would exterminate us from the face of the earth. They have 
turned loose to prey upon the Republic the transmitted vices and dia- 
bolisms of two himdred years, and sooner than fail in their stru^le 
they would light up heaven itself with the red glare of the Pit, and 
convert the earth into a carnival of devils. 

"All tenderness to such a foe is treason to our cause, murder to our 
people, faithlessness to the grandest and holiest trust ever committed 
to a free people. The policy for which I plead, sooner or later, must be 



636 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

adopted, if the rebels are to be mastered, and every delay puts in peril 
the precious interests for which we fight. • • • Let us not mock the 
Almighty by waiting till we are forced by needless calamities to do 
what should • be done at once, as the dictate alike of humanity and 
policy ; for it may happen, when this rebellion shall have hung crape on 
one hundred thousand doors in the free States, that a ruined country 
will taunt us with the victory which might have been ours, and leave us 
only the poor consolation of bitter and unavailing regrets. Mr. Chair- 
man, the sweeping policy I would have the government adopt toward 
slavery will be objected to on the ground of its injustice to the loyal 
slaveholders of the South. To this objection I have several replies 
to make. In the first place, I would pay to every loyal slave claimant, 
on due proof of loyalty, the fairly assessed value of his slaves. I would 
not do this as compensation, for no man should receive pay for rob- 
bing another of his earnings, and plundering him of his humanity ; but 
as a means of facilitating a settlement of our troubles, and securing a 
lasting peace, I would tax the public treasury to this extent. * • • 
In the next place, I reply that the total extirpation of slavery will be our 
only security against future trouble and discord. By any sacrifice, and 
by all possible means, should we now guard against repetition of the 
scenes through which we have been called to pass. If we will heed the 
lesson of experience, we cannot go astray. • • • i reply further, 
that while loyal slaveholders may dislike exceedingly to part with their 
slaves, and still more to give up their cherished institutions, yet the hard- 
ship of their case is not peculiar. This rebellion is placing heavy bur- 
dens upon all loyal men. At whatever cost, and at all hazards, it must 
be put down. This is the principle on which we must act. Accord- 
ingly, the State which I in part represent, has not only done her full 
share in the way of means to carry on the war, but has placed in the 
field one-twentieth part of her entire population. She will be ready to 
make still further sacrifices when they shall be demanded. Neither 
our property nor the lives of our people will be counted too precious 
for an offering. If loyal slaveholders are as patriotic as loyal non- 
slaveholders, they will be equally ready to make sacrifices. • • • I 
reply, finally, that if the war is to be conducted on the policy of fully 
accommodating the wishes of loyal slaveholders, that policy will be 
found impracticable, and therefore need not be attempted. • • • I 
must not conclude, Mr. Chairman, without noticing a further objec- 
tion to the policy for which I contend. I refer to the allied danger 
of this policy, and the disposition of the slavefs after they shall be free. 
• • • Do you tell me that if the slaves are set free they will rise 
against their former masters, and pillage and lay waste the South? I 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 637 

answer, that all that, should it happen, would be far less deplorable 
■ than a Btruggle like this, involving the existence of a free nation of 
thirty millions of people, and the hope of the civilized world. If there- 
fore, our policy is to be determined by the question of consequences, the 
armament is clearly on the wde of universal freedom." " 

This waa very radical doctrine for the time — certainly more radical 




Gen. Robert H. Milbot 

than was publicly advocated by any other public man in Indiana. And 
yet the country was moving towards it with headlong speed. It was 
fair, notice to the Democrats of Indiana of what might be looked for; 
and it was followed on September 22, before the elections, by Lincoln's 
first proclamation that he would emancipate the slaves in all states in 
rebellion on January 1, 1863. Unless the South submitted, the war 
was thenceforth a war to free the slaves, as well as to preserve the Union. 

*« Speeches on Politictl Qaeation*, pp. 1$1-177. 



638 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

There were hundreds of men, all over the country, who balked at that 
proposition, although the sum of public sentiment was far nearer it* 
than it was in 1860. The natural animosity roused by ^Hhe slaveholderd 
rebellion" was added to by other causes. The Union soldiers in the 
South found. their chief — almost only — friends among the negroes, and 
they were writing back home. There were many negro refugees coming 
into Indiana, whose destitution and helplessness awakei^d compassion. 
They were inoffensive, and willing to work, and in the dearth of- white 
labor they were in the nature of a godsend. The laws prohibiting them 
from coming into the State, and making contracts with them void, were 
absolutely ignored. The race prejudice,^ which was formerly greater in 
the North than in the South, rapidly diminished. But the **war meas- 
ure*' argument was far more potent than any other, and especially with 
the soldiers. As one put it to me: **I went into the war strongly op- 
posed to abolition, and to arming the negroes ; but it gradually dawned 
on me that a nigger would stop a bullet just as well as I could.*' The 
sum of all this was that in the elections of 1862, the political division 
was largely between those who were reconciled to a war for emancipa- 
tion and those who were not. The change of sentiment had been large, 
but it was far from universal. Five years earlier, John Brown had 
been the subject of very general denunciation, but now ** John Brown's 
Body," with the accoimpanying sentiment of ''Hang JeflE Davis on a 
sour apple tree," wds a very popular song. Moreover, what Kipling 
calls **the awful Battle Hymn of the Republic" had taken hold of the 
public mind, and the idea that the Union armies had gone out as agents 
of the Almighty, to free the slave, and wreak vengeance on the slave- 
holder, was taking firm root. But there remained very many, who had 
grown up under the old political tenets, to whom abolitionism was as 
unconstitutional as it had ever been when both Whigs and Democrats 
were denouncing it.^*^ 

Another influence that was very potent was what are known as ** arbi- 
trary arrests," though the objection was not so much to the arrests as 
to the suspension of the write of habeas corpus for the person arrested. 
The practice of military arrests was begun in 1861, but was at first con- 
fined chiefly to states where military operations were in progress. For 
example, between July and October, 1861, 175 persons were arrested 
and confined in Fort Lafayette, including the oflScers of the Maryland 
legislature, and nine members of its House of Delegates. They were 
arrested under the authority of the Secretary of War, and the military 

authorities declined to recognize the writ of habeas corpus. On Sep- 

^^-^■^ ■ 

3s An interesting contemporary presentation of the changing sentiment as to 
slavery will be found in the Annual Cyclopedia for 1862, Tit. Slaves. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 639 

tember 24, 1862, President Lincoln ordered the arrest of persons dis- 
couraging enlistments, resisting conscription, or guilty of disloyal prac- 
tices which afforded aid and comfort to rebels, and suspending the writ 
of habeas corpus as to such arrested persons. There was a general re- 
monstrance in the Northern states, where the courts were open, and the 
legality of the action was at once questioned in the courts. There was 
some difference of opinion, but courts in Pennsylvania, Vermont and 
Wisconsin held the arrests illegal. The order had been made just be- 
fore the fall elections, and the elections went against the Republicans 
all over the country. President Lincoln apparently became satisfied that 
he had made a mistake, and on November 22 the order was rescinded. 
There were a number of these arrests in Indiana, and they were bit- 
terly denounced in the campaign. Like all questions that get into 
politics, they were disposed of by the public on party lines. To the Re- 
publicans, any man who was arrested was a guilty traitor. To the Dem- 
ocrats he was merely a Democrat arrested for political purposes. The 
matter was made the subject of legislative investigation at the next ses- 
sion, and the committee divided on party lines, making majority and 
minority reports. On the face of the reports, it seems probable that 
the witnesses divided in the same way. 

There is another peculiar manifestation of the intense political feel- 
ing of the time in the reports of criminal items in the newspapers. Every- 
thing was put on a political basis. The ordinary reports of crimes as 
crimes dwindled away, but the Journal abounded in reports of Copper- 
head outrages on Republicans, and the Sentinel in reports of Aboli- 
tionist outrages on Democrats. There was the natural increase of law- 
lessness incident to large gatherings of soldiers where the sale of liquor 
is not restricted, and vice is not suppressed. Speaking of Indianapolis 
in October, 1862, HoUiday says : ''Deserters began to be very numerous 
and rewards were offered for their arrest, eighty-six from the 51st being 
missing. Crime had become so prevalent, and disorder of all sorts, that 
the streets were not safe. A permanent provost guard was established, 
that patrolled the streets, watched the Union Station and other places. 
Somewhat later guards were placed on every train when in the station 
and no soldier could enter unless he had a pass. Annoyances to citizens 
occurred sometimes and people began to realize what military rule 
meant.'' 3® It was quite a common subject for complaint throughout 
the country that gamblers, confidence men, and other harpies who prey 
on soldiers gathered wherever they were in numbers. But there was 
another condition peculiar to the Ohio Valley states. As before men- 



B« Ind. Hist Soc. Pubs., Vol. 4, p. 574. 



640 INDIANA" AND INDIANANS 

tioned, the Ohio had for years been a rallying point for the criminal 
classes, on account of the opportunities it offered both for plunder and 
for escape. Moreover, being the line between slavery and freedom, there 
had developed along it on both sides, an element of kidnapers and slave- 
catchers who knew each other, and worked in harmony for mutual 
profit, in any kind of lawlessness. On the Kentucky side there were 
quickly formed bands of guerrillas who plundered without regard to 
politics, until they were driven out by Indiana troops, as before men- 
tioned. On the Indiana side a like situation was prevented by prompt 
action. On May 7, Representative C. S. Dobbins presented to the House, 
at the Special Session of 1861, a letter from C. H. McCarty, of Dover 
Hill, Martin County, which said: *'We have in our county jail two 
men (Templeton and Vandever) arrested and committed without the 
privilege of bail, for organizing a band of guerrillas, or robbers, to 
operate during the present war. Their guilt is clearly proved. They 
had enlisted about fifteen others. Now you perhaps know the Vandever 
stock, and Templeton is no better. We need a law to put down such 
men as have these evil intentions — levying war against the state — ^it can 
be nothing else. We must have such a law as will reach their case. We 
will arrest at least a dozen more. The proof is plain and beyond doubt. 
Will the legislature give us a law to stop this lawless outrage, and pre- 
serve the lives and property of our citizens?*' ^"^ The legislature in 
addition to ordinary criminal laws, passed a very sweeping treason law, 
making it a felony, punishable by 2 to 21 years in the penitentiary, and 
$10,000 fine, for any person to aid or assist the enemy by any direct act, 
**or by carrying on a traitorous correspondence with them, or shall 
form or be in any wise concerned in forming any combination or plot or 
conspiracy for betraying this State, or the United States, or the armed 
forces of either, into the handi^or power of any foreign enemy, or of any 
organized or pretended government engaged in resisting the laws or 
authority of the Government of the United States of America, or shall 
give any intelligence to any such enemies or pretended government or 
their forces, for that purpose.^^ It will be noted that this statute 
exactly covers the offenses of the ** Knights of the Golden Circle," of 
later date. It is also apparent that this criminal element, on both sides 
of the Ohio, furnishes an explanation of the ** copperhead" communica- 
tion of intelligence to the South, commonly charged at the time. 

The legislature of 1863 was conducted on a political basis from the 
first. The Republican minority openly demanded to control the policy 
of the legislature, on an assumption of superior patriotism, beginning 

57 House Journal, p. 131. 

58 Special Session of 1861, p. 44. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 641 

as mentioned, by bolting to prevent the election of Mr. Hendricks to the 
Senate, questioning his loyalty, which was as offensive a thing as they 
could have devised. The Democrats regarded the election as a con- 
demnation of the administration for the past two years, on the issues 
of the campaign, one of which was the charge that Morton had used 
his control of the militia for political purposes. They proposed to 
take from him the appointment of militia officers, and put in a board of 
State officers. The Republicans gave notice that they would bolt to 
prevent this, and did so, leaving the appropriation bills, and other 
important legislation unpassed. It was evidently supposed that this 
situation would force a special session, but Morton reused to call one. 
It was claimed that the militia bill deprived the Governor of his con- 
stitutional prerogatives, but it was not specified in what way. The 
constitution makes the Governor commander-in-chief of the militia, but 
expressly provides that the militia ** shall be organized, officered, 
armed, equipped, and trained in such manner as may be provided by 
law." In earlier years the militia had elected their officers. The law 
of 1861, in which the Democrats had joined, simply gave Governor 
Morton greater control over the militia than any previous governor had 
exercised. An effort was made to control the legislature by means of 
petitions from soldiers in the field, but attention was called to the fact 
that these petitions, although coming from widely separated points, 
were identical in language. The Senate Committee on Federal rela- 
tions reported a resolution stating that the legislature had been mis- 
represented to the soldiers; and that they were both desirous of putting 
down the rebellion and preserving the constitution. It also reported 
another resolution defining its position. If maintained that the forma- 
tion of West Virginia was unconstitutional, that the arbitrary arrests 
were acts of unauthorized tyranny; that the Emancipation Proclama- 
tion ought to be withdrawn, and that the destruction of abolitionism 
was essential to the restoration of the Union ; but at the same time it 
condemned secession as a ruinous heresy, denounced secret organiza- 
tions, and complimented the gallantry of Indiana troops. Their posi- 
tion was that it was not necessary to violate the constitution in the 
effort to preserve it. The answer to this was a charge that the avowed 
loyalty to the constitution was merely sympathy with the rebels who 
were trying to destroy it. 

Indiana now entered on the two most remarkable years in her his- 
tory. Morton decided to manage the State without regard to the 
legislature. Mr. Foulke heads his chapter on this period with the 
words, **I am the State;*' and says: ** Morton accomplished what has 
never before been attempted in American history. For two years he 



642 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

carried on the government of a great state solely by his own personal 
energy, raising money without taxation on his own responsibility and 
disbursing it through bureaus organized by himself. The legislature, 
as we have seen, adjourned without making any appropriations. The 
state government and the benevolent institutions had to be provided 
for, and there was no money with which to do it. Morton had to make 
choice of one of three courses : first, he could call a special session of the 
legislature, which had just adjourned; second, he could close the state 
institutions and stop the government; third, it was just possible that 
by personal eflfort he could raise the money to carry it on. He had 
been able to borrow several hundred thousand dollars for a short time, 
for the purpose of equipping soldiers to oppose the invasion of Kirby 
Smith, but now a loan must be obtained for two years upon the doubtful 
contingency* that the next legislature would sustain him in this perilous 
undertaking. Should he fail to get the money he would be discredited ; 
should the loan not be repaid by the next legislature he would be bank- 
rupt in purse and reputation. The responsibility was great, yet he did 
not hesitate. The other alternatives were fraught with public disaster. 
To call the legislature together was to invite a repetition of the scenes 
already enacted. The General Assembly would make no appropriations 
except at the price of a military bill depriving Morton of all control of 
the forces of the state. Under no circumstances would he consider this 
alternative. Better that the state should be left unprovided for; 
that the criminals, the insane, the blind and the deaf and dumb should 
be turned out upon the highways than that, under the control of the 
sympathizers with secession, Indiana should become an ally of the 
Confederacy.^* 

It was all of that. It was something never attempted in American 
history, either before or since. It was something that could not have 
been done in Indiana, except in time of war, when the Governor was 
in absolute military control. The State ofl&cers, who were Democrats, 
refused to pay money out of the treasury, except in pursuance of 
appropriations. If a loan was made by the State, the money was 
required by law to be paid into the treasury, and the constitution pro- 
vided that **No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in pursu- 
ance of appropriations made by law." It was the most tremendous 
gamble ever tried in any American state. If the Union cause tri- 
umphed, his action would probably be condoned. If the war was no 
more hopeful in 1864 than it was in 1862, and popular sentiment did 
not change in the meantime, he would be due for both civil and criminal 



89 Life of Morton, pp. 263-4^ 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 643 

liability. What was more, he not only was taking chances himself, but 
he had to get someone to risk his money in the venture. The State 
ofScers took suits to the Supreme Court, and it decided that no appro- 
priations had been made, and that the provision against paying out 
money without an appropriation was one of the fundamental magna 
charta principles, designed especially to curb the executive. Morton 
ignored the decision.^ ^ In his message of 1865, he says: ^'Without 
intending any disrespect to the eminent tribunal by which this case 
was decided I must be permitted to observe that the history of its 
origin, progress and conclusion was such as to deprive it of any moral 
influence, and that the principles upon which the decision was made 
have been since openly disregarded by the Auditor and Treasurer of 
State in the payment of large sums of money to the Public Printer." 
Although Morton's course now involved ignoring the Judicial and 
Legislative departments, and all of the administrative officers, he found 
two men to back him financially. In July, 1861, Congress had appro- 
priated two million dollars to be used by the President in arming loyal 
citizens in states that were threatened with rebellion. Secretary Stan- 
ton, on the strength of this, advanced to Morton $90,000 for military 
operations, and $160,000 to pay the interest on the State debt. The 
latter was not used for that purpose, as Winslow, Lanier & Co. took 
over that part of the burden, and advanced in all $640,000 for that 
purpose. This was due to the personal interest of J. P. Lanier, who 
says in his autobiographical sketch, prepared for the family: 

** Governor Morton, most anxious to preserve the honor and credit 
of the state, applied to me to advance the necessary sums. Unless this 
could be done he felt that he could not justify, before his own state and 
the country, the position which his friends in the legislature had taken 
through his counsel and advice. The application was made at the 
darkest period of the whole war. I could have no security whatever, 
and could only rely for reimbursement on the good faith of a legislature 
to be chosen at a future and distant day, and on the chance of its being 
made up of more upright and patriotic members than those composing 
the one then in existence. If the great contest should turn out disas- 
trously to the cause of the Union and of freedom, I could never expect 
to be repaid a dollar. I felt, however, that on no account must the debt 
of a great state be discredited, nor the position of its chief magistrate, 
the ablest and most efficient of all the loyal Governors, and the one 
who contributed most to our success, be compromised or weakened. No 
alternative was left to me but to advance the sums required. I would 

«oRistliie, Auditor, vs. The State, 20 Ind. 328; State ex rel. vs. Ristine, 20 Ind., 
p. 345. 



644 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

not allow myself to be responsible for the consequences of a refusal of 
his request. If the credit of the state in such a critical period should be 
destroyed, that of the other states, and even of the Federal government, 
might be so impaired as to render it impossible for them to sustain the 
immense burdens of the war. Another influence of very great weight 
with me was an ambition to maintain the credit of a state with which 
I had so long been identified, to which I was indebted for my start in 
life, and for whose credit in former times I had earnestly labored. The 
last, perhaps, was the ruling motive." 

Such was the effect of Morton's course on a political sympathizer. 
His political opponents exhausted the English language in their efforts 
to portray adequately the depravity of his course. And yet from one 
of those political enemies, comes what is probably the most rational 
estimate of Morton that has appeared in print. David Turpie was a 
political contemporary of Morton, but younger. Morton was born at 
Salisbury, Wayne County, August 4, 1823. His father's name was 
James Throckmorton, but he preferred to divide it into two parts, and, 
being a shoemaker, stuck to his last. At the time of Oliver's birth he 
was keeping a tavern at Salisbury. The boy was christened Oliver 
Hazard Perry Throck Morton. He was called Perry when a boy, and 
when he entered the practice of law, on advice of his preceptor, he 
dropped the Hazard and Throck, and thereafter was Oliver P. Morton. 
Turpie was born in Hamilton County, Ohio, July 8, 1829. While an 
infant, his parents removed to Carroll County, Indiana, where he grew 
up on a farm. In addition to ordinary schooling, he pursued a system 
of home study, and was able to graduate from Kenyon College after a 
two years course, in 1848. He read law with Daniel D. Pratt, was 
admitted to the bar in 1849, elected to the legislature in 1852, appointed 
Judge of the Court of Common Pleas in 1854, Circuit Judge in 1856, 
and again elected to the legislature in 1858. Morton's mother died 
when he was three years old, and for the next twelve years he lived 
with two aunts, at Springfield, Ohio. One of them taught school, and 
Oliver had good rudimentary training, especially in the Bible, as his 
aunts were strict Presbyterians. At fourteen he had the advantage of 
a year in Prof. Hoshour's Wayne County Seminary, and then took 
service with Dr. Swain, who kept a drug store, as well as practicing 
medicine, expecting to become a doctor. But he had become a voracious 
reader, and devoted too much time to books to suit the Doctor, who one 
day undertook personal chastisement, and met a return in kind. That 
ended the medical education, and Oliver was apprenticed to his brother 
William, to learn the hatter's trade. After serving for three years and 
a half, he bought the remaining six months of his time, and went to 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 645 

Miami University for two years. He did not take a regular course, 
and did uot graduate, but took high rank in mathematics and debating. 
He also fell in love with Lucinda M. Burbank, quit school in 1845, 
began reading law with John S. Newman, at Centreville, and got mar- 
ried. In the spring of 1852, he was elected by the legislature to fill an 
eight-months vacancy on the Circuit bench; and after iiniBhing that 




Gov. Oliver P, Morton 
(From the painting by James Forbes) 

service, he decided that he wanted more instruction in law, and went 
to the Cincinnati Law School for six months. He and Turpie met as 
opponents in the joint debate of 1860, and again in 1863, when Morton 
was Qovemor, and Turpie elected to the national Senate. In the 
meantime, Turpie had been making unsuccessful races for Congress 
against Schuyler Colfax, who was invincible in his district — ^represent- 
ing it from 1H55 to 1869, when he was elected Vice President. His 



644 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

not allow myself to be responsible for the consequences of a refusal of 
his request. If the credit of the state in such a critical period should be 
destroyed, that of the other states, and even of the Federal government, 
might be so impaired as to render it impossible for them to sustain the 
immense burdens of the war. 'Another influence of very great weight 
with me was an ambition to maintain the credit of a state with which 
I had so long been identified, to which I was indebted for my start in 
life, and for whose credit in former times I had earnestly labored. The 
last, perhaps, w^ the ruling motive." 

Such was the effect of Morton's course on a political sympathizer. 
His political opponents exhausted the English language in their efforts 
to portray adequately the depravity of his course. And yet from one 
of those political enemies, comes what is probably the most rational 
estimate of Morton that has appeared in print. David Turpie was a 
political contemporary of Morton, but younger. Morton was bom at 
Salisbury, Wayne County, August 4, 1823. His father's name was 
James Throckmorton, but he preferred to divide it into two parts, and, 
being a shoemaker, stuck to his last. At the time of Oliver's birth he 
was keeping a tavern at Salisbury. The boy was christened Oliver 
Hazard Perry Throck Morton. He was called Perry when a boy, and 
when he entered the practice of law, on advice of his preceptor, he 
dropped the Hazard and Throck, and thereafter was Oliver P. Morton. 
Turpie was born in Hamilton County, Ohio, July 8, 1829. While an 
infant, his parents removed to Carroll County, Indiana, where he grew 
up on a farm. In addition to ordinary schooling, he pursued a system 
of home study, and was able to graduate from Kenyon College after a 
two years course, in 1848. He read law with Daniel D. Pratt, was 
admitted to the bar in 1849, elected to the legislature in 1852, appointed 
Judge of the Court of Common Pleas in 1854, Circuit Judge in 1856, 
and again elected to the legislature in 1858. Morton's mother died 
when he was three years old, and for the next twelve years he lived 
with two aunts, at Springfield, Ohio. One of them taught school, and 
Oliver had good rudimentary training, especially in the Bible, as his 
aunts were strict Presbyterians. At fourteen he had the advantage of 
a year in Prof. Hoshour 's Wayne County Seminary, and then took 
service with Dr. Swain, who kept a drug store, as well as practicing 
medicine, expecting to become a doctor. But he had become a voracious 
reader, and devoted too much time to books to suit the Doctor, who one 
day undertook personal chastisement, and met a return in kind. That 
ended the medical education, and Oliver was apprenticed to his brother 
William, to learn the hatter's trade. After serving for three years and 
a half, he bought the remaining six months of his time, and went to 



646 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

opportunity to know Morton was ample, though their relations, as he 
says, ''were adverse and controversial, those of intercourse rather than 
of intimacy." In later life he wrote of Morton: 

"Morton was a lawyer of such superior talents and learning, that 
when he abandoned the practice to enter upon public life, he left in the 
bar and circuit to which he belonged a well marked vacancy. • • • 
The manner of Morton, whether in the Senate or in a popular assembly, 
was that of a practiced advocate. His speech was an argument pro- 
ceeding regularly from premise to premise. He told no stories, made 
no repetitions, sometimes made use of irony or satire, but these must 
be closely akin to the main subject. * * * He made little attempt 
to placate opponents or to assuage animosities within his party. It 
used to be said of him by his Republican opponents that he was very 
much opposed to slavery except among the ranks of his own followers; 
their condition was one of abject servitude. Persons that were not 
docile and tractable under his rule he labored diligently to disparage 
and suppress. None of these things were necessary to him in the per- 
formance of his useful service to the state and the countary; they were 
not at all needful to the maintenance of his ascendancy in the councils 
of his party ; he was easily at the front without them ; but he preferred 
to assert his leadership and to exercise its functions in this manner. 
Our Democratic success so soon after the close of the war may have 
been in some measure due to the Republican revolt against this sort of 
domination. Hendricks was elected governor, McDonald became sen- 
ator, and our electoral vote was cast for Tilden — all in the lifetime of 
Morton. • • • The administration of Morton as war governor has 
been the theme both of unmeasured detraction and panegsrric. It 
deserves neither. As a chief magistrate in the regular discharge of 
constitutional duty he was no model. As a political leader, placed in a 
position of uncontrollable power, his course may be susceptible of a 
somewhat favorable consideration. He opposed the proclamation of 
martial law in the state, a measure more than once seriously entertained 
and seconded, yet he himself did many things possible only under that 
system. 

**Tho true method of estimating his conduct is to regard it, as it 
actually was for the time being, that of an absolute ruler. In the 
exercise of thus extreme authority he recognized certain limitations; 
they wore not limitations of law or of constitutional right, but simply 
the sugK^tions of his own prudence and discretion. In a particular 
class of cases, he knew that he might go far beyond the ordinary line of 
legal procedure. Public, or rather popular, opinion not only tolerated 
but vehemently approved this course. Here he stayed his hand. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 64T 

most arbitrary acts were done openly under the plea always n^ade in 
such cases, of military necessity or of the public safety. Tl^e arbitrary 
acts which he forebore to do, though often urged to their performance, 
were much worse in character, as they would have been in their cousct 
quences, than those he committed. 

'What's done, we partly may compute 
But know not what's resisted.' 

. **He was a veritable type of the spirit prevalent in that age, a virile 
exponent of the aims and purposes of the intense partisan school. This 
partisan intensity seemed to grow with his years; it did not decline 
when the causes that had at first engendered it were diminished. His 
posthumous fame, therefore, may have incurred some injustice, and for 
the same reason his capacity otherwise is not shown in its due proporr 
tions. Like another Oliver, the great ruler of the English Common- 
wealth in the seventeenth century, whom he in some respects resembled, 
his political course was not free from inconsistencies, but these were 
merged and harmonized in one object, the success that attended him. 
What was merely said of Burke might be emphasized in largest capitals 
of Morton: he not only gave up, but deliberately surrendered and 
devoted to party what was meant for mankind. Hence his reputation, 
though extensive and well established, is great within certain metes and 
bounds ; yet it is such as he chose to make it. His views of our national 
policy not connected with partisan interests or action were just and 
comprehensive. During his service in the Senate they were often made 
known, always strongly stated and vigorously upheld. Since his day 
they have been little studied or exploited. After his death they lapsed. 
Many wore his yoke but none his mantle. It is hard to take to pieces, 
to depict separately, the features or lineaments of such a character. 
The effect of the whole, upon those who knew him, was so impressive as 
somewhat to obscure the parts. In regard to these it is easier to say 
what he was not than what he was. To speak of one particular, avarice 
had no place in his nature. In a time not free from corruption, prone 
to the adulation of wealth and rife with the sordid temptations of self- 
interest, he lived and died no richer than when he first took office. 
Herein is an exemplar most laudable. This tells of him much more 
than monuments may show, better things than eulogy can utter. 

** Republican partisans desiring to compliment some one of their 
modem leaders, often liken him to Morton. These persons seem to 
forget that Morton was a man of great intellectual strength, as well as 
of the finest executive talents ; that during the whole period of the war 



Vol. n— 6 



648 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

for the Union, when we had more than one hundred regiments in the 
field, and when the civil list was also necessarily much enlarged, and 
long after this, he had as governor and senator, as far as it concerned 
this state, the entire control of patronage, federal and local, civil and 
military. Who now has, or can have, such a following? Circumstances 
have not since existed to make a leader of any party, moving and acting 
in such an extensive, almost boundless sphere of opportunity and power. 
In this, as in many other respects, he stands and will stand for many 
a day, alone and unapproachable." ^^ 

Inasmuch as he had ignored the decision of the Supreme Court, there 
was no opportunity to contest Morton's assumption of power until the 
election of 1864. In 1863 the Union prospects began to improve. The 
Fourth of July was celebrated by Lee's retreat from Gettysburg, and 
Pemberton's surrender of Vicksburg. The Mississippi was open at last, 
except for the works at Port Hudson, which were taken soon after. 
Lee returned to defensive tactics in the east, and little more was 
accomplished there ; and Lee detached forces that did serious damage in 
the west. The North received a hard blow at Chickamauga ; but Grant 
was hurried to Chattanooga, and in November Lookout Mountain and 
Missionary Ridge were added to his list of victories. This settled the 
worst difficulty of the war — inefficiency at the top — for on February 27, 
1864, Congress passed a bill reviving the office of Lieutenant General, 
and Grant was appointed to it, and thereby to the command of all the 
armies in the field. The South was far from conquered, but it was **on 
the way." But the most effective political justification for Morton in 
Indiana was furnished by the **Sons of Liberty." This secret organ- 
ization is usually treated as a revival or successor of the ''Knights of 
the Golden Circle," but no real connection has been shown. The latter 
was a Southern organization, existing before the war, and having in 
view an invasion of Mexico. Either it or something similar to it was 
continued after the beginning of the war.*^ In May, 1862, the United 
States grand jury, at Indianapolis, reported that the order existed in 
Indiana ; that it had about 15,000 members, and that they were pledged 
to resist the payment of Federal taxes, and to prevent enlistments. 
This report was published on August 4, 1862, and apparently had little 
effect on the election that fall. It was charged that it was a knowledge 
of this organization which caused Morgan to invade Indiana; but there 
were no material signs of it during the invasion, and Morgan's evident 
purpose was to get out as rapidly and unexpectedly as he came in. 

«i Sketches of My Own Times, pp. 219-26. 

«2 A pamphlet of 88 pages making an alleged exposure of it was printed at In- 
dianapolis in 1861. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 649 

In August, 1863, P. C. Wright, of New York, came into Indiana, 
and began at Terre Haute the organization of the Order of American 
Knights. The persons at the meeting were initiated by Wright; and 
then a Grand Council was appointed, which met at Indianapolis on 
September 10th with representatives from other localities where the 
organization was started.*^ On the face of the ritual the purposes of 
the order appear to be political, of the extreme states rights school, 
denying the constitutional right of the United States to coerce a state ; 
and presented in the terrifying forms common to college fraternities, 
and other secret organizations. Prominent Democrats were asked to 
join it. Joseph E. McDonald with whom I read law, talked to me very 
freely about it. He said that both he and Mr. Hendricks were present 
at the first meeting at Indianapolis, by invitation. After the organizer 
had made his explanation of the purposes of the order, which were 
mainly mutual protection against Republican aggressions on individ- 
uals, both he and Mr. Hendricks spoke, advising against it. They 
urged that however proper its purposes might be, a secret society op- 
posed to the administration in time of war, was almost certain to drift 
into something treasonable; that instead of being a protection it would 
be a source of danger; that it would be sure to be invaded by govern- 
ment detectives and spies, and anything that one or more members 
might say in the supposed secrecy of a meeting could be made the basis 
of a charge of treason against all the members. After speaking, they 
withdrew, and about half- of the meeting followed them, while the 
others remained and formed the local organization. Wm. M. Harrison, 
Grand Secretary of the Order, who appeared as a government witness 
at the trial, testified that the Grand Council instituted a Military 
Degree, under direction of Wright, and appointed Major Generals, for 
four districts, under whom subordinate ofl&cers were to be appointed 
and regiments organized; but he never knew of any action towards 
arming or drilling them.** He had charge of the reports of member- 
ship, and gave the total in September, 1864, at not to exceed 18,000. 
On cross-examination he said: '*I do not believe that the majority 
of the first and second degree members ever knew or thought that 
revolution in Indiana was contemplated.*' J. J. Bingham, Editor of 
the Sentinel, who testified for the government, said that he declined to 
join when invited by Wright, but joined later at the request of Dodd, 
the Grand Commander of the Order, who represented that it was to 
be a permanent political educational society, similar to the Masons and 

«* Treason Trials, p. 80. 
«« Treason Trials, p. 88. 
«B Treason Trials, p. 92. 



X 



650 INDIANA AND INDIANAN3 

Odd Fellows; and was to found a newspaper and a University at 
Indianapolis. At the first meeting that he attended he was appointed 
chairman of & committee on these subjects, and very judiciousty advised 




Cou. WujjAM Bowles 



that no newNpa|>er be started until they had money enough to ma it 
for a year ; and that the university be indeHnitely postpcned. He Mid 
he never knew uf any military- organization until the exponra.** 

*• Tmsmb TriaK pp. M-*. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 65i 

Horace Heffren, Deputy Grand Commander of the Order, who was 
a government witness, said that there were two organizations, "one 
within the other, ' ' the civil orgaiiization being purely political, and not a 
military organization. Whc-n asked what proportion of the members 
belonged to the military organization, he replied, **Only the leaders; 
they were to control the matter through a Committee of Thirteen, who 
were to be known only to the Grand Commander and themselves."*^ 
More remarkable than all of these, although Clement L. Vallanding- 
ham was the Supreme Commander of the Order, his son says that he 
knew nothing of the military part for some time after he accepted the 
ofSce. The Order of American Knights was changed to the Sons of 
Liberty in February, 1864, while Vallandingham was in Canada. When 
first solicited to become the head oi the new organization, he refused, 
being an opponent of secret organizations. The promoters of the Order 
came back later, with a plea that it was an educational affair, to pro- 
mulgate the political ideas that he was advocating. He then consented, 
but did not even read the ritual. He was approached by a Confederate 
agent with a proposition to assist the South, but declined to consider 
it until the South was willing to abandon disunion. When informed 
by one of the officials of the Sons of Liberty that aid to the South was 
being planned, he waxed indignant, and said: **Not a hand shall be 
offered to assist the Southern people nor a shot fired in their favor if 
I can control the Sons of Liberty, until it is distinctly understood that 
the idea of permanent disunion is entirely given up and completely 
abandoned. If I hear of any further developments^ under existing 
circumstances, of attempts of members of our order to assist the South- 
ern Government, I will myself inform the Lincoln Administration, and 
see that the authors of a worse than abortive revolution are promptly 
punished."^® Vallandingham was in a peculiarly trying position. His 
family was divided, part of his nephews being in the Union army, and 
part in the rebel army, two killed on each side. He was absolutely 
opposed to disunion, but equally opposed to coercion; and still was 
wrecking his life in efforts to secure peace on his ideas of constitutional 
right. But we arc not concerned with him, except as connected with 
the effort to understand what happened in Indiana. 

The first that the Indiana Democratic leaders knew of the treason- 
able plans was on August 4, when Michael C. Kerr, the well known 
Congressman — Speaker of the House in 1875 — came to Indianapolis 
with a report of the proposed insurrection. A meeting of prominent 
Democrats was held at the office of Senator McDonald on the 5th. 



*7 Treason Trials, p. 125. 

48 Life of Vallandingham, pp. 371-6. 





652 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Dodd and Walker were called in, ^d told that the affair must be 
stopped; and promised that it should be. It was also decided that 
Morton should be informed, and as MuDonald was his personal friend, 
he was selected to convey the information... He waited on Morton, and 
told him what he had learned. Morton informed him that he knew 
all about it. Kerr had joined the order, undersiii^ding it to be entirely 
political, and was initiated by Heffren, but his coitfplete loyalty was 
never questioned. 

After his death. Senator Morton said of him: **His uame will be 
remembered with pride and with affection in Indiana. He was one of 
her most highly favored and gifted sons, and it gives me satisfaction to 
bear testimony to his patriotism. I believe he was a devout lover of 
his country, and went for that which he believed was for the best. I 
have always given him credit for his integrity, for his patriotism, and 
for love of his country, and the strongest testimony which I can bear 
to the character of Mr. Kerr is to say that he was regarded by men 
of all parties in Indiana as an honest man, an able man, a patriotic 
man, and that his death was mourned by all his neighbors, and by all 
who knew him, without distinction of party. "*^ 

The first real knowledge of the treasonable proposal came to the 
authorities through Gen. Rosecrans, from Missouri. He obtained a 
pretty full exposure of the plot, and communicated it first to Gov. 
Yates, of Illinois. About May 1, Gen. Carrington, of Indiana, having 
received information of the matter, sent a request to Capt. Stephen 
E. Jones, Provost Marshall of Kentucky, for a reliable Kentuckian 
to watch Dr. Wm. A. Bowles, of French Lick, who was expecting to 
go to Kentucky to organize lodges of the Sons of Liberty. At that 
time, Felix Grundy Stidger was in Louisville, seeking employment with 
the Secret Service Department, and through the recommendation of 
a friend in the employ of Jones, was sent for to engage in this work. 
As nothing definite was known about the plans of Bowles, it was agreed 
that Stidger should go to French Lick and get acquainted with him 
there. Carrington 's letter had been sent by James Prentice, a soldier 
from a Michigan regiment, who had been detailed for work under Car- 
rington. He instructed Stidger in the signs and **work'' of the first, 
or Neophyte Degree of the Order, which was as far as any of the 
government detectives had then got. Stidger was a remarkable natural 
detective. He was bom at Taylorsville, Spencer County, Kentucky, 
August 5, 1836 ; and had a varied experience as employe in the County 
Clerk's office, hod-carrier, carpenter and clerk in a general store. In 



4B Woollen '8 Sketches, p. 340. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 653 

October, 1862, MeCook's Corps came through Taylorsville, in the pur- 
suit of Bragg, and Qen. Rousseau, acting Assistaat Adjutant Qeneral 
of Division, wanted a clerk, whereupon Stidger applied for the position, 
and enlisted in the Fifteenth Kentucky to take it. In February, 1864, 
he succeeded, after some rebuffs, in getting out of the service on a 
medical certificate that he was suffering from "a predisposition to 




Felix G. Stidgek 

consumption, hereditary in its character," and so got his chance to be 
a detective. On May 7, having purchased a suit of "butternut" clothes 
and a pair of spectacles, for disguise, he started, and from failure to 
learn his route, stopped at Salem, Ind. By a lucky chance he met 
Horace HefFren, with whom he ingratiated himself, and from whom he 
materially increased his knowledge of the Indiana organization. On 
the 8th he went on to French Lick, and was received with open arms 
l^ Bowles, who seemed to be longing for an opportunity to unbosom 



654 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

himself. He stayed with Bowles for four days, and then returned to 
Louisville and submitted a written report to Jones. 

After reading the report, Jones told him that **he did not believe 
a word of it." Stidger offered some additional details, and then asked 
why his report was doubted. Jones replied that **he did not see, nor 
could not perceive nor understand how any man could so farnngratiatc 
himself into the confidence of an entire stranger in so short a time, as 
to obtain the information that I claimed in that report to have obtained 
of Horace Heffren and Dr. Bowles."^® Indeed the revelations were 
enough to stagger anyone of ordinary skepticism. Stidger said that 
Bowles w'ds particularly desirous to find someone in Kentucky to make 
him three or four thousand lances, which were described as follows: 
''The lancers were to be armed with lances, of what length I do not 
know, but there was to be a hook, somewhat after the fashion of a 
sickle; the lance to punch with, and a sickle to cut the horse's bridle; 
there was to be a thrust and a cut, a thrust for the man and a out 
for the horses' bridles; he thought the enemy would become confused 
and distracted, and if a charge was made upon them when they had 
no means of controlling the horses they would be easily mashed up.'* 
It was aptly claimed that this would be **a terrible weapon." ^^ It may 
excite surprise that the ingenious inventor overlooked providing hatchets 
to chop off the legs of the infantry, but there should remain no wonder 
that he got his regiment intQ' trouble at Buena Vista. Dodd, who was 
at the head (0f the order in Indiana, was equally lucid. Bingham testi- 
fied that when Dodd revealed his plan for releasing the prisoners at 
Camp Morton, ''I looked at the man in astonishment. I thought it was 
a wild dream ; I could not believe it possible. I studied a moment, and 
said, *Mr. Dodd, do you know what you are going to undertake? Do 
you know the position of military affairs here at this post? Do you 
think you can accet^lish this scheme with any number of unarmed and 
undisciplined men you can bring here?' " Dodd's plan was to hold 
** ordinary political meetings," or equivalents, at three points east of 
Camp Morton. **One meeting would, perhaps, be a Sabbath school meet- 
ing; another a political meeting; and the third, perhaps, a political 
meeting — or something of that kind." Arms were to be brought in 
wagons, concealed under hay or straw. Someone was to propose a drill, 
without arms, **to be in the fashion." Then, **At the time of day when 
the soldiers came on dress parade, at some place east of the camp 
ground, some one at the camp would throw up a signal, which would 
be seen from these meeting places ; when the signal was seen, those who 



BO Stidjfer 's Treason History, p. 41. 
61 Treason Trials, pp. 115, 128. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



655 



understood what they had met there for, would at once seize their arms 
and march immediately in the direction of Camp Morton. At the timo 
they were thus marching, the fences and buildings of Camp Morton 
were to be fired. It was understood th«t the released rebel prisoners 
would participate in the affair, and that these rebel soldiers could 
come up in' the rear, and that the Federal soldiers, finding themselves 
surrounded, would be easily overcome. The rebel prisoners would be 
armed with the soldiers' arms, and the soldiers would be held as prison- 
ers of war. At the time this was going on the work of freeing 
prisoners and the capturing of these soldiers — a detail of persons was 




to be sent to take care of the Governor, and secure him; in some way 
take care of him; and then the arsenals at this place were to be seized, 
and a better cjuality of arms procured; those that went with this ex- 
pedition were to be as fully armed from the arsenal as was necessary. 
They were also to take such munitions of war as they thought proper 
with them. Th^y were then to seize the railroad to Jeffersonville, and 
make use of the cars for the transportation of troops and rebel prison- 
ers ; they were then to go on and complete the same work at Jefferson- 
ville and New Albany, and also to cooperate in the capture of Louis- 
ville."'^ 

The one man who declined to get excited about the plot was Lincoln. 
"The President's attitude in regard to this organization was one of 
good-humored contempt rather than anything else." In reply to the 

6! Treason Trials, pp. 101, 148. 



652 INDIANA ANI? INDIANANS 

Dodd and Walker were called in, <ftnd told that the affair must be 
stopped; and promised that it should be. It was also decided that 
Morton should be informed, and as liTcDonald was his personal friend, 
he was selected to convey the information. He waited on Morton, and 
told him what he had learned. Morton informed him that he knew 
all about it. Kerr had joined the order, understanding it to be entirely 
political, and was initiated by Heffren, but his complete loyalty was 
never questioned. 

After his death. Senator Morton said of him: **His name will be 
remembered with pride and with affection in Indiana. He was one of 
her most highly favored and gifted sons, and it gives me satisfaction to 
bear testimony to his patriotism. I believe he was a devout lover of 
his country, and went for that which he believed was for the best. I 
have always given him credit for his integrity, for his patriotism, and 
for love of his country, and the strongest testimony which I can bear 
to the character of Mr. Kerr is to say that he was regarded by men 
of all parties in Indiana as an honest man, an able man, a patriotic 
man, and that his death was mourned by all his neighbors, and by all 
who knew him, without distinction of party. ''*^ 

The first real knowledge of the treasonable proposal came to the 
authorities through Gen. Rosecrans, from Missouri. He obtained a 
pretty full exposure of the plot, and communicated it first to Gov. 
Yates, of Illinois. About May 1, Gen. Carrington, of Indiana, having 
received information of the matter, sent a request to Capt. Stephen 
E. Jones, Provost Marshall of Kentucky, for a reliable Kentuckian 
to watch Dr. Wm. A. Bowles, of French Lick, who was expecting to 
go to Kentucky to organize lodges of the Sons of Liberty. At that 
time, Felix Grundy Stidger was in Louisville, seeking employment with 
the Secret Service Department, and through the recommendation of 
a friend in the employ of Jones, was sent for to engage in this work. 
As nothing definite was known about the plans of Bowles, it was agreed 
that Stidger should go to French Lick and get acquainted with him 
there. Carrington 's letter had been sent by James Prentice, a soldier 
from a Michigan regiment, who had been detailed for work under Car- 
rington. He instructed Stidger in the signs and **work'' of the first, 
or Neophyte Degree of the Order, which was as far as any of the 
government detectives had then got. Stidger was a remarkable natural 
detective. He was bom at Taylorsville, Spencer County, Kentucky, 
August 5, 1836 ; and had a varied experience as employe in the County 
Clerk's oflSce, hod-carrier, carpenter and clerk in a general store. In 



40 Woollen's Sketches, p. 340. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 653 

October, 1862, MeCook's Corps came through Taylorsville, in the pur- 
suit of Bragg, and Gen. Rousseau, acting Assistant Adjutant General 
of Division, wanted a clerk, whereupon Stidger applied for the position, 
and enlisted in the Fifteenth Kentucky to take it. In February, 1864, 
he succeeded, after some rebuffs, in getting out of the service on a 
medical certiBc&te that he was suffering from "a predisposition to 




Felix G. Stidoer 

consumption, hereditary in its character," and so got his chance to be 
a detective. On May 7, having purchased a suit of "butternut" clothes 
and a pair of spectacles, for disguise, he started, and from failure to 
learn his route, stopped at Salem, Ind, By a lucky chance he met 
Horace Heffren, with whom he ingratiated himself, and from whom ho 
materially increased his knowledge of the Indiana organization. On 
the 8tb he went on to French Lick, and was received with open arms 
by Bowles, who seemed to be longing for an opportunity to unbosom 



'^, 




652 INDIANA AXp IXDIANANS 

Dodd and Walker were called in, and told that the affair must be 
stopped; and promised that it should be. It was also decided that 
Morton should be informed, and as McDonald was his personal friend, 
he was s(*lected to convey the information. He waited on Morton, and 
told him what he had learned. Morton informed him that he knew 
all about it. Kerr had joined the order, understanding it to be entirely 
political, and was initiated by Heffren, but his complete loyalty was 
never questioned. 

After his death, Senator Morton said of him: ''His name will he 
remembered with pride and with affection in Indiana. He was one of 
her most highly favoreil and gifte<l sons, and it gives me satisfaction to 
bear testimony to his patriotism. I believe he was a devout lover of 
his country, and went for that which he believed was for the best. I 
have always given him cre^lit for his integrity, for his patriotism, and 
for love t>f his (*ountry. and the strongest testimony which I can bear 
to the rhararter of Mr. Kerr is to say that he was regarded by men 
of all parties in Indiana as an honest man, an able man, a patriotic 
man, and that his death was mourned by all his neighl>ors, and by all 
who knew him. witlumt distinction of party."*** 

The first real knowledge* of the treasonable proposal came to the 
authoritit^s through Gen. Kose<*rans, from Missouri. He obtained a 
pretty full exposure of the plot, and communicated it first to Gov. 
Yates, of Illinois. Alx)ut May 1. (Sen. Harrington, of Indiana, having 
receiveil information of the matter, sent a request to Capt. Stephen 
E. Jones, Provost Marshall of Kentucky, for a reliable Kentuckian 
to watch Dr. Wm. A. Bowles, of French Lick, who was expecting to 
go to Kentueky to organize lodges of the Sons of Liberty. At that 
time, Felix Grundy Stidger was in Louisville, seeking employment with 
the Secret Ser\'ice Department, and through the recommendation of 
a friend in the employ of Jones, was sent for to engage in this work. 
As nothing definite was known about the plans of Bowles, it was agreed 
that Stidger should go to French Lick and get acquainted with him 
there. Carrington*8 letter had been sent by James Prentice, a soldier 
from a Michigan regiment, who had been detailed for work under Car- 
rington. He instructed Stidger in the signs and ''work*' of the first, 
or Neo[)hyte Degree of the Order, which was as far as any of the 
guvenimeiit tletectives had then got. Stidger was a remarkable natural 
detective. He was )x>m at Taylorsville, Spencer County, Kentucky, 
August 5, 18«)6; and had a varied experience as employe in the County 
Clerk's ofike, hod-carrier, carpenter and clerk in a general store. In 



«»Wool]«i*t Skctebw, p. 340. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 653 

October, 1862, MeCook's Corps came through Taylorsville, in the pur- 
suit of Bragg, and Qeo. Rousseau, acting Assistant Adjutant General 
of Division, wanted a elerk, whereupon Stidger applied for the position, 
and enlisted in the Fifteenth Kentucky to take it. In February, 1864, 
he succeeded, after some rebuffs, in getting out of the service on a 
medical certificate that he was suffering from "a predisposition to 




Felix 0. Stidoer 

consumption, hereditary in its character," and so got his chance to be 
a detective. On May 7, having purchased a suit of "butternut" clothes 
and a pair of spectacles, for disguise, he started, and from failure to 
leam his route, stopped at Satem, Ind. By a lucky chance he met 
Horace Heffren, with whom he ingratiated himself, and from whom he 
materially increased his knowledge of the Indiana organization. Oq 
the 8th he went on to French Lick, and was received with open arms 
hy Bowles, who seemed to be longing for an opportunity to unbosom 



654 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

himself. He stayed with Bowles for four days, and then returned to 
Louisville and submitted a written report to Jones. 

After reading the report, Jones told him that *'he did not believe 
a word of it." Stidger offered some additional details, and then asked 
why his report was doubted. Jones replied that **he did not see, nor 
could not perceive nor understand how any man could so farnngratiatc 
himself into the confidence of an entire stranger in so short a time, as 
to obtain the information that I claimed in that report to have obtained 
of Horace Heffr en and Dr. Bowles."^® Indeed the revelations were 
enough to stagger anyone of ordinary skepticism. Stidger said that 
Bowles w'ds particularly desirous to find someone in Kentucky to make 
him three or four thousand lances, which were described as follows: 
''The lancers were to be armed with lances, of what length I do not 
know, but there was to be a hook, somewhat after the fashion of a 
sickle; the lance to punch with, and a sickle to cut the horse's bridle; 
there was to be a thrust and a cut, a thrust for the man and a out 
for the horses' bridles; he thought the enemy would become confused 
and distracted, and if a charge was made upon them when they had 
no means of controlling the horses they would be easily mashed up." 
It was aptly claimed that this would be **a terrible weapon." ^^ It may 
excite surprise that the ingenious inventor overlooked providing hatchets 
to chop off the legs of the infantry, but there should remain no wonder 
that he got his regiment intq- trouble at Buena Vista. Dodd, who was 
at the head (of the order in Indiana, was equally lucid. Bingham testi- 
fied that when Dodd revealed his plan for releasing the prisoners at 
Camp Morton, ''I looked at the man in astonishment. I thought it was 
a wild dream ; I could not believe it possible. I studied a moment, and 
said, *Mr. Dodd, do you know what you are going to undertake? Do 
you know the position of military affairs here at this post? Do you 
think you can accdi^ish this scheme with any number of unarmed and 
undisciplined men you can bring, here?' " Dodd's plan was to hold 
** ordinary political meetings," or equivalents, at three points east of 
Camp Morton. **One meeting would, perhaps, be a Sabbath school meet- 
ing; another a political meeting; and the third, perhaps, a political 
meeting — or something of that kind." Arms were to be brought in 
wagons, concealed under hay or straw. Someone was to propose a drill, 
without arms, **to be in the fashion." Then, **At the time of day when 
the soldiers came on dress parade, at some place east of the camp 
ground, some one at the camp would throw up a signal, which would 
be seen from these meeting places ; when the signal was seen, those who 



BO stidger 's Treason History, p. 41. 
61 Treason Trials, pp. 115, 128. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



655 



understood what they had met there for, would at once seiee their arma 
and march immediately in the direction of Camp Morton. At the time 
^ey were thus marching, the fences and buildings of Camp Morton 
were to be fired. It was understood that the released rebel prisoners 
would participate in the affair, and that these rebel soldiers could 
come up in' the rear, and that the Federal soldiers, finding themaelTes 
surrounded, would be easily overcome. The rebel prisoners would be 
armed with the soldiers' arms, and the soldiers would be held as prison- 
ers of war. At the time this was going on the work of freeing 
prisoners and the capturing of these soldiers — a detail of persons was 




to be sent to take care of the Governor, and secure him ; in some way 
take care of him; and then the arsenals at this place were to be seized, 
and a better quality of arras procured; those that went with this ex- 
pedition were to be as fully armed from the arsenal as was necessary. 
They were also to take such munitions of war as they thought proper 
with them. They were then to seize the railroad to Jeffersonville, and 
make use of the cars for the transportation of troops and rebel prison- 
ers ; they were then to go on and complete the same work at Jefferson- 
ville and New Albany, and also to cooperate in the capture of Louis- 
ville.""* 

The one man who declined to get excited about the plot was Lincoln. 
"The President's attitude in regard to this organization was one of 
good-humored contempt rather than anything else." In reply to the 

«i TreaHon Trials, pp. 101, 14B. 



656 . INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

urgent demands of Rosecrans and Yates that he call an officer to Wash- 
ington to give him the details of the uprising, which they expected to 
occur on the return of Yallandingham to Ohio, he finally sent a private 
secretary to St. Louis to investigate and report. He came back with 
an account of the discoveries of the detectives, and injunctions from 
Bosecrans for the utmost secrecy. After hearing the report, Lincoln 
thoughtfully observed that ''a secret confided on the one side to half 
a million Democrats, and on the other to five Governors and their staffs, 
was hardly worth keeping. He said the Northern section of the con- 
spiracy merited no special attention, being about an equal mixture of 
puerility and malice.'* As to the claim that Indiana would furnish 
100,000 men for the uprising, he said: ** Nothing can make me believe 
that 100,000 Indiana Democrats are disloyal." ^^ Wise old Father 
Abraham. He had not forgotten the reception to John Morgan. As 
to the number in Indiana, the leaders, when singing "the Conspirators 
Chorus," claimed all the way from 40,000 to 100,000; but Wm. M. 
Harrison, the Grand Secretary of the Order, testified that the number 
just before the exposure was '*not to exceed eighteen thousand"; and 
the case before the military commission was tried on that basis, the 
Judge Advocate holding that ** these eighteen thousand members of the 
Order of American Knights, or Sons of Liberty, are all of them parties 
to this conspiracy, and held responsible for what Dodd and others 
did."^* A wealth of imagination is indicated as to the money sup- 
plied by the Confederacy. Heffren said that Dr. James B. Wilson, 
who attended the meeting at the time of the Democratic National Con- 
vention, said that the Confederate government had sent $500,000 to 
be used in the movement ; and Wilson said it was announced at Chicago 
that there were $2,000,000, and that $200,000 was furnished to Indiana, 
half to Dodd and half to John C. Walker. ^^ If they received a tenth 
of that amount they were working a confidence game on the Confed- 
erate emissaries. This appears possible. The man in charge of the 
Confederate interests at Chicago was Capt. Thos. Henry Hines, the 
same who invaded Indiana, and later helped Morgan escape from prison. 
He seems to have been a young dare-devil, who was a good soldier, but 
not a wily financier. He wrote an account of his experience later for 
the Southern Bivouac, and tells of one clerical conspirator to whom 
he furnished $5,000, who returned and claimed that he had been ar- 
rested, and the money taken from him, but he had escaped. Hines 
had a collection of ** choice spirits" from the South with him, one of 



58 Nicolay and Hay, Vol. 8, pp. 9-13. 
54 Treason Trials, pp. 87, 167. 
B5 Treason Trials, pp. 126, 145. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



657 



the moat picturesque being "Lt. Col. St. Leger Grenfell, of the English 
service," who was either a talented liar or a man of remarkable experi- 
ence. He claimed to have served five years with the French in Algiers, 
several years with the Moors in Tangiers; four years under Abd-el- 
Kader, besides going through the Crimean war and the Sepoy Rebel- 
lion, and serving with Qarabaldi in South America. He took a fancy 




Capt. John B. Castleman at Twenty-two 



to Morgan, and joined him; he became Morgan's Adjutant General, 
' and made lot of trouble by insisting that all papers should be made 
out in English fashion. Basil Duke, who had quite a good opinion 
of him, says: "He was the only gentleman I ever knew who liked to 
fight with his fists, and he was always cheerful and contented when 
he could shoot and be shot at.^^ He was arrested when the Union author- 
ities at Chicago made a descent on the conspirators on November 6, 
■■Moigan'i Cavalry, p. 180. 



658 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

two days before the national election, and was convicted, and sentenced 
to death, but this was commuted to imprisonment in the Dry Tortugas. 
Hines felt that they had been ''bunkoed" in some way, and says, 
''When the count was taken of the number of Sons of Liberty on whom 
we could rely, it seemed worse than folly to attempt to use them." 

Some valuable light is thrown on this affair by a recent publication 
by 6en. John Breckenridge Castleman, who was associated with Hines 
in the activities at Chicago.*^' Castleman is of one of the old Virginia 
families that settled in Kentucky in an early day. He was born on his 
father's estate of "Castleton," in Fayette County, Kentucky, June 
30, 1841, and enjoyed that ideal childhood of the wealthy in the South, 
where, as he says: "Every child old enough to ride had his horse 
and his dog, every boy his gun." He was educated at a neighborhood 
school, at Fort Hill, with the young Breckenridges, Simralls, and 
other neighbors, and as a youth was a member of the Lexington Chas- 
seurs. Lexington had two militia companies, the Chasseurs and the 
Rifles, the latter commanded by John H. Morgan, and the former by 
Sander D. Bruce. Morgan joined the Confederate army, and most of 
his company followed him. Bruce joined the Union army, and most 
of his company did likewise, but Castleman raised a company in Ken- 
tucky, and joined Morgan at Chattanooga. He became a Major in the 
Confederate army; and in the Spanish- American War was Colonel 
of the First Kentucky Volunteers, and commissioned Brigadier Qeneral 
on June 10, 1899. Incidentally, it may be mentioned that Castleman 
says he wrote the Southern Bivouac articles which are credited to 
Hines. He states that when the Northwestern scheme was evolved, 
Hines was furnished 200 bales of cotton, with which to raise money; 
and made his way to Canada with $300,000, which was put in the 
hands of the Confederate Commissioners, headed by Jacob Thompson. 
He says that $30,000 was given to Ben Wood, of the New York Daily 
News; and that funds were "liberally supplied'' to James A. Barrett, 
of St. Louis, and to Gen. John C. Walker, of Indiana, but does not 
state the amounts. He also says that over $40,000 was contributed to 
the campaign fund of the Democrats in Illinois, in 1864. He says that 
ho, with nines, Lt. George B. Eastin, and seventy Confederate soldiers, , 
went to Chicago at the time of the Democratic Convention, and stopped 
at the Richmond House. Here they got in touch with the leaders of 
the Sons of Liberty, and Castleman says: 

"On the night of the 28th of August we called a conference of the 
recognized leaders and were not altogether surprised to find lack of 



»T«< Active Service," LouisviUe, 1917; Courier- Journal Job Printing Co. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 659 

actual available organization. There was little reason to doubt that 
a large per cent of the strangers in Chicago belonged to the semi- 
military Order of the Sons of Liberty, But these were distributed 
amongst a vast multitude and there was no organization. And besides 
this it was apparent (and it was not unreasonable) that the command- 
ers were appalled by the actual demand for overt action against armed 
forces. And when Captain Hines called for 5,000 men to assault Camp 
Douglas the excuses of the commanders made evident a hesitancy about 
the sacrifice of life. This aggressive readiness was theoretical. They 
had not, till now, been brought to face the actualities of probable war. 
And the responsibilities of the Sons of Liberty had not been under- 
stood to be the offer of life. Captain Hines and I were not willing to 
sacrifice, without numerical support, the little body of comrades that 
we had brought upon the scene, but concluded to adjourn the com- 
manders' meeting until the following morning. There was still lack of 
assured organization. We then advised that if we had our little band 
reinforced by 500 organized and well armed men, we would on that 
night take Rock Island, where the prison guards ^lumbered seven hun- 
dred and the prisoners seven thousand. Captain Hines agreed that if, 
with five hundred Western men and twenty Confederate soldiers, I 
would run through on regular train and on schedule time to Bock 
Island, he would, with fifty Confederate soldiers, control all the wires 
and railroads out of Chicago, preventing any truthful telegraphic 
news, or any transportation, and convey to the outside world the break- 
ing up of the National Democratic Convention by assault of the United 
States troops, while we would release Rock Island and controlling 
railroads and telegraph wires take possession of the arsenal at Spring- 
field. But the commanders could not be ready for schedule time of 
the Rock Island train, and we noted that some who had previously 
attended were not present. The conditions were hopeless, and we knew 
that we had to leave the crowds attending the convention. The 
commanders hold out assurances of better organization and positive 
action at the time of the presidential election in November. We doubt 
this, but will try further. It is in view of these promises that we are 
here, Captain Hines at Mattoon and I at Marshall. The vigilant and 
untiring efforts of Honorable Jacob Thompson have not been rewarded. 
We convened at Richmond House on the night of 30th ulto. the seventy 
Confederate soldiers, stated to them that because of lack of cooperation 
we had failed, and advised them not to follow Captain Hines or me 
further because of the imminent danger, and offered them transporta- 
tion to go South. Twenty-two followed us. Twenty-five went South. 
Twenty-three returned to Canada. We furnished transportation to all; 



660 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

leaving them to elect their destination. Captain Hines and I, with 
the fearless little band with us will use a free discretion in performance 
of what we conceive to be duty, shall respect private interests and will 
not lose sight of the fact that we act on our own responsibility and 
at our own risk without involving the Confederate Government." 

The above is an extract from Castleman's report of September 7, 
1864, to James A. Seddon, Confederate Secretary of War, forwarded 
through Commissioner Jacob Thompson. It does not state fully the 
causes for their alarm, which are given by Castleman elsewhere. They 
had become distrustful of some of their own men, and with cause, for 
two of them appeared at the trials subsequently as Government wit- 
nesses, and one committed suicide; and they found that some of their 
men had been talking too much. But they did not seem to realize 
that their allied lunatics from the North were also communicative; 
and, with an innocence that is very common with conspirators, they 
did not figure on what **the other fellow'' was doing. If they had 
known that on August 12, Col. B. J. Sweet, commanding at Chicago, 
had officially reported information as to proceedings at Toronto, add- 
ing: **I have the honor respectfully to report in addition to the sup- 
posed organization at Toronto, Canada, which was to come here in 
squads, then combine and attempt to rescue the prisoners at war at 
Camp Douglas, that there is an armed organization in this city of five 
thousand men, and that the rescue of our prisoners would be the signal 
for a general insurrection in Indiana and Illinois,'' they would have 
been more perturbed; and still more so if they had known that Gov- 
ernment agents were attending their meetings at the Richmond House.'*^ 
The astonishing thing is that they did not take warning from the news- 
papers, for the exposures had begun early in August, and were quickly 
followed by the arrests of Judge Bullitt of Kentucky, and others ; and 
by the middle of August the newspapers were full of articles in regard 
to the conspiracy. The seizure of **Dodd's Sunday-School books" ^^ 
at Indianapolis, was made on August 20 ; and on the same day the Cin- 
cinnati Gazette published a long account of the expose in Indiana. On 
August 22, an ** indignation meeting" was held at the Circle, in Indian- 
apolis, and many details were made public. On August 19, John Y. 
Beall, the only one of the conspirators who accomplished anything, with 
twenty Confederate soldiers, seized the **Philo. Parsons," a steamer 
on Lake Erie, and captured and destroyed **The Island Queen." He 

B8 For an interesting statement of the Government 's information, see article ' ' The 
Chicago Conspiracy," in Atlantic Monthly for July, 1865. 

58 The * ' Sunday School ' ' was a fiction, thrown in for effect. Sulgrove 's Hist, of 
Indianapolis, p. 318. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 661 

was to have released the prisoners on Johnson's Island, but his men 
refused to follow him, and he ran into Sandwich and destroyed the 
boat — ^he was later captured in another piratical venture, and executed 
in New York. All of these things were reported in the Chicago papers, 
but the Confederate emissaries remained on the job at Chicago until 
the dispersal, above, mentioned, on August 30. Manifestly the only 
reason why they were not arrested was that the officials were not ready 
to spring their trap. * 

Captain Qeorge Prank Miller, of Co. A, Fourth Ky. (Confederate) 
Cavalry, who was a prisoner in Camp Douglas at the time of these pro- 
ceedings, informs me that they had no knowledge on the inside of any 
plans for release on the outside, . except inklings in the Chicago news- 
papers ; but that they did have a plan of escape of their own. He had 
been with Morgan's Cavalry, and was captured in June, at Mossy Creek, 
after the defeat of Morgan at Cynthiana. He was brought to Camp 
Douglas in July, and was taken into the scheme for escape, in which 
he believes from 4,000 to 5,000 of the prisoners had joined. At from 
6:30 to 7 o'clock in the morning, the guards used to come into the 
Camp to **call roll," which meant that the prisoners lined up in front 
of their barracks, and a guard passed down the line and counted them. 
There was a guard for each barrack and a sergeant for each row of 
barracks, making 60 men, each armed with a revolver. The plan was 
to seize these guards, get the revolvers, and rush the gates. After get- 
ting out, they proposed to raid the fire-engine houses, livery barns, and 
other supplies of horses, and make for Missouri, to join Price. On the 
appointed morning, their spies reported that there were troops, with 
four batteries posted at the four comers of the camp waiting for them 
to appear. They had been betrayed by a Texan named Shank, who had 
been in charge of the express-office of the Camp, and had been detected 
by the prisoners stealing from packages sent to them, on account of 
which they had threatened to mob him. He then had a great change 
of heart ; repented his disloyalty ; and told all he knew to the authorities 
to prove his devotion to his country. His pathetic reformation is set 
forth in the Atlantic Monthly article, above referred to. 

After leaving Chicago, Eastin and two others went to Louisville to 
attempt the destruction of some Government stores ; and Castleman with 
ten men went to St. Louis to destroy steamboats that were carrying sup- 
plies to the army. They were supplied with *' Greek fire," an alleged 
explosive compound that was relied on to produce awful results; but 
when they tried it they found it would not bum ; and they left regretting 
that they had not put their trust in lucifer matches. Castleman then 
undertook to make his way through Indiana, but the authorities were on 



662 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

his trail, and he was arrested at Sullivan, an October 1, and taken to 
Indianapolis for confinement. He was put in the ** United States Mili- 
tary Prison,*' the old post office building, then under command of Col. 
A. J. Warner, in a cell next to that of Milligan, of the Sons of Liberty, 
and was kept there until the following May, when he was taken East, 
and released under the agreement between Qen. Grant and Gten. Lee. 
It was lucky for him that the war was so nearly over when he was 
taken, and that he had friends who stood by him. One of these was 
Hines, who furnished Castleman's mother with a New Testament, with 
some saws in the binding, which she was allowed to give to him, but he 
was not able to make eflPective use of it. More eflPective was his brother- 
in-law, Judge Breckenridge, a well known Union man, who obtained a 
promise from President Lincoln to intervene in case of conviction, and 
also came to Indianapolis, and employed Porter & McDonald to defend 
him. Castleman says: *'I afterwards saw a good deal of Mr. Porter. 
He was a most delightful man and manifested for me a genuine and 
almost an aflfectionate interest, although he repeatedly accused me of 
(j[uixotism and urged that my peculiar views obstructed his professional 
purposes. Subsequently Mr. Porter was governor of Indiana and min- 
ister to Italy.'' After all of their warning, part of the Confederates 
stayed at Chicago, to assist in the promised uprising on election day, 
November 9. On the night of November 6, the time being **ripe," the 
military authorities swooped down on them, and arrested Qrenfell, Col. 
Vincent Marmaduke, and Capt. Cantrill, of Morgan's command, with 
Brigadier General Walsh of the Sons of Liberty and a number of others. 
It was published with dramatic effect in the Chicago papers, and tele- 
graphed all over the country. The writer in the Atlantic Monthly, 
above quoted, aptly says: **But the men of Chicago not only talked, 
they voted. They went to the polls and voted for the Union; and so 
told the world what honest Illinois thought of treason." This was the 
chief practical result of the great conspiracy. 

If Morton ever apprehended any danger from the Sons of Liberty 
he very soon recovered from it. But he realized the value of the 
organization to himself as a political asset. It furnished a justification 
for arbitrary government that closed the mouth of every objector. Mr. 
Foulke says: **It was fortunate that there was at this time at the head 
of affairs in Indiana a man whose resources were equal to every emer- 
gency, whose autocratic will supplied everything that was lacking in a 
disloyal legislature and a partisan judiciary, a man who could hold as 
a plaything in his hands a conspiracy that aimed at his own life, and 
could even coerce it into his service. No one can read the history of the 
secret organizations in Indiana and not feel that, wide-spread as they 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 663 

• 

were, there was not an instant in which they were not securely within 
the grasp of the *War Governor.' In the narrative of these organiza- 
tions his name does not often appear. It was ostensibly by others that 
they were exposed and overthrown, but many of the secret agents 
employed were his emissaries and those who have examined the reports 
made to him at each step in the plot can understand how completely 
these organizations were under his control, how he played with them as 
a cat with a mouse, how he even permitted them to grow and develop 
that he might fasten conviction more securely upon them and overthrow 
them utterly when the time should be ripe for their destruction. " ®o 
This was true, and the time was always ripe during a political cam- 
paign. His chief agent was Gen. H. B. Carrington, and they had full 
lists of the members of the Sons of Liberty, which were introduced in 
evidence in the treason trials under the name of **Eoll of Prisoners'*; 
and these were used whenever available, on the theory that anyone who 
had joined even the first, or outside degree, was a party to the plot of 
Dodd and his associates. But the political effect was meagre unless some 
Democrat of real prominence could be implicated. Early in August, 
1864, Carrington went over to Terre Haute, and seized a lot of papers, 
including a number of rituals of the Order of American Knights, in an 
ofSce that had been occupied by D. W. Voorhees. These were at once 
published in the Journal, and also in a campaign pamphlet. Voorhees 
answered, denying any knowledge .of the rituals, and explaining every- 
thing that had any savor of impropriety in the letters and papers. The 
controversy was carried on through the campaign, and was repeatedly 
revived in later years, in attacks on Voorhees ; and yet it is obvious that 
if he had been connected with the order, it would have been charged 
direct, as they had the lists of the members. But the most effective 
campaign literature captured in this raid was a letter from McDonald, 
which was included in the campaign pamphlet thus: 

** Joseph E. McDonald to Dan Voorhees. 
Hallucinations and Insanity of Judge Perkins. 






Indianapolis, November 14, 1863. 

Hon. D. W. Voorhees, — Dear Friend: Your favor per Brown, I 
received. I did all that could be done for the boy, and that was to have 
him sent back to his company without being regarded as a deserter, 
until the President shall modify his proclamation suspending the writ of 
habeas corpus. If a woman should be sworn into the service, there is 



•0 Life of Morton, Vol. 1, pp. 373-4. 

Vol. n— 7 



664 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

no power to discharge her but the War Department, and that never aete 
in any ease where humanity makes the call. 

"Aa to Perkins, you will have learned from our mutual friend 
Dowling that we have had an interview with the Judge, and found him 
enjoying a lucid interval, and fully aware of the hallucination under 
which he has lately been laboring, but I dont see just how he can right 




Joseph E. McDonald 

himself. I think he will be permanently cured of his insanity in time, 
but it may take time. 

"Of course it is not necessary for me to say to you that I knew no 
more of the sentiments of his letter until I saw it in the public papers 
than you did. If he had sent his letter to me, and not the editor of the 
Sentinel, it would not have seen the light of day in that shape ; but he 
seemed to think he had discovered the Northwest passage, and he wanted 
the whole benefit of the discovery ; and consequently he had to give this 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 665 

thing to the public at once. When I see you we will talk at length on 
these matters, as I want a long talk with you before you go to Wash- 
ington. 

Respectfully Your Friend, 

J. E. McDonald. 
** McDonald is candidate for Governor; Perkins for Judge." 

There is plainly nothing treasonable or suspicious about this letter, 
and nothing to distinguish its taking from plain larceny, except that it 
was taken under the form of a military search. No possible excuse can 
be made for the taking or use of this letter. It was looting for political 
purposes, plain and simple. The letter was used in that campaign, and 
for years afterward, whenever Perkins was a candidate. From the fact 
thai Oscar B. Hord, son-in-law of Perkins, later became the law partner 
of Thomas A. Hendricks, this letter contributed to the breach that 
finally came between McDonald and Hendricks. As a military man 
Carrington was a joke — a very poor joke. His failure to obey orders 
and go in pursuit of John Morgan, has been mentioned. After the war, 
he was sent out to build Fort Phil Kearney, and let his troops get into 
an ambuscade which resulted in the fearful massacre at that point. 
Years after, when he was peddling his own books, I saw him come into 
McDonald's office and ask him to buy a copy of his '* Battles of the 
Revolution.'' And McDonald bought it. 

In September, 1864, in the midst of the political campaign, Dodd, 
Bowles, Heflfren, Lambdin P. ]\Iilligan, Stephen Horsey, and Andrew 
Humphreys, were brought to trial at Indianapolis, before a Military 
Commission, and were all convicted. They were all plainly guilty 
except Humphreys. The evidence showed that he was made a ** gen- 
eral" without his knowledge, and when notified, declined to accept. 
But Stidger testified that Bowles told him later that Humphreys had 
consented to take command of '*the forces in the rear," and on this 
apparent jest he was sentenced to '* confinement within the boundaries 
of two townships in his own county." Heflfren turned State's evidence; 
Dodd escaped from the third floor of the old post-office building, at 
Indianapolis, where they were confined during the trial, by sliding 
down a rope, and made his way to Canada; Bowles, Milligan and 
Horsey were sentenced to death, but Horsey 's sentence was commuted 
to imprisonment for life. The other two were to be hanged on May 19, 
but after a great deal of pressure, including urgent insistence from 
Governor Morton, President Johnson postponed the execution to June 
20, to give the Supreme Court of the United States a chance to hear the 
case. The Supreme Court unanimously held that there was no legal 



666 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

power to try by military commission in Indiana, and the majority held 
that Congress had no power to authorize military law under such condi- 
tions. The Court said: **This court has judicial knowledge that in 
Indiana the Federal authority was always unopposed, and its courts 
always open to hear criminal accusations and redress grievances ; and no 
usage of war could sanction a military trial there for any offence what- 
ever of a citizen in civil life, in nowise connected with the military 
service. Congress could grant no such power ; and to the honor of our 
national legislature be it said, it has never been provoked by the state 
of the country even to attempt its exercise. One of the plainest consti- 
tutional provisions was, therefore, infringed when Milligan was tried by 
a court not ordained and established by Congress, and not composed of 
judges appointed during good behavior. • • • It will be borne in 
mind that this is not a question of the power to proclaim martial law, 
when war exists in a community and the courts and civil authorities are 
overthrown. Nor is it a question what rule a military commander, at 
the head of his army, can impose on states in rebellion to cripple their 
resources and quell the insurrection. • • • if armies were col- 
lected in Indiana, they were to be employed in another locality, where 
the laws were obstructed and the national authority disputed. On her 
soil there was no hostile foot ; if once invaded, that invasion was at an 
end, and with it all pretext for martial law. Martial law cannot arise 
f rpm a threatened invasion. The necessity must be actual and present ; 
the invasion real, such as effectually closes the courts and deposes the 
civil administration. It is difficult to see how the safety of the country 
required martial law in Indiana. If any of her citizens were plotting 
treason, the power of arrest could secure them, until the government 
was prepared for their trial, when the courts were open and ready to 
try them. It was as easy to protect witnesses before a civil as a military 
tribunal ; and as there could be no wish to convict, except on sufficient 
legal evidence, surely an ordained and established court was better able 
to judge of this than a military tribunal composed of gentlemen not 
trained to the profession of the law.'* ®^ Humphreys sued the members 
of the Commission for false imprisonment, in the Sullivan Circuit Court. 
The defendants asked a removal to the Federal Court, which was re- 
fused, and on default judgment was rendered for $25,000 damages. 
This was reversed by the Supreme Court, and the case ordered to the 
Federal Court.®^ In the U. S. District Court, the case was finally dis- 
missed at defendants' costs on Nov. 5, 1869. 

«i Ex parte MiUigan, 4 Wall., p. 2. 
o2McCormick et al. v. Humphreys, 27 Ind., p. 144. 




INDIANA AND INDIANANS 667 

The decision of the U. S. Supreme Court was not filed for some time 
after the election, although the order for the release of the men was 
made in June. It is doubtful if it would have had any material eflfect 
on the election if made earlier, although it was on these lines that the 
Democrats were attacking the administration, and the opinion is a plain 
condemnation of military usurpation of, all kinds. The devotion of the 
average American to the constitution is usually manifested when it 
favors what he wants to do, and while a great many Democrats objected 
seriously to military arrests and military trials, there were very few 
Republicans who were worrying about them. Those who did supported 
the third party movement for Fremont, until he withdrew, and then 
went to Lincoln, as the less of two evils. Up to 'the time of the Demo- 
cratic National Convention, on August 29, the Republican prospects were 
not encouraging. Lincoln and all his close friends were very despond- 
ent.** But the Democrats were walking into an open pit. According 
to the testimony of Dr. James B. Wilson, who attended the Sons of 
Liberty meeting at Chicago, at that time, part of them wanted to nomi- 
nate a separate ticket, but Vallandingham took the position that they 
should support McClellan if they could get a satisfactory platform. He 
•drafted the famous second plank of the platform, as follows: 

''That this convention does explicitly declare, as the sense of the 
American people, that after four years of failure to restore the Union by 
the experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of ^ military 
necessity or war-power higher than the Constitution, the Constitution 
itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private 
right alike trodden down, and the material prosperity of the country 
essentially impaired — ^justice, humanity, liberty, and the public welfare 
demand that immediate efforts be made for a cessation of hostilities, 
with a view to the ultimate convention of the states, or other peaceable 
means, to the end that, at the earliest practicable moment, peace may be 
restored on the basis of the federal union of the states." 

At the time of its adoption, the Union cause was certainly in a 
depressing state. Grant had given up his effort to get through the 
Wilderness, with its appalling loss of life. Sherman was making some 
progress towards Atlanta, but was not there. Mobile was blockaded, 
but was still reached by block&de runners. But before the ink was well 
dried on the Democratic declaration, things began to change as if they 
had been waiting for that one incentive. On September 3, Lincoln 
issued proclamations of national thanks for the captures of Atlanta and 



«3 Nicolay and Hay, Vol. 9, p. 250. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 669 

Mobile. On September 19, Sheridan defeated Early at Opequon Creek, 
and on September 22 at Fisher's Hill. On October 19, Sheridan made 
his famous ride from Winchester to Cedar Creek, turned defeat to vic- 
tory, and cleared the Shenandoah Valley. These Union victories turned 
back the tide of depression in the North, and changed the Republicans 
to an aggressive, jubilant host. More than any other one agency, they 
contributed to the election of Lincoln in 1864. In Indiana the contest 
for Governor was between Morton and McDonald, who made a joint can- 
vass of the state. Opinions differ as to the merits of the debate, but not 
as to the high plane on which it was conducted. Mr. Foulke says: **The 
relations between Morton and McDonald through this campaign, as at 
every other time, were cordial. Neither of them ever failed in personal 
courtesy toward his antagonist. After Morton had been elected he pro- 
cured a portrait of McDonald and hung it in his office where it remained 
while he was Governor. When they became colleagues many years 
afterwards in the United States Senate, they were still warm friends^ 
and they so remained until Morton 's death. Indeed had it not been for 
these excellent personal relations there could have been no joint cam- 
paign at all in 1864. The bitterest feelings had been aroused between 
the two parties. Great numbers of men upon both sides came armed 
to the meetings. At South Bend, the determination shown in the faces 
of many in the. great audience foreboded evil. As they sat side by side 
upon the platform, Morton said to McDonald: *I am told a great many 
of your friends have come here armed. ' McDonald answered : * I have 
no doubt three-fourths of that audience are armed, but you and I can 
control these meetings, and so long as we do not lose our heads there will 
be no trouble.' Morton answered that there was no danger in that 
quarter, and the debate went on without disturbance. ' ' ®* In my opinion 
McDonald had the best of the argument as to State issues; but Morton 
was shrewd enough to force the fighting on national lines; and on the 
question, if the war was a failure, what other remedy he would propose, 
McDonald was necessarily weak from the start; and his position grew 
worse with every Union victory. The one great issue of the campaign 
was between a war simply for the restoration of the Union, and a war 
for the restoration of the Union with the emancipation of the slaves. 
The Democratic slogan was **the constitution as it is.'* But the consti- 
tution was always subject to one thing superior to itself, in the minds 
of the American people, and that was the inalienable right of the people 
to alter their form of government. In the election of 1864, the people 
voted that slavery should go. The South understood that fully. The 

«* Life of Morton, Vol. 1, p. 355. 



670 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

majorities were not overwhelming^ but they were enough, and they were 
practically universal. In Indiana the vote was 150,238 for Lincoln, and 
130,233 for McClellan. 

The legislature elected in Indiana wag Republican, and gave full 
indorsement to Morton's administration for the past two years. It 
made provision for the payment of the debts he had contracted on 
public account, and provided for the future. The audit of his accounts 
demonstrated that the large funds which he had administered had been 
faithfully applied to proper public purposes, and there remained no 
basis for the slightest question of his integrity in financial matters. The 
State agency for the colonization of negroes was abolished, on the very 
practical ground that it had cost $8,000, and had only sent one negro 
to Liberia ; but a bill to admit the testimony of negroes in courts failed. 
The dominant feature of the session was the support of pushing the 
war to a successful close. The legislature also adopted the 13th amend- 
ment to the Constitution of the United States, abolishing slavery. The 
war was practically ended when the legislature adjourned. Lee surren- 
dered on April 9. But a far worse calamity awaited the South. On 
the 14th Lincoln fell by the hand of the assassin, and the South lost a 
friend, in the true sense of the word, who could and would have done 
more for it in its defeat than any other man. At the same time, the 
horrible crime awakened a spirit of bitter resentment in the North, 
which showed little discrimination in its results. It would have been 
a happy chance for the Southern people if Edwin Booth had shot him- 
self, instead of the President. No man was ever more universally and 
sincerely mourned by the American people. At Indianapolis, a public 
meeting was called by Governor Morton, at the state house square, at 
noon of the 15th, and Hendricks, McDonald and ex-Qovernor Wright 
were invited to speak. The solemnity of the occasion was marred by 
hoodlums who publicly insulted Mr. Hendricks. This was deplored by 
everyone who had any sense of decency and propriety, and the ill-bred 
subsided. On Sunday, April 30, the remains of the President lay in 
state in the capitol, and from 9 to 11 a. m. of the rainy, gloomy day 
were viewed by thousands of silent mourners from all parts of the State. 
The remaining events of the war, in Indiana, were the return and public 
reception of the Indiana troops — ^the comparatively few of them who 
remained — who were all given warm welcomes. The long struggle was 
over, and there were none who were not glad that it was over. The 
people were thoroughly tired of war, and ready for the pursuits of 
peace. The war itself had been a business education to many of the 
soldiers, in the making of roads and bridges, excavation, and other lines 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 671 

of work that fell to the armies ; and this added to the business prosperity 
and enterprise that followed. A material change had taken place in the 
social conditions of the State, and it entered on a new era of its 
progress. 



CHAPTER XII 

AFTER THE WAR 

Among the earlier regiments to return to Indiana was the Sixty- 
Ninth Infantry. It had gone back to Mobile from Selma, and had 
been left there when the rest of the troops were ordered to the Rio 
Grande, preparatory to expelling the French from Mexico, in case 
they had to be expelled. The Sixty-Ninth went into camp out at the 
end of Dauphin Way, next to the residence of R. Bumford Owens, pro- 
prietor of the Mobile Register; and proceeded to make a second con- 
quest of Mobile. Col. Oran Perry gave very strict orders to the meu 
as to their deportment, and especially that they were not to enter 
private premises under any circumstances. The Mobilians, who were 
expecting to be abused and plundered by the ** Yankees," did not know 
what to make of such scandalously decent treatment. A day or two 
after their arrival, a colored ** mammy'' came running over from the 
Owens house, and asked if they had a doctor that would come and 
treat a sick child. Dr. Montieth, the regimental surgeon, went at 
once, and found a very sick little girl, whom he succeeded in bringing 
back to health after two or three days. Then Owens came over to see 
Col. Perry, and said: **I notice your cook is carrying water about 
three blocks, and I would be glad to have you use my well; just knock 
a paling off the fence, and come right in and help yourselves." Col. 
Perry explained that he appreciated the invitation, but he had ordered 
his men to keep out of private premises, and he could not disobey his 
own orders. Owens went away protesting, and the next day he knocked 
a paling off the fence himself, and invited the cook to come in and 
get water. Col. Perry ignored this breach ; and in a day or two Owens 
came back. **I violated your orders, sir," he said, **but I want to 
explain that a man's house is his castle, sir, and I have a right to , 
invite anyone I choose to my premises. ' ' By this time, the town people 
had begun coming out to see the regiment parade in the evening, and 
were warm in their applause, especially the ex-Confederate soldiers. 
The little girl who had been sick had come over to visit, and had 
become a camp pet. She was particularly devoted to Col. Perry, and 
used to hang to his coat-tail during parade in a way that threatened 
the dignity of the occasion, but discipline triumphed. 

672 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 673 

Owens had suspended the publication of the Register on the capitu- 
lation of the city, and he decided to resume. He announced his pur- 
pose at a supper, to which he invited a number of Union and ex-Con- 
federate ofl&cers, informing them that the country was starting on a 
new era, and that he proposed to advocate everybody's joining in and 
making it a great era for the whole country. There was entire una- 
nimity in the sentiment. The Confederates realized fully that the old 
issues had been settled by the arbitrament of arms, and that the settle- 
ment was final. All that was left for them was to accept the condi- 
tions and go back to earning a living. They made no complaint. As 
one stout-built colonel insisted: *'It was a fair fight — and we lost.'' 
And so Mobile started on the work of reconstruction in its own way, 
with hope and cheer. When the Sixty-Ninth left, it brought along as 
**son of the regiment" a rebel orphan urchin, whose father and two 
brothers had been killed at Shiloh, and who attracted the friendship 
of the boys when he came to the camp to black boots, sell papers, and 
do odd jobs. He is now well known in OHiio and Indiana as John 
Henry Newman, teacher and platform-orator, and an honored comrade 
in the Sixty-Ninth. 

On July 18, 1865, the returning rqmnants of the Sixty-Ninth were 
given a public reception at Indianapolis, at which Gov. Morton made 
an address of welcome. Col. Perry was from Morton's old home. He 
was a son of Judge. James Perry, and was bom at Liberty, Union 
County, February 1, 1838; but his family removed to Richmond in 
1844. Oran volunteered at the beginning of the war in the Sixteenth 
Indiana, and at the close of his one year's service, went back as Adju- 
tant of the Sixty-Ninth. He was wounded and captured at Richmond, 
Kentucky, but exchanged. He was then promoted to Lieutenant 
Colonel on petition of his superior officers, and served through the war, 
being again severely wounded at Fort Blakely. Col. Perry says: 
''After the speaking, I shook hands with Morton, and he asked me to 
call before I left town. I told him I certainly would pay my respects; 
and accordingly went to his rooms in the State House, and was ushered 
in by his secretary. Will HoUoway. After greeting me, Morton asked 
if I had given any thought to the reconstruction of the Southern states. 
and I told him no. He then asked if I had given any thought to negro 
suffrage, and I said: 'Why, no. I'm no politician. I am only a boy 
— have never voted but once — and have been doing what I could to put 
down the rebellion.' He then asked me what was my opinion about 
it 'Why,' said I. 'I know that most of the plantation negroes in the 
South are not fit to vote. I have no objection to their color, but they 
are too ignorant; they are little more intelligent than animals. All 



674 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

of the boys I have talked to feel that way. They want them to be free, 
but negro suffrage is a pretty tough proposition.' He then asked me 
if I would be in favor of letting the rebels vote, and I said, 'Yes, I 
would. They are the only men in the South capable of leading out — 
the men of education and intelligence. They are thoroughly whipped, 
and are through with secession. I have talked to many of them; and 
they are sick of war, and want to get home, settle down, and come 
back into the Union." I gave him an illustration of their good faith. 
Two or three weeks before we left Mobile, all the troops were ordered 
to the Rio Grande, to join Sheridan's army and drive the French out 
of Mexico. At that time Mobile was overrun with late rebels. Our 
camps swarmed with them, and we were dividing rations with them. 
Whenever our oflBcers would listen, their officers and men would unani- 
mously volunteer to go to Mexico, and help also drive out the French. 
We were all struck with their sincerity. I made a number of acquaint- 
ances at the time, and some friendships that lasted through life, with 
men who became good citizens. I still believe it would have been the 
best course. 

'*! had relatives in Louisiana who were original Union men. My 
uncle, Robert Perry, was a prominent planter, and his son-in-law, 
O'Brien, who was a member of the legislature that voted for secession, 
made the last speech against it, and voted against it; but when the 
State went out they all went with it. My cousin Robert, later Judge 
of the Appellate Court of Louisiana, was an officer of the Eighth 
Louisiana, and had been captured in the Wilderness, and confined 
at Johnson's Island. He. told me that the prisoners there organized 
a debating society, to pass away the time, and among other things, 
discussed what they should do after the war, which they saw was hope- 
less for the South. He told me they all agreed that the only thing was 
to accept the situation, and help build up the country. As I was 
leaving, Morton joked with me, and said, *You said you had not been 
thinking about these things, but you see that you have, and did not 
know it.' The next day I met Bob Conover (Col. Robert Conover, of 
the Sixteenth Indiana) over by the Bates House, and he asked, *Did 
Morton send for you, and ask you what you thought about the negroes 
voting?' I said yes, and told him what I had said. He said that Mor- 
ton had also sent for him, and he told him the same thing, and that 
several others had told him the same thing ; and that several others had 
told him that Morton had sent for them, and they had given him the 
same opinion. That was the first I knew of his talking to others. 
While I was talking to Morton he didn't say anything, except to ask 
a question now and then. He just sat back and listened. It was his 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 675 

way. They called him a boss, but I never saw anything of that kind 
about him. But he bad a most remarkable faculty of drawing men out, 
and making them talk. I have seen him draw out fellows that bad no 
idea of talking, until be pumped them dry. Of course, when be made 




Col. Or.^n Perry 

up his mind be went at things with a sledge hammer. He made a speech 
over at Richmond soon after we came back, in which be advocated the 
ideas we held in regard to negro suffrage. He took the other aide lat«r 
on; but I think he was driven to it by party pressure."' 

1 Interview, Dec. 4, 1917. 



676 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Morton was not looking for ideas on negro suffrage. He had them 
already; but he had a problem on his hands. The murder of Lincoln 
had completely upset political calculations. Julian describes the situa- 
tion thus: ** Johnson was inaugurated at eleven o'clock on the morning 
of the 15th, and was at once surrounded by radical and conservative 
politicians, who were alike anxious about the situation. I spent most 
of the afternoon in a political caucus, held for the purpose of consid- 
ering the necessity for a new cabinet and a line of policy less con- 
ciliatory than that of Mr. Lincoln ; and while everybody was shocked at 
his murder, the feeling was nearly universal that the accession of John- 
son to the Presidency would prove a godsend to the country. Aside 
from Mr. Lincoln's known policy of tenderness to the Rebels, which 
now so jarred upon the feelings of the hour, his well-known views on 
the subject of Reconstruction were as distasteful as possible to radical 
Republicans. In his last public utterance, only tfiree days before his 
death, he had declared his adherence to the plan of reconstruction an- 
nounced by him in December, 1863, which in the following year so 
stirred the ire of Wade and Winter Davis as an attempt of the Execu- 
tive to usurp the powers of Congress. According to this plan the work 
of reconstruction in the rebel States was to be inaugurated and carried 
on by those only who were qualified to vote under the Constitution 
and laws of these States as they existed prior to the Rebellion. Of 
course the negroes of the South could have no voice in framing the 
institutions under which they were to live, and the question of negro 
suffrage would thus have been settled by the President, if he had lived 
and been able to maintain this policy, while no doubt was felt that 
this calamity had now been averted and the way opened for the radical 
policy which afterwards involved the impeachment of Johnson, but 
finally prevailed. • • • 

**0n the following day, in pursuance of a previous engagement, 
the Committee on the Conduct of the War met the President at his 
quarters in the Treasury Department. He received us with decided 
cordiality, and Mr. Wade said to him: 'Johnson, we have faith in you. 
By the gods, there will be no trouble now in running the government ! ' 
The President thanked him, and went on to define his well-remembered 
policy at that time. *I hold,' said he, *that robbery is a crime; rape 
is a crime; murder is a crime; treason is a crime, and crime must be 
punished. Treason must be made infamous, and traitors must be im- 
poverished.' We were all cheered and encouraged by this brave talk, 
and while we were rejoiced that the leading conservatives of the country 
were not in* Washington, we felt that the presence and influence of the 
committee, of which Johnson had been a member, would aid the Ad- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 677 

ministration in getting on the right track. W% met him again the 
next day and found the symptoms of a vigorous policy still favorable, 
and although I had some misgivings, the general feeling was of un- 
bounded confidence in his sincerity and firmness, and that he would 
act upon the advice of General Butler by inaugurating a policy of 

his own, instead of administering on the political estate of his prede- 
cessor." ^ 

But **the leading conservatives'* also realized the importance of 
their ** presence and influence'' on the President; and Julian says the 
President's ** demeanor, at first, seemed modest and commendable, but 
his egotism soon began to assert itself, while his passion for stump- 
speaking was pampered by the delegations which began to pour into 
the city from various States and flatter him by formal addresses, to 
which he replied in length." Morton was among the throng of advisors, 
and on April 21, descended on Johnson with '*a delegation of citizens 
from Indiana," and posted him on the law and the duty of the hour. 
He maintained that the rebel States had never been out of the Union; 
that treason was a personal offense that must be personally punished; 
and that ** there is in every rebel State a loyal element of greater or 
less strength, and to its hands should be confided the power and duty 
of reorganizing the State government, giving to it military protec- 
tion until such time as it can, by convention or otherwise, so regulate 
the right of suffrage that this right will be intrusted only to safe and 
loyal hands." Johnson replied in the same strain, and declared that 
he ''might well have adopted Governor Morton's speech as his own."^ 
Julian was one of this delegation, and says, ** Governor Morton headed 
the movement, which I now found had a decidedly political signifi- 
cance." He did not approve of this Morton- Johnson theorj\ He 
says: ''According to this doctrine a rebellious State becomes independ- 
ent. If the people could rightfully be overpowered by the national 
authority, that very fact would at once re-clothe them in all their 
rights, just as if they had never rebelled. In framing their new gov- 
ernments Congress would have no right to prescribe any conditions, 
or to govern them in any way pending the work of State reconstruc- 
tion, since this would be to recognize the States as Territories, and 
violate the principle of State rights. The Governor's theory of recon- 
struction, in fact made our war for the Union flagrantly unconstitu- 
tional. The crime of treason being 'individual,' and only to 'be treated 
individually,' we had no right to hold prisoners of war, seize property 
and capture and confiscate vessels without a regular indictment and 



2 Political Recollections, pp. 255-7. 
8 Foulke 's Life of Morton, pp. 440-2. 



678 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

trial; and this being so, every Rebel in arms was in full legal pos- 
session of his political rights, and no power could prevent him from 
exercising them except through judicial conviction of treason in the 
district in which the overt act was committed. Singularly enough, he 
seemed entirely unaware of the well-settled principle which made our 
war for the Union a territorial conflict, like that of a war with Mexico 
or England; that the Rebels, while still liable to be hung or otherwise 
dealt with for treason, had taken upon themselves the further char- 
acter of public enemies; and that being now conquered they were 
conquered enemies, having simply the rights of a conquered people. 
The Governor further informed the President that if the revolted dis- 
tricts should be dealt with as mere Territories, or conquered provinces, 
the nation would be obliged to pay the debts contracted by them prior 
to the war. These remarkable utterances, which he repudiated in less 
than a year afterward, were emphatically endorsed by the President, 
who entered upon the same theme at a dismal length, freely indulging 
in his habit of bad English and incoherence of thought; I was dis- 
gusted, and sorry that the confidence of so many of my radical friends 
had been entirely misplaced.''* 

This brought on war in Indiana. Julian says that the radicals in 
Congress held a caucus on May 12, at the National Hotel, to consider 
''measures for saving the new Administration from the conservative 
control which then threatened it;'' but that they were divided. Wade 
and Sumner insisting that the President was in favor of negro suffrage, 
and was ''in no danger." Julian did not believe it. He came home 
and opened a negro-suffrage campaign in his district. He says: "The 
Republicans were everywhere divided on the question, while the current 
of opinion was strongly against the introduction of the issue as prema- 
ture. The politicians all opposed it on the plea that it would divide the 
Republicans and restore the Democrats to power, and that we must wait 
for the growth of a public opinion that would justify its agitation. 
Governor Morton opposed the policy with inexpressible bitterness, 
declaring, with an oath, that 'negro suffrage must be put down,' while 
every possible effort was made to array the soldiers against it. His 
hostility to the suffrage wing of his party seemed to be quite as relentless 
as to the Rebels, while the great body of the Republicans of the district 
deferred strongly to his views. In the beginning of the canvass I even 
found a considerable portion of my old anti-slavery friends unprepared 
to follow me; but feeling perfectly sure that I was right and that I 
could revolutionize the general opinion, I entered upon the work and 



4 Political BecoUections, pp. 261-2. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 679 

« 

prosecuted it with all my mig^fat for nearly four months. My task was 
an arduous one, but I found the people steadily yielding up their preju- 
dices, and ready to lay hold of the truth when fairly and dispassionately 
presented, while the soldiers were among the first to accept my teach- 
ings. The tide was at length so evidently turning in my favor that on 
the 28th of September Governor Morton was induced to make his elab- 
orate speech at Richmond, denouncing the whole theory of Republican 
reconstruction as subsequently carried out, and opposing the policy of 
negro suffrage by arguments which he seemed to regard as overwhelm- 
ing. He made a dismal picture of the ignorance and degradation of the 
plantation negroes of the South, and scouted the policy of arming them 
with political power."* 

To understand the controversy between these two men — and it 
should be understood because it was the chief factor in shaping Indiana 
p<^tics for several years — it is necessary to keep in mind always that 
Morton and Julian hated each other cordially, and they were both tal- 
ented haters. Julian says the trouble began in 1851, when he was a 
candidate for reelection to Congress, having been elected two years 
earlier as a Free Soiler. by Democratic votes. He says: **I would 
undoubtedly have been reelected but for very vigorous outside intierfer- 
enee. Wm. J. Brown (Democratic Representative from the Indianapo- 
lis district), who had intrigued with the leading Free Soilers for the 
Speakership in 1849, as I have already shown, and favored the passage 
of the Wilmot proviso in order to 'stick it at old Zach,' was now the 
editor of the 'Sentinel,' the State organ of the Democracy, which was 
toffieiently orthodox on the slavery- question to pass muster in South 
Carolina. It was this organ which afterward insisted that my abolition- 
ism entitled me to at least five years service at hard labor in the peni- 
tentiary. Mr. Brown *8 dread of this fearful heresy seemed as intense 
as it was unbounded, and he resolved, at all hazards, to avert any 
farther alliance with it by Democrats in any portion of the State. By 
▼ery hard work and the most unscrupulous expedients he succeeded in 
enlisting a few ambitious local magnates of his party in the district, 
who were fully in sympathy with his spirit and aims, and of whom 
Oliver P. Morton was the chief; and by thus drawing away from the 
Democracy from two to throe hundred proslaver>' malcontents and 
taming them over to my Whig ccunpetitor, my defeat was accomplished. 
• • • I never obtaineii his forgiveness for my success in that con- 
tMt (1849), and his unfriendliness was afterward aggravated by his 
failare as a Repul>lican leader to supplant uie in the district, and it 



• PeUtical ReooUectionsi, pp. 263-4. 
T«i. n— • 



680 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

continued to the end. • • • During tlie war, earnest efforts were 
made by his friends and mine looking to a reconciliation, and the restora- 
tion of that harmony in the party which good men on both sides greatly 
coveted; but all such efforts necessarily failed. If I had been willing 
to subordinate my political convictions and sense of duty to bis ambition, 
peace could at once have been restored ; but as this was impossible, I was 



David P. Holloway • 

obliged to accept the warfare which continued and increased, and which 
I always regretted and deplored."" 

Julian gave no marked evidence of deploring the warfare while it 
was in progress, and he had a chance of winning. He was the one man 
in Indiana who had successfully defied Morton, although this entailed a 
continuous fight in his district against Morton 's followers. The Journal 
■aid he had "quarreled with every prominent public man in his dis- 

< Political B«coUeetioiii, pp. IIT, 270. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 681 

trict,'* naming **Rariden, Smith, Parker, Kilgore, Meredith, Newman, 
Morton, Holloway, Colgrove, Elliott, Grose, Wilson, Murphy, Yaryan, 
Siddell, Bennett, and Trusler,'' which means that these gentlemen were 
to be included in the Morton following. One of the most important of 
these was David P. Holloway. He was born in Warren County, Ohio, 
December 6, 1809, of Quaker parentage; his parents moving to Rich- 
mond in 1821, where David learned the printer's trade, and in 1833 
became one .of the proprietors of the Palladium, of which he was the 
editor for more than forty years. He was the father of Col. W. R. 
Holloway, who had been ^lorton's private secretary, and in 1865 was 
editor ^and proprietor of the Journal, and who was also Morton's 
brother-in-law. Coincident with Morton's Richmond speech, a number 
of editorial attacks on Julian appeared in the Journal, which show that 
the speech was intended as an attack on Julian, by attacking the doc- 
trines he was preaching in his campaign ; and the speech was published 
in pamphlet form, and widely circulated. The speech itself was one of 
the ablest Morton ever made. Indeed, if he had stuck to the principles 
then advocated, it would have given him a stronger claim to statesman- 
ship with future, and dispassionate generations, than any other he ever 
made except at the beginning of the war. The Republican party did 
not follow it, and Morton had to abandon it, or abandon the Republican 
party ; but if the party had followed it, it would have escaped the blot of 
the radical Reconstruction legislation. Hut Julian knew that in politics 
the appeal to resentment and hatred is vastly more effective than an 
appeal to forgiveness and generosity, and he accepted Morton's chal- 
lenge with alacrity. On November 15, David W. Chambers, of Henry 
County, offered a resolution that the use of the hall of the House of 
Representatives be allowed to Hon. George W. Julian, on the evening 
of the 17th, **to speak upon the political topics of the day." Alfred 
Kilgore, of Delaware — a son of Judge David Kilgore, and later U. S. 
District Attorney — moved to amend by adding: **And that Mr. Julian 
be, and is hereby respectfully requested, to express his views with regard 
to the reconstruction policy of President Johnson, with such precision 
and certainty that his expressions may not be susceptible of more than 
one construction as to meaning, and certain as to approval or disap- 
proval." The amendment and the resolution were adopted. The Mor- 
ton speech had been printed in the Journal, and was considered unan- 
swerable by his followers. The position of the President was known. 
Morton had ascertained the sentiment of the soldiers. His position 
seemed to be impregnable ; and Julian was coming to attack him on his 
own ground. The situation was fully understood, and the hall of the 
House was crowded to hear him. 



682 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Julian began by denying that he had made any attacks on Qov. 
Morton or President Johnson, or had otherwise been trying to disor- 
ganize the party, as his enemies had been reporting. In regard to his 
'^instructions" as to his speech, he was not certain that he knew what 
President Johnson's policy was, but if he was in favor of leaving recon- 
struction to Congress where it belonged, he was in favor of it; however, 
he found that some of the vilest and meanest Copperheads indorsed 
Johnson's policy, and he thought there must be some misunderstanding 
about it. He had some views of his own, which he would advance, and 
they could judge whether he was in accord with the President. He 
called attention to the fact that Lincoln's Emancipation did not abolish 
slavery, but merely freed the slaves in certain districts; and that the 
Thirteenth Amendment had not yet been ratified by three-fourths of the 
States. He said: ''There has been no moment, in my judgment, since 
the beginning of this war, so full of peril to the nation as the present. 
I may refer to the testimony of Governor Brownlow, who says that the 
only difference between the rebels of to-day and of 1861 is* that a good 
many of them are under the ground. They are still unconverted, unre- 
generate, and the thorough reconstruction of government and society in 
the States recently in revolt can never be accomplished by half-way 
measures or a temporizing policy. In my judgment, our first and 
immediate duty is the adequate punishment of the rebel leaders; the 
adequate punishment of the villains who plunged the Republic into 
war. In Indiana when men committed murder or piracy we indicted, 
convicted and hanged them. If Jeff Davis were indicted to-night, this 
would be the charge: 'He has murdered three hundred thousand of 
our soldiers; he has mangled and maimed for life three hundred thou- 
sand more ; he has duplicated these atrocities upon his own half of the 
Union, and upon his own miserable followers. He has organized great 
conspiracies here in the North and Northwest, to lay in rapine and blood 
the towns, and villages, and cities, and plantations of the whole loyal 
portion of the land. He has sought to introduce into the United States, 
and to nationalize on this Continent, pestilence, in the form of yellow 
fever ; an enterprise which, had it succeeded, would have startled Heaven 
itself with the agony and sorrow it would have lavished upon the land. 
He has put to death, by the slow torture of starvation in rebel prisons, 
sixty thousands of our sons and brothers. He has been a party to the 
assassination of our martyred President. He has poisoned our wells; 
plSsUted infernal machines in the track of his armies; murdered our 
wounded soldiers; boiled the dead bodies of our boys in cauldrons, and 
sawed up their bones into jewelry to decorate the God-forsaken bodies 
of his rebel followers. He has hatched into life whole broods of vil- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 683 

lainies that are enough, it seems to me, to make the devil himself turn 
pale at the spectacle. He has done ever3rthing that a devil incarnate 
could do to let loose **the whole contagion of hell," and convert the earth 
into one grand carnival of demons. • • • 

''I don't ask vengeance. Davis has committed treason, and the 
Constitution demands his punishment. In the name of half a million 
soldiers who have gone up to the throne of Ood as witnesses against 'the 
deep damnation of their taking off' — in the name of your living soldiers 
— ^in the name of the Republic, whose life has been put in deadly peril — 
in the name of the great future, whose fate to-day hangs in the balance, 
depending on the example you make of treason, I demand the execution 
of Jeff Davis. And inasmuch as the gallows is the symbol of infamy 
throughout the civilized world I would give him the gallows, which is 
far too good for his neck. Not for all the honors and oflSces of this 
government would I spare him, if in my power. I should expect the 
ghoets of half a million soldiers' would haunt my poor recreant life to 
the grave. And I would not stop with Davis. Why should It There 
is General Lee, as hungry for the gallows as Davis. He is running at 
large up and down the hills and valleys of Old Virginia, as if nothing 
at all had happened; and lately I have heard that he has been offered 
the presidency of a college ; going to turn missionary and school-master, 
I suppose, to * teach the young idea how to shoot.' At the same time, as 
we are informed, he is to write a history of the rebellion. Oentlemen, I 
would not have him write that history. I would have it written by a 
loyal man, and I would have him put in a chapter giving an account of 
the hanging of Lee as a traitor. • • • Nor would I stop with Lee. 
I would hang liberally, while I had my hand in. I would make the 
gallows respectable in these latter days, by dedicating it to Christian 
uses. I would dispose of a score or two of the most conspicuous of the 
rebel leaders, not for vengeance, but to satisfy public justice, and make 
expensive the enterprise of treason for all time to come. • • • But 
suppose you were to hang or exile all these leaders, — for if you don't 
hang all of them you should put them out of the way, — ^your work, then, 
is only just begun. You ought, in the next place, to take their large 
landed estates and parcel them out among our soldiers and seamen, and 
the poor people of the South, black and white, as a basis of real de- 
mocracy and genuine civilization. Why, yonder is Bob Johnson, of 
Arkansas, an arch rebel leader, who owns forty thousand acres of rich 
land ; enough to make four hundred farms for so many industrious loyal 
men. I would give the land to them, and not leave enough to bury his 
carcass in. And yonder is Jake Thompson, one of Jimmy Buchanan's 
beloved, and beautiful, and blessed disciples; the man who stole our 



684 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Indian bonds, and who is so mean that I could never find words to 
describe him. He owns forty thousand acres or more, and I would take 
it and divide it out in the way mentioned. The leading rebels in the 
South are the great landlords of that country. One-half to three-fourths 
of all the cultivated land belongs to them, and if you would take it, as 
you have the right to do, by confiscation, you would not disturb the 
rights of the great body of the people in the South, for they never 
owned the land. I had the honor to propose, in a bill I introduced 
into the last Congress, this identical thing. It has passed one House 
by a large majority, but has failed thus far in the other. If you don't 
do something of that kind, you will have in the rebel States a system 
of serfdom over the poor almost as much to be deplored as slavery 
itself. Rich Yankees will go down there, — and I don't want to abuse 
the Yankees, for they have made this country what it is ; but there are 
Yankees who believe that the almighty dollar is the only living and true 
God, and it is said some of them would wade into the mouth of hell 
after a bale of cotton. * * * There are men who would go down 
and buy up these estates, and establish a system of wages-slavery, of 
serfdom over the poor, that would be as intolerable as the old system 
of servitude. * * * No, you want no order of nobility there save 
that of the laboring masses. Instead of large estates, widely scattered 
settlements, wasteful agriculture, popular ignorance, social degradation, 
the decline of manufactures, contempt for honest labor, and a pampered 
oligarchy, you want small farms, thrift}^ tillage, free schools, social 
independence, flourishing manufactures and the arts, respect for honest 
labor, and equality of political rights. You can lay hold of these bless- 
ings, on the one hand, or these corresponding curses, on the other, just as 
you please. • • • 

**But suppose you have hung or exiled the leaders of the rebellion, 
and disposed of their great landed estates in the way indicated; your 
work is then only half done. Without something else, you will fail 
after all to reap the full rewards of your sufferings and sacrifices. In 
order to complete your work of reconstruction, you must put the ballot 
into the hands of the loyal men of the south. • • * Let me say to 
you, too, by way of quieting your nerves, that I won 't preach in favor 
of black suffrage to-night, nor white suffrage. All I want is loyal suf- 
frage, without regard to color. • * * The fact is, I have got to be 
a Conservative lately. I wish simply to present some of the old con- 
servative doctrines of the founders and framers of the Republic — men 
whose memories you all revere, and whose counsels you will be glad to 
accept if you are loyal; and everybody is loyal now, or ought to be. 
During the war of the Revolution, that primitive era of the nation's 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 685 

life, that golden age of public virtue and private, as we are accustomed 
to regard it, negroes voted in all the States or colonies of the Union, 
except South Carolina — poor, sin-smitten. Heaven-forsaken spot, that 
might have been sunk in the sea forty years ago without material detri- 
ment, and without, in my opinion disturbing Divine Providence in his 
manner of governing the world. • * * Washington, and Jefferson, 
and Jay, and Hancock, and Hamilton, every year went up to the polls 
and deposited their ballots where the negroes did theirs, and I never 
heard that they were defiled, or that the Union was particularly en- 
dangered. * * * And afterward they voted under Washington, 
Adams, Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, and Jackson. In five of the New 
England States, and in New York, they have been voting ever since. 
In Pennsylvania they continued to vote until 1838; in Maryland and 
Virginia they voted until 1832 or 1833; in New Jersey until 1839 or 
1840; and in North Carolina and Tennessee until 1835. Some of my 
old North Carolina friends here will remember that George E. Badger 
was elected to Congress by negro votes; John Bel, of Tennessee, also; 
and old Cave Johnson, on one occasion finding that he was about to lose 
his election, emancipated about fifteen or twenty of his own slaves, and 
they went up to the polls and elected him to Congress. Now I have 
thought that as the negroes are now all free down there, we might 
extend this Democratic precedent a little further. Even Andrew Jack- 
son, old Hickory himself, — ^\\^ho was a good Democrat in his day, though 
he would not pass muster now, — the old hero who praised the negroes 
for fighting so well under him at New Orleans, and who ever afterward 
enjoyed their gratitude and respect, — ^when a young man, called un 
the negroes to help elect the legislature which afterwards gave him a 
seat in the Senate of the United States ; and I think if old Jackson could 
do 80 naughty a thing as this it would not disgrace a Copperhead to 
have a few negroes vote for him, if they were so crazy as to vote on 
that side. • • • 

**But I would give the ballot to the negro for another reason. We 
called upon him to help us, and he has helped us. We tried with all our 
might to save the Union, and to save slavery with it. We had got into 
our heads that the stars of our flag were for the whites, and the stripes 
for the blacks. • • • When the question became one of salvation 
or damnation to the white man ; when the Union was about to perish in 
the red sea of war, into which our guilt and folly had tumbled it, we 
called on these wronged people to help us. They fought side by side with 
our white soldiers, fighting so well that our generals praised them for 
their bravery and endurance. You remember that Father Abraham in 
his message told you that without the help of the negro population the 



686 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Union would have perished. • • • In traveling over the country 
I frequently hear some slimy, sneaking Copperhead saying 'Damn the 
nigger, ' when not more than two years ago that same Copperhead might 
have been seen perambulating the country, hunting up a negro to stand 
between him and the bullets of the rebels, and save his cowardly carcass 
from harm. • • • The Copperhead hunted his black substitute, 
found him, hired him to go; he went, fought like a hero, rushed into 
every ugly gap of death his commander told him to enter, and now, 
on his safe return, the Copperhead looks down upon him and says 'Damn 
the nigger — go back to your old master, I am done with you.' Is this 
a specimen of your magnanimity and manhood t My conservative friends 
say to me, ' Is it not strange that the soldiers are against negro suffrage 
in the South. Gentlemen, I know of no question of negro suffrage con- 
nected with our national politics, except as between the loyal negro, and 
the white rebels of the South. Now, I ask you, have you a soldier among 
you who hates the loyal negro who fought for his country more than he 
hates the white rebelif who fought against itY or who, if the ballot is to 
be given to the one or the other, would give it to the white rebel in 
preference ? or who, if the ballot is to be given to the white rebel, would 
not checkmate him by giving it to the loyal negro at his sideY Have 
you any civilian among you who would espouse the cause of the white 
rebel in the cases I have supposed? If you answer these questions in 
the negative, then you are with me on the question of negro suffrage. 
Gentlemen, when, two or three years ago, the government decided that 
the negro was fit to carry a gun to shoot rebels down, it thereby pledged 
itself irrevocably to give him the ballot to vote rebels down, when it 
should become necessary. And the nation never can go behind that act. 

• • • Negro suffrage in the South is a chapter in the history of this 
contest as sure to come as was the arming of the negro, and you who 
oppose it would do well to stand out of the 'v^ay, for it will sweep over 
you as remorselessly as would the tides of the sea. • • • 

**Btit I would give the negro the ballot for another reason. Before 
the war broke out, the South, on the basis of its negro population, had 
eighteen members of Congress. Now they will have twelve additional 
members, or thirty in all, based upon a population that is dumb. • • • 
Are you safe under the operation of a provision so iniquitous as this! 
It not only disfranchises the negro, but it disfranchises you. • • • 
If you tolerate this principle, if you don't give the negro the ballot, 
another consequence will come, and that is the repudiation of your debt 

♦ • • If you hold their noses to the grindstone, as you ought to do, 
every dollar of their rebel debt is gone, and you will compel them to 
help pay our debt. They will hate that confoundedly, and will agonize 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 687 

day and night to find some way of escape; and they will not be slow 
in finding it. ♦ • ♦ They hunger and thirst for an opportunity to 
join hands with their old allies at the North ; and these allies, who only 
a year ago got up secret orders to murder you and usurp your State 
government — most of you know them — are ready to join hands with their 
old masters. A small sum of money will buy Copperheads in Congress 
enough to give back to the South her ancient domination in the Union ; 
and then they will repudiate our debt, and saddle upon your shoulders 
their debt, rendering us all the most pitiful vagabonds that were ever 
turned loose upon the world. Now, you white capitalists, who don't love 
the negro, but do love money, whether you are willing that this state of 
things shall come about or not, it will come, unless you provide against 
it. You can save the country from this financial maelstrom simply by 
dealing justly with the negro. • • • i would give the negro the 
ballot for another reason, and that is, that every rebel in the South, and 
every Copperhead in the North is opposed to negro suffrage. If there were 
no other argument than this I would be in favor of negro enfranchise- 
ment. When you know a man to be in sympathy with, and doing the 
works of the devil, have you any doubt as to whether or not you are on 
the Lord's side in fighting him? And when you hear the rebels of the 
South and Copperheads of the North denouncing negro suffrage, can't 
you swear you are right in favoring it, without the least fear of a mistake 
in your oath ? ♦ ♦ • 

**It is said that the negroes are unfit to vote — that they are too ignor- 
ant ; and I have heard it said that they need a probation of ten or twenty 
years to prepare them for the ballot ; that they must have time to acquire 
property, knowledge of political rights and duties, and then it will do 
to give them the ballot. I don't understand that argument. • • • 
You might as well talk about preparing a man to see by punching out 
his eyes; or preparing him for war by cutting off his feet and hands; or 
preparing the lamb for security by committing it to the jaws of the wolf. 
If you want to prepare the negro for suffrage take off his chains, and 
give him equal advantages with white men in fighting the battle of life. 
Don't charge him with unfitness, until you have given him equal oppor- 
tunities with others. Gentlemen, who made t^em unfit? I think it 
was the rebels. • • • Are you going to be very nice or fastidious 
in selecting a man to vote down a rebel ? Must you have a perfect gentle- 
man and scholar for this work? I think the negro just the man. I 
would not have a better, if I could. Of all men he is the most fit. The 
rebel, I know, won't like it. ♦ ♦ ♦ He is the architect of his own 
fortune ; let him enjoy it. It is ordained by Providence that retribution 
shall follow wrong doing. Are you going to rush between the rebel and 



688 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

the consequences of his infernal deeds? Let him reap as he has sown. 
For one, I have too much to do to vex myself about how he will fare 
under negro ballots. I am sure he will get along as well as he deserves, 
and I prefer to leave the whole matter with the negro, as the tables are 
at last turned in his favor. But what is fitness to vote ? It is a relative 
term. Nobody is perfectly fit to vote. I have never seen a man that was. 

♦ ♦ ♦ He would have to be an angel or a god. • • * We are all 
more or less unfit to vote, and to discharge all our duties. • • • Show 
me a man whose heart is right, and he will do to trust all the time. The 
negro's heart has been right all through the war; true as the needle to 
the pole. He never betrayed a trust ; always knew the difference between 
a gray coat and a blue one ; always knew the difference between treason 
and loyalty ; and that is more than Jeff Davis has found out to this day, 
with all his knowledge. It is true, the negroes cannot read or write 
much ; perhaps not one in forty or fifty of the field hands can read or 
write. The same, if not more, is true of the * white trash.' When you 
talk about disfranchising the negro because he can't read or write, you 
ought to apply your philosophy elsewhere. You have half a million 
white men in the Union marching up to the ballot-box every year who 
cannot write their own names. I believe that one-ninth of the adult 
people in Indiana can neither read nor write. You don't propose to 
disfranchise them. The best educated country in the world is Prussia; 
everybody there is educated ; and yet in Prussia where you would sup- 
pose education had made free institutions, nobody votes, and the govern- 
ment is despotic. Education is not freedom. It does not, necessarily, 
fit any man in the world to vote. * * * My friends, the true way 
to fit men for voting is to put the ballot into their hands. • • • 
Suppose you want to teach your boy how to swim, and you won't let 
him go into the water for fear of drowning; he must stand on the land 
and go through the motions. How long, on a reasonabli .^^Iculation, 
would it take to teach him to swim ? r 

**But I am told that the negroes will vote as their poju^rs want 
them to. Do you believe it? • • • They didn't fight Afith their old 
masters. • • • Why, every South Carolinian would be preaching 
negro suffrage with me to-night, if he thought the negroes would vote 
as he wanted them to. ♦ • • But it is said that if we give the negroes 
the ballot in the South, we will have to give it to those in Indiana. 

♦ ♦ ♦ If you secure equal rights and equal advantages to the ne- 
gro, in the reconstruction of the South, under this inducement to our 
colored people to return to their sunny home, the question of negro suf- 
frage might never come in Indiana. If it should come, I will be in 
favor of taking it up . and dealing with it upon its merits. • • • 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 689 

But this question belongs to you, gentlemen of the Legislature, and 
Congress cannot touch it. Let me beg of you not to confound together 
very different questions. • * * Let us settle this great national 
question, and then we shall be better prepared for minor ones. My 
conservative friends are grieved because I do not demand immediate 
negro suffrage in Indiana as my * one idea. ' I am always glad to please 
these friends, and I am naturally amiable, but I must beg leave in 
this case to decline acceding to their wishes. Grcntlemen, another objec- 
tion I have heard to negro suffrage is that they will hold all the offices 
in the South ; that the whites there will leave, and we shall no longer mi- 
grate there. * * * I cannot, however, feel alarmed. * * * i 
have already referred to the policy of negro voting in nearly all of the 
States for some thirty or forty years of our history, and I believe it 
never led to negro office-holding. Even in Massachusetts I remember 
no case of the sort. * * * Nor has negro voting ever led to social 
equality or miscegenation, to my knowledge. If my Democratic friends, 
however, feel in danger of marrying negro women, I am in favor of 
a law for their protection. * * * i agree, gentlemen, that the ques- 
tion (of suffrage) belongs to the States, subject to the reserved right 
and duty of the United States to guarantee Republican governments 
to the States. * * * As I have already said, these rebel States arc 
outside of their constitutional orbit, and they can never get back into 
it without the consent of Congress. And right here is where the mat- 
ter of suffrage comes under your jurisdiction. Carolina, for example, 
asks admission. « * * j remember a clause of the Constitution 
which says, *The United States shall guarantee to every State a repub- 
lican form of government.' What is a republican form of 
government, is a political question exclusively for Congress to 
decide. Well, I look at her Constitution, and find that it disfranchises 
two thirds of her people, and the only loyal ones in her border, and 
gives the ballot to one third, and they rebels, who ought to have been 
hung or exiled before to-day. Gentlemen, I would decide, without hesi- 
tation, that her Constitution was not republican in form or in fact; 
and I would slam the door in her face. I would have Congress put a 
territorial government over her, and President Johnson to appoint a 
chief justice, a governor, a marshal, etc., and in local politics, in elect- 
ing justices, constables, etc., I would set the people to voting. * * i* 
I trust that by this time even my friend Kilgore understands my posi- 
tion. • • * The way is perfectly open to you, unobstructed by any 
constitutional difficulty, any obstacle in any form, to do exactly what may 
seem right in your eyes. You can hold the rebels in the strong grasp 
of war till the end and purpose of the war, which is a lasting peace, shall 



690 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

be made sure. • • • Shall we deal with conquered traitors and 
public enemies as equal sovereigns with ourselves, and insult justice 
and mock God by pettifogging their cause? (Jentlemen, I repeat it, 
the rebels are in our power, and if we foolishly surrender it we shall 
be the most recreant people on earth. The glorious fruits of our vic- 
tory are within our grasp. We have only to reach forth our hands to 
possess them. Let me plead with you to do your duty.'' 

The Journal did not report this speech. In its local columns it said: 
* * The burden of his address was the wonderful properties of negro suf- 
frage as a National cure-all. The member of the Burnt District thinks 
*the country will go straight to damnation' without the colored ballot. 
He is welcome to his opinions." Editorially it had a column attack on 
Julian, with no reference to the speech. It was, in fact, the explosion 
of a mine in the Morton camp. Julian says of it: ** Every possible 
effort was made by the Johnsonized Republicans to prevent me from 
having an audience, but they failed utterly ; and I analyzed the positions 
of Governor Morton in a speech of two hours, which was reported for 
the Cincinnati Gazette, and subsequently published in a large pamphlet 
edition. The political rage and exasperation which now prevailed in 
the ranks of the Anti-Suffrage faction can be more readily imagined 
than described. Their organ, the Indianapolis Journal, poured out upon 
me an incredible deliverance of vituperation and venom for scattering 
my heresies outside of my Congressional district, declaring that I had 
*the temper of a hedgehog, the adhesiveness of a barnacle, the vanity of 
a peacock, the vindictiveness of a Corsican. the hypocrisy of Aminadab 
Sleek, and the duplicity of the devil. I rather enjoyed these paroxysms 
of malignity, which broke out all over the State among the Governor's 
conservative satellites, since my only offense was fidelity to my politi- 
cal opinions, the soundness of which I was finding fully justified by 
events ; for the friends of the Governor, in a few short months, gathered 
together and cremated all the copies of his famous speech which could 
be found. But the disowned document was printed as a campaign tract 
by the Democrats for a dozen successive years afterward, and circulated 
largely in several of the Northern States, while the Governor himself, 
by a sudden and splendid somersault, became the champion and ex- 
emplar of the very heresies which had so furiously kindled his ire 
against me."® 

And y^t, it was not wholly a season of joy for Julian. The Journal 
printed its analysis of his character, quoted above, on November 22, and 



7 Speeches on Political Questions, p. 262. 

8 Political Recollections, p. 268. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



691 



a return in kind appeared in the True Republican, published by Julian's 
brother Jacob Julian, at Richmond, to which Col. Holloway replied on 
November 25 with a signed editorial, resenting the "abuse of our fami- 
ly," charging that Oeorge W. Julian was the author, and denouncing him 
as "a cowardly blackguard, a malignant liar, and a dirty poltroon." On 
November 29, the Journal found greater consolation in an account of the 




Gen. Sol. Meredith 



horse-whipping of Julian at Richmond, by Gen, Sol Meredith, on ac- 
count of reflections on his loyalty. In tact, November, 1865, was a 
red letter month in Republican chronology in Indiana. On the night of 
October 10, Morton had suflfered a stroke of paralysis. His physicians 
ordered absolute irest; and he determined to go to Paris, and try the 
"moxa" treatment of ProE, Brown-Sequard. On September 13 he had 
issued a call for the l^slature to meet in special session on November 
13. He was able to deliver his message in person, on the 14th ; and on the 



692 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

17th he turned the State government over to Lieutenant Governor 
Baker, and started for Washington. He was accredited by the Presi 
dent for a special mission to inspect military affairs in Europe, and 
also for a secret mission to Louis Napoleon, to advise that gentleman to 
get his troops out of Mexico promptly. He performed these services 
satisfactorily, had the painful moxa treatment, and got back to New 
York, somewhat improved, on March 7, 1866; passed a month in the 
East getting in touch with the political situation ; and was back in In- 
dianapolis on April 12. He had learned that the radicals were going to 
have their own way, and Julian's policies were going to be adopted. 
He made an effort to pull the President into line, and then turned his 
attention to his own affairs. A Senator was to be elected in Indiana, 
and the Senator would be either a Democrat or a Radical. He was a 
candidate. On June 20, he delivered his ** Masonic Hall speech,*' in 
which he even distanced Julian in his appeal to hatred, though he kept 
clear of the suffrage question. His climax was this: ** Every unregen- 
erate rebel lately in arms against his government calls himself a Demo- 
crat. Every bounty jumper, every deserter, every sneak who ran away 
from the draft calls himself a Democrat. Bowles, Milligan, Walker, 
Dodd, Horsey and Humphreys call themselves Democrats. Everj* *Son 
of Liberty ' who conspired to murder, bum, rob arsenals and release rebel 
prisoners calls himself a Democrat. John Morgan, Champ Ferguson, 
W^irtz Payne and Booth proclaimed themselves Democrats. Every man 
who labored for the rebellion in the field, who murdered Union prison- 
ers by cruelty and starvation, who conspired to bring about ciWl war 
in the loyal states, who invents dangerous compounds to bum steam- 
boats and Northern cities, who contrived hellish schemes to introduce 
into Northern cities the wasting pestilence of yellow fever, calls him- 
self a Democrat. Ever\' dishonest contractor who has been convicted of 
defrauding the government, everj- dishonest paymaster or disbursing offi- 
cer who has been convicted of squandering the public money at the 
gaming table or in gold gambling operations, ever>' oflScer in the army 
who was dismissed for cowardice or disloyalty, calls himself a Dem- 
ocrat. Everj' wolf in sheep's clothing, who pretends to preach the gospel 
but proclaims the righteousness of man-selling and slavery: every one 
who shoots down neeroes in the streets, bums neirro school-houses and 
meeting-houses, and murders women and children by the light of their 
own flaming dwellinors, calls himself a Democrat : every New York rioter 
in 1863 who bumed up little children in colored asylums, who robbed, 
ravished and murdered indiscriminately in the midst of a blazing city 
for three days and nights, called himself a Democrat. In short, the Dem- 
ocratic party may be described as a common sewer and loathsome re- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 693 

repta<'l»*. into whirli is cinptitMl vvvry v\v:i\en\ of trouHoii N<»rth aiul 
South, and cvrry el(Mii(*iit of inhtinmiiity and harbariKin which h»H dis- 
honored! thf lip*." 

His )>i()^raplier says of this spnvh : "Morton was an inttMist* and 
bitttT partisan, to wh<mi the surci^ss of thr D«Mno<*ra<'y nirant the loss 
of all that had Ih'imi won. lit* ha<l frroupcd to^eth(*r t^viTy dislo\al a(*t, 
and in a masterly statt'mrnt, had tUiu^ the record, not simply at the piilty 
men, hut at the party which hatl toh*rated their leadi'rship or eompan- 
ionship. It was the spctM'h ti) win. The Kepiihli<*ans had lM*en ilivided 
and lukt»warm, the Demnerats united and air^rressive. I'nder sueh eon- 
ditions the way to su<mm'ss was to awaken old iiieuiories, to draw thi» part\ 
lint's as <dosi'ly as pos.sil»lt\ to make the liirlit hitter aiul irreeoneilahh*, 
to drive every tlisalTtM'tivl Kepiihli«-an hark into the ranks by hain^l of 
a eomnion eiM'my.-* Tlie rampai^n wa*^ eleverly worked out on th«*se 
lines. On .Inly 4, a puhlie pn-s^'ntation of the Imttle-tlafrs to tht* State 
was made. Morton reeriviiifr thnu and n'jilyinc in a set political speech. 
in which he told tht» soldieis that the issue was. **wh«*ther they shall 
shamefully and hlindly surrender at tin* hallot-Uix the ^nvat prizes 
which thry have eoiupn'H'd on the tield.*' Thert* was no mention of 
Dein<M*rats, in the Journal, duriiifr the campaiiru -oidy "Copperhead 
speeches" and "Copperlieacl me<»tinjrs. " On the niornintr of Septmiher 
10. the day on wliieh President .lohnson arrived in Indianapolis when 
"swin^in^ nnnnl tlie eirelr." the .Journal siii.l : "If Andn»w *Iehnson 
were t<»dav expected to visit this citv as Prrsjdent «»f thr I'liittMl States, 
the whole people of this city aiul State would turn out and welrome him 
irrespective of party, to testify their respect for their Chief Mapi^trati* 
But he eonu*s hen» as a partizan to harangue the p«tiple for the !*enetit 
of the (*opperheads and to huild up a party alnutst composed exclusively 
of men who were <lisloyal to the (iovernuH*nt <lurin? the terrible civil wai, 
and who still are in sympathy with the enenn<N of the Hepuhlic. • • • 
No loyal man can parti<'ipate in the ceremonies without hein^ ir suited 
bjr the man who has l>as«'ly hetraye<i them after *lH»infr elevated to the 
teeond place in the pi ft of the pe<»ple by their votes'." The reception 
in the evening was broken up by a mol> which would not allow the 
President and oth(*rs to speak: and an attack was made on the pro- 
eemion. rosultincr in a riot in which one man was kilb^l an<l tive wounded. 
ineludinfiT the .lournal n*porter. The parader who fired the fatal shot 
waa arrested and trietl for murder, but acquitted on a plea of self-defens.v 
In its report of thi* affair, the .lournal said: "We knew lH»forehand that 
the popular mind was S4>t strongly ajrainst Anilrew Johnson, hut did 



• Lif^ of Mi>rtoii. Vol. 1, |i. 470. 



694 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

not anticipate so deplorable an affair." There was also reason to deplore 
in the fact that the police and other peace officers of the city and county 
were under Republican control. 

The election in October resulted in a Republican majority of a little 
less than 15,000 — a decrease of some 5,000 from 1864 — ^but enough to give 
a substantial Republican majority in both houses of the legislature, and 
eight of the eleven Congressmen. As Morton had taken personal super- 
vision of the legislative electors,^® he was elected to the Senate without 
material opposition. In his message to the legislature he came out openly, 
for the first time, in favor of negro suffrage, on Julian's most effective 
ground — that it was essential to the welfare of the Republican party. 
He said: '^The proposition to introduce at once to the ballot-box half 
a million men, who but yesterday were slaves, the great mass of whom 
are profoundly ignorant, and all impressed with that character which 
slavery impresses upon its victims, is repugnant to the feelings of a 
large part of our people, and would be justified only by the necessity 
resulting from inability to maintain loyal Republican state governments 
in any other way. But the necessity for loyal Republican state govern- 
ments that shall protect men of all races, classes and opinions, and shall 
render allegiance and support to the government of the United States, 
must override every other .consideration of prejudice or policy." Hav- 
ing thus moved over into Julian's nest, as in 1854, the next step, as 
then, was to institute vigorous measures for throwing Julian out. To 
this the legislature gave attention by a Congressional reapportion- 
ment act which replaced a large portion of Julian's Republican constitu- 
ents by Democrats.*^ As Julian had told the tale of his first ravishment 
in his Raysville speech, of July 4, 1857, he preserved the details of the 
second in his Dublin speech of October 25, 1868, and again in his Recol- 
lections. He says: ** Nearly all of my old opponents in the district and 
State were now Johnsonized, except Gov. Morton, whose temporary de- 
sertion the year before was atoned for by a prudent and timely re- 
pentance. He was not, however, thoroughly reconstructed, for in the 
Philadelphia Loyal Convention which met in September of this year 
to consider the critical state of the country, he used his influence with 
the delegates from the South to prevent their espousal of Negro Suf- 
frage, and begged Theodore Tilton to prevail on Frederick Douglass 
to take the first train of cars for home, in order to save the Republican 
party from detriment. He was still under the shadow of his early Dem- 
ocratic training ; and he and his satellites, vividly remembering my cam- 
paign for Negro Suffrage the year before, and finding me thoroughly in- 

10 Life of Morton, p. 484. 

11 Acts, 1867, p. 108. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 695 

trenched in my Congressional district, hit upon a new project for my 
political discomfiture. This was the re-districting of the State at the 
ensuing session of the Indiana Legislature, which they succeeded in ac- 
complishing by disguising their real purpose. There was neither reason 
nor excuse for such a scheme at this time, apart from my political for- 
tunes, and by the most shaineleiw gerrymandering in three counties of my 
district, which gave me a majority of 5,000 were taken from me, and four 
others added in which I was personally but little acquainted, and which 
gave an aggregate Democratic majority of about 1,500. This was 
preliminary to the next Congressional race, and the success of the en- 
terprise remained to be tested ; but it furnishes a curious illustration of 
the state of Indiana Republicaiiism at that time. * * * In my new 
Congressional district I was unanimously renominated by the Repub- 
licans, and entered at once upon the canvass, though scarcely well enough 
to leave my bed. The issue was doubtful, and my old-time enemies put 
forth their whole power against me at the election. They were deter- 
mined, this time, to win, and to make sure of this embarked in a des- 
perate and shameless scheme of hallot-stufiing in the city of Richmond 
which was afterward fully exposed ; but in spite of this enterprise of 'Ku 
Klux Republicans,' I was elected by a small majority. The result, how- 
ever, foreshadowed the close of my congressional labors, which followed ' 
two years later, just as the XV Constitutional Amendment had made 
Toters of the colored men of the State : but it was only made possible 
by my failing health which had unfitted me for active leaderHhip." ^^ 

When Morton was elected to the Senate, the office of Qovenior passed 
to Lieutenant Governor Baker, who was eminently fitted for it. He was 
a sound lawyer, not showy but thoroughly honest and conscientious, 
putting public duty above politics, and of marked capacity. Conrad 
Baker was bom in Franklin County, Pennsylvania, February 12, 1817. 
He graduated at the Pennsylvania College, at Gettysburg; read law with 
the celebrated Thad Stevens : was admitted to the bar in 1839 ; and after 
two years practice at Gettysburg, removed to Evansville, where he had 
a leading place for a quarter of a centur>'. He was a representative 
in 1845, and Judge of the Common Pleas in 1852. In 1856, without even 
eonsulting him, the R<*piiblicans put him on their State ticket for Lieu- 
tenant Governor, with Morton, and they went to defeat together. In 
1861, he volunteered as Colonel of the First Cavalrj', Twenty-Eighth 
Indiana, and sen-ed for thrt^ years, part of the time as a brigade com- 
nander, when he was made Provost Marshal at Indianapolis. In 1864 
he was again nominate<I for Lieutenant Governor without solicitation. 

IS Political Recollections, pp. 302. 320. See al»o Speeches on Politicml Questions, 

pf . 408-472. 

Til. n-f 



696 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Bar meeting resolutions, as a rule are not more reliable than other 
obituaries, bat after Governor Baker's death on April 28, 1885, the bar 
memorial very truly said o-t him: "Indiana has never had a wiser and 
better administration of its affairs than while he was ita governor. He 
gave to the adminbtration of them a dignity and elevation of character 
which had its source in himself. In the field and at the head of his 




Hon. Conb-\d Baker 



regiment he displayed a tranquil courage and calm fortitude which 
never deserted him under any of the vicissitudes of war. A striking 
illustration of these qualities is afforded by an act of his while he was 
Provost Marshal at Indianapolis. An unruly and belligerent moh of 
soldiers was threatening with destruction the office of a newspaper which 
had incurred their hostility. He went among them alone and at great 
personal risk, and stopped the assault as soon as it began. It was at a 
time when the Union sentiment was intense and proseriptive, and his 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 697 

interference in behalf of a newspaper that had become the object of its 
passionate fury was simply heroic His sense of justice could not be 
subju^ted by popular clamor, and it was broad enough to include those 
who were regarded by his associates and comrades as the enemies of his 
country. The patriotism which made him a soldier actuated him as a 
citizen, and it never degenerated into mere partisanship." 

In 1868, Baker was nominated by the Republicans for Governor, the 
Democrats nominating Thomas A. Hendricks, and the two made a 
joint canvass, holding meetings in each of the eleven Congressional dis- 
tricts. The two were personal friends, and their debate was marked by 
perfect courtesy. The election was very close, the Republican majority 
in the State being only 961. The Democrats claimed that even this was 
the result of fraud,^^ but Mr. Hendricks made no contest, and Governor 
Baker continued his excellent service for four years. In 1872, Mr. 
Hendricks was renominated, the Republicans nominating Gen. Thomas 
M. Browne. This was the year of the Liberal Republican revolt against 
Grant's administration, and the result in Indiana was an illustration of 
personal prejudice in politics. As an October State, Indiana was a field 
of intensive fighting, with all the bitterness of the war issues that 
Senator Morton, who was a candidate for re-election, could inject into 
the campaign. Hendricks carried the State by a majority of 1,148, but 
the only other Democratic State officer elected was Milton B. Hopkins, 
the candidate for Superintendent of Public Instruction; and the Re- 
publicans carried the legislature, and returned Morton. The election 
of Hendricks was unquestionably due to the reported intemperate 
habits of his opponent, which turned the temperance vote against him, 
and the temperance vote was becoming powerful again in Indiana. In 
November, Grant carried the State by a majority of 22,294 over Greeley. 
This was due to the refusal of old-time Democrats to vote for a man who 
had for years held them up to public scorn in language that was extreme, 
even in the picturesque style of newspaper writing of that day. Even 
Voorhees refused at first to accept so bitter a prescription, but he thought 
better of it on reflection, and accepted the inevitable. There was, how- 
ever, a substantial Republican defection in Indiana, and it was made 
permanent by the abuse heaped on the Liberals during the campaign, 
making a valuable accession to the Democratic party, not only in num- 
bers but also in its effect of nullifying the old war issues. When Mr. 
Hendricks took Gov. Baker's place in oflBce, Gov. Baker replaced him 
at the bar, and the firm of Hendricks, Hord & Hendricks became Baker, 
Hord & Hendricks, and so continued until Governor Baker's death. 



13 Holcombe 's Life of Hendricks, p. 301. 



S98 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

The campaign of 1872 ended Julian's connection with the Republican 
party. Julian says: **In February, I was strongly urged to become 
a candidate for Congressman at large under the new Congressional 
apportionment ; and although failing health unfitted me for active poli- 
tics, to which I had no wish to return, I really wanted the compliment of 
the nomination. The long-continued and wanton opposition which had 
been waged against me in my own party led me to covet it, and in the 
hope that General Grant's nomination might yet be averted I allowed 
my friends to urge my claims, and to believe I would accept the honor 
if tendered which I meant to do should this hope be realized. I saw that 
I could secure it. My standing in my own party was better than ever 
before. The ^Indianapolis Journal,' for the first time, espoused my 
cause, along with other leading Republican papers in different sections 
of the State. The impolicy and injustice of the warfare which had long 
been carried on against me in Indiana Were so generally felt by all fair- 
minded Republicans that Senator Morton himself, though personally 
quite as hostile as ever, was constrained to call off his forces, and favor 
a policy of conciliation. It was evident that my nomination was assured 
if I remained in the field ; but as time wore on I saw that the re-nomina- 
tion of General Grant had become absolutely inevitable; and as I could 
not support him I could not honorably accept a position which would 
commit me in his favor. The convention was held on the 22d of Feb- 
ruary, and on the day before I sent a telegram peremptorily refusing to 
stand as a candidate; and I soon afterward committed myself to the 
Liberal Republican movement. I could not aid in the re-election of 
Grant without sinning against decency and my own self-respect. I 
deplored the fact, but there was no other alternative. If it had been 
morally possible, I would have supported him gladly. I had no per- 
sonal grievances to complain of, and most sincerely regretted the neces% 
sity which compelled my withdrawal from political associations in which 
I had labored many long years, and through seasons of great national 
danger." 1* 

The regular Republicans claimed that he had been a candidate for 
Congressman at large until he found that he could not get the nomina- 
tion ; produced letters showing that he had taken an active interest in 
the matter: and said that he acknowledged it in a speech at Muncie, 
during the campaign. ^^^ There is no room for question that the Morton 
following were glad to have him go. After the October election, the 
Journal, editorially, said it had no doubt that many of the smaller 



14 Political BecoUections, p. 334. 

15 Journal, Oct. 31; Nov. 1; Nov. 7, 1872. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 699 

Liberals in Indiana had been led astray, and it was willing to re-admit 
them to the Republican ranks, ^^But to Julian and Cravens, Allen and 
Hudson, Judges Scott and Drummond, Pinch and Holliday, we would 
state that the Republican canvass is a large one but we prefer that you 
keep on the outside.^® In political circles, the belief was that Morton 
had led Julian on to think that he could be nominated, until he had 
committed himself, and that Julian found that he was being deceived 
just in time to let go. However that may be, it is manifest that Julian, 
like many of the other Abolitionists, after the slavery question was out 
of the way, naturally found a new foe in industrial serfdom. As he 
put it: **We have entered upon a new dispensation. The withdrawal 
of the slavery question from the strife of political parties has changed 
the face of our politics as completely as did its introduction. • • • 
The tyranny of industrial domination, which borrows its life from the 
alliance of concentrated capital with labor-saving machinery, must be 

>r- overthrown. Commercial feudalism, wielding its power through the ma- 
^y^ chinery of great corporations which are practically endowed with life 

•K^fry ofiSces and the right of hereditary succession and control the makers and 
expounders of our laws, must be subordinated to the will of the people. 
The i^stem of agricultural serfdom called Land Monopoly, which is now 
putting on new forihs of danger in the rapid multiplication of great 
estates and the purchase of vast bodies of lands by foreign capitalists, 
must be resisted as a still more formidable foe of democratic Govern- 
ment. The legalized robbery now carried on in the name of Protection 
to American labor must be overthrown. The system of spoils and 
plunder must also be destroyed, in order that freedom itself may be 
rescued from the perilous activities quickened into life by its own spirit, 
and the conduct of public affairs inspired by the great moralities which 
dignify private life. These are the problems which appeal to the present 
generation, and especially to the honorable ambition of young men now 
entering upon public life.^''^ With a devotion to these principles on 
national lines, he found himself very much at home in the Democratic 
party until his death, on July 7, 1899. 

In getting rid of Julian, the Indiana Republicans went out of the 
frying pan into the fire. The man who made the chief fight against 
Julian in his district, where his influence was most feared, was William 
Baxter, then a candidate for the legislature. Baxter was an English- 
man, of Quaker parentage, bom at Appletreewick, Yorkshire, February 
11, 1824. He had to go to work in a woolen mill at thirteen, but he 



i« Journal, Oct. 14, 1872. 

17 Political Becollections, p. 372. 



700 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



was a youth of enterprise, and got into the tea business, incidentallj' 
reading some law, until 1848, when he earae to the United States, and 
for about eight months sold English-made worsteds by sample. He then 
entered the employ of a large Philadelphia dry-goods house, in which 
he became a partner. In 1864 he retired, with a competence, and located 
on a farm across the Whitewater from Riehmond^now included in 




William Baxter 



West Richmond. Here be soon attained celebrity as an advocate of 
temperance, and this made him peculiarly available as a Republican 
candidate in 1872, for one of the chief arguments of the Democrats was 
the intemperance of Grant. Baxter demonstrated to his own satisfac- 
tion, and to that of his constituents, that Grant was a model of temper- 
ance, and by so doing contributed very largely to Republican success. 
His own devotion to temperance was as intense as Julian's devotion to 
Abolition. He had begun making temperance speeches at the age of 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 701 

sixteen, and never got over the habit. He was the first man who came 
to the support of the Women 's Temperance Union in Indiana. Anyone 
who heard him speak, in those days, will remember his impressive de- 
scription of the siege of Lucknow, in the Sepoy Rebellion, and how one 
of the despairing garrison heard the music of the bag-pipes, and elec- 
trified his comrades by the glad shout, **The Campbells are coming"; 
and his application of it to the existing situation, and the fact that 
**The women are coming." The men were coming also; and when 
Baxter got into the legislature, there was so strong a temperance senti- 
ment that he succeeded in securing the passage of a stringent temper- 
ance law — or at least what was then so considered, though it would not 
be regarded as a very unreasonable regulation law at the present time. 
The distinctive feature of **The Baxter Bill" was that it did away 
with State license entirely, and provided for a ** permit" to sell intoxi- 
cating liquors on petition of a majority of the voters, reserving, however, 
the power in cities and towns to require a license fee. After getting 
a permit, the saloon-keeper had to give a bond for the sum of $3,000 to 
obey the law, and to compensate for any damages that might result from 
selling liquor to an intoxicated person, to which exemplary damages 
might be added. Anybody could succor a helplessly intoxicated person, 
and recover his expense from the man who sold him the liquor. These 
were the features of the law that were most obnoxious to the liquor 
men, but what made it objectionable to drinkers was the early closing 
hours, the sale being prohibited between 9 p. m. and 6 a. m. This was 
particularly resented by the Germans, who, like the Liberal Republicans, 
now that the slavery question was disposed of, were ready for the de- 
fense of any other kind of ** liberty" in which they were interested. 
The ensuing Republican reverse was charged principally to this measure ; 
but there was another element in the change, and one that grew more 
eflPective in the course of the next few years, and that was the panic 
of 1873, and the herd times resulting from that and the act for the 
resumption of specie payments in 1875. It would have saved millions 
of dollars to the country if Congress had heeded the cry, **The way to 
resume is to resume"; and had provided for an immediate resumption 
of a specie basis, and the redemption of the greenbacks at their market 
value, with an adjustment of private debts at the same rate. This was 
the course taken by France after the Napoleonic wars, and France basked 
in prosperity, while the other European countries, which undertook to 
bring their paper currency back to par, went through years of depres- 
sion and bankruptcy. The objection to this course, that it would be 
partial repudiation, was theoretical only, because the holders of the bills 
had taken them at market value and were ready to pay them out on 



702 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

the same basis. The important consideration which was overlooked, or 
neglected, was that the greenback was the measure of value in actual 
use, and the volume of greenbacks was insignificant as compared with the 
volume of debt and commodities to be measured by greenbacks. It 
meant a constant increase in the burden of existing debt, and a con- 
stant fall in the money value of all commodities. Legitimate business 
cannot be successfully transacted on a constantly falling market 

Indiana was hard hit. The years following the war had been very 
prosperous, culminating in **boom times'' in the early seventies. Busi- 
ness men were confident and aggressive. Boards of trade were actively 
urging progress. The first State exposition was held, in conjunction with 
the State Pair, in September, 1873. Energetic steps were being taken 
for an Indiana coal road. The thunderbolt came from a clear skv. 
Bankruptcies, which had not averaged over 100 a year, in Indiana, 
increased to 294 in 1876, 405 in 1877, and 835 in the first eight months 
of 1878. The private mortgage debt of the State increased over $60,000,- 
000 from June 1, 1872, to June 1, 1879. The foreclosures by thirteen 
foreign insurance companies alone, in the federal court, in 1878, amounted 
to $703,971.80. Plainly there was something wrong, when such results 
could come in a State with a fertile soil, great natural resources, and an 
industrious people. The masses rightly put the source of the trouble 
in the currency, and popular remedies were largely based on the financial 
absurdity of an irredeemable fiat currency. **Greenbackism" made 
large inroads in the Republican ranks, and those of the Democrats were 
largely tinctured with it, but politically the responsibility for the 
financial trouble was put on the party in power — as it always is. So 
with the Baxter Bill, which was not wholly a party measure, as 11 Demo- 
crats voted for it in the House, and six in the Senate; and Governor 
Hendricks signed it. Governor Hendricks did not discuss the subject in 
his inaugural address; but Governor Baker took strong temperance 
ground in his message, saying: **The intelligent legislator can not close 
his eyes to the fact that the intemperate use of intoxicating liquors is 
fearfully prevalent, and that it is the fruitful source of pauperism and 
crime, of social disorder and wretchedness. • • • As Mr. Lincoln 
said of slavery, so say I of tippling houses, namely: If they are not 
wrong, then nothing is wrong. • • • The legislation of the State 
should, on this subject, keep pace with public opinion, and it would be 
better to have the law a little in advance of public opinion than to 
have it lag far behind. • • • You are fresh from the ranks of the 
people, assembled from all parts of the State, and are much better 
acquainted with public opinion than I am, and should, in my judgment, 
legislate for the restraint and diminution of public tippling houses to 



I 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 703 

the highest point that the existing state of public opinion will sustain, 
so that (as Mr. Lincoln on another occasion said of slavery) the public 
mind may confidently rest in the belief that they are in process of ulti- 
mate extinction." 

The bill,^® though commonly Jmown as the Baxter Bill, was intro- 
duced in the House by Nathan T. Butts, representative from Randolph 
County, and chairman of the Committee on Temperance. He was a na^ 
tive of Randolph County, born in 1838, and had experienced the hard 
lot of an orphan boy, bound as an apprentice to a cruel master, but had 
worked his way to local prominence by personal strength of character. 
He was a licensed Methodist preacher, and an active temperance worker. 
Both he and Baxter had brought bills for introduction, which, with a 
number of other bills that had been introduced, were referred to a 
sub-committee, of which he and Baxter were members, and these two 
drafted a new bill, embodying various features, but chiefly on the lines 
of Baxter's bill. It was then submitted to Governor Baker and other 
lawyers, including Benjamin Harrison, Judge Mellett, of Henry County, 
and Barbour & Jacobs, and as finally revised was introduced and passed 
without material change. It was submitted to Governor Hendricks 
for approval on February 25, and some doubt was expressed as to what 
he would do. On the morning of February 27, the streets of Indian- 
apolis were covered with a glare of ice, and as Grovemor Hendricks 
started down town, he fell on the steps of his house striking his head, 
and incurring injuries that for a time were feared to be serious. As 
soon as the doctor had attended to his injuries, he sent for the bill and 
signed it. At the Democratic State Convention of July 15, 1874, which 
took a stand against the bill, he stated, as Chairman, that he had signed 
the bill, although he did not agree with its provisions, because it repre- 
sented the deliberate judgment and will of the Legislature, and was not 
unconstitutional. Personally, he favored the license system, and was of 
the opinion that the next Legislature would repeal or modify it, as it had 
not met public favor. A test case had been taken to the Supreme Court, 
which sustained the law.^® The Democrats declared expressly against 
the Baxter Bill, and in favor of a license system, and defeated the Re- 
publicans by a plurality of 17,252. The Greenback party appeared in 
the field this year with a vote of 16,233, drawn from both of the old 
parties, but principally from the Republicans. The elections in Indiana 
for the next ten years were largely dependent on this third party vote, 
which dropped to 9,533 in 1876, and rose to 38,448 in 1878. This was 



18 House BiU, 327. 

i^Groesch vs. the State, 42 Ind. p. 547. 



704 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

its high point, and it declined gradually thereafter, until its remnants 
were merged with the Populists in 1890.* The Democrats now had an 
inning, carrying the State by 5,515 in 1876, and by 13,736 in 1878. 

Adversity had made the Democrats fairly harmonious. Their four 
recognized leaders from 1860 to 1885 were Hendricks, McDonald, Voor- 
hees and Turpie, who were wholly unlike, except that they were all 
Democrats and aU bom in Ohio. Hendricks was bom near Zanes- 
ville, September 7, 1819. His family removed to Indiana in 1832, and 
he graduated at Hanover in 1841. He was admitted to the bar in 1843 ; 
elected representative in 1848, senator in 1849, member of the Consti- 
tutional Convention in 1850. He was Commissioner of the Land Office 
from 1855 to 1859, United States Senator from 1863 to 1869, and Gov- 
ernor in 1872, being the first Democratic governor in any of the North- 
ern states after the war. McDonald was bom in Butler County, August 
29, 1819, and came to Indiana in 1826 with his widowed mother, a 
woman of superior. intellect, whose maiden name was Eleanor Piatt — of 
the New Jersey Huguenot family. Joseph was apprenticed to a saddler, 
learned the trade, and worked at it for a time : but he wanted something 
better. He entered Wabash College after his marriage, graduated, 
studied law, and was admitted to the bar in 1843. He was elected Pros- 
ecuting Attorney 1843-7, Congressman 1849-51, Attorney General 1856- 
60. Voorhees was bom in Butler County, June 12, 1827. He came to 
Indiana and graduated at Asbur>' in 1849, was admitted to the bar in 
1851, was the U. S. District Attomey from 1858 to 1861, and was 
elected to Congress 1861-5 and 1869-73, Turpie, as before mentioned, 
was bom in Hamilton County, July 8, 1829, and graduated at Kenyon 
College, Ohio. All of them were men of high character. Turpie says: 
''Hendricks and McDonald were both politicians and statesmen of the 
highest type and character, men of unquestioned personal integrity and 
* honor. They vied with each other in their common support of the organi- 
zation and constitutional principles of the party of their choice. They 
were not merely active and promin^it in the sunshine of popular favor — 
in the darkest days of misfortune and disaster they cleaved to their 
political faith with unshaken courage and fidelity. Both had in their 
time a great deal of the world's notice, yet more of its abuse and calum- 
ny. Conscious of their own rectitude they literally lived down the 
contumely and proseripticm of their partisan oppon^its.*^^ He might 
have said the same of himself and Voorhees. 

And yet« as said^ these m«i were ess»itially different, Voorhees was 
by far the most impulsive of the four, and, like most m«D who make 



s*8keteW8 of My Owb Timm, p. S3S, 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 705 

a specialty of oratory, had the tendency to give more attention to the 
sound of what he said than to its possible applications. His impas- 
sioned speeches, especially during Civil war times, left impressions that 
forced him to the defensive at various times in later life. Hendricks 
was not only cautious, but also conservative by nature and conviction. 
In chatting with him one evening after the Journal had called him a 
** trimmer," he told me that in his opinion Lord Halifax, to whom the 
epithet ** trimmer" was first applied, had the correct idea of statesman- 
ship in a republic. The great body of the people are not extremists, and 
are not satisfied with extreme measures. Most great measures of legisla- 
tion are matters of compromise for this reason. This is unquestionably 
true in general, as is recognized by most men who succeed in politics. 
Julian says that Schuyler Colfax claimed that when in doubt he in- 
t|uired how Julian and Wm. McKee Dunn — a notable conservative — 
stood, and then took a middle ground, feeling perfectly sure that he 
would be right.21 But it is equally true that in time of stress, as during 
the Civil War, it is the extremist who attains popular favor — if he is on 
the right extreme. Personally, Mr. Hendricks was most affable and con- 
ciliatory. The only word that will describe his bearing is ** courtly." 
He would have attracted favorable notice in any court on earth by his 
distinguished presence, and yet he won the favor of the humblest citi- 
zen who approached him. I had a higher regard, personally, for Mc- 
Donald than for any of the others — possibly because I knew him better. 
He was certainly the most amiable of the four. Everyone that knew him 
liked him. He was the only one of the four that had a really keen sense 
of humor. He loved a good story as well as Mr. Lincoln, with whom, by 
the way, he was on most friendly terms. He was an omnivorous reader, 
especially fond of good fiction, and in his library I made my acquaint- 
ance with several of the rarer works of English and American humor. 
Speaking of fiction, he always reminded me of ** John Halifax, Gentle- 
man," in his character, to which were added later suggestions of ** Peter 
Stirling." There was a fine vein of altruism in his make-up that never 
allowed the sacrifice of the interests of others for his own advantage. 
He was so just, so sturdy, so self -poised, that one was moved to say: 
**Here is a man." I was with him for some time on the day before his 
death. His ailment did not confine him to his bed, but he knew its 
fatal character. At his request, his doctor had frankly explained his 
condition to him, and had told him that he was trying the last medi- 
cine in which there was any hope — that its efficacy would be known within 
twenty-four hours. He was noting the development of his symptoms as 



21 Personal BecoUections, p. 243. 



706 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

calmly as Socrates watched the effects of the hemlock. He had received 
the sacraments of the church. He had an abiding faith in the exist- 
ence of an all-wise and all- just God; and with his own devotion to 
justice, and his own kindly and merciful nature, he was not afraid to 
appear before the Great Judge. 

McDonald was a great lawyer, but he was not a ** case-lawyer.'' His 
arguments were always based on fundamental principles, and their logical 
application, and, naturally, they were not always successful. There 
was one illustration, of this that was a source of much amusement to 
him, as well as to others. He had filed a demurrer to a complaint brought 
by **old Joe Roberts," a local **curb stone lawyer," and well-known char- 
acter in Indianapolis, and argued it orally, demonstrating to the Court 
that the plaintiff had not stated any legal cause of action. When he 
finished, Boberts arose and said: ''May it please the Court, Senator 
McDonald has made a very able argument, but evidently he has not 
read the 36th Indiana," and thereupon he pulled that volume from un- 
der his coat, and read a complaint which he had copied word for word, 
and which had been held good by the Supreme Court. Ever after that, 
**you evidently have not read the 36th Indiana" was the answer to 
an unconvincing argument, in McDonald & Butler's office. I think 
McDonald enjoyed an argument, on principles, on almost any subject — 
at least, he was very tolerant in that line with me, and never showed 
any impatience with my persistence in differing with him except on one 
occasion, when I was trying to convince him that a stable double- 
standard of gold and silver was a feasible proposition. The others, es- 
pecially Voorhees and Turpie, did not view youthful presumption so 
leniently. I once acquired the impression that Turpie might have some 
valuable information concerning Indian names, and had an interview 
with him on the subject. He was interested, having given considerable 
attention to the subject ; but I soon found that he was loaded with the 
errors common to the frontier. In the course of the conversation, he 
dilated on the word ** Wabash," .which he said meant ** white clouds," 
and referred to the mists and fogs on the river. Thoughtlessly I at- 
tempted to explain to him the real significance of the word, until I saw 
by his look of astonishment and indignation that I had ventured in 
where discreet angels would have asked for rain tickets; and I changed 
the subject as quickly as possible. 

The Legislature elected in 1874 was Democratic, but was quite strong 
in Greenback sentiment. McDonald was the preeminent candidate for 
United States Senator, but his friends were alarmed on account of his 
well-known *'hard money" views, especially as Voorhees had catered 
largely to the Greenback sentiment. One intimate friend ventured to 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 707 

approaeh him with the su^^tion that it would be advisable to make 
some sort of concesaion to the paper money idea. When he had stated 
his proposal, McDonald calmly replied: "Colonel, I wotdd not alter a 
word in my record on the financial question to be made Senator for life." 
The' Legislature had so much confidence in him that it elected him with* 
out regard for his financial views. Voorhees had hia turn on the death 




Gov. Jahes D. Williams 

of Senator Morton, in 1877, when Gov, Williams appointed him for the 
vacancy — for which he was also elected by the next Legislature, and re- 
elected in 1855 and 1891, aerving continuously from November 6, 
1877, to March 3, 1897. He died in Washington just after the close 
of his last term, on April 9, 1897. Governor James Douglas Williams, 
who was elected in 1876, was also a native of Ohio, bom in Pickaway 
County, January 16, 1808. His family removed to Knox County, Indi- 
ana, in 1818, He grew up on the farm, and continued in agricultural 



708 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

life, being the first farmer elected to the office of Governor in Indiana. 
When he was twenty years old his father died, and on him, as the oldest 
of six children, the care of the family devolved. He had little schooling, 
but was of strong mind, and absorbed education. Governor Baker well 
said of him: ''He was not a learned man, but not an uneducated man. 
I mean by that, he was a man who knew how to think. He had learnd 
the art of thinking, but had he been an educated man he would have 
been a good lawyer. He had a discriminating mind. He was one of 
the best parliamentarians I ever knew, hardly ever making a mistake." 
His neighbors soon realized his merit, and in 1839, elected him Justice 
of the Peace, in which ofiS.ce he gave public satisfaction, resigning in 1843 
to go to the Legislature. He was a representative also in the Legisla- 
tures of 1847, 1851, 1856 and 1868 ; senator in 1858, 1862 and 1870 ; and 
Congressman from March 4, 1875, to December 1, 1876, when he re- 
signed, after his election as Governor. He was the author of the Indiana 
law giving widows estates of deceased husbands, not exceeding three 
hundred dollars, without administration; the law dividing the sinking 
fund among the counties; and was a leader in the establishment of the 
State Board of Agriculture, of which he was a member for sixteen years, 
and four years president. He always wore a suit of blue jeans, possi- 
bly with an eye to its politicial beauty, and was commonly known as 
''Blue Jeans Williams.'' 

In the campaign of 1876, the Republicans made the mistake of trying 
to ridicule him as an ignorant clod-hopper, in an agricultural State 
where he had been at the top in agricultural affairs for years. Still 
more unfortunately for themselves, they nominated against him Godlovo 
S. Orth, who had been in Congress for several terms, and was then U. S. 
Minister to Austria. Charges were made against him of implication 
in certain Venezuela frauds, and although he was later exonerated, this 
forced his withdrawal from the ticket a few Weeks before the election, 
Gen. Benjamin Harrison being put in his place. The campaign was 
also notable in Indiana because Mr. Hendricks was the Democratic candi- 
date for Vice President. In 1872, Mr. Greeley died before the electoral 
votes were counted, and in the division of the 63 Democratic votes in the 
Electoral College, 42 were given to Hendricks, 18 to B. Gratz Brown, 2 
to Charles J. Jenkins, of Georgia, and 1 to Judge David Davis. As all 
these votes were from the South, and Hendricks was the first Governor 
elected in the North, after the war, by the Democratic party, he became 
a formidable candidate for the Presidency, and would have been nom- 
inated in 1876, but for the phenomenal rise of Governor Tilden, of New 
York. In the election, Indiana went Democratic by 5,515, and for the 
first time since the war the Democrats had a majority of the popular 



I INDIANA AND INDIANANS 709 

vote of the nation, even on the Returning Board figures. Governor 
Williams died in office, November 20, 1880, and was succeeded by Lieuten- 
ant Governor Isaac Pusey^ Gray. The Democrats elected the Stat« Sen- 
ate in 1876, but thanks to an ingenious gerrymander in 1872, the Re- 
publicans had a majority in the House. This was a blessing to the State 
in one way. The State House had been disgracefully dilapidated for 
years, but neither political party, on account of the close margin in the 
State, dared to take the responsibility of building a new one. The 
political division gave the opportunity to proceed with one party as 
responsible as the other for the expenditure. 

The law of March 14, 1877, provided for the appointment by the 
Governor **of four commissioners, two from each of the leading political 
parties of the State,'* who, with the Governor, should be a Commission 
to erect a new State House. The Governor appointed Gen. John Love 
and Gen. Thomas A. Morris, of Indianapolis, Isaac D. G. Nelson, of Fort 
Wayne, and William R. McKeen, of Terre Haute ; and the Commission or- 
ganized, and advertised for plans. Twenty-four plans were submitted, 
and the commission, assisted by experts, selected that of Edwin May, 
with some modifications. Disappointed architects brought suit in the 
Marion Circuit Court to prevent the expenditure of over $2,000,000, 
the amount fixed by the law, for the building, and for incidental expenses. 
It was taken to the Supreme Court which decided that the incidentals 
were not to be included. Charges of fraud in the award were also made, 
but a legislative investigating committee found that there was no basis 
for them. The building was completed in 1888, at a cost of $1,980,969.18 
for construction, with $210,890.24 for incidentals, including quarters 
for the State officers, while the building was in progress. The build- 
ing was most substantially built, but like all public buildings in the 
United States, was designed for looks more than for use. As a result, 
it is already outgrown, and the architecturally beautiful corridors are 
partitioned off with unsightly wooden partitions, to furnish room for 
the public uses of the building. An effort was made to secure a new 
building for the State Library and State Museum, as a memorial of the 
centennial of the State, in 1916 j but the legislature was afraid to pro- 
vide for it, and finally, on the urgent request of Governor Ralston, sub- 
mitted the question to a vote of the people. The question of a Constitu- 
tional Convention was submitted at the same time. The liquor in- 
terests fought the convention, from fear of prohibition, nominally ou 
the ground that a convention would cost $500,000. As the cost of the 
proposed new building was $2,000,000, they also fought that, and both 
propositions were gloriously defeated. 

The same legislature of 1877, not being able to devote any attention 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 711 

topt)Iitit*aI I(*pislati(iiu also undertook to patrh up the Constitution, whii-li 
was almost as niurh in iwvd of repair as thi* State House. This wa.^ prin- 
ripally due to the etTnrts of an or^^anizatiou of eitizens of lioth parties, 
in which the ehief factor was William II. Kn^Hsh. What he es!>e4*ially 
desiroil was a provision limiting; munieipal delit to two per eent of the 
taxable property of the munieipality. This wisi» provision met the ap- 
proval of all lar^re tax- payers, and was aeeompanied by a propf>sal to 
substitute it for Artiele 1^{. wliieh mntained the olisnlete prohibition of 
negro immigration, as alvi h pruposjil to eliminate the word '* white" 
in eonneetion with sutTraire: (Uie to reipiire the registration of voters; 
one to permit the regulation of fei's and ^cdaries of eounty officers nn 
the basis of population; one to sul»stitute the words "such other courts** 
for **8Uch inferior eourts." S4» a^ to allow the formation of nisi prius 
courts of eipial rank witli the (*ireuit Courts; and one to ehannrc the 
State cle<*t ions from Oeti»l)er to N»)veiiil»er. These amendments were 
submitted to the people, in due eourse. at the township elections on the 
first Monday in April. Issn, and received a majority of alwiut 17.000 of 
the votes cast. — the vote on the election amen<iment ho'iuf^ 16!).483 for and 
152.251 aprainst. A test case was at once made, and on June 18, the 
Supreme Court decided that the amendments were not adopted, two of 
the five judges dissenting. The deeision came tt) the public under ex- 
traordinary circumstanees. Judge Worden eame into the supreme Court 
Library nmm. where James II. Riee. Secretary of the Democratic State 
Central Committee was talking with Fred Iliner. the Librarian, and 
said: ''Well, Jim. I iruess yt»u had better telegraph to the boys that we 
overthrew the amendments this morning by a vote of thnn* to two. They 
will be glati to know about it.** There was no doubt as to his mean- 
ing. The Democratic National (Convention was on the eve of meeting 
at Cincinnati, and the Indiana delegation had gone to that city. A 
reporter for the News was in the ro<ini, and heard the conversation. lie 
printed it. and '*Teleirraph it to the boys" bei*amc famous. The 
Journal, the next morning, said: *'It is a partisan decision for partisan 
purposes. The prineipal objt^'t was to make Indiana an October stat»* 
this year. The Demoeratie managers )N*licvcd tliat would inure to the 
interest of their party, anii cspeeially of Mr. Hendricks, and henee th'- 
eonspiraey. T'nil«*r tliis deeisimi tht^v will go to Cinriunati and rt'pre- 
■ent that Indiana is an OftolM^r state, and that the nomination of Mr. 
Hendricks is n^M-essary to rarry it.'*-- 

In reality the d'<*isinn was rieht. sr) far as tin* ipiestion of ad«iptinTi 
is concerned Th»* roii*»titution expn-s-sly rcipiin's a vote »if a nwijority 



t> Journal. June 19; N.w'«, Juiu- 1**. 18h«i. 

Tel. n— If 



712 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

of the electors of the State to adopt an acmendment, and the number of 
votes actually cast at the election was 380,471 ; the numlier by the official 
enumeration of 1877 was 451,028; and the number cast at the election 
for Governor in 1876 was 434,006. It is preposterous to say that 169,483 
votes was a majority of the electors of the State, under such a record. 
And the Court very rationally said: **The principle of plurality con- 
tended for by the counsel for the appellee frequently develops sufficiently 
glaring disproportions between the number of electors of a constituency 
and the number of votes cast sufficient to elect. But the ratification of 
a constitutional amendment affects the rights of millions of people who 
are not electors and who cannot vote, and for an indefinite time, until 
the amendment shall be abrogated by the same power that made it. 
In such case the constitution requires the majority of all the electors to 
ratify the amendment. The principle of plurality, which might ratify 
a constitutional amendment binding the rights of two millions of people, 
for an indefinite period, by a vote of two electors against the vote of 
one, when the whole number of votes cast were but three, is not only 
unconstitutional, but it is dangerous to human rights and repugnant to 
the sense of mankind. ' ' ^^ But, on the other hand, the Court hopelessly 
hamstrung itself, not only by Judge Worden's announcement, but by 
the fact that the decision was rendered within twenty-four hours after 
the argument, and by the act of the Court in stating that the amend- 
ments were still pending, and might be resubmitted at a special election, 
at which the Court need not take judicial notice of any more voters in 
the State than actually voted. As to this last proposition, Judge Scott 
said, in his dissenting opinion: **The opinion of the majority of the 
Court proceeds on the theory that, if the amendment had been submitted 
on a day there was no general election, the number of votes cast for and 
against such amendment would constitute the number of electors of the 
State ; and if it had received a majority of the votes thus cast, it would 
have been ratified in accordance with section 1 of article 16 of the con- 
stitution. I am unable to see any force in this distinction.'* Naturally. 
There is no force to see. It is merely a legal fiction. 

But this plan was followed. The amendments were resubmitted, by 
act of the legislature, at a special election, on March 14, 1881, and at 
that election only 172,900 votes were cast, the largest on any amend- 
ment being 128,730 for, and 38,435 against. The result was proclaimed, 
and the amendments became part of the Constitution, by a ratification 
vote 40,000 less than that which had not been sufficient to adopt them 
in 1880 — by a vote of not over 30 per cent of the electors of the State. 



23 state vs. Swift, 60 Ind. 505. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 713 

This followed the only precedent in the State, the vote in 1873 on the 
Wabash and Erie amendment. On account of an alleged movement to 
have the State pay the Wabash and Erie Canal bonds, for which the 
bondholders had taken the Canal as security, Governor Baker had recom- 
mended a constitutional amendment ^ prohibiting such action, and it 
was duly submitted to the people on February 18, 1873. There were 
158,400 votes for the amendment, and 1,030 against; and it was pro- 
claimed adopted, although at the election for Governor, four months 
earlier, there were 377,700 votes cast, and the oflScial enumeration of 
1871 showed 378,871. The Supreme Court disposed of this precedent, 
in the Swift case, by saying that it was res adjudicata. This has become 
the established law of the State, ^s In view of the widely professed 
respect for the stability of the Constitution, this theory presents a field 
that humorists have neglected, with an utter disregard of the lessons 
of *' conservation of resources" that are now so common. But practically 
the amendments thus far adopted have been desirable ; and it is perhaps 
better to have some plausible form for evading the provisions of the 
Constitution in accordance with legal decisions than simply to ignore 
them, as was done for years with the article prohibiting the immigra- 
tion of negroes. 

The decision of the Supreme Court in the Swift case had no political 
effect except to bring reproach on the judges and the Democratic party. 
Smarting under the settlement of 1876, Democrats very generally de- 
sired to renominate **the old ticket,*' but Tilden refused to run again, 
and Hendricks refused to run for Vice President. The Indiana delega- 
tion, with McDonald at its head, was instructed for Hendricks for 
President, and nothing else. Tilden desired the nomination of Randall, 
of Pennsylvania, but the tariff reform Democrats would not consider 
that. Hendricks was not considered '* available, " because the mass of 
the party were specially desirous of getting away from *'the bloody 
shirt'* issue, and the slogan of '*vote as you shot*'; and while there was 
no reason to assail the loyalty of Mr. Hendricks, his friendship to the 
South in the reconstruction period was open. It was really creditable 
to him, but it was unpopular at the time, and politicians knew it. There 
was a strong movement to nominate McDonald, and it was generally 
believed that he would have been nominated if the friends of Mr. 
Hen(}ricks had given the movement support. They not only declined, 
but charged that the movement had been worked up by Richard J. 
Bright, who was on hand following up the old time family enmity to 



24 Journal, Dec. 7, 1872. 

25 In re Denny, 156 Ind. 104. 



714 



I>nOIANA AND INDIANANS 



HeDclricks. On the other hand, Oscar B. Hord, who was the personal 
representative of Hendricks on the dele^tion, had old Scores to settle 
with McDonald on account of the Perkins letter, which Gen. Carrington 
purloined and published. Between them, they made things so un- 
pleasant for McDonald that the Indiana delegation adopted formal 
resolutions to the effect that the delegation was for Hendricks only, and 




WhIjIAH H. Engush 



that McDonald was not to be considered, which resolutions were signed 
by the entire delegation, McDonald at the head, and published. The 
Convention finally decided to get rid of the war issue by nominating 
Gen. Hancock, and to satisfy Indiana as far as possible by nominating 
Wm. H. English for Vice President. It also placated the tariff re- 
formers by declaring for a tariff "for revenue only," without much 
thought as to just what it meant. 

The tariff issue had little effect, however, in Indiana, except as it 
may have influenced contributions to campaign funds. Both parties 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 715 

used large amounts of money, and the Democrats claimed that the Re- 
publicans used most. It is easy to account for the result without regard 
to either of these considerations. Indiana was more interested in the 
money question than in any other economic subject. The people had 
suffered enormously from hard times, and many attributed it to the 
financial legislation. In 1878, the Greenback vote in Indiana reached 
39,448, and the leaders of the party got the idea that their organization 
would supplant the Democratic party. Democratic leaders became ap- 
prehensive of the same thing. In 1878 the two parties had. coalesced at 
various points, and with success. Now the Greenbackers demanded too 
much, and a divorce ensued. In 1878, in the Indianapolis district, the 
Democrats had indorsed Rev. Gilbert De la Matyr, the Greenback nomi- 
nee, and he had been elected. In 1880 they turned their backs on him, 
and nominated Cass Byfield, a staunch Democrat. For Governor they 
nominated Franklin Landers, who had represented the Indianapolis 
district in 1875-6, and who was enthusiastic in his championship of the 
greenback. It was supposed that he would carry the Greenback 
strength, but the Greenbackers regarded it as an attempt to steal their 
party, and the Republicans who had joined them, very generally went 
back to their old party, and most of the 12,986 who remained that year 
were original Democrats. The result was a Republican plurality of 
6,641. This was the last campaign in Indiana in which the candidates 
for Governor held joint debates. The Republicans had nominated Albert 
G. Porter, a lawyer and a trained debater, and he had the best of the 
joint canvass, as might naturally be expected. The personal equation, 
nevertheless, was of little force, as Landers was a man of good natural 
ability. 

Porter made a very good Governor. He was an extremely cautious 
and conservative man, and therefore a safe executive under ordinary 
conditions. But his party encountered trouble. Temperance sentiment 
was again prominent. The ''Blue Ribbon'' movement had been strong 
i/i Indiana; and when the Republican legislature of 1881 met, it was 
confronted by a petition said to have been signfed by more than 200,000 
persons, asking for the submission of a prohibition amendment to the 
Constitution. The legislature took the necessary action of adopting a 
submission resolution, which under the Constitution, lay over to the 
nexf legislature for adoption by it before submission to the people. The 
Democrats took issue on this, and elected the next legislature, carrying 
the State by 10,924 plurality. This disposed of the prohibition amend- 
ment, and also gave a legislature politically hostile to the Governor. As 
our wise forefathers had provided that, '*A11 officers whose appointment 
is not otherwise provided for in this Constitution, shall be chosen in such 



716 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

manner as now is, or hereafter may be prescribed by law*'; that all 
oflSeers '*may be impeached, or removed from office in such manner as 
may be prescribed by law"; and that any law may be passed over the 
Governor's veto by a majority of the legislature; the legislature pro- 
ceeded to vacate a number of offices, take the appointing power away 
from the Governor, and vest it in Democratic officers. It also introduced 
a new feature in political rape. The control of the police force of Indi- 
anapolis had become of political importance, and on a plea of needed 
reform, a Metropolitan Police bill was adopted, with control lodged in a 
board appointed by Democratic State officers. The Republicans made a 
great outcry over this rude assault on local self-government; but when 
they got control again they not only continued it, but extended it to 
other cities. It remained for years as a political and social nuisance, the 
appointing power being shifted to and from the Governor as the exigen- 
cies of the case demanded. The course of the legislature of 1883 might 
have made serious trouble with a Governor more belligerent, or less 
learned in the law, than Porter, but he was never a man to hunt trouble. 
In fact he was nominated largely on that account, his competitor, Gen. 
A. D. Streight, a very positive and forceful man, having incurred the 
hostility of the party leaders. Albert Gallatin Porter was bom at 
Lawrenceburg, Indiana, April 20, 1824. His father, a Pennsylvanian, 
was a member of Ball 's regiment of Pennsylvania Volunteers in the War 
of 1812, and was wounded at the battle of the Mississinewa. After the 
war he located at Lawrenceburg, where he married a daughter of Thomas 
Tousey, who lived across the river in Kentucky. After the death of 
Thomas Tousey, the family moved over to his farm. Albert wanted an 
education, and went to Hanover until he ran out of funds. Then his 
uncle, Omer Tousey, came to his assistance, but insisted on Methodist 
training; so Albert went to Asbury, where he graduated in 1843. He 
studied law, and in 1846 located at Indianapolis. 

In 1853 he was appointed Reporter of the Supreme Court, on recom- 
mendation of the Supreme Judges. Under the old Constitution the 
eases had been reported by Judge Blackford, and most creditably re- 
ported, but our wise forefathers evidently **had it in" for Blackford, 
and provided in the Constitution of 1851 that the General Assembly 
should provide for the publication of the reports, **but no Judge shall 
be allowed to report such decisions." Provision was made by laW for 
the election of a Reporter, and Horace E. Carter was elected to the 
office, but died in 1853. Judge Blackford was extremely careful in his 
reports, not only as to matter, but also as to spelling and punctuation. 
He was accustomed to hang a copy of the proofs in the Law Library,* 
and request attorneys to call his attention to any errors they might find 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



717 



in them. One day Porter found an error, and called Blackford 's atten- 
tion to it; and thereafter he was Blackford's ideal of a Reporter — and 
if anybody knew a good Reporter, Blackford did. He secured the in- 
dorsement of the Bench for Porter, and Governor Wright appointed 
him. He was elected to the office in 1854 by a large majority. Not- 




Gov. Albert G. Porter 
(From the portrait by Steele) 



withstanding this, he went over to the Republicans in 1856, on the 
slavery question, and was elected to the legislature in that year. In 
1858 he was elected to Congress on the Republican ticket. The party 
leaders wanted him to run for Governor in 1876, but he declined ; and 
in 1877 was made First Comptroller of the Treasury by John Sherman, 
resigning this office after his nomination for Governor in 1880. Presi- 
dent Garfield olfered him a Cabinet position, but he declined on the 
(ground that he owed it to the people of Indiana to serve his term as 



718 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Governor. He declined to run for Governor in 1888, but took an active 
part in the campaign, and was appointed Minister to Italy by President 
Harrison, retiring from public life at the close of his term. He died at 
Indianapolis, May 3, 1897. 

Porter's successor as Governor, Isaac Pusey Gray, had the reverse 
experience, having left the Republican party to become a Democrat. 
He was born October 18, 1828, in Chester County, Pennsylvania; and 
his parents, who belonged to the Society of Friends, later removed to 
Ohio, where Isaac grew to manhood, receiving a common-school educa- 
tion. He studied law, but for financial reasons engaged in mercantile 
business at New Madison, Ohio. In 1855 he removed to Union City, 
Randolph County, Indiana, where he was a successful merchant for 
several years, and then entered the practice of law. When the Civil 
War came on he had military aspirations; and his military career is 
well summed up in the Latin sentence Veni, vidi, vivi. He was commis- 
sioned Colonel of the Fourth Cavalry — Seventy-Seventh Indiana Vol- 
unteers — on September 4, 1862. On account of the threatening condi- 
tion of affairs in Kentucky, four companies of the regiment, under Major 
John A. Platter, were sent to Henderson, Kentucky, and the remainder 
to Louisville. Gray resigned on February 11, 1863, before the regiment 
got into action. He resumed military life during the Morgan raid, 
being commissioned Colonel of the 106th Regiment of "Minute Men," 
on July 12, 1863 ; and was mustered out on July 17, 1863. He was next 
commissioned Captain of the Dhion City Guards, of the Randolph Bat- 
tallion of the Indiana Legion, «(hd resigned on November 16, 1863. In 
1866 he was selected by the Morton faction as a candidate against Julian 
in the April primaries, but Julian was renominated by 915 majority. 
In 1868 he was elected to the State Senate, where he achieved fame that 
is recorded thus: **He served in the State Senate, 1868-72, being chosen 
by his colleagues as president, pro tempore, and while filling this oflSce, 
the 15th amendment to the Constitution of the United States was ratified 
by the state through his intervention. Indiana was the last state to vote 
upon the amendment and her vote was necessary to insure success. The 
State Senate was a Republican body, but the Democrats, who were 
violently opposed to the amendment, could defeat legislation by bolting 
and breaking a quorum. When the amendment came up for a vote, 
the Democrats began dropping out one by one. President Gray left his 
chair, as presiding oflScer, went to the door, locked it, put the key in his 
pocket and coolly went back to his chair. The minority surged against the 
door, but it would not open. *Who dares lock senators in?' one of them 
demanded of the chair. * I do, ' President Gray replied. * The key is in my 
pocket. We have a right to break up unwarranted interference with 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 719 

the business of this assembly.' He then directed the secretary to pro- 
ceed with the roireall, in spite of the indignant protests of the Demo- 
crats. They then crowded the lobby, but the chair pointed them out, 
and directed the secretary to record them as present but not voting. 
In this way he counted a quorum and a majority for the amendment.^* 
This is not quite all of the truth. On March 4, on account of the 
proposed amendment and other threatened political legislation, all of 
the Democratic members of the legislature resigned. Governor Baker 
called for a new election on March 23, and a special session of the legis- 
lature. The Democrats who had resigned were all reelected, and the 
Senate stood 23 Democrats and 27 Republicans. An agreement was 
made to maintain the two-thirds of the membership required by the 
Constitution as to necessary legislation, and that no political legisla- 
tion should be considered before May 11. Thirteen of the Democrats 
then resigned, leaving a bare quorum of 37 members. The Lieutenant 
Governor, Will Cumback, was unwilling to carry out the program which 
the Republican leaders had agreed on, and on May 12 Gray was elected 
president pro tem. The Democrats got wind of the scheme, and two 
more of them resigned, but were present in the Senate on the 13th. 
When their names were called they stated that they had resigned, and 
were not members; but they were counted on the plea that the Senate 
had not been officially notified of their resignations. The journals were 
** doctored'* to cover the transaction, the doors closed, and the public 
excluded. Neither the journals nor the Brevier Reports, which were 
furnished to the daily papers for publication, even show that Gray was 
in the chair. Nobody ever pretended that the Fifteenth Amendment was 
legally ratified by Indiana, but it was so returned, and counted on the 
theory that you **can not go behind the returns." The case was cited 
as a precedent by Speaker Reed for counting a quorum in the National 
House in later years. Gray did not reap the fruits of his work until 
1892. He left the Republicans in 1871, and was a delegate to the Liberal 
Republican Convention in 1872 — ^the Republicans claiming that he had 
left them because he was not given the nomination for Congress after 
Randolph County had been taken out of Julian's district by the gerry- 
mander of 1867. In 1876 he was nominated for Lieutenant Governor 
by the Democrats, as a recognition of the Liberal Republicans, and was 
elected ; and on the death of Governor Williams, on November 20, 1880, 
became Governor. The legislature of 1881 was to elect a successor to 
Senator McDonald, whose term expired that year, and the majority 
being Republican, Gen. Harrison was elected. It was supposed that the 



2« National Cyclopedia of Biography, Vol. 13, p. 273. 



720 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

complimentary minority Democratic vote would be given to McDonald, 
whose service had been entirely satisfactory, and he did not even come 
home from Washington to look after the matter; but Gray quietly 
secured the support of a majority of the Democratic members in the 
caucus, and got the complimentary vote, for which McDonald's friends 
never forgave him, as the action was a palpable reflection on McDonald. 
In 1884, as a harmony arrangement, he was nominated for Governor, and 
the Democratic State Convention instructed for McDonald for President. 
But Grover Cleveland had loomed up as the wearer of the mantle of 
Tilden, and was nominated; while Hendricks, who headed the Indiana 
delegation, was nominated for Vice President. The Democrats again 
carried the State, the vote being Cleveland, 244,990; Blaine, 238,463; 
Butler, Labor, 8,293; and St. John, Prohibition, 3,028. 

Governor Gray belfeved in making hay while the sun shines, and lost 
none of the advantages that his office gave to prepare the way for his 
election to the national Senate, on the expiration of Senator Harrison's 
term, in 1887, and this led to one of the most extraordinary complica- 
tions that has ever afficted the State. In July, 1886, Lieutenant Gover- 
nor M. D. Manson accepted an appointment as collector of internal 
revenue, for the seventh Indiana district, and thereby vacated his office 
of Lieutenant Governor. The Constitution provides that the Lieu- 
tenant Governor ** shall hold his office during four years"; and also 
contains these provisions in Article 5 : 

Sec. 9. The official term of the Governor and Lieutenant Governor 
shall commence on the second Monday of January, in the year one 
thousand eight hundred and fifty-three; and on the same day every 
fourth year thereafter. 

Sec. 10. In case of the removal of the Governor from office, or of his 
death, resignation or inability to discharge the duties of the office, the 
same shall devolve on the Lieutenant Governor; and the General As- 
sembly shall, by law, provide for the case of removal from office, death, 
resignation, or inability both of the Governor and Lieutenant Gov- 
ernor, declaring what officer shall then act as Governor; and such offi- 
cer shall act accordingly until the disability be removed or a Governor 
elected. 

Sec. 11. Whenever the Lieutenant Governor shall act as Governor, or 
shall be unable to attend as President of the Senate, the Senate shall 
elect one of its own members as President for the occasion. 

The legislature had never made the provision called for, and, in 
consequence there was nothing but the Constitution itself to determine 
who should succeed the Lieutenant Governor, or act as Governor in case 
of the death of both. Gray saw that this situation would be fatal to 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 721 

his election to the Senate, and secured an opinion from the Attorney 
General, Francis Hord, thaf a Lieutenant Governor should be elected 
in 1886, to fill the vacancy. Both parties acted on this opinion, and made 
nomination, the Republicans nominating Robert S. Robertson, and the 
Democrats John C. Nelson ; but the Republicans carried the State, which 
left Gray in worse position than before. The Republicans claimed that 
the result was due to the Democratic gerrymander of 1885, but the re- 
turns indicate that it was due to national influences. The vote was 
Robertson, 231,922 ; Nelson, 228,598 ; Edward S. Pope, National, 4,646 ; 
Jesse M. Gale, Prohibition, 9,185. This was a drop from the election of 
1884 of 16,542 in the Democratic vote, against a drop of 5,826 in the 
Republican vote. The change in third party votes was not large, the 
National vote dropping 3,692, and the Prohibition vote increasing 5,217. 
Democrats who had wanted offices, and they were numerous, blamed their 
disappointment to Mr. Cleveland's civil service principles; old soldiers 
were indignant over his pension vetoes; and silver and greenback men 
were incensed by his success in securing the repeal of the Bland-Allison 
act for the coinage of silver dollars. The result also endangered the 
election of a senator by the Democrats, as the Republicans had carried 
the House by a small margin, and were proposing to unseat several 
Democrats. If they had the presiding officer in the Senate, their ad- 
vantage would be largely increased. In this emergency, Alonzo Green 
Smith came to the front with the proposition that the election for 
Lieutenant Governor was unconstitutional and void; that he had been 
elected President pro tem. of the Senate on April 13, 1885, and as 
such was entitled to preside over that body. Although this position 
called for a repudiation of the action taken by all of the political parties, 
on the opinion of the Attorney General, the Democrats adopted it, and 
Smith showed his confidence in it by bringing an action for an in- 
junction to prevent the Secretary of State from certifying the election 
returns to the House of Representatives. The Republicans contested the 
case, but kept away from the question of the legality of the election, 
basing their defense on the lack of jurisdiction of the courts to enjoin 
a ministerial act of an officer which was commanded by law. This view 
was adopted by the Supreme Court, which handed down a decision on 
January 4, 1887, not only ruling against the jurisdiction of the courts, 
but declining to give any opinion on the legality of the election.^^ This 
caused an explosion. 

The Sentinel, the Democratic State organ, was at this time con- 
trolled by W. J. Craig, a very enthusiastic Democrat, and deeply im- 



27 Smith vs. Myers, 109 Ind. p. 1. 



722 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

pressed with the party responsibility of conducting a party organ. He 
instructed bis editorial writer, Gus Mattftews, to prepare an editorial 
condemning the Supreme Court, which consisted of four Democratic and 
one Republican judge, for cowardice. The editorial was written, begin- 
ning with the words, **The members of the Supreme Court of Indiana 
are afraid of their shadows," pointing out their duty to the public to 
declare the law in a case involving serious public questions, and de- 
nouncing them for '^ taking advantage of a technicality to escape the 
responsibility of a decision upon the only vital issue." Craig read it 
over, wrote the words, **Damn their cowardly souls" at the beginning, 
and put it in the paper. This caused a revulsion of sentiment that cast 
a reflection on the Democratic position, and which has given color to 
the affair ever since, although the Supreme Court adopted the principles 
of the editorial within two months. There were 31 Democrats and 19 
Republicans in the Senate, and the Democrats proceeded to organize, 
with Smith as President, excluding Robertson, who was recognized as 
Lieutenant Governor by the House. To fortify their position, the Sen- 
ate adopted a resolution on January 6, reciting the vacancy in the office 
of Lieutenant Governor, and the election of Smith in 1885, and, there- 
fore, ** Resolved, that the Hon. Alonzo G. Smith is hereby recognized 
and elected as President of the Senate of Indiana," The Republican 
senators, who declined to take part in the organization of the Senate, 
were counted as present and not voting. Smith next showed his willing- 
ness to submit the question to judicial decision, by bringing an action 
in the Marion Circuit Court, on January 12, to enjoin Robertson from 
attempting to interfere in the exercise of his office. Robertson appeared 
in person, and by counsel, and asked a dismissal of the case on the 
ground that the case should have been brought in the county in which he 
resided. The case was heard by Alexander C. Ayres, a judge of un- 
questioned probity and ability, who held that the Court had jurisdic- 
tion; that the election was illegal, as the Constitution plainly contem- 
plated but one election in four years, and granted the injunction. The 
case was at once taken to the Supreme Court, which held against the 
jurisdiction, but Judges Mitchell and Howk dissented from this on the 
ground that Robertson had been summoned in Marion County, and had 
ftppeared.28 But all of the judges gave their opinions as to the legal 
merits oif the question. Judges Elliott and Niblack affirming that, **The 
Senate has the unquestioned right to determine who is entitled to act as 
its presiding officer," and all agreeing that the question was one for 
legislative decision, and not for the Courts. 



28 Bobertson vs. The State ex rel. 109 Ind. p. 79. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 723 

The House Republicans bad gone on with their program, cotmting 
the vote, in the abseDce of the Senate, on January 10, and declaring 
fiobertBon elected. On January 14, they unseated Cornelius Meagher, 
and gave his place to Henry Clay Dickinson. The Senate promptly 
retaliated on January 17, by expelling Senator Wm. N. McDonald, on 




Isaac P. Gray 

a charge of bribery in bis election, and seating Frank Branaman in his 
place. After the decision by Judge Ayres, it became apparent that there 
was no political capital to be made by arbitrary refusal to recognize 
judicial opinion, and the members of the legislature got together in 
a compromise agreement for the election of a United States Senator 
which recognized Smith, for the occasion.^* The only real contest was 
in the Democratic caucus. Gray had publicly withdrawn from the race, 

M Sen&te Journal, p. SOI. 



724 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

announcing that he would have stayed in if there had been a Lieutenant 
Governor to succeed him. He threw his strength in the caucus to Judge 
Niblack, of the Supreme Court, whose vote was practically equal to that 
for McDonald, neither being able to secure a majority. The McDonald 
strength was then thrown to David Turpie, who was nominated and 
elected. In 1892, Gray became a candidate for Vice President — the first 
time an Indiana man had offered himself for second place; but it was 
evident that Cleveland would be renominated, and it was second place 
or none. In the National Democratic Convention the Indiana dele- 
gation made a deal with W. C. Whitney, who was managing for Cleve- 
land, that Gray should be nominated for Vice President, in consideration 
of a solid vote of Indiana for Cleveland, and it appeared to be a cer- 
tainty. But a newspaper man got wind of the arrangement, and sent 
it out by wire, causing its publication in Indiana, and at once there fol- 
lowed a stream of telegrams to Whitney from Germans and Irishmen, 
assuring him that the nomination of Gray would cost at least 50,000 
votes in Indiana, on account of his Knownothing record. At the same 
time the Convention and hotels were flooded with a circular giving the 
record of Gray's part in the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment, 
with extracts from various speeches bitterly denouncing Democrats which 
he had made during the Reconstruction period. In consequence, after 
Indiana had given her vote for Cleveland, Whitney informed the dele- 
gation that he ** could not deliver the goods,*' and Adlai Stevenson re- 
ceived the nomination. There was some manifestation of warmth in 
the Indiana delegation, but they accepted the inevitable, and the State 
went Democratic, largely on local issues, which will be mentioned later. 
Gray was placated by an appointment as Minister to Mexico, and died 
while in that office, on February 14, 1895. 

In 1892, there came also a sequel to the controversy over the gerry- 
mander of 1885, which is likewise suggestive of **the irony of fate." In 
1891, the Democrats had passed a new apportionment act, and Ben- 
jamin S. Parker brought an action to test its constitutionality ; not be- 
cause it was worrying him especially, he being a poet and of happy dis- 
position, but he had been elected Clerk of Henry County, and the Re- 
publican managers thought they could help their cause by having the ap- 
portionment laws of 1891 and 1885 held unconstitutional and falling 
back on the law of 1879, and this was what the complaint asked. But 
when the Supreme Court tackled the question, it found itself in very 
deep water, as is manifest from the dissenting and concurring opinion.*^^ 
Aside from the question of jurisdiction over a discretionary legislative 



30 Parker vs. State ex rel. 133 Ind. p. 178. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 725 

power, the Court was confronted by the evident fact that if the inequali- 
ties complained of made the act unconstitutional, there had never been 
a valid apportionment act passed. As Judge Elliott stated it: *'If the 
system which the relator avers is in conflict with the Constitution, is 
to be smitten to death by the courts, it must be at the suit of one who 
assails all the legislative acts founded on that system, for it cannot be 
done at the suit of a party who demands that one of the acts resting 
on that system be upheld and the others destroyed. * * * The act of 
1879 is, according to his own theory, as full of evil as those he assaults, 
so that if one goes down so must all, and with the fall of the act of 
1879 ends the relators case. * * * It is indispensably necessary to 
designate a valid law, either in the statutes or the Constitution, under 
which legislators can be chosen, for it is inconceivable that no law exists 
providing for legislative elections. If * * * the court assumes to 
enter the field covering the acts of 1885 and 1891, it must, as a matter 
of judicial knowledge, take notice of all the statutes upon the subject, 
and fix upon a valid one, or else declare that no such act exists, and 
travel back to the apportionment made by our present Constitution." 
The Court escaped from the dilemma by holding that the acts of 1891 
and 1879 were both unconstitutional, but the question as to the act of 
1885 was not so fully presented as to require any ruling on it. Con- 
sequently the election of 1892 was held under the gerrymander of 1885. 
In 1893, the legislature passed another apportionment law, and in 1895, 
the political complexion of the legislature having changed, this law was 
repealed on the ground of its unfairness. The act of 1895 was attacked 
in the courts, and the Supreme Court held that both the acts of 1893 and 
1895 were unconstitutional, and that as the act of 1885 was the only 
one that had not been assailed, the election must be held under it. In 
other words, the gerrjrmander of 1885 is the only apportionment act of 
Indiana that has not been held unconstitutional, except the itct of 1897, 
which likewise was never attacked."*^ 

There is nothing that has made more trouble in Indiana than the 
gerrymander, and the cause of it is the absurd effort of the Constitu- 
tion to provide for numerical representation, which is conceded to be a 
mathematical impossibility. It being admitted that some divergence 
from exact numerical representation is unavoidable, the question of the 
amount of divergence becomes one of legislative discretion. That dis- 
cretion is invariably exercised by the political majority in the legisla- 
ture taking every advantage it possibly can. The only differences has been 
in the point of it being a Democratic or a Republican gerrymander. 



SI Denny vs. State ex rel. 144 Ind. 503; Brooks vs. State ex rel. 162 Ind. p. 568. 



726 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

When the question goes to the courts, there is merely a substitution of 
judicial discretion for legislative discretion. And while men of all 
parties have raved about ** disfranchisement'* by various gerrymanders, 
practically no attention has been paid to the disfranchisement of politi- 
cal minorities. For example, under the apportionment law of 1915, 
Marion County has ten representatives. If the Democrats cast 31,000 
votes, and the Republicans oast 30,000, the Democrats elect all of them, 
and the 30,000 Republicans are just as fully disfranchised as if they 
lived in a county that had no representation, so far as politics is con- 
cerned, and that is what most of them are interested in. In the 
entire period from 1850 to 1900, the only public man who ever made a 
rational and statesmanlike comment on this was Thomas A. Hendricks. 
In his inaugural address, in 1873, he made an earnest plea for isteps to 
secure honest elections, and added: **In this connection I wish to call 
attention to the subject of representative reform, which, during the last 
ten years, has been advocated by some of the best minds, both in Europe 
and in this country, and is now undergoing the test of experience. I 
desire to make this the more emphatic, because in this State it seems yet 
to be regarded as right and proper, for the majority to deny to the 
minority even that representation, which an apportionment based upon 
population, and contiguity of counties would give. Representative re- 
form rests upon the proposition that minorities of constituencies should 
have a representation as nearly in proportion to numbers as may be prac- 
ticable. All the citizens contribute to the burdens of government, and 
should yield obedience to the laws, and it is just, equal and fair, that all 
should be represented. One of the ablest of English statesmen, in the 
debate in the House of Lords, on the reform bill of 1867, suggested this 
illustration; suppose a representative district has ten thousand voters, 
and six thousand are of one side in politics and four thousand of the other, 
would that district not be better represented if both the six thousand 
and the four thousand were represented, than if the votes of either be 
wholly rejected, and without influence or power! He added: *I can 
well understand men who are extremely intolerant and exclusive in 
politics, objecting to give any voice to those whose political views are 
distasteful to them, but I can not understand such an objection being 
urged by those who are in favor of having public opinion fairly repre- 
sented.' The advantages of this reform are obvious. Political as- 
perities would be modified; local satisfaction would be produced; the 
temptation to corruption and bribery at elections would be greatly re- 
moved; and security and permanency would be given to the influence 
and power of the minority, thus securing a check upon the majority, 
should it become arrogant or unscrupulous, so that legislation would pro- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 727 

ceed more for the people and less for party.*' ^^ jj^ might have added 
that the standard of representation would be raised, if under such a 
system the office went to those of each party having the highest number 
of votes, because, as a rule, the best men on any ticket run ahead of 
the average, and men who are really objectionable nearly always run be- 
low the average. And for the rational purposes of legislation, ability and 
character are of vastly more importance than party affiliation. It 
would at any rate do away with what is commonly known in American 
politics as **the yellow dog'' being elected merely because he is able to 
secure a nomination. 



82 House Journal, 1873, p. 80. 



Vol. n— 11 



CHAPTEE XIII 

AN EEA OF EEPORM 

The year 1888 marked an epoch in the history of Indiana. It was 
the first year in which an Indiana man had been a candidate for Presi- 
dent. He had the misfortune to be bom at North Bend, Ohio ; but that 
is just across the line from Indiana; and his father, John Scott Harri- 
son, was born at Vincennes, October 4, 1804 ; his grandfather was Gov- 
ernor of Indiana Territory; and he had lived in Indiana since 1854, so 
that the benign influences of the Hoosier State had a very good oppor- 
tunity to work on him. He was bom August 20, 1833, and passed his 
childhood on his father's farm, getting his rudimentary education at a 
log school house in the neighborhood. After two years at Farmers 
College, at College Hill, near Cincinnati, he entered Miami University, 
from which he graduated in 1852. He at once entered on the study of 
law, and was admitted to the bar in 1853. In the same year he married 
Caroline, daughter of Rev. J. W. Scott, and in the year following located 
at Indianapolis. Here he soon attained standing, and in 1860, was 
elected Reporter of the Supreme Court. Soon after, he had a political 
debate with Thomas A. Hendricks, which gave him a State reputation 
as a speaker. He entered the United States service as second lieu- 
tenant, in July, 1862, and assisted in organizing the Seventieth Indiana, 
of which he was made Colonel in August. He gave satisfactory service 
in Kentucky and Tennessee ; led a desperate charge at Resaca, on May 
15, 1864, in which one-third of his command were killed or wounded; 
commanded a brigade at Kenesaw Mountain, and Peachtree Creek, and 
on January 23, 1865, was brevetted Brigadier General **for ability and 
manifest energy and gallantry in command of brigade.*' He was re- 
elected Reporter in 1864; was the unsuccessful Republican candidate 
for Governor in 1876; member of the Mississippi River Commission in 
1878; and United States Senator 1881-7. He was easily the most promi- 
nent man in his party during this period, in Indiana, and had the 
enthusiastic support of the Indiana Republicans for the Presidential 
nomination in 1888. Blaine was named as a candidate, but withdrew, 
and threw his support to Harrison, who was nominated. The campaign 

728 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 729 

in Indiana was hotly contested. The Republicans appealed vigorously 
to ** State pride,*' but no such provincial argument availed in Indiana, 
where politics was a passion as strong as religion. The Democrats 
replied that State pride had not been manifested when Hendricks was 
a candidate for Vice President, and so they went at it, hammer and 
tongs. The principal issue discussed in the campaign was the tariff. 
Blaine had made a desperate effort to revive the ** bloody shirt'' issue 
in 1884, and had failed ; and that was the last material attempt to revive 
the animosities of the Civil war. In 1883, a Republican Tariff Commis- 
sion had recommended reductions in the tariff averaging twenty per cent, 
and had reported it to Congress without securing any action. In 1884, 
the Morrison horizontal reduction bill was defeated in the House, by 
protectionist Democrats, led by Randall, of Pennsylvania, who united 
^ with the Republicans. In July, 1888, the tariff reformers succeeded in 
getting the Mills bill through the House; but the Senate had not acted 
on it, and the tariff beneficiaries made the fight of their lives to dis- 
credit it by a popular victory. 

It is not probable, however, that many votes were changed by the dis- 
cussion. Prof. James A. Woodbum very truly says : * ' In appealing to 
the voters for support, the party leaders relied more than ever upon 
the perfection of the party organization; upon the activity of party 
agents who were anticipating party appointments and perquisites ; upon 
appeals to party traditions, prejudices and habits; and still on the old 
scJldier fear of restoring the old Democracy of the South. Large moneyed 
and corporate interests and professional politicians and office-holders 
were, in this period, very largely in control of the nominating ma- 
chinery, if not of the public policy, of the Republican party, and the 
party experienced alternate victory and defeat in 1884, 1888, and 1892. 
It was a period marked by an alarming growth of campaign funds and 
of corruption within the party in the use of money to control elections, 
by the application of Dorsey's *Soap' to smooth the way to success in 
party contests in the close states by the herding of the voters into 
Dudley's * blocks of five,' and by * frying the fat' from the protected 
industries to secure an administration that would safeguard their in- 
terests." ^ It was in the campaign of 1888 that the celebrated Dudley 
letter was exposed, and drew public attention forcibly to political cor- 
ruption in Indiana. It was not an altogether novel subject. There had 
been more or less of political trickery in elections in Indiana from the 
earliest times, but it is commonly conceded that there was no extensive 
use of money for buying votes until 1876.2 jj^ May, 1886, Wm. P. Fish- 

1 Cyclopedia of Am. Government, Vol. 3, p. 197. 

2 Smith 's Indiana, Vol. 1, p. 230. 



730 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



back delivered an address to the students of Indiana University, entitled 
"A Plea for Honest Elections," in which he told a lai^ amount of 
plain truth ; and he was qualified to tell it, for' he had been more or less 
in political life for thirty years, and during a part of that time was 
editor of the Indianapolis Journal. As to the innocence of Indiana 
before it was corrupted by the East, Mr. Fishback said: "In 1848, 




Qene&vl Benjamin Harbison 
(In 1864) 

the Whig national committee thought that rich Whigs of the East, 
whose infant industries had been fostered by protective tariffs, should 
assist the poor Whigs of Indiana, who had been robbed by these same 
protective tariffs, to defray the expenses of the campaign. I have been 
informed that Mr. Truman Smith, of Connecticut, sent to Mr. J(An 
D, Defreea, of Indianapolis, a draft for $5,000 to be used in the State 
canvass. I am also informed that the draft was returned with the state- 
ment that the money was not needed. In 1858, our esteemed fellow 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 731 

citizen, Mr. William Wallace, was treasurer of the Republican State 
Central Committee. He received from Mr. Simon Yandes, who was a 
candidate for Supreme Judge, a voluntary contribution or assessment 
of $100 for campaign purposes. After the election and after all bills 
were paid, Mr. Wallace reported an unexpended balance in his hands to 
the credit of Mr. Yandes of $25.00. The same year I was a candidate 
for the office of prosecuting attorney for the Indianapolis Circuit, then 
composed of six or seven counties, and I was assessed or made a volun- 
tary contribution of $1 to each county, to pay my share of the cost 
of printing and distributing election tickets. To the ears of the present 
generation, these facts have a Munchausen sound. The more the pity 
for the present generation.'* 

In presenting the attitude of **the present generation,*' Mr. Fishback 
began, chronologically, with the activities of Senator Bamum, in the 
campaign of 1876, saying: **We remember the kindly and personal 
interest he manifested in Indiana politics that year. He came like the 
troubadour from his distant home in Connecticut, and, braving all the 
dangers incident to our malarial climate, took up his abode here, and 
began to distribute money with lavish hand. * * * It will be re- 
membered also that Mr. Bamum, while here in 1876, embarked in the 
livestock trade — making a specialty of mules. A dispatch, which has 
become historical, was sent by Mr. Barnum during the campaign, to a 
Democrat of this State authorizing the purchase of * seven more mules' 
for account of the Democratic National Committee. It is proper to say, 
in this connection, however, that while the mule business was active, 
the telegraph wires were kept warm with messages from Republicans 
in the East to Republicans in Indianapolis concerning certain mythical 
Indian agents, which agents, whatever else they may have done, re- 
plenished the Republican exchequer. But the mules beat the Indian 
agents, and Indiana, in that year, cast her vote for Tilden and Hendricks. 
Then came the contest, the electoral bill — eight to seven — and the Hayes 
administration." As to the election of 1880, he had been furnished 
with data by Hon. Wm. H. English, for Mr. English was the pioneer 
of election reform in Indiana; and, in an interview printed in the 
Cincinnati Enquirer, on February 9, 1882, he told some plain truth, 
possibly because he was smarting under charges that he had not con- 
tributed to the Democratic campaign fund as liberally as had been ex- 
pected. His interview was not reproduced by the Sentinel, and the 
Journal printed mangled extracts, with an explanation that all the 
rascality was by Democrats. Mr. Fishback, in his address quoted it 
as follows: 

**Q. But, Mr. English, how was it on the subject of money? 



732 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

**A. Well, sir, the misrepresentation upon that subject has been even 
greater. More money was used by the Democrats in the campaign of 
1880 than was ever used in any previous canvass. More was used by 
the National Committee, more by the State committee, more by the 
Democratic candidate for Vice-President, more by the Democratic candi- 
date for Governor, and more for the party generally. The expense of 
the whole canvass up to the time of its close, prior to the October elec- 
tion, was paid out of money raised within the State; the money used 
on the day of the election and a few days before, came from abroad, 
almost entirely through the National committee, and was disbursed 
among the counties by the chairman of the National committee, as he 
had done in 1876, and at the same period before the election. The 
National committee did all in this matter any body had a right to expect. 
So did the State committee, and, in the main, so did the candidates. 
I could mjake an approximately correct statement of the amount dis- 
bursed by the Democrats in the canvass; how it was distributed, and 
into whose hands it primarily went. If I did so (and I may if it 
becomes necessary), it would astonish a great many people, and would 
show conclusively that there was no lack of money to prosecute a legiti- 
mate campaign in the most vigorous and effective manner. My own 
judgment now is that it was largely in excess of what was needed, and 
iive times more than I should recommend the Democrats to raise in 
any campaign hereafter.'' 

**Q. Do you think the Democrats had as much money as the Re- 
publicans? 

**No, sir, I have already explained that the idea that we could com- 
pete with the Republicans either in raising money or using it for cor- 
rupt purposes was an utter absurdity. We had neither the source of 
supply, the oflBcers and machinery to use it, nor the disposition to use it 
for corrupt purposes. The Democratic party, to succeed, must stand on 
the eternal principles of right, and if they should in future contests 
endeavor to carry elections by the corrupt use of money or other ras- 
calities, they will deserve to be beaten. The corrupt use of money at 
elections is the very worst evil of the times, and should be discouraged 
by good men of all parties, and I have a very poor opinion of the man 
who would hold an oflSce, knowing it to have been corruptly and fraudu- 
lently obtained. We had not the influence and salaries of a hundred 
thousand federal oflScers to help us in that October fight; nor Star 
Route and treasury thieves to pour corruption funds into our borders, 
and chuckle with the beneficiaries over the bountiful supply of 'soap'; 
nor a great system of banks nor great manufactories, nor moneyed cor- 
porations, to look to for aid ; nor cartloads of crisp and unworn green- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 73a 

• 

backs apparently fresh from the treasury of the United States, the 
history of which may yet startle the country if the subject is ever 
properly investigated. Even if there had been no principle involved, 
successful competition with the Republicans in money and corrupt prac- 
tices was absurd and impossible, and human ingenuity could not have 
devised a better way to give them the benefit of their superior facilities 
than the decision of the Supreme Court overthrowing the constitu- 
tional amendments and forcing the State election to come off in October 
instead of on the day of the presidential election." 

Mr. Fishback, as a consistent Republican, devoted some time to sar- 
castic intimations that Mr. English knew all the time what was going 
on, which nobody of ordinary intelligence doubted; but he also made 
confession for the Republicans. He says: *'The Republicans were not 
idle while these things were going on. * * * So it happened, as 
Mr. English says, that Mr. Bamum pitched his tent here during the dog- 
days and resumed the mule business. This provoked the Republicans to 
like good works, and Mr. Dorsey came upon the scene to look after the 
Indian agency business. It surprises many to learn the fact that this 
precious pair, Barnum and Dorsey, who are still in good and regular 
and high standing in their respective parties, were in 1880 business 
partners. In the very hottest of the campaign, the local papers at 
Indianapolis were publishing advertisements of 'The Bull Domingo 
Mining Co. ' of which Bamum was president and Dorsey secretary. 
These two gentlemen — ^business partners — personal friends but, God 
save the mark, bitter political foes, came to Indianapolis, to assist in 
the herculean task of organizing the State. How much money Barnum 
brought West I don 't know. Mr. English says he knows, but won 't tell. 
He does say, however, that the sum put into the *pot' by the candidates 
here, with the money used by Bamum was five times too much. Now, 
when Mr. English says there is too much money, and five times too much, 
it means a great deal. And then we are assured by the same authority 
that the Republicans had a great deal more than the Democrats. As to 
that, I plead non sUm infortnatus. It has been stated that the amount 
used by both parties was something over a half million dollars. Much 
of this came from those over-worked and under-paid individuals who 
own the infant industries in the East, which support a weak and uncer- 
tain existence by means of the fostering tariff laws enacted for their 
benefit, gentlemen who lobby for legislation in the interest of American 
labor and go straightway and forget what manner of men they were and 
import semi-civilized Poles and Hungarians who terrorize our people 
and shock the world by their atrocities. Some came from Star Route 
contractors — Jay Hubbell assessments and other sources. The 'marines' 



734 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

• 

are told, and are expected to believe, that these vast sums of money 
were used in the work of organization. * • • Dorsey was probably 
fighting the Democratic devil with fire, and Barnum was after the Re- 
publican devil in the same fashion. It has been wittily observel by the 
editor of the Nation that fire is not the weapon to fight the devil with, 
and that Holy Water would prove much more effective in such a con- 
flict. It is not likely that either Barnum or Dorsey had a reservoir of 
Holy Water at his disposal. • • * 

**Let us not blink matters, but speak the truth. We know to a 
moral certainty that these gentlemen, Barnum and Dorsey, were the 
custodians and distributors of large sums of money, which were used, 
and intended to be used, to promote illegal voting, the bribery of electors 
and other election frauds. And it is a matter of indiflFerence whether 
the money used was the 'crisp, uncut bank bills fresh from the treasury,' 
described by Mr. English, or the greasy, ragged currency contributed 
by the hungry office seekers of the Democratic party. No reputable 
Democrat or Republican pretends that these vast sums of money were 
necessarily to be used, or were in fact used, for the purposes of legiti- 
mate political warfare. It was an organized assault upon the right of 
suffrage, countenanced, I am sorry to believe, if not approved, by party 
leaders of both parties, who, in the midst of excitement, connived at 
transactions from which, in quieter times, an honorable man instinctively 
recoils. From Barnum and Dorsey down through the whole gamut of 
lesser scoundrels, to the poor devil who sat on the fence till five minutes 
before six o'clock p. m. and then sold his vote for a dollar or a drink of 
whisky — all who were engaged in the disgraceful business deserved the 
penitentiary. If Nathaniel Hawthorne's magic bugle were to summon 
into line — clothed in proper raiment of horizontal stripes, all the rascals 
who bribecj voters, or who took bribes for their votes, who corrupted 
election oflBcers, or falsified election returns, who swore in illegal votes, 
who colonized voters, who voted twice, or voted double tickets, who 
tampered with ballots after they were cast, who consorted with or en- 
couraged repeaters and ballot-box stuffers, or who were accessory to 
their escape from the just penalties of the violated law, it would be, 
I fear, a large procession, in which we should see both parties repre- 
sented, and in which we might discover men of good repute, as the 
phrase goes, and some who have had and now have official preferment 
mainly because they had earned a place in that procession.** The picture 
is not overdrawn, but Fishback saw no remedy but in public opinion. 
He says: **We have laws enoiigh. What we want is more common 
honesty, a strong, healthy, vigorous public sentiment which will secure 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 735 

the enforceinent of these laws, that are now a dead letter; a sentiment 
that will brand with enduring social infamy, every man who seeks by 
corrupt methods to defeat a fair expression of the people's will. 
* * * It has been said that it is a great calamity for a people when 
its criminal classes have learned to take an active part in politics. It is 
much worse when the active management of the politics of a free state 
is almost, if not wholly, surrendered to the criminal classes." 

Unhappily, the appeal to reason is no more effective in politics than 
in religion. Before Mr. Fishback got his address printed, the local 
Democratic leaders in Marion County undertook to steal the office of 
Circuit Judge, by altering the tally-sheets of the election of 1886. It 
was done for the benefit of the Liquor League, and done so clumsily 
that it was a decided reflection on Indiana art. A Citizens Committee 
was formed, and the authority of the U. S. Court was invoked, on the 
ground that a Congressman had been voted for at the election. Col. 
Eli F. Bitter, and Judge Solomon Claypool were engaged as special 
counsel to prosecute the cases, and Judge William A. Woods, of the 
Federal Court used the privileges of the Federal bench to the fullest to 
secure conviction. The cases were tried in January, 1888 ; and Simeon 
Coy, and W. F. A. Bemhamer were convicted, and sent to the peni- 
tentiary. Even this did not put an end to ordinary election rascality in 
the election of 1888. On October 31, the Sentinel published the circular 
letter of Treasurer W. W. Dudley, of the National Republican Com- 
mittee, sent to the local chairman of Indiana, with its cold-blooded 
instructions to, ''Divide the floaters into blocks of five, and put a 
trusted man with necessary funds in charge of these five, and make him 
responsible that nope get away and that all vote our ticket.'' There were 
feeble attempts to put an innocent construction on the letter, but they 
were soon abandoned. There was not a person of ordinary intelligence 
in the State who did not understand perfectly the gigantic scheme of 
bribery outlined. There was a temporary effort to create belief that 
the letter was a forgery ; and this prevented some of the effect it should 
have had in the election ; but this also was abandoned. There was not 
a county in the State where it had not been received. The truth was 
that the letter had been stolen from the mails by a Democratic mail 
clerk, who noticed them going through in quantities, and was by him 
turned over to the Democratic managers. Judge Claypool was again 
made special prosecutor, and went to work enthusiastically; but Judge 
Woods had lost his former ardor for purity in elections. The case 
dragged along until January 15, 1889, when Judge Woods gave supple- 



HEAOQUARTEKS. 

»l FJPTM AVENUE. 

KtvynK.0et.z4n, ten. 



Dfor Str.. 



1 hop* ytu haw kspe eapUt ef tht jTttW 
ttnt mt Suett tnfonatton is veri/ valuable and em M uMd 
to great anvantaga It haa anaiil«d me to damonacraca to 

etfneta Affra that ml tn proper asstatance Indiana s twtlg 
publtcan for Gaiiernar aiid f'raitdant,aTui haa -vsulted,aa /■ 
tsexd le uould.ln securing for Indiana Cw aid. necaasary. 
Your Coimttcat mill esrtalnlj/ raeo'vo froir. CHatrvan Huston tha 
aaeist(ir.e« nacaaaary ca hald ow floaters and doubtful votsrti 
and gain fnourjh of ths ochai* Hfnd to give Harriadn and Morion 
Ifi.wO plurality. Natt YarJc Is nota aafa iai/ond peraduentwa 
for His Rapubl lean frtaidmtlal tleksC .-Connect I cut llkeuilae. 
In slUr't every Northern State , except possibly tloin Jarsay, 
Chough ua still hope co tiwry that State. Harrison's aajortfy 
in &e Electoral CoUsgajutll not be less than 200. uaka 
our frtanda in oachyreclnct aoKaup to the fact that only 
booale and fraudulent uotffi and Jalse eatntOig of returns 
ean boat us in the State. Write each of our precinct 

earrespondents,iat,To ftndour aito hai DtUDcratK: boodla.amt 
steer the Demcratle aorkers to them, and maka them pay big 
jrfees fort their ton latn. Znd,Soan the election officers 
eloaoly.and make Sta-e to have no aan'vn the Board uAow in- 
tegrity la ewn questionable, and insist on fiepublteans uaJcA- 
Inp every aovenent of the eleetlon officers. 3rd, See that 
ear workers know every voter entitled to a vote.and let ne 
om-tlaa e'len offer to vote. <th,DtVlde the floaters Into 
blo^s of fS'ie and put a trusted man latth necessary finds in 
eharge of these flue and make him responsible that nota g»F 
auay and that all vote vur ticket. Sth.Uak^ a personal ap- 
peal to, yow best builnaas men to pledge Chamsalvei to de- 
vote the entire daj/.f/av 3th, to mark at tHe polls', i.i. to be 
present at the polio urith tickets. Thap alll be aatonlehtd 
to see hoie utterly dubfounded the ardinarj/ Denoeratte 
elee'tlon burner tatll be and hov quickij/ he alll disappear. 
The result will fulljf Justify the saertftce of ttm and oa»- 
fort,and lelll be a aoure* of aatlafaction afcer-jords to them 
HJia help in thta uay. Loji t/T'eat stress on this last 
Hatter. It utll pai/. 

JTi»r* IP U be no doubt of your receiving -the necessary 
assistance through the flat enal , State and Cowitu Co/^lttfes, 

only see that It is husbanded and nada to paoduee rtsultt. 

I rely on you to advis* your pr telnet correspondents, and 
urge theai to unrem tttng and constant efforts from noia ttil 
the polls close and the rqault Is announced offlelallit. Wg 
Will fight for a fatr election hare if necessary, Thir flebet 
erea can't steal thti eleetlon frnm us as Chay did in 1384, 
Htthout suttone .getting tatrt- Let evtry Republican da his 
lOtole dita «Kt Ota eountry will pass Into Republican hands, 
never to Idauo tt.I trixt. Thamtng you a^in for your 
efforts to atatit m» tn my work.! return 

yvuri StaeergU 



Fl ease IBS re me result th principal precincts aal county, * 
Dudley Letter Reduced One- half 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 737 

mental instructions to the grand jury, reversing his rulings in the tally- 
sheet cases, and making the conviction of Dudley impossible.^ 

In the meantime, there had been two occurrences that materially af- 
fected the history of Indiana. The first was a change in the ownership of 
the Indianapolis Sentinel, the State Democratic organ. Craig, who had 
lost what influence he had left after the Supreme Court editorial by a 
hopeless attempt to defend the tally-sheet forgers, became weary of lead- 
ing public opinion that would not lead, and in February, 1888, the paper 
passed under the control of Samuel E. Morss, an u^to-date newspaper 
man of the highest type. Morss was born at Fort Wayne, December 15, 
1852, of English ancestry, the first of whom came to America in the 
middle of the seventeenth century, and located in Massachusetts, later 
removing to what became Maine. His father, Samuel S. Morss, was born 
at Bath, Maine, whence his parents removed to Western New York, and 
in 1835, he located at Fort Wayne, where, in 1837, he married Susan 
Clark, a native of Le Roy, New York, who had come to Fort Wayne in 
1833, with her brother Nelson Clark, and, in 1836, opened the first private 
school for young children in Fort Wayne. Young Morss graduated from 
the Fort Wayne high school in 1871, and at once went to work on the 
Gazette as a reporter. He made his way rapidly, and in the spring of 
1875 was put in editorial control of the Fort Wayne Sentinel, then 
owned by William Fleming, who was later Treasurer of State. In April, 
1879, Morss and William R. Nelson purchased the Sentinel, which they 
conducted until August of the following year, when they sold to E. A. K. 
Hackett, and went to Kansas City, and founded the Star, with Morss as 
editor. He ruined his health by overwork in establishing that phe- 
nomenally successful paper, and, in the latter part of 1882 went to 
Europe for a six months stay. On his return he was employed by the 
Chicago Times as editorial writer, later as Washington correspondent, 
until December, 1887, when he organized the company that bought the 
Indianapolis Sentinel. Of this he made a financial success for several 
years, and bought other interests until he practically became the sole 
owner. Morss was a born reformer. He had learned the secret, so com- 
monly overlooked in the United States, that the best politics is doing what 
is for the interests of the public. In the campaign of 1888, the chief issue 
discussed was the tariff, and there was no argument on either side of the 
question with which he was not familiar. As a newspaper writer, he 
never had a superior in Indiana, and he had a faculty of getting on the 
right side of new questions — known in newspaperdom as ** lighting on 



8 A full account of these cases will be found in my history of Greater Indiana- 
polis, pp. 292-306. There have been some attempts to justify Judge Woods since its 
publication, but none calling for any change in that statement or for any answer. 



738 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

your feet** that was almost uncanny. By the end of the campaign, he had 
given .the Sentinel a standing and influence that it had not known for 
years. The course of Judge Woods in the Dudley case roused his indigna- 
tion to the highest pitch, and on January 16, 1889, the day following the 
** second decision," he indicted Woods in an editorial that stands as a 
classic. It concludes with these words: ** Weighing our words carefuUy, 
and fully prepared to accept all the consequences, we pronounce the 
course of Judge Woods in this matter a monstrous abuse of his judicial 
opportunities and a flagrant, scandalous, dishonorable and utterly unpre- 
cedented perversion of the machinery of justice to the purpose of knavery, 
and we believe that it should lead to his impeachment instead of, as it 
probably will, to his promotion to the supreme bench of the United States, 
as soon as it is in the power of Benjamin Harrison to reward him in this 
manner for dragging his judicial robes in the filth of Dudleyism." 

From the historical point of view, it is not to be understood that either 
Woods or Dudley were especially bad men ; on the contrary, they were 
very respectable citizens in ordinary matters. They merely illustrate that 
intense political bias which has made it a proverb in Indiana— and prob- 
ably elsewhere in the country — that **men will do things in politics that 
they would scorn in any other relation.*' William Allen Woods was a 
very able judge. He was born in Marshall County, Tennessee, May 16, 
1837, and at the age of ten years removed with his step-father, Capt. J* 
Miller, an anti-slavery man, to Iowa, and there acquired his partisan bias 
in his youth. He came back to Indiana for his education, and graduated 
at Wabash in 1859. He enlisted in the Union army in 1861, but was dis- 
abled by an injured foot, and took up the law, locating at Goshen, in 
1862. He was a member of the legislature of 1867 ; declined re-election, 
and also nomination for Congress ; was elected Circuit Judge in 1873, re- 
elected without opposition in 1878, and elected Judge of the State Su- 
preme Court in 1880. He made an excellent record, and in May, 1883, 
was appointed U. S. District Judge for Indiana, to succeed Judge Gres- 
ham. His strength was his weakness, for he had what lawyers call *'an 
acute legal mind," and, practically, that means an ability to find a 
plausible reason for deciding whatever you wish. His decision in the 
Dudley case could not have been attacked successfully, if it had not been 
a reversal of his construction of the same statute under which the Demo- 
cratic tally-sheet forgers had been convicted in his court. He made the 
matter worse in March and April, 1889, by quashing indictments in 
nearly two hundred election cases, on the ground that they were ** defec- 
tive,** although in form that had been used for years, and that he had 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 739 

sustained in previous cases.* If bis changes of heart were honest — and 
there is little limit to the mental effects of political bias — it was unfortu- 
nate that they came at a time when only Republican scoundrels were the 
beneficiaries. So William Wade Dudley had a good record. He was 
bom at Weathersfield Bow, Windsor County, Vermont, August 27, 1842, 
the son of Bev. John Dudley, a Presbyterian preacher. He was edu^ 




Gen, William W. Dudley 

cated at Phillips Academy, at Danville, Vermont, and at Russell's Col- 
legiate Institute^ at New Haven, Connecticut, the latter being a military 
school. In 1860, he eame to Richmond, Indiana, where he became cap- 
tain of the City Grays, a company that went into the Nineteenth Indiana, 
in July, 1861. He was made Colonel for merit, and lost a leg at Gettys- 
bnrg, where his regiment was in an exposed position, and lost 72 per 
cent of its members in killed and wounded. He was brevetted Brigadier 
• Federal Rep., Vol. 29, p. 897; Vol. 31, p. 794. 



740 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

General, and served through the remainder of the war as inspector and 
judge-advocate. In 1866-74, he was Clerk of the Wayne Circuit Court ; 
1875-9, Cashier of the Richmond Savings Bank ; 1879-81, U. S. Marshal 
for Indiana; and 1881-4, Commissioner of Pensions, under President 
Garfield. He then practiced law at Washington, taking a very active 
part in politics until 1887, when he was made National Treasurer for 
his party. 

There was never any reflection on his private and business life, and 
in politics he had merely engaged in what hundreds of others had been 
engaged in in Indiana, since 1876, though on a somewhat larger scale. 
Yet he had little sympathy in his own party, for from the political stand- 
point, he had done worse than commit a crime — ^he had made a colossal 
blunder. The insanity of putting such a letter in typewriter print, and 
scattering it broadcast, was appalling to even ordinary political heelers. 
Moreover, it was wholly unnecessary and superfluous. The Indiana 
R-epublicans, in 1888, had a scheme of vote-buying that made Dudley's 
insignificant by comparison. They had organized **get a man'* clubs, 
in which each member pledged himself to get one vote for the ticket. 
It was a very expensive process of vote-buying, involving the ' * sugaring 
and nursing'* of some floater during the campaign; and was possible 
only under the circumstances of having the presidential candidate from 
the State, with a wide-spread expectation of political reward in case of 
success. There was not only more money used in Indiana in 1888 than 
in any preceding campaign, but it was used more effectively through 
this system. Men who had never before indulged in political crooked- 
ness went into it, many probably not realizing what it meant until they 
were started, and then not having the nerve to withdraw. The Demo- 
crats had a fair supply of money, and used it, in addition of going head 
over heels into debt, in expectation of winning; but they were out- 
bought, and the State went for Harrison by the narrow margin of 2,348. 
After the election, Dudley was an elephant on the party's hands, and 
Harrison very wisely refused him any recognition. He continued his 
law practice at Washington, and died December 15, 1909. A posthumous 
defense of his action, prepared by himself, met a very chilly reception.^ 
But Judge Woods could not be ignored, and in the spring of 1892, Presi- 
dent Harrison nominated him for Circuit Judge, under the new law 
creating the Circuit Court of Appeals, and he was confirmed. He died 
at Indianapolis, June 28, 1901, after creditable service in his new position. 

Within three years after Mr. Fishback made his plea for honest elec- 
tions, the two most disgraceful election scandals ever known in Indiana 



6 Indianapolis News, March 17, 1910. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 141 

had been cooaiiminated, but the way was opened for reform, and the 
Australian Ballot Law, of 18S9, is Indiana's perpetual monument to 
these affairs and the men concerned in them. Although the BepublieauB 
had carried the State, the Democrats had both houses of the Legislature. 
This was claimed by Republicans to be due to ' ' the gerrymander of 1885 " ; 
but was in fact the result of the Democrats carrying the large counties 




Simon P. SiiEERm 

that had multiple representation, and to Republicans "trading for the 
head of the ticket," i. e. agreeing with a Democrat to vote his local 
ticket if he would vote the Republican State and National ticket. As the 
local candidates and their friends are more interested in their success 
than in anything else, there is usually more or less of this in general 
elections. Moreover, the Democrats had "put their best foot forward" 
by nominating strong men for the Legislature, and the result was an 
unusually strong legislative body. On the Democratic aide of the House 



742 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

were such men as Andrew A. Adams, Frank D. Ader, Smith Askren. 
John Beasley, Charles G. Cox, James B. Curtis, Frank P. Foster, Wm. 
A. Hughes, Sidney R. Moon, Mason J. Niblack, John Nugent, Wm. S. 
Oppenheim, E. W. Pickhardt, George S. Pleasants, Gabriel Schmuck, 
Wm. H. Shambaugh, H. F. Work, and Philip Zoercher. In the Senate 
were James M. Barrett, W. W. Berry, V. P. Bozeman, G^o. A. Byrd, 
M. L. DeMotte, F. M. Griffith, S. W. Hale, Timothy E. Howard, W. A. 
Traylor, and S. E. Urmston. At the same time there had been an access 
of new blood in the party management that made a great improvement 
in it. At the head was Simon P. Sheerin, one of the finest characters 
ever known in Indiana politics. He was bom in Dublin, Ireland, Febru- 
ary 14, 1846, the son of Thomas Sheerin, a revolutionist of 1848, who 
' came to the United States with his family in 1849, landing at. New 
Orleans. He was warned out of there on account of abolition tendencies, 
and located at Dayton, Ohio, where Simcm grew up. Here he had a 
common school education, and a course in a business college, after which 
he learned the blacksmith's trade. In 1866 he moved to Logansport, 
Indiana, and worked at his trade, meanwhile cultivating literature and 
politics. He was elected Recorder of Cass County in 1870, and reelected 
in 1874; and began writing for the newspapers. In this he found an 
attractive calling, and in 1875 purchased, and took editorial control of 
the Logansport Pharos, soon attaining rank as one of the ablest editors 
of the State. He was a man of the McDonald type in his absolute hon- 
esty and unswerving adherence to principles, while his native wit and 
common sense, backed by wide and intelligent reading, always made his 
presentation of his views attractive. In 1882 he was elected Clerk of the 
Supreme Court. He declined a renomination in 1886, but served as a 
member of the State Executive Committee of the Democratic party in 
1884, 1886, and 1888; and in the last year was chosen as Indiana's 
representative on the National Committee, of which he was made Secre- 
tary, incidentally giving special attention to Indiana. 

In Marion County there had come a change of vital import. After 
the conviction of Coy, he was determined to retain his held on the Demo- 
cratic organization in Marion County, but, chiefly through the efforts of 
Oliver Reveal, a country boy, whose popularity and political acumen 
had made him County Commissioner, he was replaced as Chairman by 
Thomas Taggart, whose political skill has attained national reputation. 
Taggart was bom in County Monaghan, Ireland, November 17, 1856. 
His parents emigrated to America in 1861, locating at Xenia, Ohio. 
Here, after a common school education, Thomas entered the employ of 
N. & G. Ohmer, railroad eating-house men, and showed so much aptitude 
that in 1874, he was put in charge of their restaurant at Garrett, Indiana, 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 743 

and iD 1877, of the Union Station restaurant at Indianapolis. His intelli- 
gence and affability made him so popular that in 1886, Coy induced him 
to accept a nomination for County Auditor to give strength to the ticket; 
and so he began his political career, which led to his national prominNice. 
There waa universal approval in Indiana when, on the death of Senator 
Shively, March 14, 1916, Governor Ralston appointed Mr. Taggart to 




John R. Wilson 

serve for his unexpired term. As Chairman he brought into service 
the best element of the party, notable among them being John P. Prenzel, 
who by sterling qualities had come through hard knocks, to be President 
of the Merchants National Bank, and John R, Wilson, the ablest young 
lawyer of Indianapolis. Wilson was a Virginian — ^his middle name was 
Randolph, and he was entitled to it by blood — bom at Farmville, Prince 
Edward County, March 16, 1851. His family had been impoverished 
by the Civil War, and his rudimentary education was largely from hia 



744 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

father, who was a lawyer. He graduated, however, from Hampden 
Sidney, and studied law at the University of Virginia, where he had the 
good fortune of instruction by the noted John R. Minor. He located at 
Indianapolis in 1873, first in the office of Hendricks, Hord & Hendricks, 
and soon after in practice. In 1888 he was a member of the firm of 
Duncan, Smith & Wilson. He was the best read man in law, economics and 
political history that I have ever known, and his native ability entitled 
him to much higher public position than the chances of politics ever 
brought him. And these were the chances that he could not control, for 
he left nothing to chance that he could control. He introduced systematic, 
scientific organization into the methods of the Democratic party in 
Indiana, and it was to this that much of the later success of the party 
was due. He was a born teacher, and was not only an active agent in 
the establishment and maintenance of Law Schools at Indianapolis, but 
also, for years, held private elates in which law students of the city 
received instruction without charge ; and his generous kindness to young 
men, as well as others, made him troops of personal friends. In 1888 he 
defeated A. G. Smith for the nomination for Attorney General, although 
Smith was a sort of party idol for his record in 1887, by sheer force of 
organization. He made a strong campaign, and although defeated with 
his party, was second on the ticket, losing by only 1,853 votes. Notwith- 
standing the tally-sheet forgery backset, the Democrats carried Marion 
County, and this gave them the Legislature. 

In the campaign, I had been put in charge of the literary work of the 
State Central Committee, of the Democratic party, which threw me in 
close touch with Morss; and after the election he asked me to take edi- 
torial charge of the paper while he took a vacation to recuperate. I felt 
that this was the opportunity for election reform, and began a search 
for something that would stop the atrocious corruption in Indiana elec- 
tions. I had a slight knowledge of the Australian ballot system, but not 
enough to discuss it. The only man I could find in Indianapolis who 
could write intelligently on the subject was Lafayette P. Custer, a tele- 
graph operator, and prominent in labor circles. He prepared an article 
which I printed on November 19, with editorial indorsement and so the 
movement was launched. I also invited readers to send in suggestions, 
which they did very freely. Meanwhile I sent for all the literature on 
the subject that I could learn of. When Morss returned, he took up the 
idea with enthusiasm, and printed columni^ of correspondence and com- 
ment, working all the time towards the Australian system. To get the 
matter in shape, he had a meeting at his house with Gov. Gray, John R. 
Wilson, and myself, at which we agreed on the outlines of a law based 
on one proposed by New York reformers, but modified to meet our estab- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 745 

lished customs as far as possible, and utilizing party organizations to 
watch each other, by giving them equal representation on the election 
boards, and in outside oflBcials. Our theory was that the most effective 
check on crookedness was to give each party full opportunity to stop it 
at the outset. This theory, since widely adopted, was here first given 
full effect, so far as I am informed. We also agreed on a provision for 
small precincts, on the suggestion of Senator McDonald, who favored the 
reform, but was unable to attend the meeting. His idea was that as 
close an approach as possible to the old English *' hundred'' was the best 
precaution against election frauds, on account of the mutual acquaint- 
ance of the voters which it assured. I was appointed clerk, and directed 
to prepare a tentative form for the law, which was considered from time 
to time, others being called into consultation, and the bill being modi- 
fied whenever a suggestion considered valuable was offered. At the 
last consultation meeting, at Wilson's office, there were thirty or forty 
present, including several members of the legislature, and several valu- 
able suggestions were made, notably one by W. A. Pickens. We had 
agreed on the Belgian system of designating the several party tickets, for 
the benefit of illiterate voters, by printing their tickets on strips of differ- 
ent colors on the ballot. He suggested the plan of designating by a 
party device, placed at the liead of the ticket, which brought the print- 
ing more fully within the possibilities of a country printing oflBce ; and 
it was adopted. 

The bill was put in the hands of Senator James M. Andrews for intro- 
duction, as his name was first on th^ roll, and went through as Senate 
Bill No. 1. It was, however, under the special management of Senator 
James M. Barrett, and his management was very skillful. The discus- 
sion had attracted so much attention that many members had come up 
with bills in their pockets, and the problem was to get them into agree- 
ment. It was debated in the Senate for nearly a month, Barrett yielding 
to amendments that were insisted on, and then, the Senate, having 
reached a conception of a consistent whole, repealed all the amend- 
ments and passed the bill substantially as introduced. Meanwhile the 
Sentinel continued the agitation. On January 16, the same day on 
which it published the second instruction of Judge Woods, it printed 
the proposed ballot law. On January 17, it took the ground squarely 
that the Democrats could not hope to compete with the Republicans in 
election rascality, and that their only salvation was in honest elections. 
This was not based on any assumption of superior virtue, or lack of 
criminal talent, but simply because the party, by its war on the tariff 
and trusts, had set the capitalist element in opposition to it, and it fur- 
nished the funds for vote-buying. As it said: **The moneyed power 



746 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

of the country is arrayed on the side of the Republican party. In every 
national campaign it has a corruption fund of untold millions at its 
disposal." This, coupled with the recent record of i the Federal court 
punishing Democratic scoundrels, and releasing Republican scoundrels, 
was the argument that convinced Democratic legislators, with few excep- 
tions. I remember one old warrior who insisted to the last that he pre- 
ferred the old system, ''so that he could take a floater back of the school- 
house, and mark his ticket for him." And in the campaign of 1890, 
when the law had its first trial, there were serious misgivings among 
Democratic politicians. The tide was coming their way, and they felt 
sure of the election ibut for *'this d — ^n ballot lawi" But when the votes 
were counted in 1900, and the Democrats had twenty thousand majority, 
the Sentinel promptly claimed that it was all due to the new election 
law, and that theory was generally accepted. In reality the result was 
largely due to the disappointment of thousands of Republicans who 
expected to get offices after 1888, and disgust among Republican poli- 
ticians over Harrison's treatment of Dudley — as they said, ''the man 
who elected him" — ^but in fact Dudley came much nearer defeating than 
electing him. 

The Democrats passed another memorable election law at this ses- 
sion which deserves commemoration on account of its originality and its 
wisdom. It was for the punishment of bribery, and was devised by 
Judge James McCabe, later of the Supreme Court. It relieved the vote- 
seller of penalty, treating him as one who had lost his virtue through 
seduction; and gave him a right of action against the purchaser, and 
anyone who furnished the money, for $300 and attorney's fees. The 
amount of recovery was fixed, and the judgment defendants had to go 
to jail until it was paid, as in cases of bastardy. It was the most effec- 
tive preventive for vote-buying ever devised, and it made the elections 
of 1890, 1892, and 1894 the purest held in Indiana for years before and 
after. In 1897 a Republican legislature destroyed the effect of the law 
by a law punishing the seller by fine of $500, disfranchisement, and 
imprisonment for one to five years. In 1899, the law of 1889 was repealed, 
and the vote-seller made punishable by disfranchisement, with a reward 
of $100 for his conviction. The Supreme Court held that the purchaser 
could not recover this reward, on account of his own. wrong. In 1905, 
the same penalty was provided for both buyer and seller, which effectually 
ended prosecutions by anyone; and that was the purpose of the law, 
despite hypocritical pretense of virtuous purpose. In consequence, vote 
buying is almost as common as in 1886. It may be added that the fea- 
ture of the Australian ballot law which gave the greatest public satis- 
faction at the first was the strict enforcement of the provision prohibit- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 747 

iog anyone but voters and election officials from coming within fifty 
feet of the polls; and the common relaxation as to this subjects the 
voter to almost as much hustling and. solicitation as was common before 
the law was adopted. It is a forcible illustration of the difficulty of 
securing the enforcement of raeritflrious law in this country. It may 
also be added that the Democrats have never had sense enough to 




James M. Barrett 

restore the McCabe law of 1889, although they have had the legislature 
several times. It would have been worth a great deal of money to them 
if they had reraem'bered the lesson of 1889 that they could not compete 
with the Republicans in rascality ; and several Democratic statesmen 
might not have taken residence in the penitentiary, where they worked 
nnder Republicans who were quite as guilty of election offences as them- 
selves. But perhaps it is asking too much to expect all Democrats to 
have common sense. 



748 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

But election reform was only one of many. Rev. 0. C. MeCuUoch 
had a project for a State Board of Charities and Corrections, in the 
nature of a perpetual investigating committee, with power to investigate 
any charitable or correctional institution at will, and report publicly; 
and Morss gave this enthusiastic support. It was adopted, and has 
completely revolutionized charitable and correctional work, and has put 
Indiana in the foremost rank of American States, in these matters. 
Another measure of immense effect was what is known as **the Barrett 
Law. ' ' This was a distinctively Indiana idea, devised by Senator J. M. 
Barrett. There was a widespread and growing desire in Indiana for 
substantial street improvements, and they were sadly needed, but the 
cost, under our system, was borne by adjacent property-owners, and was 
a heavy burden, especially to small property-owners. His plan was the 
simple expedient of giving the property-owner ten years in which to pay 
for the improvement, the municipality issuing bonds to the contractor to 
cover the cost. This was championed by Morss, and was adopted. It 
proved so popular that it has since been widely extended, though some 
of its most useful features have been destroyed through the greed of 
local oflBcials, and the imbecility of the courts. In spite of these, it is 
the direct cause of the up-to-date appearance of Indiana cities and 
towns. At the same time, the revenues of cities and towns were materi- 
ally increased by raising the limit of liquor licenses from $100 to $250 
in cities, and from $100 to $150 in towns. Senator Byrd had some 
measures for the relief of coal miners, notably one for abolishing the 
villainous **pluck-me'' store, which were advocated by Morss, and 
adopted. Representative Pleasants had a bill to checkmate the school- 
book trust, by a system of State school books, with a limited price. 
Morss came to his support and it was adopted. There were others, 
almost too numerous to mention, including a law for an eight-hour day, 
a law requiring night-schools in towns of over 3,000 inhabitants, a law 
providing for farmers' institutes and appropriating $5,000 to Purdue 
University to conduct them. There were also constitutional amend- 
ments submitted, removing the word ** white" from the militia section, 
requiring thirty days residence in the precinct for voters, making all 
offices four years and one term, putting legislators on a salary and allow- 
ing them to determine the length of their sessions, and providing for 
nine judges for the Supreme Court. The legislature .of 1889 adopted 
more and better laws than any legislature that preceded or followed it ; 
but what was of more importance, it set a pace for its successors. It 
emphasized the fact that the proper function of a legislature is to pass 
laws for the benefit of the public, and although there has been some 
humbug since then in the adoption of professedly beneficial laws, the 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 749 

continuous appeal to the voters has been on records of laws for their 
good ; and the period since 1888 stands out preeminently in the history 
of the State as an era of reform. I may add that a reform in which I 
was especially interested was the rehabilitation of the State Library, 
which for years had been receiving an appropriation of $400 a year for 
the purchase and binding of books, and had fallen into a mournful 
state of decay. I succeeded in getting an appropriation of $5,000 for 
the first year and $2,000 a year thereafter, with the understanding that 
I would take the ofl&ce of State Librarian, and earn my salary of the 
Democratic party, as well as of the State, which I did for the next four 
years. 

The Democrats swept the State in 1890, which was accepted as an 
indorsement of the legislative reforms, and the legislature of 1891 was 
in a reform mood ; but so much attention had been given in the campaign 
to the proposal to abolish the fee system, and substitute salaries for the 
compensation of officials, that many of the members paid little attention 
-to anything else. The finances of the State were in bad condition. 
Governor Gray proceeded on the avowed principle that **The people do 
not care a snap for going into debt, but they object to increased taxes.'* 
After the Civil War, the war tax rate of 25 cents and 75 cents poll had 
been continued until 1871, and the State was put in fair financial con- 
dition, except that it had ** borrowed *' the school fund, and was paying 
six per cent interest on it. But in the '80s the State built the Northern, 
Eastern and Southern Insane Hospitals, the Soldiers and Sailors Monu- 
ment, and replaced the Soldiers and Sailors Orphans Home at Knights- 
town, which had been destroyed by fire in 1886. It had gone into debt 
for these, and the tax rate had been made so low that it did not cover 
current expenses. By 1889 the State debt had reached $8,056,615.12, 
and the State was borrowing more money to pay the interest. The situ- 
ation was made worse by the utter demoralization of the tax system. 
Every locality had adopted the policy of under-assessment to escape 
taxation by the State, which not only deprived the State of its proper 
revenues, but wholly destroyed uniformity of taxation throughout the 
State. The first wise step of reform was made by the legislature of 
1889, which provided for refunding the school fund of $3,905,000, at 
three per cent interest, and distributing the proceeds to the several 
counties, to be loaned, on mortgage security, at six per cent interest. 
This saved the State $117,150 yearly in interest, and reduced the pre- 
vailing interest rate on loans throughout the State. It was evident, 
however, that the essential step towards financial stability was a radical 
revision of the tax system. When I became State Librarian, I instituted 
what is now known as Legislative Reference work, to the. extent of 



750 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

• 

gathering literature on those subjects that I anticipated would engage 
, the attention of the legislature; and I collected everything I could find 
on taxation, which was now beginning to receive attention throughout 
a large part of the country. There had been several tax investigations, 
and all brought the same story of under-assessment and lack of uni- 
formity. The best presentation of the question was in Prof. R. T. Ely's 
Taxation in American States and Cities, then recently published. Hav- 
ing read it, I induced Morss and several of the influential party leaders 
to do the same, and we agreed to make a fight for uniform assessment 
at true cash value. Several of the most influential members of the 
legislature united earnestly in the movement. 

The flrst step was the introduction of a bill by W. S. Oppenheim, 
the Democratic House leader, for the separation of State and municipal 
revenue, turning the railroads over for State taxation, and exempting 
them from local taxation. This was defeated by the railroad lobby, 
who plausibly appealed to the representatives of the counties with large 
railroad mileage, there being three counties %hich then had no rail- 
roads. Oppenheim next tried a bill giving half of the total railroad 
taxes to the State, and supplementing th^ revenue by saloon and other 
taxes, but this also was defeated. There remained nothing but to 
revise the tax law, and make it as strong as possible, and the work of 
drafting the bill was given to Judge Timothy Howard, who did it so 
well that it withstood all the assaults of corporation lawyers ; and, in the 
interest of historical truth, it should be recorded that the corporate 
interests assailed the law as thoroughly as legal shrewdness could sug- 
gest; and that A. G. Smith, the Attorney General, is entitled to much 
more credit for their defeat than he has ordinarily received. Governor 
Hovey appointed tax commissioners who were rather above the usual 
run of political appointments; but the State Board was actually con- 
trolled by the Democratic State officials who were ex officio members of 
the Board ; and no member of the Board was in fact a tax expert, nor 
has one ever been appointed a member since then, although the law 
expressly requires it. There have, however, been several members who 
acquired a fair acquaintance with the science of taxation during their 
appointment. The weakness of the Board, then and ever since, was not 
lack of information, but lack of determination to enforce the law; and 
this is not peculiar to Indiana. The universal American idea is that tax 
laws are not intended to be enforced. They get together, and agree on 
a system which they all concede to be just and fair to all ; and as soon 
as it is enacted, begin figuring on modes of evading it. The national 
government has succeeded in enforcing some of its tax and excise laws 
fairly well, but there has never been a general tax law that was enforced 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 751 

in any State of the Union. The extraordinary thiikjf is the complacency 
with which the people endure this condition. Even the truly good who 
have spasms over the non-enforcement of law, are not Ironbled by this. 
What they understand by "law" is the regulation of the liquor traffic 
and the suppression of gambling and the social evil. And yet the viola- 
tion of tax laws causes greater and more widespread wrong, and more 




Samuel E. Morss 

had government, than all other law violations put together. It has been 
mathematically demonstrated, by every tax investigation in the country, 
that the class which really gets the benefit of the violation of tax laws 
is composed of a comparatively small body of corporations and wealthy 
men. Every cent of taxation evaded by them has to be made up by the 
small tax-payers. In consequence, nine-tenths of the tax-payers of 
America are paying larger taxes than they should ; but they do not 
ob.iect to if because they are under the delusion that they have an 



752 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

advantage. lHH*ause their |)n>|>erty is not asscsKeil at true value, as 
re(|uire(l liy law. At the same time, althouf^h moat of the tax laws of 
the riiited States are not up to date in detail, there is not one of them 
which would not pnnluee comparatively fair resulta if it were strictly 
enforceil. 

In 1H;)2. the tirst State Tax Board under the new law requested me 
to ass4*SK the railnmd pro|H»rty of the State for them. I ealletl to my 
assistance Dr. J. K. VanVorhis, of the firm of VanVorhis & Spencer, 
who as attorneys for the Marion (*ounty Commissioners, had made the 
tirst intelli^nt study of railroad valutas ever known in Imliana. We 
made the valuation on the thrive hasi^ of (*ost of construction, market 
value of stocks and iMHids, and net earning value. On re<*eipt of our 
n»port. the State Boanl pnHTtMied to cut our (i|rures *M) |>er cent, with 
additional cuts in Marion (*ounty. where the value of terminal faciliti«*s 
was simply l»eyond their comprehension. To our remonstrances, they 
n'pliiNl that the real estate of the State had not l)et»n assessed at over 70 
|>er cent of actual value, and as they Verc nnpiired to e<|ualize. it would 
Ih» unjust to tax railn>ads at a hifrhcr rate. I insisted that their swoni 
duty was to increase* the ass4*ssment of the realty, which they had alwo- 
lute power to do. hut they answere<I that if they did mi. the State reve- 
nues, under the rate which had l>een tixe<I by the le|rislature. would l»e 
so (rn»at that it would ruin the party. Being helpless, I suhmitted. and 
the result was an approach to an uniform assessment at alwut 70 |>er 
cent of true value. This was a vast improvement, as any uniform 
assessment is. Kven with the cut made by the State Board, the railroad 
assessment, which had l>een scandalously low, was increased fn>m 
♦6!>,7fi2.676 to «161.0:)9,169, or over VM per cent, while other property, 
on the average, was increased less than 30 per cent. In addition to this, 
there had been irroas favoritism in the former assessments of railnNids, 
one n)ad having actually been assessed at more than its real value : and 
railnwd men conceded privately that this was the fairest ass^*ssmcnt of 
railroad proi>erty that had ever l)een made in the State. An actual ttst 
of the results in Marion County showed that by the tax duplicates tli« re 
were 549 tax-payers in (Vnter Township in the county assessed at $2.\000 
or more, and these ownetl practically one-half the property in the town- 
ship. Their assessments had t»een increased an average of 75 per pent. 
The remaining profierty of the township was owned by 38,014 tiix- 
payers, and their asM*i«mients had l»een increased an average of 55 p^r 
cent. As the rates in the township had been largely decreased, the 
majority of the tax-payers were actually paying less taxes than liefore. 
But this was not true everywhere. The Republiiran lea<lers had under- 
taken a special fight on the tax law. anil their local officials, almost nni- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 7j3 

foriiily hatl increased their Iih'hI rates, on the largely inereased aa-sesH- 
uient, and undertaken to blame the increased taxes on the law. They 
overlooked the fact that all the tax returns would he made to the Auditor 
of State before the election. It so happened that the State was evenly 
divided politically, each party having the County (Commissioners in 4G 
eountit*s: and, in ample time In'fore the election, the Republiians were 
confronted by the official returns group<Hl politically, showing that while 
the assessment in the 46 R4*publican counties had increaseil 4:< per cent, 
and that in the I)emo<'ratic counties 4!) per cent, the local taxi*s in the 
Republican count i(*s had increased $1,258,265, and the local taxes in tlie 
Democratic counties only $510,458; and further, that the increase in 
Demo<*ratic counties was due to Republican municipalities. Thus, in 
Marion County, the Republican S4'hool iMiard of lndianH|>«)lis had 
increased their taxes $11*^014, wlien they should have decreastvl them 
by $32,0<X). as they were getting that amount more from the State 
school tax. The **trail of the serpent'' was so plain that it cost the 
Republicans hundreds of votes, especially of Republican tax-payers in 
Republican counties, wh(» objected to In'ing butchercil to m.ike a Repub- 
lican holiday. 

The failure of the State Tax Hoard to ol>ey the law, and assess at 
true cash value, has been made the excuse of all succeeding Hoards for 
continuing the violation, although they have had full power to correct 
this false step, and indeed are enjoined by the law to give spc<*ial atten- 
tion to impn)vements in administration. The administration of the law 
has gone fn)m bad to worse until meml)ers of the Hoard and tlicir 
* 'experts" cannot tell how they assess anything.** As nearly a« can In? 
ascertained, the pro(*ess is similar to what use<l to Ik* said to be the hukIc 
of weighing hogs in Kentucky — put the hogs in one side of the scale, 
and encMigh stones in the other to Italance them: then piess huw much 
the stones weigh. In 1915 a law was passe<l providing for a Commis- 
sion **to investigate the problem of taxation in Indiana.** and rvpcrt 
its findings with bills for any laws it n»iM)mmended. It made an exten- 
sive expert inv»>stigjition. and reported mathematical proof that there 
was no appr(»ach to uniformity of assessment and taxation in tne State: 
that ** there are three count ii*s in the State in which the average assess- 
ment is 25 per cent of true value or b^ss, and that there are three 
counties in wliirb the averagt* assessment is as high as 75 per 
cent of true value": that the disrriiiiinatioii In^tween individuals is far 
ffreater, ranging fnnn an average of 14.7 per cent of true value in the 
frtot favore<l I'lass to 14r» per cent of true value in the class of notable 

• R«»I.nrt of rdiiiiiii^Miiui itii T»i;itioii. 191«. \*\k 6n-74, l.'Jrt :i. 



752 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

advantage, because their property is not assessed at true value, as 
required by law. At the same time, although most of the tax laws of 
the United States are not up to date in detail, there is not one of them 
which would not produce comparatively fair results if it were strictly 
enforced. 

In 1892, the first State Tax Board under the new law requested me 
to assess the railroad property of the State for them. I called to my 
assistance Dr. J. F. VanVorhis, of the firm of VanVorhis & Spencer, 
who as attorneys for the Marion County Commissioners, had made the 
first intelligent study of railroad values ever known in Indiana. We 
made the valuation on the three bases of cost of construction, market 
value of stocks and bonds, and net earning value. On receipt of our 
report, the State Board proceeded to cut our figures 30 per cent, with 
additional cuts in Marion County, where the value of terminal facilities 
was simply beyond their comprehension. To our remonstrances, they 
replied that the real estate of the State had not been assessed at over 70 
per cent of actual value, and as they Vere required to equalize, it would 
be unjust to tax railroads at a higher rate. I insisted that their sworn 
duty was to increase the assessment of the realty, which they had abso- 
lute power to do, but they answered that if they did so, the State reve- 
nues, under the rate which had been fixed by the legislature, would be 
so great that it would ruin the party. 3eing helpless, I submitted, and 
the result was an approach to an uniform assessment at about 70 per 
cent of true value. This was a vast improvement, as any uniform 
assessment is. Even with the cut made by the State Board, the railroad 
assessment, which had been scandaliyusly low, was increased from 
$69,762,676 to $161,039,169, or over 130 per cent, while other property, 
on the average, was increased less than 50 per cent. In addition to this, 
there had been gross favoritism in the former assessments of railroads, 
one road having actually been assessed at more than its real value ; and 
railroad men conceded privately that this was the fairest assessment of 
railroad property that had ever been made in the State. An actual test 
of the results in Marion County showed that by the tax duplicates th« re 
were 549 tax-payers in Center Township in the county assessed at $25,000 
or more, and these owned practically one-half the property in the town- 
ship. Their assessments had been increased an average of 75 pei' cent. 
The remaining property of the township was owned by 38,014 tax- 
payers, and their assessments had been increased an average of 55 per 
cent. As the rates in the township had been largely decreased, the 
majority of the tax-payers were actually paying less taxes than before. 
But this was not true everywhere. The Republican leaders had under- 
taken a special fight on the tax law, and their local officials, almost uni- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 7i>3 

formly had increased their local rates, on the largely increased assess- 
ment, and undertaken to blame the increased taxes on the law. They 
overlooked the fact that all the tax returns would be made to the Auditor 
of State before the election. It so happened that the State was evenly 
divided politically, each party having the County Commissioners in 46 
counties; and, in ample time before the election, the Republicans were 
confronted by the official returns grouped politically, showing that while 
the assessment in the 46 Republican counties had increased 43 per cent, 
and that in the Democratic counties 49 per cent, the local taxes in the 
Republican counties had increased $1,258,265, and the local taxes in tiie 
Democratic counties only $510,458; and further, that the increase in 
Democratic counties was due to Republican municipalities. Thus, in 
Marion County, the Republican school board of Indianapolis liad 
increased their taxes $113,014, when they should have decreased them 
by $32,000, as they were getting that amount more from the JState 
school tax. The ** trail of the serpent'' was so plain that it cost the 
Republicans hundreds of votes, especially of Republican tax-payers in 
Republican counties, who objected to being butchered to make a Repub- 
lican holiday. 

The failure of the State Tax Board to obey the law, and assess at 
true cash value, has been made the excuse of all succeeding Boards for 
continuing the violation, although they have had full power to correct 
this false step, and indeed are enjoined by the law to give special atten- 
tion to improvements in administration. The administration of the law 
has gone from bad to worse until members of the Board and their 
"experts" cannot tell how they assess anjrthing.* As nearly a« can be 
ascertained, the process is similar to what used to be said to be the mc^Ie 
of weighing hogs in Kentucky — put the hogs in one side of the scale, 
and enough stones in the other to balance them; then gues.s how much 
the stones weigh. In 1915 a law was passed providing for a Commis- 
sion **to investigate the problem of taxation in Indiana/' and r'ipcrt 
its findings with bills for any laws it recommended. It made an exten- 
sive expert investigation, and reported mathematical proof that there 
was no approach to uniformity of assessment and taxation in tne State; 
that "there are three counties in the State in which the average assess- 
ment is 25 per cent of true value or less, and that there are three 
counties in which the average assessment is as high as 75 per 
cent of true value"; that the dis<:rimination between individuals is far 
greater, ranging from an average of 14.7 per cent of true value in the 
incst favored class to 146 per cent of true value in the class of notable 



• Report of Commission on Taxation, 1916, pp. 69-74, l.'iO-S 



3. 



754 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

victims of the violation of the tax law. The Commission recommended 
the abolition of the State Board, and the creation of a new one with 
^'reater powers; and a thorough revision of the niachiuery of assess- 
ment; but its bills did not even ^t before the legislature, althou^ 
reported to the Governor before the session began. In consequence the 




Gov. Claude Matthews 

same old system of injustice to the small property owner is still in use. 
A significant feature of its effects is shown by the Census report, which 
gives the relation of assessed values to true values in Indiana, as found 
by the experts of the Census Bureau. The average rate of assessment 
of all property in the State is SlVn P^^ ^^^^ *>f true value, and the 
average of various kinds of property by classes is real estate 44 per cent, 
personal and corporate property 29 per cent, live stock 53 per cent, 
steam railroads 43 per cent, and electric railroads 14 per cent. There 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 755 

is a singular coincidence in the fact that the managers of the electric 
railroad lines of Indiana have a great deal of political influenced 

In 1892, Claude Matthews was elected Governor, with the rest of the 
Democratic ticket. He was a native of Kentucky, bom in Bath County, 
December 14, 1845. His father -was a man of some property, and 
Claude graduated at Center College, Danville, Kentucky, in 1867. In 
the same year he married Martha B. Whitcomb, daughter of former 
Ctovemor Whitcomb of Indiana, who had been attending school at Dan- 
ville; and they located in Vermillion County, Indiana, where Mr. Mat- 
thews had a farm of 2,000 acres, and devoted his attention chiefly to 
stock raising. In 1876 he was elected to the legislature^ and in 1890 
Secretary of State. The first two years of his administration as Gov- 
ernor were not eventful ; but the panic of 1893 put an end to Democratic 
supremacy in Indiana, and in 1894 the Republicans obtained control of 
both houses of the legislature for the first time since 1872. Then the 
Governor's troubles began, and during the session of 1895 he was kept 
busy vetoing political measures of various kinds, especially bills taking 
the appointing power from his hands. His last veto did not reach the 
legiidature. It was on the last night of the session, and his private 
secretary had started up in the elevator to deliver it, when a party of 
Republican legislators, who were lying in wait, stopped the elevator 
between two floors, and kept the private secretary imprisoned there 
until the legislature adjourned. The vetos that reached their destina- 
tion were promptly disposed of by passing the bills over the vetos, as 
only a majority vote in each house was necessary for that purpose. For 
a number of years it had been the Democratic party custom to nominate 
for President and Vice President, * 'favorite sons" of New York and 
Indiana, on the theory that they were ** pivotal states" in the elections; 
and the Indiana Democratic State Convention indorsed Governor 
Matthews for the Presidential nomination, in 1896. But a new issue 
had been brought to the front by the panic of 1893, or rather an old one 
had been emphasized. The demonetization of silver was now charged 
to be the cause of all the financial and business troubles of the country, 
and this belief seemed to have taken firm possession of the West and 
Middle West. One of the most potent agencies in the movement was 
the celebrated little pamphlet ** Coin's Financial School," which became 
the Bible of the advocates of ''free silver;" and was studied as a text- 
book, especially in the various farmers' organizations. Why anybody 
should have taken this clever allegory as a record of historical events 
is almost beyond comprehension, but there were thousands who did ; and 



f Beport of Commission on Taxation, p. 44. 



756 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

when the free silver issue came on for discussion, the most effective 
agency in overthrowing the movement was the establishment of the facts 
that **Coin" was an imaginary person; that no ** financial school'' had 
ever existed; and that the debates recorded in the book had never 
occurred. It was through this mirage that the Democratic ship steered 
straight for the rocks. 

There w^as a notable effort to prevent it in Indiana, the organization 
of which was due more to the work of John R. Wilson than that of any 
other one person; but there were many of the strongest men in the 
party who enlisted in it, including Thomas Taggart, John W. Kern, 
Samuel 0. Pickens, A. G. Smith, W. D. Bynum, Wm. R. Myerff, J. E. 
McCullough, John P. Frenzel, State Chairman Sterling R. Holt, and 
National Committeeman Simon P. Sheerin. On May 28, they held a 
** sound money" meeting at English's Opera House; and very able 
speeches were made by Wm. R. Myers, A. G. Smith, John W. Kern, 
W. D. Bynum, and Congressman George W. Cooper. Kern made a 
special hit vnth the audience by an account of experience with Confed- 
erate fiat money, including a story of a Confederate who was offered 
three thousand dollars for a horse he was riding, and indignantly 
replied : * * Three thousand hell ! I just paid five thousand to have this 
horse shod ! ' ' The free silver Democrats responded with a meeting at 
the same place on June 5, at which their side was presented by J. G. 
Shanklin and B. F. Shively. This meeting made a special demonstration 
for Matthews for President, but he was not at the meeting. The Gold 
Democrats were very bitter towards him later, claiming that he had 
privately assured them of his opposition to the free silver movement. 
The free silver men controlled the State Convention, and nominated 
Shively for Governor. The National Convention was swept away by 
Bryan's ** cross of gold and crown of thorns" speech, and nominated 
him on a free silver platform, with Arthur Sewall, of Maine, for Vice 
President. This ticket was indorsed by the Silver Party, at St. Louis, 
on July 24 ; and on the next day the Populists, at the same place, nom- 
inated Bryan and Thomas E. Watson, of Georgia. Taggart, Kern, and 
some other of the Gold Democrats, accepted the party decision, and 
acted with the regulars in the campaign. Bynum, W. E. English, and 
a few others went over to the Republicans. The large majority, how- 
ever, determined on independent action. On August 6, a call was issued 
for a convention of Gold Democrats, on a national basis, to be held at 
Indianapolis on September 2, which was duly carried into effect. The 
convention was a notable one in the character of its members, but in 
little else. It nominated John M. Palmer and Simon B. Buckner for 
its Presidential ticket, who were irreverently denominated ''senile 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 757 

dements" by a leading Indiana Republican; and adopted a "sound 
money" platform. 

During the contest before the National Convention, the Sentinel had 
tried to steer between Scylla and Charybdis by advocating international 
bimetallism, which had some distinguished advocates abroad; such as 
Arthur Balfour and President Jleline, of France, but it was no time for 




CH.UILES W. Fairbanks 

any compromise position. After Cleveland's election, Mr. Morss had 
been appointed Consul General at Paris; and had left me in editorial 
charge of the Sentinel. After Bryan's nomination, he telegraphed me 
to support the ticket, and I did so, declining, however, to support the 
free silver dogma that the United States, of itself, could maintain silver 
on a parity with gold. As a result, when the campaign waa over, the 
Sentinel had no friends in either faction. The campaign had developed 
the most intense bitterness of partisan feeling that had been known since 



758 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

war times. The free silver meu thought that the eoutinuatioo of the 
gold standard meant ruiu, especially for the debtor class. The gold meo 
were couviuced that free silver meant the destruction of all property 
values. Ordinarily there is about one-tenth of the total vote that is not 
cast, composed chiefly of retired business men and well-to-do pei^le who 
do not concern themselves with politics. In this election these were 
active. I knew one man whose Democracy was so intense that he quit 
voting after the adoption of the Fifteenth Amendment, who voted for 
McKinley in this election and remained a Republican thereafter. The 
Presidential vote in Indiana was McKinle>* 323,754, Bryan 305,573, 
Palmer 2.145, Levering, Prohi))itionist, 5,323. The Palmer vote was no 
indication of the Gold Democratic strength. Many of them became 
frightened by the Ur^'an enthusiasm, which was indeed remarkable, and 
voted the straight Republican ticket. An unusual feature of the bitter- 
ness engendered by the campaign was the boycotting of the Sentinel by 
advertisers after it was over. This caused the financial ruin of the 
paper despite the efforts of Moras to keep it up. Things went from bad 
to worse, until he made the mistake of selling his Associated Press fran- 
chise, which was the most valuable asset he had, and converting it into 
an evening paper. He was killed by a fall from his office window, on 
October 20, 1903. The paper was not a complete loss, through the 
management of Aquilla Q. Jones, who wound up his affairs. Fortunately 
for his heirs. Mom ha<l become interested in a Mexican copper mine 
which proved \'ery valuable, and put them in affluence. 

In 1893 Charles Warren Fairbanks came into political prominence 
in Indiana as a candidate for the Senate, though he was defeated by 
David Turpie. He was bom in Union County, Ohio, May 11, 1852, and 
after the ordinary course in the common schools, graduated from Ohio 
Wesleyan in 1872. He first entered journalism, as agent of the Assoei- 
ate<l Press at Pittsburg and Cleveland, but studied law, and was 
admitteil to the bar in 1874. In the same year he removed to Indianapo- 
lis and entered the practice. His interest in public affairs brought him 
into politics, and he was called upon to preside over the Republican 
State Convention of 1892. His opportunity for preferment came with 
the Republican legislature of 1897. which elected him to the United 
States F^nate. His service there made him the nominee of his party 
for the Viee Presiflency in 1904: and after his term of service in that 
office, he resumed the practice of law at Indianapolis. Mr. Fairbanks 
also attained a diplomatic reputation as a member of the American and 
British Joint High Commission, which met at Quebec in 1898 for the 
adjustment of Canadian questions. 

The administration of Governor Matthews witoeased the IffmriHri 



Mtec 

Leveni 
A in< 
wiUi 



INDIANA AND INDIANAN8 759 

effects of the Democratic fiosncial l^slation of 1689 and 1891, in the 
payment of $2,110,000 of the State debt, or nearly one-fourth of the total. 
It was also during bis administration that the peculiar controversy over 
Oreen River Island was finally ooiieluded. This was a dispute over the 
territorial jurisdiction over a large tract of land just above the City 
of Evansville, which was an island at the time of Virginia's cession 
of the Northwest territory, but which had long been joined to the Indiana 
■hore by the filling of the channel on the Indiana side. The controversy 
bad continued for years, and finally wt-nt to the Supreme Court of the 
United State*, which, on Slay 19, 1890, decided that the land belonged 
to Kentucky.^ It then became necessary to establish a boundary line. 
and the work of the commission appointed to do this was confirmed by 
the Supreme Court on May 13, 1896. In consequence, this is now the 
one point at which the Ohio River is not the f>oundary line between 
Indiana and Kentucky, In connection with this historic eontrovcrsy, it 
may be mentioned that in 1895 a cominin.sion of thirty memlicrs was 
^pointed to report plans for the celebration of the centennial anniver- 
Mry of the establishment of Indiana Territory'. It reported in favor 
of an exposition, and the erection of a building for that purpose: but 
ao action was taken by. the legislature. Oovemor Alatthews attracted 
eontemporary notice by suppressing gambling and winter mcing at 
Bolo^, by the sporting element of Chicago. He did not long sur^'jve his 
administration. On August 25, 1898, he suffered a paralytic stroke, 
while addressing an old settlers meeting at Meharr>-'s Orovc. in .Mont- 
gmnery County; and died from the effects of it on August 28. 

His successor in office was James Atwell Mount, a native of Indiana. 
bom in Montgomery County. March 23, 1643. His father, .\twcll Mount, 
ft Virginian, located there in 1828. The son had the rather meager 
advantages of the common .schools; and. in 1862, enlisted as a private 
in the Seventy-Second Indiana, which was a part of the famous Wilder "s 
Brigade. He made a good record as a soldier, though he did not rise 
above the office of corporal; and after the war had one year more of 
■dwol at the Presbyterian Academy of Lebanon. He took up the occu- 
pation of farming, and in 1888 was nominated by the Republicans for 
senator, without solicitation, and elected. In 1890 he was nomi- 
for Congress, but defeated. His administration was not verj- 
fill, tbe most exciting episode fwing a lynching in Ripley County. 
A mob fnim Osgood took five men from that place, who were charged 
with bur^iiary, from the jail at Versailles, overpowering the sheriff, and 
banged them on the public square. There was no question of their 

» n. K«nluek7, 136 U. S. p. 47ff. 



760 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



^ilt, but there had been considerable unpleasant notoriety for Indiana 
for white-capping, and a special effort was made to punish members of 
the mob. It was fruitless. The victims had been taken red-handed, 
after a desperate fight, and were all jail characters, with connection 
with a gang of counterfeiters who infested the locality after the Civil 
War; and the sentiment of the neighborhood coincided with that of 
Lord Chief Justice Coleridge, of England, that, "there are times when 
the swift methods of Judge Lynch become necessary in a community 




Gov, James A. Mount 



where crime is influential and powerful enough to debauch or intimi- 
date courts or juries."* It was during Governor Mount's administra- 
tion that the Spanish-American War came on, with a demonstration of 
Indiana's "preparedness" that was very convincing. The preliminaries 
of war had been in progress at Washington for nearly a week, and the 

> FiabbBek 'b B«collectiona of Lord Coleridge, p. D. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 761 

military department of Indiana was waiting only for the word. On 
April 25, 1898, at 6:15 p. m. the President's proclamation was received, 
calling for four regiments of infantry, and two batteries. Twenty 
minutes later the Governor's proclamation was issued, and the Adjutant 
issued orders to Brig. Gen. Will J. McKee to mobilize the National 
Guard. He wired orders, and at 7 o'clock the next morning the first 
company, from Frankfort, appeared at the State Pair Grounds, which 
had been named as the rendezvous, and, as the gates were not yet opened, 
climbed the fence, and took possession. By night the camp was full. 
An additional regiment, and two companies of colored troops were called 
for later and promptly furnished, making a total of 7,301 men called for 
and furnished. None of them got into actual warfare, though the 27th 
Battery was on the firing line at San Juan when news of the signing of 
the peace protocol was received, and Co. D. of the Second U. S. Engi- 
ners, which was recruited in Indiana, was kept at work in Cuba until 
the spring of 1899. A number of Indiana soldiers were engaged in the 
Philippines; and Geu. Henry W. Lawton, of Indiana, was killed there, 
while on duty, on December 19, 1899. He was born at Manhattan, Ohio, 
March 17, 1843, but his family removed to Fort Wayne when he was 
a child. He was a student in the Methodist Academy at Fort Waj^ie 
when the Civil War began, and enlisted in the Ninth Indiana, being 
made sergeant in Company E. He served through the war, and was 
mustered out as Lieutenant Colonel, in 1865. He began the study of 
law, but in 1867 accepted a commission in the regular army, where he 
saw much of Indian warfare. It was his command that captured 
Geronimo. When war with Spain was declared, he was Inspector Gen- 
eral of the army, but asked for active service, and was made Brigadier 
General, and given command of the Second Division of the Fifth Army 
Corps. His troops were the first to land in Cuba, and he commanded 
at the battle of El Caney, being promoted to Major General for his 
services there. He was sent to the Philippines in December, 1898. A 
monument to his memory was erected at Indianapolis in 1907. 

The Republican victory of 1898 in Indiana gave that party the legis- 
lature, and after a remarkable contest, it elected Albert Jeremiah Bev- 
eridge to the United States Senate. Senator Beveridge was bom in 
Highland County, October 6, 1862. His father served in the Union army,, 
at a sacrifice of business interests, and soon after the close of the Civil 
War, removed to Sullivan, Illinois, where business disaster followed 
him. Albert attended the common schools, but was early thrown on 
his own resources, and had the experiences of a ploughboy, a railroad- 
hand, a teamster, and a logger; but he made his way through high 
school, and graduated from DePauw in 1885. After one more year of 



762 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

labor, as a cowboy in the west, he began the study of law at Indian- 
apolis, in the ofBee of McDonald & Butler, and from that time advanced 
rapidly in his profession and in polities, his ^ft of oratory being a 
strong lever in both. He was soon known throughout Indiana as a 
popular speaker, and in 1896 attracted national notice by his reply to 
Governor Altgeld of Illinois, There were four formidable candidates 




Albbbt J. Bevebidgb 

t him in the senatorial election of 1899, and most of the politicians 
thought that he had no chance of election ; but the relative strength of 
his opponents, and the hostility which they developed toward each other, 
gave the prize to the popular young orator. His record in the Senate 
gave him reelection in 1905. In 1912 he followed the fortunes of Roose- 
velt, and was the Progressive candidate for Governor of Indiana. Since 
then he has engaged chiefly in literary work. In fact he had issued 
beveral volumes before then, and had been in demand as a magazine 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 763 

writer. His latest venture is a life of John Marshall, and if it holds up 
to the quality of the first volume it is destined to a place among the 
notable biographical works of America. 

During the administration of (Jovernor Mount, the debt paying under 
the provisions of 1889 and 1891 continued ; and at the close of his term 
the debt was reduced to $4,504,615. In his message of January 10, 
1901, he said: **The debt paying policy has continued during the past 
two years until at the present time it can be safely predicted that all of 
the State's indebtedness that admits of payment will be paid within a 
time not exceeding four years, should the specific appropriations of the 
coming Legislature not be abnormally large. • • • The State debt 
sinking fund levy, three cents on the one hundred dollars, now yields 
about four hundred thousand dollars per annum. In my judgment this 
should be continued, and taking that amount as a basis, the surplus from 
the general fund that will accrue, with the average of appropriations 
previous to the session of 1899, will extinguish the available portion of 
the debt within the next four years." Notwithstanding this prediction, 
the debt was reduced in the next four years only to $2,162,615 ; but the 
incoming Gtovernor, Winfield T. Durbin, acquired the delusion that he 
was the only original debt-payer; and the Republican platform of 1904 
dwelt on this idea so extensively that the Democrats retorted in their 
platform with the following tribute to the Governor: **The adminis- 
tration of Governor Winfield T. Durbin, so fulsomely lauded and in- 
dorsed by the recent Republican State Convention, is a mournful and 
humiliating illustration of the decadence of the Republican party in 
Indiana under its present leadership. Through his persistent endeavors 
to build up a personal political machine, the efforts of his Republican 
and Democratic predecessors to put the State benevolent and penal 
institutions on a non-partisan basis have been nullified, and a subser- 
vient Legislature has promoted his design by passing the iniquitous 
'ripper' bill in the face of a storm of public disapproval. He has 
insisted on the control of subordinate appointments, even to the jani- 
tors of the State Capitol, and when resisted has not hesitated to obstruct 
the work of the rebellious department. For this reason the report of 
the State Geologist for 1902 was arbitrarily held back from the printers 
from January 28, 1902, until April 20, 1903, making its information to 
the people almost valueless. The report of the State Board of Health 
for 1901 was likewise held back for nearly a year. The Board of State 
Charities has been obstructed in its work because it opposed the 'ripper' 
legislation ; and Governor Durbin is now pressing his project to abolish 
the boards of control of the several benevolent and penal institutions 
and concentrate the power in a single appointive board, the preliminary 



764 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

steps having lioon taken by the LcfrUlHtiire of 19Kt, at his biddiug, in 
creating a Prison Kcforni Hoard to formulate planit for the change. 
We oppnso any Nin'h ratlicat change in a systvm that has proven satis- 
factorj', without an opiHirtunity for full conKideration by the people. 
The Board of t'haritios, m-ated by the Democratic I>egistature of 1889, 
has demonstrated its vahie by iriaking <>ur penal and bcnevolont system 




(iuv. WlNPlELD Dl-BBIN 

• model that has attracted approval and imitation from other Stal«t, 
and we demand that ii(> actioit for i>olitiral ends nhall lie allowed to 
impair ita cftk-icnt'y. " 

The Demofratie |itatfurm tht-n n>viewe<l the financial histitT>* of th« 
past twelve rcani. iNmehidlng: "In n>ality the Repuhliean adminiatra- 
tion of State alTaini haa Ixvn extravagant and waxtrful. OfRcea have been 
multiplied and nalarics int-reaw-^l, the last I^giitlaiure alone having made 
many new oAteea and incrvaaed annual aalarin of State house officiala 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 765 

$40,000. Even the so-called economies of Governor Durbin have been 
costly. His refusal to allow the Health Board in 1901 to use the con- 
tagious disease fund of $50,000 provided by the Legislature for stamp- 
ing out smallpox resulted in widespread infection that has cost the 
people thousands of dollars as well as much loss of life. While the work 
of several departments has been obstructed by cheese-paring methods, 
Governor Durbin has b<»en liberal with himself, as shown by his taking 
the Soldiers' Orphans' Home Hand to Jeff ersonvi lie on one of his jaunts 
and trying to saddle the expense of entertaining it on the State Reforma- 
tory; or as is even more clearly manifest in his recent issue at an 
expense of $1,575 to the State, of a railroad map of Indiana, bound in 
full morocco, and inscribed in jrilt letters * Compliments of Winfield T. 
Durbin, Governor.' " Hut State issues were of little conse<]uenee in 
Indiana in 1904. The Democrats had lost the State in 1896 and 1900, 
when Br>'an was their candidate for President, on account of the defec- 
tion of the Gold Democrats; and when Alton H. Parker was nominated 
in 1904, the Free Silver Democrats whetted their knives for his immo- 
lation; and Roosevelt carrie<l the State by the unheard-of plurality of 
93,934, the State offices and the legislature being thrown in for good 
measure. Durbin was bom at Lawrenceburg, Indiana, May 4, 1847. His 
&ther, Winfield S. Durbin, came to Indiana from Kentucky when a 
youth, in company with his brother. John P. Durbin, the noted Metho- 
dist divine, and learned the tanners trade at Hrookville, later establish- 
ing a tannery at Lawrenceburg. Young Winfield grew up at New 
Philadelphia, in Washington County, where he attended the common 
schools. He also took a course in a business college, and then went to 
work in his father's tanvard. In 1862 he enlisted in the Sixteenth 
Indiana, but was not mustered in on account of an accident. In 1863 
he enlisted in the One Hundred and Thirty-Ninth Indiana, and serveii 
through the war. After the war, he resumed work as a tanner, then 
tanght school for four years, and then put in ten years as a dry goods 
salesman for an Indianapolis firm. In 1879 he removed to Anderson 
where he engaged in banking and manufacturing. In the Spanish- 
American War he was commissioned Colonel of the One Hundred and 
Sixty-First Regiment. 

Durbin 's successor was J. Frank Hanly, a man of very different type. 
He was bom in Champaign County, Illinois. April 4, 1863. His parents 
were verv- poor, and he had no school advantages, but learned to read 
from a History of the Civil War that had come into the possession of the 
familv. lie road it until he knew it bv heart. In 1879, he walked 
to Williamsport, Indiana, and eot employment sawing wood, for sev- 
enty-five cents a day. Later he found work on a farm, and had six 



764 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

steps having been taken by the Legislature of 1903, at his bidding, in 
creating a Prison Reform Board to formulate plans for the change. 
We oppose any such radical change in a system that has proven satis- 
factory, without an opportunity for full consideration by the people. 
The Board of Charities, created by the Democratic Legislature of 1889, 
has demonstrated its value by making our penal and benevolent system 




Gov. WlNPlBUO DURBIN 

a model that has attracted approval and imitation from other States, 
and we demand that no action for political ends shall be allowed to 
impair ita efficiency." 

The Democratic platform then reviewed the financial history of the 
past twelve years, concluding: "In reality the Republican administra- 
tion of State affairs has been extravagant and wasteful. OfBces have been 
multiplied and salaries increased, the last Legislature alone having made 
many new offices and increased annual salaries of State bouse officials 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 765 

$40,000. Even the so-called economies of Governor Durbin have been 
costly. His refusal to allow the Health Board in 1901 to use the con- 
tagious disease fund of $50,000 provided by the Legislature for stamp- 
ing out smallpox resulted in widespread infection that has cost the 
people thousands of dollars as well as much loss of life. While the work 
of several departments has been obstructed by cheese-paring methods, 
Governor Durbin has been liberal with himself, as shown by his taking 
the Soldiers' Orphans* Home Band to Jefferson ville on one of his jaunts 
and trying to saddle the expense of entertaining it on the State Reforma- 
tory; or as is even more clearly manifest in his recent issue at an 
expense of $1,575 to the State, of a railroad map of Indiana, bound in 
full morocco, and inscribed in gilt letters * Compliments of Winfield T. 
Durbin, Governor. * ' ' But State issues were of little consequence in 
Indiana in 1904. The Democrats had lost the State in 1896 and 1900, 
when Bryan was their candidate for President, on account of the defec- 
tion of the Gold Democrats; and when Alton B. Parker was nominated 
in 1904, the Free Silver Democrats whetted their knives for his immo- 
lation; and Roosevelt carried the State by the unheard-of plurality of 
93,934, the State offices and the legislature being thrown in for good 
measure. Durbin was born at Lawrenceburg, Indiana, May 4, 1847. His 
father, Winfield S. Durbin, came to Indiana from Kentucky when a 
youth, in company with his brother, John P. Durbin, the noted Metho- 
dist divine, and learned the tanners trade at Brookville, later establish- 
ing a tannery at Lawrenceburg. Young Winfield grew up at New 
Philadelphia, in Washington County, where he attended the common 
schools. He also took a course in a business college, and then went to 
work in his father's tanyard. In 1862 he enlisted in the Sixteenth 
Indiana, but was not mustered in on account of an accident. In 1863 
he enlisted in the One Hundred and Thirty-Ninth Indiana, and serveSi 
through the war. After the war, he resumed work as a tanner, then 
taught school for four years, and then put in ten years as a dry goods 
salesman for an Indianapolis firm. In 1879 he removed to Anderson 
where he engaged in banking and manufacturing. In the Spanish- 
American War he was commissioned Colonel of the One Hundred and 
Sixty-First Regiment. 

Durbin 's successor was J. Frank Hanly, a man of very different type. 
He was bom in Champaign County, Illinois, April 4, 1863. His parents 
were very poor, and he had no school advantages, but learned to read 
from a History of the Civil War that had come into the possession of the 
family. He read it until he knew it by heart. In 1879, he walked 
to Williamsport, Indiana, and got employment sawing wood, for sev- 
enty-five cents a day. Later he found work on a farm, and had six 



766 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

months of education in a district school. Then for eight years he taught 
school in the winter and worked on a farm in summer. Meanwhile he 
read law, and in 1889 was admitted to the bar. A gift of oratory gave 
him prominence as a lawyer, and introduced him into politics. He was 
elected to the State Senate in 1890, and to Congress in 1894. His career 
as Governor was stormy. With the exception of Morton, he had a more 
indomitable will than any other Governor of Indiana, and showed a 
more reckless courage in enforcing it. But he did not have an army, 
or a war feeling back of him, as Morton did; and he did not hesitate 
to assail abuses in his own party, in which he stands unique. He was 
a stranger to compromise or conciliation — ^indeed seemed so fearful of 
them that his antagonism was aroused by any attempt to alter a policy 
he had decided upon, even by reason. He undertook to govern with a 
club. He was an ardent temperance man, but many of the Republican 
leaders and legislators were not. His temperance feeling, and his 
forceful oratory may be seen from the following extract from one of his 
speeches: **I bear no malice toward those engaged in the liquor busi- 
ness, but I hate the traflSc. I hate its every phase. I hate it for its 
intolerance. I hate it for its arrogance. I hate it for its hypocrisy ; for 
its cant and craft and false pretense. I hate it for its commercialism ; 
for its greed and avarice; for its sordid love of gain at any price. I 
hate it for its domination in politics ; for its corrupting influence in civic 
affairs; for its incessant effort to debauch the suffrage of the country; 
for the cowards it makes of public men. I hate it for its utter disre- 
gard of law; for its ruthless trampling of the solemn compacts of state 
constitutions. I hate it for the load it straps to labor's back; for the 
palsied hands it gives to toil ; for its wounds to genius ; for the tragedies 
of its might-have-beens. I hate it for the human wrecks it has caused. 
1 hate it for the almshouses it peoples; for the prisons it fills; for the 
insanity it begets; for its countless graves in potters' fields. I hate it 
for the mental ruin it imposes upon its victims ; for its spiritual blight ; 
for its moral degradation. I hate it for the crimes it commits; for the 
homes it destroys; for the hearts it breaks. I hate it for the malice it 
plants in the hearts of men; for its poison, for its bitterness, for the 
dead sea fruit with which it starves their souls. I hate it for the grief 
it causes womanhood — the scalding tears, the hopes deferred, the 
strangled aspirations, its burden of want and care. I hate it for its 
heartless cruelty to the aged, the infirm and the helpless; for the 
shadow it throws upon the lives of children ; for its monstrous injustice 
to blameless little ones. I hate it as virtue hates vice, as truth hates 
error, as righteousness hates sin, as justice hates wrong, as liberty hates 
tyranny, as freedom hates oppression. I hate.it as Abraham Lincoln 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 767 

hated slavery. And as he sometimes saw in prt^hetic vision the end of 
slavery, and the coming of the time when the sun ^oold shine and the 
rain should fall upon no slave in all the RepuUic, so I sometimes seem 
to see the end of this unholy traffic, the coming of the time when, if it 
does not wholly cease to be, it shall find no safe habitation anywhere 
beneath Old Glory's stainless stars.'' 

Bepublican party harmony began to be strained during the legislative 
session of 1905; and in the fall of that year it was badly shattered, 
when Gtovemor Hanly demanded the resignation of David E. Sherrick, 
Auditor of State, forced his return of $156,367.31 to the State Treasury, 
and had him indicted and convicted of embezzlement; but he was later 
released on reversal of the judgment for a technical defect. The Ctev* 
emor also forced the resignations of Adjutant General *John R. Ward 
and Secretary of State Daniel E. Storms for irregularities in their 
accounts. Such vigorous treatment of party associates was unprece- 
dented in Indiana, and caused widespread resentment in his party, 
which was openly shown in the legislative session of 1907. The expo- 
sures forced the passage of the Public Depository law, requiring all 
public officials to deposit to public credit all moneys coming into their 
hands '*by virtue of their offices," and the interest thereon to be paid 
into the public treasuries. Formerly the officials had retained all inter- 
,est received and were entitled to do so under the ruling of the Supreme 
Court. But the opposition to the Governor defeated his recommenda- 
tions for insurance legislation; passed the Vincennes University claim 
over his veto ; and defeated his proposal to increase the saloon license to 
$1000. He refused to issue the Vincennes bonds, as recounted else- 
where ; and his course on the liquor question was even more radical. In 
1895 the Nicholson Remonstrance law had been adopted, giving local 
option by townships and wards; and in 1905 this had been strengthened 
by **the Moore amendment*' for blanket remonstrances. In 1908 the 
Anti-Saloon League forced a plank in the Republican State platform 
in favor of putting remonstrance on a county basis, and the Democrats 
declared in favor of retaining the township basis. The Republicans 
nominated James E. Watson for Governor, and the Democrats nomi- 
nated Thomas R. Marshall. The liquor question became the chief issue 
of the campaign; and the report was circulated that the Republican 
managers had assured the liquor interests that if they were successful 
no change would be made. In the midst of the campaign. Governor 
Hanly startled the State by calling a special session of the legislature 
for September 18. The call specified the purpose of passing a county 
option law, and several minor matters; but the option law was the 
central feature, and it was commonly reported that the Governor had 




Gov. J, Frank Hanly 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 769 

given notice that if it were not passed, he would keep on calling special 
sessions until it was passed. It was passed by a narrow margin, through 
the aid of several temperance Democrats, after a spirited contest. 

The result of the election of 1908 was peculiar. On the Presidential 
ticket Taft received 348,993 votes, and Bryan 338,262, with 18,045 for 
Claflin, Prohibitionist, and 13,476 for Debs, Socialist. But notwith- 
standing this Republican plurality of 10,731, the Democrats elected 11 
of the 13 Congressmen, the joint Democratic plurality in the con- 
gressional districts being 16,334. For Governor, Marshall had a plu- 
rality of 14,809, but the only other Democratic State officers elected were 
Frank Hall, Lieutenant Governor, with 1,672 plurality; and Robert J. 
Aley, Superintendent of Public Instruction, with 762 plurality. With 
such results, it is hardly questionable that personal popularity was an 
unusually large factor in the election. 

The legislature was Democratic, and a Senator was to be elected. 
John Worth Kern was ranked as the leading candidate. He was born at 
Alto, in Howard County, Indiana, December 20, 1849. His father, Dr. 
Jacob H. Kern, was a Virginian, who located in Indiana in 1836. 
John went through the common schools, attended the Normal School at 
Kokomo, and graduated in law at the University of Michigan in 1869. 
He was City Attorney of Kokomo from 1871 to 1884; Reporter of the 
Supreme Court from 1885 to 1889; State Senator in 1893 and 1895; 
and City Attorney of Indianapolis from 1897 to 1901. He had been the 
Democratic candidate for Governor in 1900 and 1904; received the 
Democratic vote for Senator in 1905 ; and was the National candidate for 
Vice President in 1908. But Kern had incurred the displeasure of the 
liquor interest. He had been approaching dissipation in his earlier 
. career, but reformed absolutely. He had made a speech in the State 
Senate on a local option measure, in which he told the saloon men some 
• plain truths, and they never forgave him. After a prolonged struggle, 
the Democratic caucus of 1909 nominated Benjamin Franklin Shively, 
who had represented the South Bend district in Congress for four 
terms, and had been the Democratic candidate for Governor in 1896. 
Shively was born in St. Joseph County, March 20, 1857. He attended 
the common schools, the Northern Indiana Normal School, and the Uni- 
versity of Michigan. He was admitted to the bai:; but taught school 
from 1874 to 1880, and engaged in newspaper work from 1880 to 1884. 
He died in Washington, March 14, 1916. Kern was elected to the 
Senate in 1911, and died shortly after the close of his term, on August 
17, 1917, at Asheville, N. C. 

Thomas Riley Marshall was easily the ablest Democratic Governor 
that had been elected since Thomas A. Hendricks. He was bom at 




Gov. Thomas R. Marshall 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 773 

was resisted on the ground that the right of the people to change their 
constitution was inherent, indefeasible and inalienable; that it was 
superior to any constitution, and was merely recognized by the Consti- 
tution as an inalienable right; that **the legislative authority of the 
State" was vested in the legislature, which was composed of **the rep- 
resentatives of the people," and that the legislature had the right to 
submit to the people any question that they thought proper. It was 
further urged that, on account of the constitutional division of powers, 
the court had no power to interfere with the process of legislation. 
Nobody pretended that the l^slature had the power to adopt a con- 
stitution, and the proposed constitution could not have any legal effect 
until the people had voted for it. If they favored it, the courts could 
then say whether it had been legally adopted. Of course, it would have 
caused some trouble and expense to have a constitution apparently, but 
illegally, adopted ; but so it does to have the legislature adopt an uncon- 
stitutional law, and yet nobody claims that the courts can intervene to 
prevent the passage of such a law. Judge Remster, of the Marion Cir- 
cuit Court, to whom the application was made, granted the injunction. 
An appeal was taken to the Supreme Court, which sustained the injunc- 
tion by a divided bench, Judge Charles E. Cox, a Democrat, voting with 
the two Republican judges. They took the same ground as Judge Rem- 
ster, that **the legislative authority of the State" which was vested in 
the legislature was the ** ordinary" legislative power, which nobody dis- 
puted, but denied the power of the legislature to submit to the people, 
to whom the power of * * extraordinary ' ' legislation is reserved, an oppor- 
tunity to exercise their power. ^^ An appeal was taken to the Supreme 
Court of the United States by Governor Marshall, under the provision 
of the national constitution: **The United States shall guaranty to 
every state in this union a republican form of government, and shall 
protect each of them against invasion ; and on application of the legis- 
lature, or of the executive (when the legislature cannot be convened) 
against domestic violence." The proposition was that the courts, by 
usurping the functions of the legislative and executive departments, had 
destroyed a republican form of government, and there was no remedy 
in the State except forcible resistance to the order of the court. The 
jiational Supreme Court dodged the question — ^refusing to consider it,, 
on the ground that Governor Marshall had appealed as Governor and 
not as a citizen alleging personal injury — that the appeal does not 
charge that the acts of the court '* violate rights of a personal nature. "^^ 
Nothing could better illustrate the absurd tangle of technicalities 



11 Ellingham vs. Dye, 178 Ind. 292. 

12 Marshall, Governor vs. Dye. 231 U. S. p. 250. 



774 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

into which the courts of the United States have fallen. The guaranty 
of the federal constitution is not to the individual citizens of the State, 
but to the State; and the express provision is that the appeal shall be 
made by the legidative or executive departments, which alone can speak 
for the State. The functions of the executive were charged to be 
usurped, and he was one of the parties enjoined by the court from 
enforcing a law, which he was sworn to enforce. In place of an appeal 
from him in his oflScial capacity, the U. S. court asked for one of those 
theoretical claims of personal damage, with which '* government by 
injunction" has made the country familiar. For example, in this very 
case, Mr. Dye's allegation of personal damage was for his share of the 
cost of printing the question of the constitution on the ballots, which was 
shown to be a fraction of one cent. That sort of damage, by this ruling 
of the highest court of the land, is made superior to the damage of over- 
throwing the constitutional government of a state, by judicial decree. 
But this refusal to decide an important question on its merits forces the 
consideration of the really serious problem, what remedy have th^ 
American people for judicial usurpation? Theoretically our govern- 
ments are based on ** checks and balances'* between the three govern- 
mental departments, but in reality there is no check on the judicial 
department. The judges are subject to impeachment for misbehavior, 
but no American would vote to convict a judge who claimed to have 
made a decision in good faith. Furthermore, with all our precautions 
for maintaining constitutions, we have put it in the power of one man 
to change the constitution. In this very case, the question was decided 
by the vote of one man, and the question whether the constitution was 
or was not overthrown depends wholly on the question whether that one 
man was right or wrong. But there have been many cases where there 
is no question. For example, as noted elsewhere, the Supreme Court at 
first decided that a local tax could not be levied in support of the com- 
mon schools, and later decided exactly the opposite. Necessarily, either 
the Supreme Court annulled the constitution in the first decision, or we 
are daily annulling it now under the second decision. You can take 
your choice as to the time when the Supreme Court annulled the Con- 
stitution in this respect, but you cannot avoid the fact that it annulled 
the Constitution. What is your remedy! You can remove a judge by 
impeachment, or by defeating him for re-election, but that does not 
remove the decision. This is one of the most serious questions that the 
American people have yet to solve ; and one that they probably will not 
solve until some grave crisis shall arise from it. 

The only rational proposal for a remedy that has ever been made is 
Theodore Roosevelt's plan for the recall of judicial decisions on consti- "*v 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 775 

tutional qoestions, and it has been hooted out of sane consideration by 
the legal profession, who rail at the submisaon of intricate legal ques- 
tions to tinkers and hod-carriers. And yet these same legal lights all 
agree that no constitution should be adopted without submitting it to a 
vote of these same tinkers and hod-carriers, notwithstanding the adop- 
tion of the constitution carries with it every intricate legal question Aat 
can possibly arise under its provisions. Obviously, the only thing cm 
which the people can vote intelligently is a concrete question. In the 
school cases above referred to, if the legislature, or the Gk>vernor could 
have submitted to the people this question: ''Do you mean by your 
Constitution that no local school tax shall be levied in support of the 
common schools!'' there was not a voter in Indiana who would not have 
understood it, and have voted intelligently. The only ''intricate legal 
question'' involved was the intricate process of reasoning from general 
principles by which the court reached its conclusion. The State is con- 
fronting a similar question now in the matter of prohibition. More 
than half-a-century ago the Supreme Court decided that a prohibition 
law was unconstitutional.^^ The constitution does not say a word about 
prohibition. The decision was deduced from enunciations of general 
principles. As an historical proposition, it is absolutely safe to say 
that the makers of the Constitution never contemplated any provision 
against prohibition, and the voters never dreamed of such a thing when 
they adopted the Constitution. It was purely a piece of judicial consti- 
tution-making by the Supreme Court, for political purposes, if there 
was ever such a thing in the United States — and Heaven knows there 
have been many such. It is as certain as anything could be that the 
people would have wiped the decision out either by amendment or by 
the election of another court, if the Civil war had not come on, and 
turned their attention to other matters. How simple and easy would 
have been the remedy of submitting to the people the question: **Do 
you mean by your Constitution to prevent the adoption of a prohibition 
law!" The most ignorant voter could understand that, although he 
might well be puzzled by the ** intricate legal question'' evolved by the 
Supreme Court. The American people have put themselves in volun- 
tary slavery to their courts, and until they get rid of the absurd delusion 
that all judges are upright, and incorruptible, and infallible, and above 
partisan control, they will simply continue to suffer any indignities that 
the courts may choose to inflict upon them. I am not writing an essay, 
nor an anarchistic plea, but the sober truth of history, which has been 
exemplified in every state in the Union, not to mention such little events 
as the Dred Scott decision; and especially in Indiana, where an Attor- 

18 Beebee vs. the State, 6 Ind. p. 501. 
Vol. n— 14 



776 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

ney General once boasted, **We have the Supreme Court ^' — and the 
boast was true. The Supreme Court of Indiana has taken the further 
step in control of popular will of deciding that the legislature of 1917 
could not call a constitutional convention, because, forsooth, the ques- 
tion of a constitutional convention had been submitted to the people at 
the election of 1914, and they had voted 338,947 to 235,140 against it. 
And yet it was a notorious fact that the defeat of the proposal in 1914 
was due to the work of the liquor interests, while the temperance people 
were not alert ; and the sentiment of the people in 1916 had been clearly 
shown by the election of a temperance legislature, which adopted the 
prohibition law now under judicial scrutiny. Who dares to maintain 
that the people of Indiana **have at all times an indefeasible right to 
alter and reform their government 1 ' ' 

The Marshall proposal started the people of Indiana to thinking, 
and the realization has steadily grown that they are suffering needless 
ills, in gerrymanders, crooked elections, legal delay, and other matters, 
all on account of an antiquated constitution. It was probably very 
instrumental in his nomination for Vice President. The campaign of 
Woodrow Wilson for the Democratic nomination in 1912 was without 
precedent in the United States. The party leaders were against him, 
and he went to the people, who, especially in the West, wanted relief 
from the fetters of conservatism that bound them. The United States 
has grown something like a tree, rooted in the East, with stem and 
branches steadily reaching westward. It is in the latter that the signs 
of life are most manifest — ^the blossoming and fruitage — ^because there 
is the freedom of the frontier. There are the great mass of those who 
believe that the earth belongs to the living, and not to the dead; and 
that no past generation should have power to hamper the legitimate 
progress of the present, by absurd restrictions that have long since lost 
their reason for existence. Marshall was advertised from one end of 
the nation to the other by his proposal, which his political enemies called 
''the Tom Marshall constitution"; and progressive men everywhere wel- 
comed a man who had the originality and courage to attempt any plan 
for getting rid of their manacles. At the Baltimore convention this 
record broke the force of Bryan's opposition to his nomination, on the 
ground that he was a ** reactionary." The convention had gone through 
the long struggle of 46 ballots to nominate Wilson for President; and 
the party leaders met in consultation to agree on the most available can- 
didate for the Vice-Presidency, but were unable to reach any approach 
to harmony, because there were strong movements based on the idea 
that it was necessary to nominate Champ Clark or Bryan to strengthen 
the ticket ; but both of these refused to be considered, and the convention 



778 INDIANA ANT) INT)IANANS 

was left to make its choice on the personnel of other candidates. Mar- 
shall led on the first ballot, and was nominated on the second. The 
progressiye element.of the Bepnblican party was confronted by a choice 
between a reactionary Bepnblican ticket and a progressive Democratic 
ticket; and took the course of nominating Theodore Boosevelt as the 
least of three evils. The election in Indiana was remarkable. Taft 
carried only one county — ^Warren. Boosevelt carried Elkhart, La- 
Grange, Lake, Bandolph, Wabash and Wayne, and led Taft 10,000 votes 
in the State; bnt Wilson's plurality was 119,883. 

In this campaign, Samuel Moffett Bakton was elected Governor. 
His early life, and sturdy Hoosier character have been noted elsewhere. 
He is a Democrat from principle, and had made himself known from 
one end of the State to the other as an effective speaker in political 
campaigns for the benefit of other candidates. In 1912 there was a 
general feeling that he ought to head the ticket, and he was nominated 
by acclamation. He declared in his inaugural address his purpose to 
enforce the laws without fear or favor, and it was not long before he 
was put to the test. In the fall of his first year there came on a most 
vicious street railroad strike in Indianapolis. Both sides were obstinate 
and determined, and both, as usual, Were to some extent wrong. Vio- 
lence ensued, property was destroyed, and life endangered. The local 
authorities s&eaked out of their responsibility, and the situation became 
serious. Governor Balston called the entire militia of the State to the 
city to preserve order. The strikers sent a committee to him to ask him 
to withdraw the troops. After hearing them, he put the situation to 
them from his standpoint, with violence before his eyes, and his oath 
to enforce the laws, and asked them what they would do if in his place. 
They tried to evade but he insisted on an answer; and they admitted 
that they would do the same, and went out and told the men that the 
Governor was right. The officials of the company wanted him to enforce 
their views by military power. He presented to them the situation from 
his standpoint, of private parties producing public disturbance, and 
destroying public right to transportation by arbitrary demands for 
abstract rights. As the result, both sides submitted the matter to him 
for arbitration, and both were satisfied with the result. It was the 
illustration of the beneficial effect of having a man in authority who 
impressed all who came in contact with him that he was fair; that he 
desired to do what was right; and that he had the courage to do the 
right as he saw it. This character marked his entire administration, 
and made it one in which the opposition could find little to criticise. 

Without attempting to control the legislatures of 1913 and 1915, 
Governor Ralston threw the weight of his infiuence and earnest counsel 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 779 

in behalf of beneficial reform legislation, and the result was a body of 
reform legislation that was most credita!ble to the State. In the lines 
of protection of the public there were adopted a very excellent public 
utilities law, a law for the protection of small borrowers from the merci- 
less exactions of loan sharks; a **blue sky law" to prevent swindles 
through irresponsible corporations; an anti-cocaine law; a law creating 
the oflSce of fire marshal, with powers to check the carelessness that has 
caused the unneeessarj' destruction of millions of dollars worth of prop- 
erty yearly in the country ; and a law for the suppression of the social 
evil that gives opportunity for the removal of the roots of that ancient 
cancer. An anti-lobby law was adopted that had an immediate effect 
in lessening the evils of the lobby system. In penal and charitable prog- 
ress, the State was advanced by the establishment of a penal farm, and 
by a tuberculosis hospital, both of which have already demonstrated 
their value. In education the step was taken which advanced educators 
had been calling for, and of which the United States Commissioner of 
Education* said : * * In what is probably the most comprehensive statute 
yet enacted, the Indiana legislature established a state system of voca- 
tional education, giving state aid for training in industries, agricul- 
tural and domestic science, through all day, part time, and evening 
schools." There were -laws passed for the prohibition of the sale of 
habit-forming drugs, for flood protection, for industrial aid to the blind, 
for pure water supply, and for promoting the establishment of play- 
grounds for children. Another law that is worthy of special mention is 
the housing law, which is peculiarly a monument to that talented 
I daughter of Indiana, Mrs. Albion Fellows Bacon, its author and chief 
promoter. 

Mrs. Bacon is not so well known outside of Indiana as her older sister, 
Annie Fellows Johnston — ^Mrs. Johnston was born at Evansville May 15, 
1863, and Mrs. Bacon April 8, 1865 — whose ** Little Colonel" stories 
have made her name a household word wherever there are children. 
They are the daughters of Rev. Albion Fellows, a Methodist clergyman, 
and his wife, Mary (Erskine) Fellows. Both were educated in the Evans- 
ville schools, Mrs. Johnston also studying at the State University; and 
both were married in 1888. ^Irs. Bacon has always been a leader in 
local charitable and reform organizations and her practical experience 
interested her in tenement reform ospoeially. She was the author and 
chief advocate of the State tenement law of 1909, and organized the 
State Housing Association in 1911. Her educational work in this line 
has been enormous, both on the platform and by booklets and tracts. 
In 1913 she secured the passage of the tenement law applying to all 
cities in Indiana. Her one excursion into general literature was the 




Mbs. Albion Fellows Bacon 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 781 

joint authorship with her sister of a book of poems, ** Songs Ysame/' 
The literary productions of Mrs. Johnston are too numerous for sepa- 
rate mention. The demand for her stories for children has been so great 
that she is known chiefly in that line ; but she has also written a number 
of short stories for various magazines, poetry, and novels. Of the novels, 
**In League With Israel*' and **Asa Holmes, At the Cross Roads'' have 
won the greatest popular approval. 

Governor Ralston recommended a number of reform laws that the 
legislature did not reach action on in any final way; and he urged 
strongly the adequate celebration of the centennial of the admission of 
the State to the Union, by the erection of a memorial building, for the 
housing of the State Library, State Museum, and other agencies for the 
preservation of the history of the State. But the smaH politicians of 
the legislature were afraid to make an appropriation of $2,000,000 for 
this purpose ; and the utmost that could be secured was the submission 
of the appropriation to a vote of the people. In the election, the appro- 
priation was defeated, chiefly through the opposition of the Liquor 
League, which was fighting a constitutional convention on the ground 
that it would cost $500,000, and used opposition to the centennial memo- 
rial as an evidence of good faith in its pretense of economy, and as an 
evidence of the wild extravagance to which sentiment led. In reality there 
was an actual need for more room for the transaction of the business of 
the State; and every legislator knew it» on account of the difficulty of 
finding committee rooms for the use of the legislature. It was a repe- 
tition of the picayune politics that caused the State to be discommoded 
for years by the old State House, until we had a legislature in which 
the two houses were of different political majorities, and neither party 
had to take the responsibility of the expenditure. An attempt is now 
being made to remedy the lack of room by remodelling and utilizing 
the basement of the capitol ; but this is only a temporary makeshift, and 
it is a certainty that additional buildings will have to be constructed 
within a few years. Governor Ralston did succeed however in inducing 
the legislature to create a non-political and non-salaried Centennial Com- 
mission of nine members, and to appropriate $25,000 for its use in pro- 
moting the general celebration of this notable epoch in the State's his- 
tory, a large portion of which was to be expended in the publication 
of historical material desirable for the use of the entire State, and not 
accessible to the greater part of it. The Commission did a valuable 
work in promoting local celebrations and pageants which aroused a very 
general interest in the history of the State, and made many persons 
realize that it was their history ^#vho had never grasped that fact before. 
The beggarly amount available for publication was well utilized by the 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 783 

issue of four volumes — two on *'C*oiiHtitution-Makiiig in Indiana/* one 
** Indiana as Seen hy Early Travelers," and one **The Play Party.** 
But in eoniparison with what other states are doing in the publieation 
of their early records and other historical material this is so pitiable that 
the rising generation, which is having five years of Indiana histor>' in 
the pul>lic si*hools. will prol)ably blush for the penuriousni^ss and lack of 
vision of the generation preceding, and set to work to put Indiana in 
line with other jirogressive states in this respect. 

There was another projwt in which (iovernor Ralston took a leading 
part that might Ik* considered sentimental by some persons, but which 
has an important practical side. On account of his intcri'st in the Good 
Koads ilovement, in the spring of 1915 he called a meeting of the 
Governors of scvm states to consider the construction of a' national 
highway from Chicago to Jacksr)nville. Florida, to be known as the 
Dixie Highway. This uniipie proposal met with ujiiversal approval, and 
the meeting was held at Chattanooga in A|)ril, 1915. It was attended 
by large <lclcgati<ms from all of the Ohio Valley .states and Southern 
states east of the Mississippi, who gave strong assurance of support. 
Michigan announced the intention to extend the road through that state 
to Sault Ste. Marie. The project was realized to be one of national 
importance, as was the old National road fnun east to west; and it 
appears to be in a fair way to completion. 

The election of IIHC) was thi* first in many yrars in which interna- 
tional affairs had any material influenee in Indiana. At that time the 
pro-German vote in the Stat«» was nuich more open in exprcfwion. and 
probably mu«*h stronger than after lat<»r experience with the German 
treatment of lielpless neutral nations, and with the treasonable work of 
German emissaries at home. It was notorious that many Republicans 
ami independent voters sui>iM)rt«'d l*resident Wilson, but the plurality in 
the State was ^,779 ajrainst hi in. That he reeeiviMl this outside support 
is shown conclusively liy the fact that while James P. CtiMMlrieh. the Repub- 
lican can<lidate for Governor. rec«»ived 652 votes less than Mr. Hughes, 
his plurality was 14.bn!»: and wbil<» the aggregate Republiean vote for 
congri»s.smen was oidy l:»l inon* than the vote for Mr. Hughes, the aggre- 
gate Rc|iubliran eongressional plurality was Ul,7ir2. The heavy I)»»mo- 
eratic losses w«Te in the strong German districts. Tlie ])rm(H*rats might 
have offset tb«'ir lo^^ If t},. y had iiiad»- a flat anti-CJi-nnan tiirbt. but lo<»al 
jK>litieians fiH»l:v|il\ uiMlert'iok tn plaeate tli** Gt-rmans whi> wen* ini*inse«l 
against Wil^nn. .iii-i im roiiviMpiiii'-f tIi« v l«i*»t in }»<»t}i dir«'<*tions. a^ they 
deserved T«» h*^*- I* iIm* s nnt pay tn try to carry water nn boTli Hlicniltlers 
in war Ti?ip'. !• ua-* t) ,. r«a!i/aMon of what had hapiM-ni-d to tli»'m that 
n*ei;n<ilr.l larir* rmiiiKt rs «if I)tnio«-rats to the adojition of the proliibi- 




Gov. Jauis p. Ooomich 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 7S5 

tioii law by the Icf^islutun* of 1IM7. They wen* of tho rlass that wtTr not 
esjwcially int«TrstO(l in prohihitit)n. hut hati an am)»ition to '*>ri»t even 
with the Dutch." What was nion* important, the fle<'tit»n opened their 
eyes to the impropriety of ciiterin^ to a disloyal 4*Ienient, and did away 
with a quantity of naml^y-panihy si'ntiment a)»out (ii-rnuin ''^imkI eiti- 
zenshi|).** There is no sentimentality ahout the < Herman in Ameriean 
politics. Like Fritzi SchetT, he '* wants what he wants, wh«*n lie wants it," 
and he goes after it, whetjjer it be "persiinal liberty," or wiiat not. 

James Putnam (i<MHlrieh, the [irescnt (iovernor of Indiana, is a 
lawyer by i)n)fession, a su<?eessfnl liusiness man, and a politician of eon- 
ceded aeumen. He was Inirn at \Vincin»stcr. Indiana, Ki*bruary 18. 
1864, the son of .John Hell (i(H>drich and Kli/^ibeth I*utnam (Kdf^er) 
Goodrich. He was educated at De Pauw rnivcrsity; studied law, and 
was admitttni to the Imr in IhMi, ]>racticin^ at Winclu^ter and Indian- 
apolis. He has held a i>rominent place in Repu)»Iican polities for a 
number of years, having served as Chairman of the State Central Com- 
mittee for eight years, and as mcmlhT of the National Executive Com- 
mittee. It is too soon to judge of the merits of his administration; but 
it may be said that he is ai)i>arently trying to intnHiuce business princi- 
ples and metho<ls in the transaction of (tublic business, and is meeting 
the opposition that always arises when that effort is made. Perhaps 
the most eommon criticism of liis administration thus far is of a lack 
of what may In* called tht» sentimental side — a lack of appre<Mati<m of 
things that go to make a State worthy of atlmiration outside of success 
in a business way — Init that is a matter of which the future gi'iieration 
will probably be better tit ted to judge than the pn»sent. 



■^•S^' 



%i^> 



ttj^i. %^^ 



f^i^ 



im^ 



CCDIANA AND CCDIAXAXS 783 



issue of four Tolumes — two on ''Coiistitution>Makmg in Indiana/* one 
^'Indiana as Seen by Early Travelers,'' and one ''The Play Party/' 
But in comparison with what other states are doing in the puUication 
of their early records and other historical material this is so pitiable that 
the rising generation^ which is having five years of Indiana history in 
the public schools, wiU probably Uush for the penuriousness and lack of 
vision of the generation preceding, and set to work to put Indiana in 
line with other progressive states in this respect- 
There was another project in which Governor Ralston took a leading 
part that might be considered sentimental by some persons, but which 
has an important practical side. On account of his interest in the Good 
Roads Movement, in the spring of 1915 he called a meeting of the 
Governors of seven states to consider the construction of a' national 
highway from Chicago to Jacksonville. Florida, to be known as the 
Dixie Highway. This unique proposal met with universal approval, and 
the meeting was held at Chattanooga in Apnl. 1915. It was attended 
by large delegations from all of the Ohio Valley states and Southern 
states east of the MississippL who gave strong assurances of support. 
Michigan announced the intention to extend the road through that state 
to Sault Ste. Marie. The project was realized to be one of national 
importance, as was the old National road from east to west; and it 
appears to be in a fair way to completion. 

The election of 1916 was the first in manv vears in which interna- 
tional affairs had any material influence in Indiana. At that time the 
pro-German vote in the State was much more open in expression, and 
probably much stronger than after later experience with the German 
treatment of helpless neutral nations, and with the treasonable work of 
German emissaries at hemic. It was notorious that many Republicans 
and independent voters sup(>orted President Wilson, but the plurality in 
the State was S.779 against him- That he received this outside support 
is shown conclusively by the fact that while James P. Goodrich, the Repub- 
lican candidate for Governor, received fi52 votes less, than Mr. Hughes, 
his plurality was 14.609: and while the aggregate Republican vote for 
congressmen was cmly 131 more than the vote for Mr. Hughes, the aggre- 
gate Republican congressional plurality was 21,702. The hca\'y Demo- 
cratic losses were in the strong German districts. The Democrats might 
have offset their loss if thev had made a flat anti-German fight, Init local 
politicians foolishly undertook to placate the Germans who wore inconseii 
against Wilson, and in consequence they lost in ]>oth directions, as thoy 
deserved to lose. It does not pay to tr>' to carry water on both shoiiKlors 
in war time. It was the realization of what had happened to them that 
reconciled large numbers of Democrats to the adoption of the prohibi- 




Got. Jams P. Gouaich 



IXDIAXA AXI' IXDIAXAN^ 785 



tick: iMM- vy tnr tryiMrmre of 19rr T^^- wo*- a: hk- eiatt- tk^: were no: 
q ^f galiy intuvMuc u. pronibnioL bar. nac. aL amoniaL to *'|fe: even 
wixx. "Hit InncL. " Vna: w**- mor- lanHTxan: tut *;i«f*nai. opened tiieir 
.fnrei. X£- liie jmjjruurifi; c: esicrzzip i» t dsicrra. *iemaii and did away 
tk qiuuiLi:;- of iiainoy-|inBBr. ^hiimmii auair ^rermaz. ^'cond riti- 
Tjkp^ i^ jM< aenxiBKiiiaiirr am: tK^ (rermai. xr Am^riivzi 
jMilni^ lifieFTmL beiif .jk- ' wsnir^mr jk ^nnst wnei. n^ wants i;/' 
mnc ^ W**^ xttfT n. wsetarr r *►. ' yswiua. iii«rn /or wna: nr»:. 

Jjuno' ? i:;.iam (vwfcrrKrL l>» ^i*j y .ii : igtrffsnar of Indiana i> a 
jrvrrfT T" ii'Tifpiii 2. BUr»*tsKrj: cCtfrxHSfc niai. aitc ii TMiiticiaz. of ror- 

1^S&4. UH^ M> <>^ -^eoiL b^: (rnK^ri^ aiic HiiaiifetL TmtnazL Ed^v^r 
Goodrki:. H^ «'»^ «i>5»rt: a- !>► F'auv "^-lirveysr^- amdm: law. aT»c 
ira§' adiiiiti€9C u xi»^ uair ir. 1^^. vrurii'zus^ a* VjiraiftSicr and Indiar- 
apolJE. H€> iias beid is. ifroouii^i' ps^'^ u. Jk'epuidi'Sfli. politirs fnr f. 
numtier of y«ars. navujir Krrw>-f. «.- ^'ittiinijai. of titf: r^tatf- Crnitra. 0.«ir 
iTrtftF for ei^* y4aar)b. and a^ nKmiprr of in*: j^anonal E»WDt!Vf f-oir 
mhiee. It i& ^^«* •^W- ^* J**U|r* «ff ti**- nj^nv uf n» admmifitrmtifvri . Hu- 
rt may fce aaid tia: nt ih apiMtr^niti; Trriii^n inrrudn^ bnsmnt^ -nrmr* 
pka »TMi BletiMMii^ ii. tiK- t?an«ai<rli^- of puoii'- m^nsm,. and is Tnp^^ina^ 
tbe uppaailwri tna: atway^ nfu^s^ ¥Pu*n. tins: ^or: » made. Prrlitfns 
the moat eoaruiMic tntj^iaiL of nl^ nQfuiiiiirnniaL thiK far if^ o: 4. h^t*i 
of viia: aiay 'vr «alitc tiK^ wt^uUturuid. «ao^ — t ia'^ of wjmmKum a 
^w^ tJMt ^1 to maae ii biau^ wortin of aaniirHUOL onBoflk n: -snw**- 
in a boBUkoe way — wi* tiwf «- t mtctvsr uf wiufrt thf^ fntim- *«r>#«tmri«i 
wiE pfvbabiy be •?n>fr litiec u juq|fE»r iiau. tn*^ jireaeni. 




§ CbC y% ;^ivv,/M. . 



CHAPTER XIV 

I 

MEDICAL HISTORY OP INDIANA'S FIRST CENTURY 

By Dr. G. W. H. Kemper 

July 13, 1787, congress passed the bill known as **The Ordinance of 
1787.*' In time, five states were formed out of the territory covered by 
that remarkable ordinance. From this domain, congress, on May 7, 1800, 
created the territory of Indiana, and prescribed certain limifs for its 
boundary. Indiana and Illinois were embraced in this bill. In 1809 this 
territory was divided into the present states of Indiana and Illinois. 

On December 4, 1815, a census showed that the territory of Indiana 
had a population of 12,112 white males of the age of twftnty-one years 
and upwards, and a total population of 63,897. With this showing 
Indiana was admitted into the Union as the nineteenth state on the 11th 
day of December, 1816. Corydon was the capital from and after the 
first day of May, 1813, until January 10, 1825, When the seat of govern- 
ment was removed to Indianapolis. 

One hundred years is a long period of time when measured by human 
life ; it is comparatively short when applied to the age of a state. What 
momentous history has been recorded in the century since Indiana came 
into the galaxy of states ! 

One hundred years ago the steamboat had been on trial only a few 
times. There was no railroad in the United States. Morse had not con- 
ceived the telegraph, and no one dreamed of the telephone, nor a thousand 
other conveniences that surround us at the present day. We, at that 
time, were reading and writing by the light of chimney fires and tallow 
dips. Lucifer matches, sewing machines, reapers and the various im- 
proved farming implements of the present day were wholly unknown. 
The reaping hook was then in use as the common harvester, and men and 
women were binding sheaves to their bosoms as in the days of the 
Psalmist. 

One hundred years ago Abraham Lincoln was only seven years ola 
and a child of toil in the wilds of southern Indiana. Oliver P. Morton, 
our great war Governor was then unborn ; as well as the two hundred and 
ten thousand four hundred and ninety-seven soldiers who went from 

787 



788 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Indiana and followed the flag in the days of the Civil War from 1861 
to 1865. 

At the beginning of our state history we were dependent upon our 
log school houses for instruction ; and yet these developed a large num- 
ber of scholars and teachers. 

Few of the early physicians of Indiana were college bred, — and these 
were from the eastern states. Prior to 1816, there was not a medical 
college west of the Alleghany mountains, and at that date there was only 
one medical journal in the United States, — '*The Electric Repertory and 
Analytical Review," of Philadelphia. That city then was the medical 
Mecca of the United States. Dr. W. H. Wishard declared that from the 
best statistics lie could obtain, that as late as 1825, not ten per cent of 
the physicians of Indiania were graduates of medical colleges, and not 
•to exceed twenty-five or thirty per cent had ever attended one course 
of lectures. 

According to Dr. L. P. Yandell, Sr., of Kentucky, the celebrated Dr. 
Ephraim McDowell, of Danville, Ky., was not a graduate of medicine; 
he attended one course of lectures in Edinburgh, Scotland, returned to 
Kentucky in 1793, and in 1809 performed the first operation for the 
removal of an ovarian tumor that had ever been attempted. In 1825 
the honorary degree of Doctor of Medicine was conferred upon Dr. 
McDowell by the Univej^ity of Maryland. When a doctor was accused 
of being a one course student his answer invariably would be, "So was 
Dr. McDowell. " 

The Ohio Medical College graduated its first class in 1821 ; this and 
the Transylvania, at Lexington, Ky., were the only medical colleges in 
the western states until 1837. In the winter of 1837-8, the first course 
of lectures was delivered at the medical department of the University 
of Louisville. Medical lectures were not given in Indiana until 1842, — 
at the Indiana Medical College at Laporte. 

Early Domestic Medicinb 

Indiana passed through her days of domestic and primitive medicine. 
Quite often homes were remotely situated from the family physician, or 
he was absent on a call and the mothers learned to meet the emergencies 
of minor surgery, and the trifling ills of childhood. She tied up cut 
fingers, — applying turpentine or brown sugar to the wound, inasmuch as 
these articles were supposed to be ''healing.*' 

If the baby was seized with a fit, the cause was assigned to "worms," 
and a draught of "pink and senna'' was quickly administered, bowels 
cleared out, and a cure wrought without alarming the neighborhood. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 789 

The camphor bottle on the shelf was ever ready for accidents and 
bruises; warm poultices were quickly prepared from slippery elm, or 
bread and milk. Mother was resourceful; truly, she is childhood's best 
friend,— ever ready to assist and always sjnnpathetic. 

If the doctor was absent, — in an emergency, there were men and 
women in every locality who could render first aid. They could bleed an 
injured person, or extract a tooth with the old-fashioned turnkey. In 
short, there were persons at hand who were accounted as handy in any 
crisis, and when an opportunity presented, these persons, — to use a mill- 
tary phrase, — assumed command, whether at a birth, a death, or a 
funeral ; in fact, in all departures from the normal, these officious minis- 
tering angels, — male and female, were on the ground, or speedily sum- 
moned. The phrase ** safety first'* had not been coined at that early 
date. The patent medicine vender was sojourning with the innocents 
of that primitive day as if to remind them that they were living in a 
period of business and indigestion. 

As time progressed, the standard of the Physician was elevated ; still, 
he had his faults. Jealousy was the besetting sin of the old time doctor ; 
he disliked rivals, and was given to petty quarrels. Often the neighbor- 
hoods took sides with their chosen doctor. The animosity of former days 
is rarely met with at the present day, — ^having been superseded by the 
spirit of altruism. 

The old time family doctor is rapidly vanishing. He has been 
crowded out of the cities, and exists at the present day in small towns 
and country places. He flourished in an age when physicians did a 
general practice, and covered a large field. He cured a cold; treated a 
fever, and prescribed for acute and chronic ailments. He managed 
diseases of the ear, throat, and eye. He adjusted broken bones, and re- 
duced dislocations; sewed up wounds, and extracted teeth. He waited 
patiently and tenderly at the bedside of the expectant mother, and cared 
for the ills of childhood. Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes said the motto 
of a physician should be semper paratus, — always ready. Day and night 
the faithful country doctor responded to calls of suffering humanity. 

'*In the night-time or the day-time he would rally brave and well 
Though the summer lark was fifing, or the frozen lances fell." 

The old time doctor was loved, feared, and venerated. He knew the 
family secrets, and was trusted implicitly. His decisions were final, and 
in sickness he was the pilot. The friends of the sick watched for his 
coming, and they lingered to watch his departure. What anguish, what 
joy, what despair in his coming, and in his going ! 



790 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Many of these men died in poverty, a few were comfortable in their 
declining years, — and still fewer died. rich. 

This is an age of specialism, and the medical profession has caught 
the spirit. There are eye, nose, and throat specialists; physicians who 
give their attention to internal medicine, fever specialists, those who 
treat the heart and lungs, those who specialize on diseases of women and 
children, and still others who confine their practice to surgery. If you 
have a diseased tooth you seek a dentist. 

The practice of medicine has always been beset by imposters. If 
the honest practitioner informs the invalid that his case is hopeless ; that 
he is suffering from a disease that inevitably tends to a fatal termina- 
tion, he will be disposed to seek advice from one who will promise a cure. 
The patient wants to get well. **A11 that a man hath will he give for 
his life," and he seeks the charlatan who deals in unwarranted promises 
and robs his victim of his last penny. 

Primitive Medical Pads 

One of the early medical fads was known as Thomsoniasm, ''steam 
doctors," etc. This system was inaugurated by an ignorant but energetic 
charlatan, — **Dr." Samuel Thomson, who was bom in Olmstead, New 
Hampshire, February 9, 1767. At an early age he began to experiment 
with lo1;^lia. Later he added to his stock of drugs and practice, emetics, 
sudorifics, capsicum, ** composition powders," ** number six," and hot 
drops. He patented his system in 1823, and sold rights in several states, 
while he practiced on horseback, riding through New Hampshire, Maine, 
Vermont, and Massachusetts. Some of his pilgrimages extended as far 
west as Ohio. I have one of his patent rights in my possession ; printed 
on cheap paper, and ornamented with a spread eagle, proclaiming 
E Pluribus Unum! 

My friend. Rev. E. F. Hasty, now a resident of California, presented 
me with the ** right," and also one of Thomson's books. Dr. Hasty said, 
**I found these among my grandfather's papers, — Jacob Smith, who 
resided near Richmond, Indiana. He did not at all pretend to be a 
doctor, but in an early day the neighbors depended much upon him and 
grandmother in time of sickness ; perhaps they were as good as many of 
the quack doctors."^ 

His book consists of 188 pages of fine type, and the title page reads 
as follows: **A narrative of the life and medical discoveries of Samuel 
Thomson ; containing an account of his system of practice and the manner 
of curing disease with vegetable medicine, etc." 



1 See fac-simile of Thomson Certificate on p. 791. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



791 



This is the 3rd edition and was published at Columbus, Ohio, in 1827, 
by Horton Howard. 

This book has the stamp of ignorance and error upon every page. 
Supported by the energy of Thomson, and the industry of his agents, 
thousands purchased it. Strange enough, he seemed to realize but little 
money from his patent and his book. He spent too much of his time 
riding on horseback among the barren hills of New England, paying 
court fees, and boarding in jails, to create a bank account. He lacked the 
shrewdness of the street faker of the present day. 

Venesection, or removing blood from a vein, was a common practice 



t ■»)Wt»><WM«WW».4W|l M «WI»«^W <W<WW«W»«»lw.wOW»«»M»»n»— »w»»«»w». 



^:5= 







s 



VAVBinr. 



/^^ c^C^iJ^ ^ Twenty DoUars, in full, for the right 

of preparing and osing for ^^^^^f and family, the medicine and sys- 
tem of practice secured to Sumtie/ Thomson^ by Letters Patent from 
the President of the United SUtes. dated January 28th, 1823; and that 
he is thereby constituted a member of the Friendly Botanic Society, and 
is entitled to an enjoyment of all the pririleges attached to member- 

Dated at C^^^^f^^^^-^ this /^A^^^y of 7$^ //^i^ 
in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
twenty ..>*^*«^ C^^ .J^::^^ QjC s...-^ ^ 



' f 



,^/v^:^L^^ 



^^. 



Facsimile of Thomson Certificate 



three-quarters of a century ago. Doctors had faith in the eflScacy of this 
remedy, and the laity as well. In my childhood days the family physician 
seldom came to my father's home without ** bleeding" the patient. I 
will venture the assertion that there are practicing physicians of large 
experience in Indiana today who never performed this operation, — 
possibily, some who never saw any one else ** bleed" a patient. Possibly 
no remedy was more popular in its day than was bleeding. So popular 
was venesection among the masses in those days that had one of the 
political parties declared in its platform for this measure, it would have 
served a good purpose in augmenting the vote ! ^ 



2 I have before me "Dewees* Practice of Physic/' 2nd ed. 1833, and upon its 
title-page as a motto, I find this extract, **Had T dared to bleed freely, and espe- 
cially by means of leeches, the patient might have been saved; but I was afraid 
of debility. But who is to blame! — Broussais, Phleg. Chron. Vol. 11, p. 82.'' 
Vol. n— 15 



792 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

The madstpne, an aluminous shale, or sometimes a small bone from 
the heart of a wild deer, was deemed valuable as a remedy for hydro- 
phobia, snake-poison, and certain septic affections. Many persons for- 
merly set great store by this worthless fraud. Quite recently a man 
called at my office and offered to sell me a madstone at a fabulous price. 

There were a select few who could **blow the fire" out of persons 
who had suffered bums ; and others who could arrest hemorrhage, even at 
a distance, by uttering certain cabalistic words. It was proper to send 
some member of the household to make the dog stop its howling, and thus 
avert a death in the family! 

There are, even at the present day, persons who wear a copper wire 
around the waist, or carry a buckeye in the pocket to prevent rheuma- 
tism. Possibly, as a survival of the fittest specimen of superstition is 
the dread of many coUege-bred people of the present day as they ap- 
proach the small-sized banquet table, until a careful count shows less or 
more than thirteen persons. 

In my early childhood days I saw some men cut a hole through a 
tree and pass a delicate child through the opening, in order to cure it 
of a so-called ** short growth. 



>y 



Early Laws ReguiiAting the Practice op Medicine 

« 

In the yettrs 1816-1825, laws were enacted entitled, acts for the bet- 
ter regulation of the practice of medicine in the State of Indiana. These 
laws were imperfect ; they arranged for the granting of charters for 
medical societies; they granted judicial or medical districts the power 
to license phjrsicians to practice medicine by certificate, and denied the 
aid of the law to collect the bills of irregular practitioners. 

These laws were repealed in 1830, and no laws were at that time 
enacted in their stead. This repeal left the citizens of Indiana without 
any legal protection against incompetent practitioners for a period of 
fifty-five years. 

The next attempt to create legal enactments to guard the practice of 
medicine was in 1885. 

Later Legislation 

At the session of the legislature of 1885, a law was enacted designed 
to regulate the practice of medicine, surgery, and obstetrics in the State 
of Indiana. This beneficent law was opposed by the irregular practi- 
tioners and their friends in Indiana. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 793 

Laws op 1897 

In 1897 the law was changed, and the act as amended provides that 
all physicians who had registered under the act of 1885, and had been 
in continuous practice in the State since that date shall be permitted to 
register under the new law. This law also created the 

Board op Medical Registration and Examination 
to which all applications for reg:istration must be iinade, and whose duty 




Dr. W. H. WiSHARD 

it is to issue permits in the way of certificates setting forth that ap- 
plicants have complied with the provisions of the law. 

On the presentation of these certificates to the clerk of the court of 
the county in which the applicant lives and proposes to practice, and 
the payment of « proper fee, a license is issued by the clerk. Under 
the law of 1897, the applicant must be. a graduate of a reputable medical 



794 INDIANA AND INDIAXANS 

coUeg^^ and the standard of the college is determined by the board of 
medical r^^tration and examination. 

The following schools of practice are represented on the Indiana 
state board of medical registration and examination: regolar. ph^-sio- 
medical* homeopath, eclectic, and osteopath. At the present time vl91S 
tlus board is composed of the following named persons: 

W. A. Spurgeoo, president — physio-medical: J. iL Dennen. vice- 
president — regular: W. T. Gott, secretary — home<^[>ath: M. S. Canfield. 
treasurer^— eclectic : S. C. Smelser — regular : A. B. Caine — osteopath. 

FnsT Pkactttioneks of Inmaxa 

There weite many excellent practitioners among the early physicians 
of Indiana. Their preliminary education, often, did not measure up to 
the standard of oiir*medieal men of the present day: they had a fair 
knowledge of the theory of medicine, and gained mueh from experience. 
Often they were dislant firom professional eoanaeL and learned to act 
independently. I kaxe encountered conffiets on battlefidds when, if it 
had not been n^y duty to be there and nowhere else. I sh<Hdd have fled : 
and I have laec eonflicis no leas seTere single-handed and alone, far 
removed fn>m a professional help when, if I had not been a physiciazi. 
1 would not have remained. There is no place like the tiring line for 
training a soldier. 

Some of the physietans of the period we are considering wer^ grad> 
nates of literary and medical eoUeges of eastern statesw Many phy^:< 
ciaifes in Vincenneaw Terre Haute. Fort Wavne. Madson. New Albanv. 
Rifishville. Brookville. and IndianapoLca. were known » euIturiHi. seh^L- 
ariy men. 

Poissibly James Whiteomb Riley has unduly praLsed :he virmes 
of ^'E^x**^ Sifersw and yec this chararter had varied attainmeci j» : wis 
equal ro :iL*>st emeiieencicsL and was a useful individual in his n^^i^'*:?- 
h«x\L The viUage doetor ranked higher in intelligence than th«» vUja^ 

The ^iirlv ii»xt^>rsi did not ptr-sses* large libraries — p»?r!iaps no: mor^ 
^tiAz **dv^ f-ee:*" — ou: :h»?y w^re jl'xse sm-ients of >Tirh V-^^ks as •i-*- 
own»?d. Tl'?y rr*?ii:t?d f-^^nerk 'T'k-?n '^oc-fSw extracreii :»?*?th- perfjr:!-! 
ve!i»fsec!::oc ••arvti r:r :he ills of Tr?ci«?!i izd .!hiltir»»n- an-i :: ziav "r-i'h- 
!hil> *?e Slid :ba: tnev ▼•?!?? fiir'v sifif?s&5i!. Ther* i^-jl^ li:*!-* "•»- 
«.'h.*-»?rv in th'.>?e id's^ m-i '«*: *:h*?r*? ▼"•?r»? f'?Tr-»r -^x^^rnsiT-r iz^ri-?*. H- tl- 
c^ruL r^ "h*? rx*k ?. th*? nLin-T s^ir'j^frT" ?f hi* 'i-17. 

Th-fr** Tiri^rv f*>cz:r»f"-?nt mi i"viT-*i in "h-f -^a-riv ■ii'-'>. yt^. 3r""Tm. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



795 



mother of Prof. Ryland T. Brown, had an exteuBive practice in Rich- 
land Township, Rush County. 

The medical men of Indiana have kept pace with the advancements ot 
modern medicine, and have taken a high rank as practitioners, teachers 
and authors. The majority of the physicians of Indiana have stood as 
a unit for high qualifications for students and practitioners. They have 
been instrumental in placing upon our statute books laws that protected 




Old City Hospital, Indunapous 
(From a war time photograph) 



the well, and cared for the sick. While true physicians have been faith- 
ful in guarding the welfare of tlie masses, quacks and charlatans have 
striven to hinder the good work. Too often the public has been indif- 
ferent to our beneficent acts land misjudged our motives. The medical 
profession of Indiana has never placed a law npon the statute books of 
the state that was not for the welfare of the people. The charlatans 
never even asked for nor supported a single measure that would benefit 
one sick or well person! 

Statistics demonstrate that within the last half of the century 
of our existence as a state the average of human life in this country has 
been lengthened to the extent of ten years. This is due to the beneficent 



796 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



results of the sanitary laws of the country guarding the health of the 
people of the state and the nation. 

The author of this paper located in Muncie, August 19, 1865. All 
physicianB at that time were making country calls on horseback; a few 
were urang bu^es or carts in the summer season while the roads were 
in better condition. As the roads were improved vehicles became more 




Dk. Joseph W. Mabsse 



common, until gradually the doctor with saddle-hags merged into the 
physician riding in a phaeton, and still later — as at the present day, in 
an automobile — a veritable evolution, as I have witnessed, from eques- 
trianism to electricity and gasoline. 

The physiciians who practice in Indiana today and ride along its well 
constructed roads can scarcely appreciate the hardships that the early 
practitionere endured before our gravel roads were constructed. Visits 
made on errands of mercy were often attended with peril, as it was no 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 797 

uncommon thing for the horse to mire in creeks and swamps. How- 
ever, it was no more perilous than the upsetting of lan automobile, as 
occasionally happens at the present day. 

May I describe one of these early physicians? Dr. Levi MinshaU 
was the second physician to locate in Delaware County, in 1829. An 
old citizen who remembers Dr. Minshall's first appearance in Muneie 
says that he came here from Dayton, Ohio, riding a very large iron-gray 
horse and wearing a suit of broadcloth — a circumstance that created 
almost a sensation among the primitive people living here at that time, 
as homespun jeans was the regulation appiarel, and broadcloth was re- 
served for the rich and nobility. One of the interesting incidents of his 
early practice in the country when visiting the sick, was that he would 
ride up and down White river in the water to avoid bears and wolves 
that roamed about in their native freedom in the woods in the territory 
which now comprises Delaware County. 

Some Early Diseases in Indiana 

From the time that Indiana was settled until as late as in the seventies, 
a class of fevers usually began to prevail about the middle of July and 
continued until frost made its appearance. This fever was genenally 
known as autumnal fever, also **ague,'' ** chills and fever," ** intermit- 
tent,'* ** remittent,*' ** malarial fever,*' etc. Its periodicity was peculiar. 
Its exacerbations occurred, commonly, daily, alternate days, or on the 
third day ; rarely on the fourth. For a better knowledge of the cause, 
malaria, miasm, etc., were assigned. 

An idea was prevalent that these unwelcome diseases which came 
to nearly every home like an unbidden guest, had their origin in the 
numerous swamps that gave rise to a subtle malarial poison. The theory 
was tenable that this effluvia arose from stagnant pools of water and 
hovered about, especially at night — ^this ** night-air" thus acquired a 
questionable reputation. Older physicians will remember the classical 
phrase of the former days that *' malaria loves the ground," indicating 
that its intensity was greatest near the earth or foul water. 

The mosquito was considered harmless in those days; beyond the 
abstraction of a small quantity of blood, no criminality was suspected. 
Flies were supposed to be scavengers — ^possibly serving a useful pur- 
pose — ^until the microscope exposed their dangerous germ-laden feet and 
legs. An investigation showed that the stagnant pools were guilty only 
as they were hatching beds for mosquitoes — ^the real cause of the malarial 
poisoning. Finally, Reid and Carroll, in 1899, established the trans- 
mission of yellow fever by mosquitoes. 



798 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Dr. Daniel Drake (1785-1852), of Cincinnati, a physician of great 
ability in the forties made extensive journeys into the several states 
comprising the Mississippi valley, including Indiana, in order to investi- 
gate the various diseases of that area. In 1850 he published a work of 968 
pages entitled, **0n the Principal Diseases of the Mississippi Valley," 
in which he devotes 186 pages to the consideration of autumnal fevers. 
He wrote learnedly for that early period, but his writings were historical 
rather than scientific. He did not suspect the mosquito. 

PiONEEB Indiana Physicians 

Dr. Hubbard Madison Smith, who lived and died at Yincenncs, in 
'* Historical Sketches of Old Vincennes,*' gives the following history 
of the early physicians of that place : 

''There is little to be said of the earliest physicians located here, 
since no record exists giving their names or labors. It' is said a Doctor 
Tisdale was here as early as 1792, and that Samuel McEee, Surgeon 
United States army, was here as early as 1800, and Doctor Scull, a little 
later, who was with General Harrison at the battle of Tippecanoe. Knox 
County history says a medical society was organized in 1817 and met 
again in 1819 for the last time, but no names are given of the members. 

**The first medical society of Vincennes of which any authentic rec- 
ord exists was organized June 5, 1827, with the following named mem- 
bers and officers: President, Doctor E. McNamee; Secretary, Hiram 
Decker; Treasurer, J. Kuykendall; members, Philip Barton, J. D. 
Wolverton and Doctor 'Haver. Doctor James Porter was elected a 
member at the same meeting, paying a fee of $5.00 for a diploma. 

'^It is presumed that the society was organized under the provisions 
of the charter of the Vincennes University, which permitted the confer- 
ring of the degree of doctor of medicine. The society was called 'The 
First District Medical Society of Indiana.' As the years went by Doc- 
tors A. Elliot and J. W. Davis became members ; the latter subsequently 
went into politics and became a United Statei^ Minister abroad. In 
May, 1830, Doctors W. Dinwiddie, Joseph W. Posey,* Hezekiah Holland, 
Pennington and Joseph Somes were admitted to membership. In Novem- 
ber following. Doctor N. Mears joined. In May, 1831, Doctors W. W. 
Hitt, H. Davidson and 0. G. Stewart were admitted. 

**In the years following, up to 1853, there appear on the roll Doc- 
tors 0. 0. Barton, Thomas Nesbit, Joseph Brown, Joseph Maddox, Daniel 
Stahl, F. M. McJenkin, F. F. OflPatt, William Warner, J. S. Sawyer, 
John Barry, in June, 1839 ; B. J. Baty, March, 1840 ; Alexander Leslie, 
November, 1843 ; William Fairhurst, November, 1842 ; John R. Mantle, 
November, 1844; James P. DeBruler, November, 1842; Thomas B. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 799 

Thoinpaon, 1841 ; Hubbard M. Smith, May, 1849 ; Geoi^ B. Shumard, 
June, 1849; H. B. Jessup February, 1854." 

Dr. Henry P. Ayres ' (1813-1887), of Fort Wayne, gives the foUow- 
ing account of early physicians of Allen County: 

Dr. Curtis was the first whose name can be definitely determined. 
He Tifflted Fort Wayne in 1810 and was as much of an Indian trader as 




Dr. John W. Moodey 

a physician. The same year Dr. Turner, who was connected with the 
United States army as a sui^eon, reported there for duty. In 1813, 
Dr. Crow and Dr. Vorees, of the United States army, reported at Fort 
Wayne for duty with the garrison. Dr. Treat came in 1815, and relieved 
Dr. Crow. Dr. Smith, from Lancaster, Ohio, located at Fort Wayne 
and remained one year. Dr. Uphane, of Canada, located in Fort Wayne 
in 1818 ; lived but a short time apd was buried there. In 1818 or 1819, 
Dr. Benjamin Cusfaman moved to Fort Wayne and began the r^ular 



3 TranBactione Indiana State Medical Society, 1874, p. 58. 



800 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

practice of medicine and may properly be considered the first rendent 
phyMcian; he died alxint 1S39. Dr. L. Q. Thompson located in Fort 
Wayne in 1825 and wan the second resident physician. He was an able 
and Hkillfnl phyitieian and beloved in the community. He died in 1845, 
Dr, Kzra Read (1811-1877), formerly a well-known and excellent 
phynician of Terre Haate, says he settled in that place in 1843, and foond 




Dr. KzhS-JIead 

at that date Doctors Elwnezer Daniels, SoptAt Patrick, Edward V. Ball, 
and Azel Holmes.* \ 

At New Albany there were Doctow Aaahel CIBPP. William A. Clapp, 
William Cooper, Henry M. Dowlinr, Somnrille B.'^^^co'i^'^ William A. 
Scribner, Pleuant S. 8hleld% WilUun 0. Binflz, mOA ^oha Sloan. 

Dr. William T. S, Oonutt (180ft-1697), of Blpl*^ County, and Dr. 
Isaac Pflnl«y, of Oolnnbn- i« mtttioilV 

The late Dr. WiHii Up^ «{ j,f',diana|KdiB, men- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 801 

tions the names of the following physicians at Indianapolis during its 
first fifteen years of existence : Dr. Samuel G. MitcheU, first physician 
to locate, in April, 1821 ; Isaac Coe, Livingston Dunlap, Jonathan Cool, 
K. A. Scudder, W. H. Lilly, Henry Ross, Charles McDougle, John L. 
Mothershead, John H. Sanders, George W. Mears, who removed from 
Vincennes in 1834; Dr. John L. Richmond, who performed the first 
Cesarean section west of the Allegheny mountains, at Newtown, Ohio, 
April 23, 1827,® located at Indianapolis about 1836. During the interval 
between 1836 and 1846, Doctors John S. Bobbs, Charles Parry, and 
others located in Indianapolis. 

Space will not permit the recording of but a few of the names of the 
very early physicians of Indiana. The reader who may desire to pursue 
this subject is referred to the Author's Medical History of Indiana, 
1911, for an extensive list of early and later physicians of Indiana. 

Dr. Dickinson Burt was the first physician to locate in Delaware 
County. The date is not known, but it was prior to 1829. Dr. Levi 
MinshaU was the second, in 1829. He died at Muncie in 1836, aged 
32 years. 

Early Medical Practice 

Dr. Joel Pennington (1799-1887), one of the pioneer physicians of 
Indiana and a very intelligent man, gave us an excellent sketch of the 
plan of treating fever patients in early days: "^ **I settled in the viUag'e 
of Milton, Wayne County, in October, 1825. Before commencing with 
the good old doctor's treatment of fever, I wiU quote a few lines in- 
dicating how they managed to live in those days. Lest we forget, there 
were good days before us ; and better, days ahead of us. ' ' 

He says : **Soon after arriving I purchased of an old friend (Quaker) 
a hindquarter of beef, which cost, in the payment of a doctor bill, 2V^ 
cents per pound. Pork was worth from $1.25 to $1.50 per one hundred 
pounds; com 10 cents per bushel; potatoes, 12l^ cents per bushel; 
turnips the same; sweet potatoes, 25 cents per bushel; wheat, 37^ 
cents per, bushel, and all other products of the soil in proportional 
prices. 

''When called during the fever and wild delirium, we seated the 
patient on the side of the bed land held him there by the aid of assist- 
ants, if necessary, opened a vein in the arm by making as large an 



8 The reader who may be interested in this remarkable case will find a full his- 
tory of it in the Indianapolis Medical Journal, September, 1909, by G. W. H. 
Kemper, M. D., Muncie, Ind. Also Richmond Memorial Olebration, held at New- 
town, Ohio, April 22, 1912. The Indianapolis Medical Journal, May, 1912, by G. W. 
H. Kemper, M. D. 

7 President 's Address, Transactions Indiana State Medical Society, 1873, p. 11. 






^^•^ 



The Third Wesley Chapel, Built 1846 
(In which the State Medical Convention of 1849 was held) 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 803 

orifice as practicable, and allowed the blood to flow until his pulse be- 
came soft and less resisting, or until syncope supervened. We relied 
more on the effect produced than on the quantity of blood extracted, 
our object being to produce a decided impression upon the heart's action. 
.Our patient being in a sitting posture and the blood escaping from a 
free opening, it did not require a great length of time to produce the 
desired effect. Often within ten or twenty minutes after fiaintness or 
sickness occurred, the subject of this mode of treatment would become 
bathed in a copious perspiration, and the violent fever and delirium 
existing a short time before would have entirely passed away. Now, if 
the indications seemed to require it, we directed an emetic to be given, 
usually composed of tartarized antimony and ipecac combined, or wine 
of antimony. After free emesis and the sickness had subsided, if thought 
necessary, we gave a brisk cathartic usually containing more or less 
calomel. After the primae mae had been well cleared, it was our prac- 
tice to give opium in such doses as the case required, in order to allay 
all irritability of the stomach and bowels. We directed the usual febri- 
fuges to be given if the fever should return, and these were given in 
such doses as required to arrest or mitigate it. We used no manner of 
temporizing treatment, but aimed our agents directly at the extermina- 
tion of diseases. 

** Under the above manner of treating a case of remittent fever it 
was no uncommon thing on our second. visit to find our patient sitting 
up and feeling pretty well, except a little weak ; and within a few days 
able to return to his ordinary avocation." 

The high price of quinine hindered many of the early physicians 
f-rom using it. Dr. Pennington says: **The first I used cost me at 
the rate of $30.00 per ounce.'' 

The late Dr. J. W. Hervey,® of Indianapolis, in *' Reminiscences of 
Western Hancock County," mentions an epidemic of congestive fever 
in the year 1846, and states that physicians were hindered from using 
this drug owing to the price. He says: **The great hindrance to the 
use of quinine was its cost and the scarcity of money. Quinine cost 
$6.00 (I think at one time $8.00) an ounce, and scarce at that. Dr. 
Hervey bought up a number of fat cattle, drove them to Indianapolis, 
sold them for $7.50 a head, and bought quinine with the money." 

Epidemics 

Several epidemics of various diseases have invaded our State at 
different periods of its history. With our present-day methods of quar- 
antine, studies in bacteriology, antidotes, and remedies, it is not likely 
that we will again be invaded by any widespread epidemic of disease. 



8 Transactions Indiana State Medical Society, 1874, p. 74. 



804 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

• 

Asiatic cholera first invaded our state in Dearborn County in 1833, 
having been conveyed from New Orleans by steamboat. At that early 
period the real nature of this disease was not understood, and quarantine 
measures were not instituted. Remedies were futile and the well por- 
tion sought safety by escaping to uninfected districts. 

In 1848-49, cholera again invaded a number of the middle states, 
advancing from New Orleans along the Mississippi and Ohio rivers. This 
was a most virulent type of the disease. Cholera of a milder type in- 
vaded Indiana in the years 1854, 1860 and 1873. 

Koch discovered the cholera bacillus February 2, 1884. This dis- 
covery and quarantine have robbed cholera of its terrors. 

In 1842-3 epidemic erysipelas prevailed in a number of counties 
in southern Indiana, and was known by a number of popular names, as 
** black tongue,'' **sore throat," ** swelled head," etc. The fatality was 
great. 

In 1843, influenza, now known as la grippe, prevailed in several 
portions of Indiana. It was seldom fatal, but its sequelae were numerous 
and often fatal. 

In 1848 scarlet fever prevailed to a marked extent over southern 
Indiana. « 

From 1836 to 1856, the disease known as **Morbo Lacteo," or **milk 
sickness," was encountered in numerous localities. It especially affected 
cattle, involving both flesh and milk. The diseased cattle were subject 
to a species of ** trembles," quite characteristic of the disease. Sucking 
calves were affected. Humans who partook of the milk or butter of 
diseased cows contracted the disease. 

In some localities farmers lost portions of their stock. This led to 
a depreciation of farm lands in suspicious localities, and at times the 
innocent suffered with the unfortunate. In the human the premonitory 
symptoms of this disease were a remarkable feeling of lassitude, loss of 
appetite, headache, fever, furred tongue, and a burning sensation in 
the epigastric region. Later, nausea, vomiting, a low grade of fever, 
and obstinate constipation ensued. Sporadic cases are occasionally met 
with at the present day. Many physicians classed the disease as apocry- 
phal, considering it a type of malarial fever. 

Several epidemics of smallpox have occurred in portions of the state. 
In December, 1847, a severe epidemic occurred at Indianapolis while 
the legislature was in session, and several legislators were attacked. 
Hon. Andrew Kennedy, of Muncie, received the nomination for United 
States senator. He was stricken with the disease and died, and was 
buried at Indianapolis. The legislature adjourned precipitately, and 
the members who were well hurried to their homes. Mr. Kennedy died 
December 31, 1847. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 805 

A severe epidemic of smallpox occurred at Muncie in the autumn 
of 1893.» 

Diphtheria has occurred as an epidemic in a number of places. A 
notable instance was at Columbus in 1896.^^ 

Epidemics of dysentery were common in Indiana during the summer 
months of 1849,50,51, and 52. The disease was especially fatal»in 1851. 
Shiga discovered the dysentery bacillus in 1897, since which time thcj 
disease has been more readily controlled. 

The Indiana State Medical Society 

February 26, 1848, ''The Indianapolis Medical Society," a local or- 
ganization, was established. At its first meeting the following named 
physicians were selected as officers: President, John H. Sanders; vice 
president, Livingston Dunlap; secretary, John S. Bobbs; corresponding 
secretary, Talbott Bullard; treasurer, John L. Mothershead; censors, 
George W. Mears, Charles Parry and Livingston Dunlap ; members, David 
Funkhouser, John Nutt, Herschel V. V. Johnson, John Pleasants, James 
S. Harrison, John Evans, Alois D. Gall, William R. Smith, R. G. Gray- 
don, John M. Gaston, A. G. Ruddell, Isaac Meranda and William Clin- 
ton Thompson. In May, 1849, this society issued a call for a State Med- 
ical Convention to be held at Indianapolis in June of the same year. 

Pursuant to call, the State Medical Convention assembled in Wesley 
Chapel, at Indianapolis, on Wednesday, June 6, 1849, at 10 o'clock A. M. 
An organization was effected by electing John H. Sanders president, 
and John S. Bobbs secretary. This session was termed ** Convention.*' 
At the session of 1850, the organization was permanently named ** State 
Medical Society,'' and was known by this name until 1904, when the 
name ** Association*' was substituted for Society.^ ^ This change was 
made in order to harmonize with the various state organizations and 
the American Medical Association. The proceedings of the several ses- 
sions from 1849 to 1907 were printed in pamphlet form termed Transac- 
tions, until 1873, and beginning with 1874 were bound in muslin and 
issued to the members. The transactions were discontinued in 1907. 



»Dr. Hugh A. CJo¥nring, at that time county health officer, prepared an inter- 
esting and elaborate account of this epidemic. W. B. Burford, Indianapolis, 1894. 

10 Personal observations in 190 cases. Dr. George T. MacCoj, Health officer 
of Columbus, Transactions Indiana State Medical Society, 1897, p. 54. Also lb. 
1898 (Supplemental), p. 350. Also on same epidemic, Dr. G. M. Voris, Columbus. 
Trans, for 1897, p. 66. These reports and the discussions are quite valuable. — K. 

11 Considerable discussion has been indulged over the question as to who was 
the president of the first session of the ' ' state society. ' ' This is easily disposed ot. 
John H. Sanders was president of the convention in 1849, and William T. S. Cornett 
president of the society in 1850. 



806 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

With January, 1908, the transactions gave place to the first num- 
ber of the Journal of the Indiana State Medical Association. This 
journal is mailed regularly to members of the association. 

Unfortunately, only a few complete files of the transactions are in 
existence. ^2 

In th&e pamphlets and volumes — fifty-eight in number — is a treas- 
ure of medical literature that the present and coming generations of 
medical men will do weU to care for tenderly. They reach back to a 
period antedating our state medical journals, and so far as I can deter- 
mine, the transactions were the first medical publications in bound form 
issued in Indiana.^^ 

The pamphlet proceedings of the convention of 1849 consist of 
fourteen pages. It gives the names of eighty-four physicians. I am 
in doubt whether the eighty-four were all present or only a portion of 
them, while the remainder sent credentials. 

It was common in those days to give simply the initial letter of the 
first name, but I have been able to supply the full name of all save 
one. Two names — ^probably in a rush — ^were bunched, as '*Parquhar 
and Henkle, of Wabash.*' Neither of these physicians resided at 
Wabash. Farquhar (Uriah) lived and died at Logansport. After due 
diligence I have been unable to locate **Dr. Henkle.*' The witnesses 
are all dead; possibly it may be a typographical error. 

I think the publication of these names at this time is proper as show- 
ing a list of representative, progressive physicians who lived when 
Indiana was yet young : 

Allen, Joseph, Crawf ordsville ; Ardery, Joseph C, Decatur County; 
Armington, John L., Greensburg; Athon, James S., Charleston; Ballard, 
Chester G., Waveland; Bobbs, John S., Indianapolis; Boyd, John M., 
Thomtown; Brower, Jeremiah H., Lawrenceburg ; BuUard, Talbott, 
Indianapolis ; Byers, William J., Frankfort ; Clapp, Asahel, New Albany ; 
Clapp, William A., New Albany; CoUum, William F., Jeflfersonville ; 
Conn, Richard B., Ripley County ; Cooper, William, New Albany ; Com- 



12 A complete set of the transactions can be consulted at the Indianapolis City 
Library. They contain many valuable articles, medical, surgical, scientific, historical, 
etc. In January, 1915, the author of this paper published a complete index of 
the transactions from 1849 to 1907, inclusive; combined with this index is an alpha- 
betical list of contributors to the transactions from 1849 to 1907. This pamphlet 
contains the names of four hundred and eighty-one (481) physicians, and the 
titles of twelve hundred and two (1202) articles. 

18 1 have in my possession a small volume of 182 pages, printed at Connersville 
in 1845, for Dr. Buell Eastman, a physician who resided only a few year^ in that 
place (possibly 1844 to 1846). So far as I have been able to determine, this is the 
first medical book printed in Indiana. It is entitled: ** Practical Treatise on Dis- 
eases Peculiar to Women and Girls.** It appeals to the laity, and, strictly speaking, 
is not a professional work. 



PRACTICAL TREATISE 



ON 0I8GA8ES 



PECULIAR TO WOMEN AND GIRLS: 



TO WHICH rS ADDED 



AN ECLECTIC SYSTEM OF MIDWIFERY. 



ALSO. 

THE TREATMENT OF THE DISEASES OF CHtLDREir, 

AND THE REMEDIES USED IN THE 

CURE OF DISEASES: 



PARTICULARLY ADAPTED TO THE USE OF 

HEADS OF FAMILIES AND MIDWIVES. 

BY BUELL EASTMAN, M. D. 
FRKiotiiT or rut Exvnno wocim or moiciMt, ako fiMiot meniki or m 

MCVtCAl tOCISTT Or CWaKMATI. 



s *• ^ %>% A •« # 



3&9con) fiTl(t(on. 



CONNERSVILLEs 
1845. 



(Facsimile Title Page of First Indiana Medical Book) 



Vd. n— 18 



808 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

ett, William T. S., Ripley County; Cowgill, Tarvin W., Greencastle; 
Curran, Robert, Indianapolis; Davidson, William, Madison; Dowling, 
Henry M., New Albany; Dunlap, Livingston, Indianapolis; Eldridge^ 
Albert, Dearborn County; Farquhar, Uriah, Logansport; Fenley, Isaac, 
Columbus; Florer, Thomas W., Alamo; Foster, William C, Sr., Bloom- 
ington ; Francis, James K., Ripley County ; Fry, Thomas W., Crawf ords- 
ville; Funkhouser, David, Indianapolis; Gall, Alois D., Indianapolis; 
Gaston, John M., Indianapolis ; Gordon, Jonathan W., Dearborn County ; 
Hamil, Robert C, Bloomington; Harding, Myron H., Lawrenceburg ; 
Harrison, James S., Indianapolis; Helm, Jefferson, Rushville; Henkle, 
, Wabash ; Hinman, Homer T., Columbus ; Hitt, Washing- 
ton Willis, Vincennes; Holcomb, John B., Madison; Huggins George 
M., Darlington; Hunt, Andrew M., Indianapolis; Hunt, Franklin W., 
Laporte ; Hunt, John, Madison County ; Hutchinson, David, Mooresville ; 
Jameson, Patrick H., Indianapolis; Johnson, H. V. V., Broad Ripple; 
Johnson, Nathan, Cambridge City; Judkins, Stanton, New Garden, 
Wayne County; Kersey, Vierling, Milton; Leonard, Somervell E., New 
Albany; Lewis, John, Ripley County; Mahan, Oliver P., Crawfords- 
ville; Maxwell, James D., Bloomington; Mears George W., Indianapolis; 
Moodey, John W., Greensburg; Mothershead, John L., Indianapolis; 
Mullen, Alexander J., Napoleon; Mullen, Bernard Francis, Napoleon; 
Mullen, John William, Madison; New, George W., Greensburg; Nutt, 
John, Marion County; Parry, Charles, Indianapolis; Patterson, R. J., 
Indianapolis; Pegg, Jesse A., New Garden; Preston, Albert G., Green- 
castle; Ramsey, C. S., Indianapolis; Rodgers, Joseph H. D., Madison; 
Ryan, Townsend, Anderson; Sanders, John H., Indianapolis; Scribner, 
William A., New Albany; Shields, Pleasant S., New Albany; Sinex, Wil- 
liam G., New Albany; Sloan, John, New Albany; Smith, William R., 
Cumberland; Talbott, Hiram E., Greencastle; Taylor, W. H., Dearborn 
County; Thompson, W. Clinton, Indianapolis; Tichnor, James, Craw- 
fordsville; Wallace, Charles, Belleville; Weldon, Samuel J., Covington; 
White, William, Prairieville, Clinton County j Wiley, John Hezekiah, 
Richmond; Wishard, William. H., Johnson County; total, 84. 

PRESroENTS OP THE INDIANA StATE MeDICAL SOCIETY AND ASSOCIATION 

Medical Convention — 1849, •Livingston Dunlap, Indianapolis. 

Medical Society— 1849-1850, •William T. S. Comett, Versailles ; 1850- 
1851, •Asahel Clapp, New Albany ; 1851-1852, •George W. Mears, Indian- 
apolis; 1852-1853, * Jeremiah H. Brower, Lawrenceburg; 1853-1854, 
•Elizur H. Deming, Lafayette; 1854-1855, *Madison J. Bray, Evans- 
ville ; 1855-1856, •William Lomax, Marion ; 1856-1857, •Daniel Meeker, 
Laporte ; 1857-1858, •Talbott BuUard, Indianapolis ; 1858-1859, •Nathan 

♦Dead. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 809 

Johnson, Cambridge City; 1859-1860, *David Hutchinson, Mooresville; 
1860-1861, *Benjamin S. Woodworth, Fort Wayne ; 1861-1862, *Theoph- 
ilus Parvin, Indianapolis; 1862-1863, •James F. Hibberd, Richmond; 
1863-1864, •John Sloan, New Albany; 1864, •John Moflfet (acting), 
Rushville ; 1864, •Samnel M. Linton, Colnmbus ; 1865, •Myron H. Hard- 
ing, Lawrencebnrg; 1865-1866, •Wilson Lockhart (acting), Danville; 
1866-1867, •Vierling Kersey, Richmond; 1867-1868, •John S. Bobbs, In- 
dianapolis; 1868-1869, •Nathaniel Field, Jeflfersonville ; 1869-1870, 
•George Sutton, Aurora; 1870-1871, •Robert N. Todd, Indianapolis; 
1871-1872,^Henry P. Ayres, Fort Wayne ; 1872-1873, •Joel Pennington, 
Milton; 1873-1874, •Isaac Casselberry, Evansville; 1873-1874, •Wilson 
Hobbs, Enightstown; 1874-1875, •Richard E. Haughton, Richmond; 
1875-1876, •John H. Helm, Peru; 1876-1877, •Samuel S. Boyd, Dublin; 
1877-1878, *Luther D. Waterman, Indianapolis ; 1878 J, •Louis Humph- 
reys, South Bend; 1878-1879, *Benjamin Newland (acting), Bedford 
(V.-P.) ; 1879-1880, •Jacob R. Weist, Richmond; 1880-1881, •Thomas B. 
Harvey, Indianapolis; 1881-1882, •Marshall Sexton, Rushville; 1882- 
1883, •WiUiam H. Bell, Logansport; 1883-1884, •Samuel E. Munford, 
Princeton; 1884-1885, •James H. Woodbum, Indianapolis; 1885-1886, 
♦James S. Gregg, Fort Wayne; 1886-1887, General W. H. Kemper, Mun- 
cie; 1887-1888, •Samuel H. Charlton, Seymour; 1888-1889, •William H. 
Wishard, Indianapolis; 1889-1890, •James D. Gatch, Lawrencebnrg; 
1890-1891, •Gonsolvo C. Smythe, Greencastle ; 1891-1892, Edwin Walker, 
Evansville; 1892-1893, George F. Beasley, Lafayette; 1893-1894, 
•Charles A. Daugherty, South Bend; 1894-1895, •Elijah S. Elder, In- 
dianapolis; 1894-1895, Charles S. Bond (acting), Richmond; 1895-1896, 
Miles F. Porter, Fort Wayne ; 1895-1896, •James H. Ford, Wabash ; 1897- 
1898, William N. Wishard, Indianapolis; 1898-1899, John C. Sexton, 
Rushville ; 1899-1900, *Walter Schell, Terre Haute ; 1900-1901, George W. 
McCaskey, Fort Wayne ; 1901-1902, Alembert W. Brayton, Indianapolis ; 
1902-1903, John B. Berteling, South Bend. 

Medical Association — 1903-1904, Jonas Stewart, Anderson; 1904- 
1905, George T. MacCoy, Columbus ; 1905-1906, •George H. Grant, Rich- 
mond; 1906-1907, •George J. Cook, Indianapolis; 1907-1908, David C. 
Peyton, Jeflfersonville ; 1908-1909, •George D. Kahlo, French Lick ; 1909- 
1910, Thomas C. Kennedy, Shelbyville ; 1910-1911, Frederick C. Heath, 
Indianapolis; 1911-1912, William F. Howat, Hammond; 1912-1913, 
Albert C. Kimberlin, Indianapolis; 1913-1914, John P. Salb, Jasper; 
1914-1915, Frank B. Wynn, Indianapolis; 1915-1916, George F. Keiper, 
Lafayette; 1916-1917, John H. Oliver, Indianapolis; 1917-1918, Joseph 
Rilus Eastman, Indianapolis. 



♦ Dead. 
:!: Resigned. 



si 


1 


ff 


i 


^Vm 


vi 


lup 


n 






1 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 811 

Presidents of the American Medical Association from Indiana — 
1879, *Theophilus Parvin ; 1894, * James F. Hibberd. 

Medical Colleges 

The legislature of the territory of Indiana granted a charter for the 
Vincennes University in 1807, with the privilege of uniting a medical de- 
partment with law and theology, but the medical department was never 
organized. 

In 1842 the Indiana Medical College of Laporte was established and 
continued until 1850. The regular course consisted of sixteen weeks. The 
faculty was as follows: Daniel Meeker, anatomy and surgery; Franklin 
Hunt, materia medica and botany; Jacob P. Andrew, obstetrics and 
diseases of women and children ; Qustavus A. Rose, theory and practice ; 
John B. Niles, chemistry. At this session there were thirty matriculates 
and one graduate. 

At the several sessions of this institution there were a number of dis- 
tinguished men besides those named who filled medical and surgical 
chairs: Azariah B. Shipman, Elizur H. Deming, Tompkins Higday, J. 
Adams Allen, Ryland T. Brown, and others. 

Many of the graduates of this school in time became prominent prac- 
titioners. A few may be named: John Evans, at one time superintendent 
of the Indiana Insane Asylum and later a lecturer in Bush Medical Col- 
lege, and the founder of Evanston, Illinois; Louis Humphrey, South 
Bend ; William Lomax, Marion ; William H. Wishard, Indianapolis ; S. 
S. Todd, of Kansas City, professor of theory and practice in Kansas City 
Medical College. 

In the fall of 1849 the Indiana Medical College, located at Indianap- 
olis, held its first session. This school was a branch of Asbury (now 
Depauw) University, at Greencastle, the trustees of which acted in the 
sam6 capacity to the college. The professors who were elected to the 
various chairs were: John S. Bobbs, Indianapolis, anatomy; Alvah H. 
Baker, Cincinnati, surgery ; Livingston Dunlap, Indianapolis, theory and 
practice; Charles Downey, Greencastle, chemistry; James Harrison, In- 
dianapolis, materia medica and therapeutics. 

During the session of 1849-50, forty students were in attendance, 
among whom were John A. Comingor and Robert N. Todd. Later these 
two men arose to eminence as medical professors in Indianapolis schools 
of medicine. 

In the summer of 1850, the medical school of Laporte having sus- 

* Dead. 



812 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

pendedy two who were engaged in teaching there were elected to chairs 
in the Indiana Central Medical College — ^Doctor Deming to the newly 
formed chair of institutes of medicine and general pathology, and Doctor 
Meeker to fill the chair of anatomy. Dr Baker having resigned the chair 
of surgery, Dr. Bobbs was elected to fill that vacancy. 

The last session of this school was held in 1851-2, at which time, owing 
to some disagreement among the faculty and trustees, the school was 
disbanded. From that date until the fall of 1869, Indianapolis was with- 
out a medical college. 

In the early part of 1869 the Academy of Medicine, at Indianapolis, 
appointed a committee to select a faculty for the Indiana Medical College, 
with the following result : J. S. Bobbs, principles of surgery ; J. A. Com- 
ingor, orthopedic surgery and surgical pathology ; R. N. Todd, practice 
of medicine; T. B. Harvey, diseases of women and children; W. B. 
Fletcher, physiology; B. T. Brown, chemistry; Dougan Clark, materia 
medica ; G. W. Mears, obstetrics ; L. D. Waterman, anatomy. The college 
met with a severe loss in the death of Dr. Bobbs, which occurred on May 
1, 1870, and required a readjustment of the faculty. Of the men named 
above, all are dead. 

Space will not permit an enumeration of the several medical colleges 
which have arisen, and run their course in the state since 1871. 

In September, 1905, the Medical College of Indiana, the Central Col- 
lege of Physicians and Surgeons, and the Fort Wayne College of Medicine 
merged under the name, The Indiana Medical College — ^the school of 
medicine of Purdue University. 

In the summer of 1907 the Indiana University School of Medicine and 
the State College of Physicians and Surgeons united under the name 
and style of the Indiana University School of Medicine. 

In April, 1908, negotiations were completed whereby the Indiana 
Medical College should be united with the Indiana University ,School of 
Medicine, under the name of the latter. 

On February 26, 1909, an act was passed by the legislature of Indiana 
authorizing the trustees of Indiana University to conduct a medical school 
in Marion County, Indiana ; to receive gifts of real estate and other prop- 
erty in behalf of the State of Indiana for the maintenance of medical 
education in said county, and declaring an emergency. 

In October, 1910, Dr. Robert W. Long, of Indianapolis, began nego- 
tiations with the president of the University, whereby Dr. Robert W. 
Long and Clara Long, his wife, proposed to donate certain properties in 
the City of Indianapolis,the estimated value of which was $200,000, for 
the purpose of establishing a State Hospital, under the control of the 
University. This princely gift was accepted by an act of the following 



814 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

legislature. Doctor and Mrs. Long afterward conveyed to the State of 
Indiaziafcyr the use' a^iM' benefit of Indiana Universil^^ Sdiool of Medicine 
this property.: The magnifieent hospital has been constructed, and is now 
serving humanity. 

. Subsequently^ Doctor Long made additional gifts amounting to the 
sum approximately of fifty thousand dollars ($50,000), and he has pro- 
vided in his will for the residue of his estate to' go for the use and main- 
tenance of this hospital. 

After the several schools of medicine had been merged into the In- 
diana University School of Medicine, and all necessary, legal enactments 
consummated, Charles Phillips Emerson, A. B., M. D., was made dean 
of the sdiool of medicine. 

The offioers and faculty of the medical department at Bloomington 
and at Indianapolis are teachers and instructors of the highest order, and 
our school of medicine compares most favorably with the high class insti- 
tutions of other states. 

Medical Journals 

Dr. Theophilus Parvin was the first of our Indiana physicians to enter 
medical journalism. His scholarly attainments particularly fitted him 
for the work. In 1866 he began the publication of the Western Journal 
of Medicine, at Cincinnati. It might properly be classed with the Indiana 
journals. In 1870 this journal was transferred to Indianapolis, and the 
name changed to Indiana Journal of Medicine. In 1882 the name was 
changed to Indiana Medical Journal. This name continued to 1908. 

Dr. Alembert W. Brayton deserves especial praise for his efforts to 
advance medical journalism in Indiana. For many years he edited the 
Transactions of >the Indiana State Medical Society, and for a number of 
years has been on the editorial staff of several of the Indiana journals. 

Dr. Thaddeus M. Stevens, of Indianapolis, was editor of the Indiana 
Medical Journal for several years, and discharged his duties in a credit- 
able manner. 

Doctors Prank C. Ferguson, Samuel E. Earp, and R. French Stone, 
all of Indianapolis, have labored efficiently in editorial work bestowed 
upon several medical journals. 

In. June, 1898, The Medical and Surgical Monitor was first issued at 
Indianapolis — Dr. S. E. Earp, editor. 

'The Central States Medical Magazine, for a short time published at 
Anderson, and edited by Dr. Samuel C. Norris, of that city, merged with 
the Medical and Surgical Monitor in November, 1905. The union of 
these journals took the name of the Central States Medical Monitor, with 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 815 

Dr. S. E. Earp editor, and Dr. S. E. Norris and Dr. Simon P. Scherer, 
associate editors. 

January, 1909, The Indiana Medical Journal, edited by Dr. A. W. 
Brayton, merged with the Central States Medical Monitor, and assumed 
the name. The Indianapolis Medical Journal, with Dr. S. E. Earp, editor- 
in-chief. Dr. A. W. Brayton, editor, and Dr. S. P. Scherer and Dr. S. C. 
Norris, associate editors. This is an independent medical journal and 
the editors are assisted by a number of Indiana physicians, who serve as 
collaborators: Charles P. Emerson, M. D., Indianapolis; Curran Pope, 
M. D., Louisville, Ky.; John C. Sexton, M. D., Rushville, Ind.; N. E. 
Aronstam, M. D., Detroit, Mich.; M. N. Hadley, M. D., Indianapolis; 
Thomas B: Eastman, M. D., Indianapolis; Charles B. Sowder, M. D., 
Indianapolis ; Charles S. Houghland, M. D., Milroy, Ind. ; C. B. Strick- 
land, Indianapolis; F. F. Hutchins, M. D., Indianapolis; Leslie H. Max- 
well, M. D., Indianapolis; George L. Servoss, Beno, Nev. ; Frank Crockett, 
Lafayette, Ind.; E. D. Clark, M. D., Indianapolis; F. B. Wynn, M. D., 
Indianapolis; E. B. Mumford, M. D., Indianapolis; J. N. Hurty, M. D., 
Indianapolis; Goethe Link, M. D., Indianapolis; Balcy Husted Bell, M. D., 
New York City; Joseph Rilus Eastman, M. D., Indianapolis; John F. 
Bamhill, M. D., Indianapolis; Thomas Kennedy, M. D., Indianapolis; 
Bernard Erdman, M. D., Indianapolis; J. W. Wainwright, M. D., New 
York City; W. H. Foreman, M. D., Indianapolis; B. 0. McAlexander, 
M. D., Indianapolis; J. 0. Stillson, M. D., Indianapolis; W. W. Eahn, 
M. D., Detroit, Mich.; *W. W. Vinnedge, M. D., Lafayette; Paul Coble, 
M. D., Indianapolis ; G. W. H. Kemper, M. D., Muncie, Ind. 

Prior to 1892, for a number of years, Dr. Christian B. Stemen pub- 
lished a small medical journal at Fort Wayne, known as the Journal of 
the Medical Sciences. This appeared at irregular intervals. 

In 1892 the Fort Wayne Medical Magazine was established in that 
city with Dr. Albert E. Bulson, Jr., as editor, and with an associate staff 
composed of Drs. Miles F. Porter, George W. McCaskey, Maurice I. Rosen- 
thal, Budd Van Sweringen, and Kent K. Wheelock. Beginning with 
January, 1897, the Fort Wayne Medical Magazine absorbed the Journal 
of the Medical Sciences, published by Doctor Stemen, and thereafter the 
periodical was known as the Fort Wayne Medical Journal-Magazine, 
with Doctor Bulson as editor, and with Doctor Stemen added to the ed- 
itorial staff. Within two or three years the editorial staff and owners had, 
through resignations, been reduced to three men, namely, Doctors Miles 
F. Porter, George W. McCaskey and Albert E. Bulson, Jr. These three 
men continued the periodical up to and including December, 1907, when 

* Dead. 



816 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

the Fort Wayne Medical Journal-Magazine ceased to exist in name and 
merged its identity with The Journal of the Indiana State Medical Asso- 
ciation. 

At the session of the State Medical Society held at Richmond, in 1907, 
a resolution was adopted, instructing the council to take necessary steps 
to abolish the yearly Transactions which had been the custom from 1849 
to 1907, and substitute a monthly medical joumaL In accordance with 
this resolution the first number of The Journal of the Indiana State 
Medical Association was issued January 15, 1908, at Fort Wayne. Dr. 
Albert E. Bulson, Jr., was selected as editor and manager. 

This journal has proved highly satisfactory to the profession of the 
state, and has taken a rank with the best medical journals of the country. 
Dr. Bulson is to be complimented for the able manner in which he has 
conducted the journal. The high tone of professional character ; freedom 
from mercenary motives and charlatanism, combined with its dignified 
and classical editorials, eminently commend this monthly visitor to the 
profession of the state. 

Women Physicians 

While untrained midwives were common in the early days of Indiana, 
professional female nurses and female physicians were unknown until 
a much later period. After the medical colleges permitted women to 
matriculate and graduate, they took high rank with their professional 
brothers. 

I think it is proper to mention a few names of women physicians in 
order to show their honorable attainments. I wish I could publish the 
names of all who are practicing in the state, as an honor roll, but cannot. 
I am sure that those whose names are omitted will pardon me. 

Dr. Rose Alexander Bowers, Michigan City, has rendered good serv- 
ice in psychiatry. Dr. Laura Carter, Shelbyville, is specializing in gyne- 
cology. Dr. Etta Charles, Alexandria, has done eflScient work as a gen- 
eral practitioner at Summitville, and in Madison County, one of our most 
efiicient county secretaries. Dr. Maria Allen Jessup, Canby, has practiced 
for a number of years in her native town, specializing in obstetrics. Dr. 
Marie Kast, Indianapolis, is employed as anesthetist in the Methodist 
Episcopal Hospital. Dr. Amelia Keller, Indianapolis, has practiced in 
that city, and is associate professor of pediatrics in Indiana University 
School of Medicine. Dr. Jane Merrill Keteham, Indianapolis, has ren- 
dered efficient service in a number of stations, and is clinical associate in 
medicine in Indiana University School of Medicine. Dr. Adah Mc- 
Mahon, Lafayette, is in general practice and obstetrics. Dr. Lillian B. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



817 



Mueller, Indianapolis, is anesthetist at the Methodist Episcopal Hos- 
pital. Dr. Nettie B. Powell, Marion, is a successful practitioner and city 
health otBcer. Dr. Mary Thayer Ritter, An^la, is in g^eneral practice and 
gynecology; also seeretaty Steuben County Medical Society. Dr. Anna 
T. MeKamy, Nqw Albany, is a general practitioner, specializing in ob- 




V. 




>J#i 



.^ 



Db. Helene Knabe 



stetriea. Dr. Ada E. Schweitzer, Indianapolis, is a specialist in nervous 
and mental diseases and assistant bacteriologist in the State Laboratory 
of Hygiene. She is author of a number of papers on scientific subjects. 
Dr. Kenosha Sessions, Indianapolis, has had experience in children's 
hospitals, girls' schools and is physician to women at Southern Hospital 
for the Insane at Evansville. Dr. Mary Angela Spink, Indianapolis, 
with Dr. W. B. Fletcher, established the Fletcher Sanatorium in 1888, 
and after his death became superintendent of that institntion. At this 
time she is president. Dr. Alice B. Williams, Columbia City, is a practi- 



S18 INDIAXJL AXD IXDIAXAXS 

tioner of general mediemie. Dr. Frbaiie Spink, Indianapolis, has been 
efficient at the Fteteher Saiii^saniaL Dr. Sarah Stockton was one of 
the first women to praetiee BMdieiiie in Indianapolis. For several years 
past she hask been an asHMiate phxsieian at the Central Hospital for the 
Insane. Dr. Doris )Ieisier« of Anderson, and Dr. Harriet Wiley, of Port- 
laud, have been faithful workers in the ranks. 

Death List 

A number of buthfol women physicians are contained in this list: 
I>r. Heloie Elise Hermine Enabe, Indianapolis ; Dr. Rebecca Rogers 

Geor^* Indianapolis; Dr. Mary Widdop, Longcliffe; Dr. Harriet E. 

Turner. Indiani^Iis; Dr. Martha E. Keller, Indianapolis; Dr. Sarah 

R StoekweU, South Bend. 

Indiana Nurses 

The Crimean war raged from 1853 to 1856, and Florence Nightingale 
accompanied the British soldiers as the first female nurse. The names of 
the several generals who commanded those vast bodies of troops have 
left our memories, but we treasure the name of Florence Nightingale. 
The wounded and dying soldiers in that Crimean h'ospital who turned 
upon beds to kiss the shadow of saintly Florence Nightingale as it fell 
upon them, have told us that to them it was a holy shadow. On April 
29, 1905, it was my privilege to walk by the graves of these soldiers in 
the English cemetery at Scutari, Constantinople, and with uncovered 
head I recalled the deeds of this good nurse. 

In 1859 Florence Nightingale first published her work, '* Notes on 
Nursing." This work was a gospel call to women, reminding them that 
they should share the toils of the sick room and the hospital with the 
physician and surgeon. 

In my army experience of three years in the Civil war, I never saw 
but two women upon a battlefield. At the closing hours of the battle of 
Farmington, Tennessee, October 7, 1863, 1 saw two women from the village 
come upon the field with a bucket of water and two tin cups, and give 
a drink to wounded Union and Confederate soldiers alike. It was a 
rare opportunity for giving the **cup of cold water." 

During the Civil war Miss Catharine Merrill was a lone nurse from 
Indiana. A writer in the Indianapolis News, November 1, 1916, pays the 
following tribute to her memory: **A comrade said to another: * Captain, 
what of all you saw in the war will stay with you the longest?' He was 
silent for a moment and then replied : 'There was a lovely lady who left 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 819 

her home of comfort and refinement and came to the army in the field. 
The day I was carried into the hospital I saw her, basin and towel in 
hand, going from cot to cot, washing the feet of the sick, the wounded 
and the dying, gently preparing the tired boys for that long journey 
from which none ever returns. The act was done with such gracious 
humility, as if it were a privilege, that I turned my head away with my 
eyes filled with tears, and I say to you now that after all other earthly 
scenes have vanished this, on which a radiance from heaven fell, will 
abide forever.' " 

Nursing as a profession was not established in Indiana until within 
the last quarter of the nineteenth century. The Indianapolis Flower 
Mission and the Hospital Board organized in 1883 the first training 
school for nurses. Miss Mary C. Iddings (Mrs. Thomas B. Stanley) 
was the first nurse graduated from this school. 

The physician and surgeon at this day finds an able ally in the 
skilled nurse. She relieves him of much <>f the drudgery of the sick 
chamber — ^work that she can do much better than the doctor and permit 
him to see other patients. During the first twenty-five years of my 
practice my nurse help usually came from unskilled women ; true, they 
were willing and ever ready, but I was compelled to do menial service 
that the young doctor of today would shrink from. I washed the disciples' 
feetl 

The trained nurse has come to stay. We find her in the home, the 
hospital, the camp, and with our armies that went out to battle for a 
world peace. There are hundreds in France; we have sent some to Eng- 
land, to Russia, to Belgium, to Austria, to Poland, to Boumania, and to 
Germany. Several died in those countries ; some who labor and toil for 
humanity in those lands will never see home again. 

Medical Authors 

Theodore Potter — ** Essays on Bacteriology, and Its Relation to the 
Progress of Medicine. "—1898. 

Theophilus Parvin — *' Science and Art of Obstetrics." — 1886. 

R. French Stone— *' Elements of Modem Medicine. "—1885. '* Biog- 
raphy of Eminent American Physicians and Surgeons." — 1894. 

John W. Sluss— ''Handbook of Surgery."— 1911. 

John F. Bamhill and Ernest De W. Wales — '*0n Principles and 
Practice of Otology. ' '—1911. 

John J. Kyle — ' * Compend of Diseases of the Ear, Nose and Throat. ' ' 
—1903. 



SW INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

tt;. W. H. Kemper— "The World's Anatomists. "—1905. "Medical 
X^sftK? <fi Indiana." — 1911. 

«>, O, ^jthe — "Medical Heresies." — 1880, 

^^it# a number of medical monf^raphs have been written by physi- 
•.-ians of Indiana; many of them are valuable contributions. 

Dr. David Hutchinson (1812-1891), formerly of Mooresville, and 




Dr. Qeorge Sutton 

while residing at that place, was the recipient of the Piske Fund Prize 
Essay, on "Stomatitis Matema," — Nursing sore mouth, June 3, 1857.'* 

Dr. Jacob R. Weist (1834-1900), Richmond, was the successful com- 
petitor for a prize essay in 1868, entitled, "The Causes, Nature and 
Treatment of Cerebro-spinal Meningitis." Transactions Indiana State 
Medical Society, 1868, p. 121. 

Dr. George Sutton, one of the brilliant physicians of the early days 

"Am. Jour. Med. Sriences, Vol. xsiiv, p. 369. (October, 1857.) 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 821 

of Indiana, in November, 1843, contributed to the Western Lancet, an 
article entitled, ** Remarks on an Epidemic Erysipelas, Known by the 
Popular Name of * Black Tonpie,' Which Prevailed in Ripley and Dear- 
bom Counties, Indiana.*' This article was of so much merit that it was 
reproduced entire in the English work of **Nunneley on Erysipelas/' — 
1844. 

Buried in the fifty-eight copies of the Transactions of the Indiana 
State Medical Society may be found many articles of great interest to 
the profession of Indiana. 

Some Late» Medical Teachers 

Bigelow, James K. ; Chambers, John ; Cook, George J. ; Dills, Thomas 
J.; Dunning, Lehman H. ; Eastman, Joseph; Elder, Elijah S. ; Fitch, 
Graham N.; Fletcher, William B. ; Ford, James H. ; Geis, John F.; 
Hadley, Evan ; Harvey, Thomas B. ; Haymond, William S. ; Hays, Frank- 
lin W. ; Hibberd, James F. ; Hodges, E. F. ; Lash, Hugh M. ; McShane, 
John T.; Marsee, Joseph W. ; Maxwell, Allison; Myers, William H,; 
Parvin, Theophilus ; Pearson, Charles D. ; Potter, Theodore ; Reyer, Er- 
nest C. ; Smythe, Gonsalvo C. ; Stemen, Christian B. ; Stevens, Thaddeus 
M. ; Stone, R. French; Thompson, Daniel A.; Thompson, James L. ; 
Todd, Robert N. ; Walker, Isaac N. ; Weist, Jacob R. ; Williams, Elkanah ; 
Wright, Chas. E. 

HOSPFFALS 

Hospitals are a product of the last half of our statehood. The first 
attempt to establish a city hospital at Indianapolis was in 1858. It did 
not prove successful and the plan was soon abandoned. The Civil war 
in 1861 gave a new impetus for their creation, and the Indianapolis 
city hospital was revived ; at the close of the war the interest again de- 
clined until the year 1867, when the city council of Indianapolis took 
action in the matter and the hospital proved a success, its wards being 
full since that date. At the present time Indianapolis may justly be 
proud of the number and completeness of its hospitals. The same may 
be said of all of our larger cities. 

At this time almost every city or town of any magnitude in the state 
is provided with one or more of these institutions. Municipal authori- 
ties, churches, and fraternal organizations, as well as railroads, deserve 
praise for erecting these homes for the care of sick and injured, whose 
numbers, unfortunately, are constantly increasing. 

There is a law upon our statute books which generously allows coun- 



822 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

ties in Indiana to erect and maintain hospitals at the expense of its citi- 
zens. A few counties already liave cIioBen to build under this law. 

Medical Libbabies 

The Marion County Medical Society has been instxamental in build- 
ing; up an excellent medical library, now located in the James Whitcomb 



Dr. Geurqe W. Mears 
Biley Library building in Indianapolis. This collection was started by 
donations from physicians in various parts of the state. 

At the death of the late Dr. Theophilus Parvin, January 29, 1898, his 
widow very generously donated hia medical library to the above named 
collection. 

Also, at the death of the late Dr. Gleorge W. Mears, his library was 
presented to the physicians of Marion County, by his son. Dr. J. Ewing 
Mears, of Philadelphia: 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 823 

The library of the late Dr. John S. Bobbs was donated to the Marion 
County Medical Society soon after his death, but, unfortunately, was 
burned with the medical college soine years ago. 

One of the valuable libraries — ^literary and medical, for a small city, 
is at New Harmony. This was a gift from one of its former citizens, 
Dr. Edward Murphy. **In 1893 he induced the Library Society to sell 
its old quarters and assisted it to erect the building now occupied. This 
is a handsome brick structure containing in addition to its excellent 
library quarters a large auditorium, a museum, and a very creditable 
art gallery. Dr. Murphy made contributions of books and specimens for 
the museum, and filled the art gallery with costly paintings purchased 
in Italy. 1*^ 

The Vigo County Medical Society has secured quite a number of 
medical volumes for its public library. 

Many of the county medical societies have formed very creditable 
collections of medical books, utilizing space in public library buildings. 

The Indiana State Library, located in the state capitol, Demarchus 
C. Brown, librarian, contains a number of medical books. 

Hospitals for the Insane.^^ 

The care of the insane in Indiana dates from an Act of the Legisla- 
ture of 1844-1845, which resulted in the purchase of land and the con- 
struction of the Central Indiana Hospital for the Insane at Indianapolis. 
The new constitution of 1851 declared it the duty of the General Assem- 
bly to provide by law for the treatment of the insane. This, however, 
has never been done fully. At no time have all of the insane in Indiana 
been under state care. The Central Hospital was the only institution 
provided for these unfortunates until the Legislature of 1883 provided 
for three additional hospitals, which were developed in the Northern 
Indiana Hospital at Logansport, the Eastern Indiana Hospital at Bich« 
mond, and the Southern Indiana Hospital at Evansville. One of these 
hospitals was opened for the admission of patients in 1888 and the other 
two in 1890. In 1905 the Oi^nic Act of the Southeastern Hospital at 
North Madison was passed and that institution was opened for the admis- 
sion of patients in 1910. There are, therefore, five hospitals for the in- 
sane in this state, which have a total enrollment of approximately 5,800 
patients. According to a law provided for the purpose, the State is 



15 The New Harmony Movement, by George B. Lockwood, 1905. 

10 In the preparation of this article I am under especial obligations to Dr. S. E. 

Smith, Easthaven. — K. 
Vd. n— IT 



>^ IXI>IAXA AND IXDIANANS 

^v,wa4 ^«v 3\^ ibsurtcts for the insane, based upon population and the 
^;> >X '^ ;wiitutMws^ Each hospital has a definite district of cer« 



«..u .sSAu;i^9^ wkic^ are tributary to it. 

W l;:ti£tAtta laws up<m the subject of the organization of the hospitals 
'.<>r *jh^ uj^aiiie and other eorrectional and benevolent institutions, are not 
xHOAA^d by tkoee of any other state in the union. These laws so defi- 
^^^- and elearly establidi the principle of non-partisan management 
vhat thf^r^ has been no interference of this character in the management 
v>{ thew institutions for many years. 

The management is lodged in a board of trustees of four members, 
lno belonging to each of the dominant political parties and one is ap- 
pointed each year for a term of four years. By this arrangement the 
majority of the board cannot retire at the same time. The board of 
trustees appoints the superintendent and fixes all salaries of ofScers, 
nurses, attendants and employes. 

Appointment and tenure of ofSca of the medical superintendent are 
based upon experience, merit and faithful discharge of duty and the law 
prohibits the consideration of party afiiliations. The medical superin- 
tendent is charged with full responsibility for the internal affairs of the 
hospital and is by law given power to employ and discharge all subordi- 
nate oflScers and employes. This kind of organization is regarded by 
experts as the best that has been devised. 

These five institutions are receiving between twelve hundred and 
thirteen hundred patients each year, and the scope of their work is being 
constantly developed and broadened. The medical staff of each hospital 
consists of the medical superintendent and from three to seven assistants, 
depending upon the number of patients. Generally there is one assistant 
physician to about two hundred patients. Each institution has a labora- 
tory more or less complete, in which pathological examinations and those 
for diagnostic purposes are made by an assistant trained in this line of 
work. There is now in process of development in the several institutions 
a system of social service, mental clinics and free consultation for deserv- 
ing cases in their respective districts, from which much good is expected 
to result. A colony system is also being developed at the Eastern Hos- 
pital at Richmond. Another has been started at the Southeastern Hos- 
pital at North Madison, and others will follow. 

These institutions, and all other correctional and benevolent institu- 
tions in Indiana, are under the advisory su^estions of the Indiana Board 
of State Charities, which, also, is a non-partisan board, made up of 
benevolent citizens who serve for a period of four years each without 
compensation, except for necessary traveling expenses. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 825 

Central Indiana HospirAL for the Insane 

This hospital is located at Indianapolis and is the largest institution 
in the state, having an approximate capacity of fifteen houdred patients. 
Dr, Gleorge P. Edenharter, Superintendent, was elected May 1, 1893, 
and has served continuously to this date. The ori^nal building in this 
hospital, coustructed in 1848, is still in service and constitutes the de- 




Dr. William B. Flftcuer 

partment for men. The department for women was built thirty years 
later and is a good example of the Kirkbride construction so popular in 
those days. Both departments are under one roof and are lar^. The 
clinical laboratory was planned and constructed by Dr. Edenharter and 
is one of the largest and most complete in the country. He has opened 
it and provided clinics for the'Indiana University Medical School, which 
thereby furnishes to its students cases in neurology and psychiatry 
such as few medical schools in the country are ableto obtain. 



826 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Dr. Edenharter is the eleventh saperintendent and his tenure of 
office is much longer than any of his predecessors. Among his prede- 
cessors are such well-known physicians as Dr. James S. Athon, Dr. James 
H. Woodbum, Dr. Orpheus Everts, Dr. Joseph G. Bogers, Dr. William 
B. Fletcher and Dr. Charles E. Wright. 

NoBTHEBN Indiana Hospftal fob the Insane 

This hospital is located at Longcliff, near Logansport. It was built 
under the Organic Act of 1883 and opened for tiie admission of patients 
July 1, 1888, with Dr. Joseph G. Bogers as medical superintendent, who 
continued in charge until his death on April 11, 1908, Dr. Bogers was 
one of the eminent psychiatrists and medical superintendents of the 
cotmtry and he has left a large impression upon the hospitals for the 
insane in Indiana. He served Indiana well and efficiently for approxi- 
mately thirty years as medical superintendent and medical engineer of 
construction of the three additional hospitals. 

Following the tenure of Dr. Bogers, Dr. Frederick W. Terflinger, a 
member of the'hospital staff for six years, was appointed medical super- 
intendent and continues in charge to this date. The Northern Hospital 
is a good representation of the ULodified pavilion type of construction, 
consisting of many detached buildings both for patients and administra- 
tive purposes. It has a capacity of about 1,042 patients. 

f Eastern Induna Hospital fob the Insane 

• 
This hospital is located at Easthaven, near Bichmond. It was one of 
the three additional hospitals and was created by the Organic Act of 
1883, and was opened for the admission of patients August 1, 1890, with 
Dr. Edward F. Wells in charge, who retired in less than one year. Dr. 
Samuel E. Smith, formerly assistant physician at the Northern Hospital, 
Logansport, was elected medical superintendent and assumed office May 
15, 1891, and has filled this office to the present date, making the longest 
continuous service of a medical superintendent in the history of Indiana. 
The capacity of the hospital is 896. This institution is built upon the 
well-known cottage plan, consisting of thirty-four small brick structures 
arranged in the form of a rectangle. The medical staff consists of a 
medical superintendent, three assistant physicians, one woman physician 
and a laboratory assistant. It is located on a farm consisting of 350 
acres and two miles distant is a colony f afm of 520 acres, on which are 
established three colony units. The plan of the colonization of the in- 
-sane in Indiana began in this institution. and is being slowly elaborated. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 827 

« 

It is based upon the idea of giving helpful employment in the open air to 
the able-bodied patients in simple surroundings somewhat removed from 
the parent institution, but still under the direction of the medical 
superintendent. 

Southern Indiana HosprrAir fob the Insane 

This hospital is located at Woodmere, near Evansville. It is the 
third of the additional hospitals for the insane built under the Organic 
Act of 1883, and was opened for the admission of patients November 1, 
1890. The first superintendent was Dr. A. J. Thomas, formerly and for 
many years assistant superintendent of the Central Hospital at Indiana- 
polis. His services as medical superintendent terminated July 15, 1897. 
Dr. C. B. Laughlin, the present medical superintendent and the fourth 
in the history of the hospital, has had an incumbency since June 1, 1903. 
This hospital as originally built is a good representation of the congre- 
gate-radiate plan, consisting of a central building and two wings, three 
stories in height. Extensions have been made from time to time by 
detached construction, including a modem hospital, completely equipped. 
It is located in the center of a tract of 275 acres of land to which small 
additions have been made in late years. It has a capacity of 870 patients. 

Southeastern Hospital for the Insane 

This hospital is located at Cragmont, North M«uiison, on a most beau- 
tiful site, overlooking the City of Madison and the Ohio River for many 
miles. This is the largest hospital in the state and is regarded as one of 
the best constructed and equipj)ed institutions of its kind in the country. 
It is cottage construction, made up of thirty-four buildings made of 
pressed shale brick and roofed with red Spanish tile. It was built under 
an Act of the Legislature of 1905 and opened for the admission of 
patients August 23, 1910, with a normal capacity of 1,120 patients. 

This hospital was planned by Dr. S. E. Smith, Medical Superin- 
tendent of the Eastern Hospital at Bichmond, who was medical adviser 
to the board of commissioners throughout its construction and equip- 
ment. It has had two medical superintendents — ^Dr. E. P. Busse, 1910- 
1915, and Dr. James W. Milligan, the present incumbent, who was for- 
merly assistant physician for ten years at the Northern Hospital and 
later resident physician in the Indiana State Prison. 

This hospital is located on a tract of 360 acres of land. A new 
colony farm of approximately 1000 acres has been purchased within the 
past year. Colonies will be established thereon as rapidly as conditions 
will permit. 



828 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Indiana State Board of Heai/th 

The idea of creating^ a State Board of Health in Indiana originated 
in the Indiana State Medical Society. The said society was organized 
at a medical convention in Indianapolis, June, 1849. Prior to the crea- 
tion of the State Board of Health a local board of health, probably the 
first in the state, was appointed on the 25th day of October, 1832, by the 
city council of Madison. An outbreak of cholera on the 23rd of Octo- 
ber, 1832, impelled the city council to this step. The ordinance said the 
duty of the board was to meet daily at 1 :00 P. M. to receive the reports 
of physicians, and it will be noted that this was the first effort to collect 
vital statistics. The city council of Madison passed a supplemental 
ordinance October 22, 1832, which required all tenants and householders 
to keep the gutters in front of their premises clean, to remove all filth 
that had accumulated on their premises under penalty of not less than 
one dollar fine and costs of suit. There was a Board of Health in Bloom- 
ington as early as August, 1833. The first board of health in Fort 
Wayne was established in 1842. 

The law creating the Indiana State Board of Health and establishing 
health boards in all counties, cities and towns, was passed in 1881. The 
resolution passed by the Indiana State Medical Society, out of which 
finally originated the State Board of Health, was as follows : 

''Resolved: That a committee of five be appointed to memorialize 
the legislature, asking them to provide by law for a registration of 
births, marriages and deaths. ' ' 

At this date cholera was raging at New Albany to such an extent as 
to prevent the delegate from that county. Dr. W. H. Dowling, from at- 
tending the medical convention. It was 32 years after this resolution and 
first step of the Indiana State Medical Society, before the State Health 
law was enacted. The population of Indiana in 1880 was 1,909,916. 
The first statistical report of the State Board of Health for the year end- 
ing October 31, 1832, shows 11,392 deaths reported from all causes or a 
death rate of 5.96 per thousand. It was estimated that not more than 
one-third of deaths was reported so that the actual death rate was 
probably not leas than 17 per thousand. The record of the State Board 
of Health both of achievement and omission is found in the annual 
reports of this board. The first report appeared in 1882. 

In 1913 the American Medical Association undertook a survey of all 
activities, equipment and accomplishments of the various state boards 
of health. The report, when published, had this to say in regard to 
Indiana: ''The department of health in Indiana seems to have kept 
free from political interference, and its efficient executive has remained 



.INDIANA AND INDIANANS 829 

in the ofBce for many years, and has "beea able to follow a oonautoit 
policy. A saccewfnl regiatratiou of deaths has been accompliahod and 
Aat of births is rapidly improving and is donbtleaa over 90 per oent." 
The American Medical Afiaociation adopted a rating eystem and in its 
tables rated the Indiana State Board of Health as sixth in efficiency and 
2lBt in per capita expenditure for health porposes. The per capita 




Dr. Thomas B. Harvbt 



ezpeDditore at that date was 1.39 cents per annum. The state having 
the hig^iest per cent ^penditnre was Florida, 15.21 cents. 

The State Board of Health presented the first food law to the gen- 
eral assembly in 1897, and it was unanimonaly rejected. The said law 
was presented a^in to the assembly in 1899 and was passed, after 
all possibility of enforcement was removed through amendment. Au- 
thorization of laboratories and power for the enforcement of the pure 
food law and certain phases of the health law was given by the general 



830 INDIANA AND INDIANANS* 

assembly of 1905. This was called the '* Laboratory Law*' and gave the 
State Board of Health $10,000 annually and power to establish a labora- 
tory wherein food and drug and water analyses could be made and where 
pathological and bacteriological and microscopical examinations could 
also be made, the work to be entirely free, no fees to be charged. At the 
present time the State Board of Health is divided into nine divisions: 

1. Executive. 

2. Accounting. 

3. Child and School Hygiene. 

4. Vital Statistics. 

5. Laboratory of Bacteriology and Pathology. 

6. Pasteur Laboratory. 

7. Laboratory for Pood and Drugs. 

8. Laboratory for Water and Sewage. 

9. Weights and Measures. 

The total appropriation, for all these departments at the present time 
is $83,000, divided as follows : Executive, $35,000. From this sum must 
also be paid the expenses of the Division of Statistics and Division of 
Child and School Hygiene. The appropriation for the Bacteriological 
and Pathological Laboratory is $10,000. For the Food and Drug Labora- 
tory, $25,000. Weights and Measures, $10,000. Waters and Sewage, 
$5,000. Pasteur Laboratory, 5 per cent of the excess dog tax amounting 
to $3,000. 

The membership of the first board of health created in 1881 was as 
follows: Dr. John W. Compton, Evansville; Thaddeus M. Stevens, 
Indianapolis; Dr. J. M. Partridge, South Bend; and Dr. W, W. Vin- 
nedge, Lafayette. Dr. Stevens was elected secretary and was therefore 
the first secretary of the State Board of Health and the first state health 
officer of Indiana. Dr. Stevens served as secretary until March, 1883, 
and was then succeeded by Dr. E. R. Hawn, who served until his death, 
September 6, 1883. Dr. Elijah Elder was his successor and served from 
September 6, 1883, to May 8, 1885. Dr. Charles N. Metcalf succeeded 
Dr. Elder and served from May 8 to March, 1896, when he died. He 
was succeeded by Dr. J. N. Hurty, who was appointed March 6, 1896, 
and has served from that date continuously until the present time. The 
very extensive powers and manifold duties of the State Board of Health 
are distinctly set forth in the statutes. There are now 37 statutes passed 
at various times by the general assembly, their enforcement being given 
to the State Board of Health. 

The original health law of 1881 was amended in 1891 and at this time 
is in force. The present vital statistics law, under which accurate and 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 831 

reliable vital statistics are secured, was passed in 1913. The quarantine 
law of 1903 gave to the State Board of Health ample powers for the con- 
trol of infectious and contagious diseases. The legislature of 1911 dis- 
tinguished itself by passing the sanitary schoolhouse law and the medical 
school inspection law, both of which laws aim at the promotion and 
conservation of child life. The infant blindness law for the prevention 
of infant blindness was passed in 1911. The importance of this action 
will be appreciated when it is known that about one-third of all infant 
blindness is preventable. The hydrophobia law was passed in 1911. Un- 
der its beneficent provisions it is safe to say several hundred lives have 
been saved. The antitoxin law was passed in 1907, which under very 
liberal conditions, supplies free antitoxin to the poor for the cure and 
prevention of diphtheria. The anti-rat law, the public water supply law, 
the public playgrounds law were all passed in 1913. The pure food and 
drug law, which is now in force, was passed in 1907: 

The membership of the present State Board of Health, 1918, is as 
foUows: 

Dr. Chas. B, Kern, President, Lafayette, Indiana. 

Dr. Hugh A. Cowing, Vice President, Muncie, Indiana. 

Dr. J. N. Hurty, Secretary, Indianapolis. 

Dr. James S. Boyers, Decatur, Indiana. 

Dr. John H. Hewitt, Terre Haute, Indiana. 
Dr. William F. King is assistant secretary and is also Chief of the 
Division of Child and School Hygiene. 

Credit is herewith given for much of the historical information in 
compiling this matter to an article written by Dr. W. F. King in 1916 
and entitled '*One Hundred Years Progress in Public Health Adminis- 
tration in Indiana." This article will be found in the proceedings of 
the Ninth Annual Convention of the Indiana Sanitary and Water Supply 
Association held at Indianapolis, February 2, 3, and 4, 1916. 

Medical and Surgical. Discoveries 

More beneficent discoveries.have been made in the last one hundred 
years than in all the preceding centuries. A majority of these dis- 
coveries were made in the last half of the century, — really, in the period 
in which a majority of us have lived. 

The present array of death dealing destructives in war was never 
equaled, and the means of relief for caring for the sick and wounded 
soldiery in this world wide war surpasses the methods of all preceding 
wars. Our surgeons are more skillful, have more appliances, and better 



832 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

equipped hospitals, tiiBD in any preceding war. Another additional help 
is the presence and aid of skilled nnniee. Our means for staunching 
blood, and relieving pain are numerous. Much of our preparedness in 
relief Trortc is due to modern discoveries. 

In the centnry since our state was admitted, many valuable instru- 
ments for diagnostic purposes have been invented. Notably the X-ray, 




Dr. Theophiltts Pariin 

discovered by Rontgen in 1893. In the hands of experts this apparatus 
has proved of great value in discovering broken bonea, locating bullets 
and foreign bodies in the tissues, as well as determining many internal 
diseases. The hypodermic syringe, fever thermometer, the stethoscope, 
and the large number of instruments whose names terminate in 
"scope," — signifying t« examine, 

A distinguished American called upon Charles Darwin, and in the 
course of conversation ashed him what be considered the most important 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 883 

discovery of the nineteenth century. To which Mr. Darwin replied, 
after a slight hesitation: ''Painless surgery.'' 

Velpeau, tiie leading surgeon of the world, wrote in his great work 
on surgery in 1844: ^'To avoid pain in operations is a chimera that we 
can no longer pursue in our times. A cutting instrument and pain in 
operative surgery, are two words which are never presented separately 
to the mind of the patient, but in an association which he must of neces- 
sity admit. It is to the hand of the operator and the quality of the 
bistoury that he must look to obtain the desired result. Let the hand be 
light and steady, and the bistoury smooth and well-shaped * * * and 
you will have no other pains to encounter than those which are inherent 
in the operation, and which nothing can separate from it." 

Before these gloomy words were printed, namely, March 30, 1842, 
Dr. Crawford W. Long (1815-1878), residing at Jefferson, Jackson 
County, Georgia, as has been well attested, while a patient was under 
the influence of sulphuric ether, removed a small tumor from the back 
of the neck. He performed, about the same date a number of other 
minor operations, but failed to publish his claim of discovery for a 
number of years. Many think that because of this negligence he should 
not be entitled to the honor. 

The fii^^t public use of ether was at the Massachusetts Qeneral Hos- 
pital on October 16, 1846. Chloroform was first used ^November 17, 1847. 
In 1867 the use of nitrous oxid came into use in dentistry.^'' 

In 1884 KoUer first used cocaine as a local anesthetic. Quinke first 
used the lumbar puncture in 1891 ; and Schleich introduced infiltration 
anesthesia in 1894. 

Lord Joseph Lister promulgated antiseptic surgery in 1867. Anes- 
thesia and antiseptic surgery have done more for the advancement of 
surgery than all other aids combined. Prior to Listeria discovery, sur- 
geons were content to speak of ** laudable pus." Now, the surgeon is 
humiliated when he encounters pus after his operations. 

Physicians and scientists have done much to aid in the prevention of 
disease, and epidemics. We would soon ** stamp out" smallpox if vac- 
cination was universally practiced. 

In 1884 Crede began the use of silver nitrate instillation in the new- 
born children's eyes as a preventive of conjunctivitis and blindness. 
Since 1911 physicians and midwives in Indiana have been required by 
a statute to treat the eyes of all newborn children with the silver solu- 

17 It is interesting to know that when Lord Nelson had his arm amputated after 
the engagement of Trafalgar, before the days of anesthetics that the amputating 
knife was cold and the sensation was so disagreeable that he issued an order requir- 
ing that when amputations were required the knife should be warmed in hot water. 



!?M INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

tHtts Many rluldr«n are saved from permanent blindness by this pre- 
caution. 

lu im^ Oliver Wendell Holmes declared that puerperal fever was 
Muita^oas, and was carried to patients by the attending physician. This 
disfoveiy has saved hundreds of women. 

We have learned and demonstrated in recent years that tuberculosis 




Dr. Williah Lomaz 

of the lungs is contagious, and not hereditary. We know that there is 
no specific remedy, and that tuberculosis cannot be cured by medicines. 

Sunlight and fresh air Tfill come nearer curing the disease than any- 
thing else known to the medical profession. 

In 1876 Peter Dettweiler first treated consumptive patients by rest 
in the open air. 

In 1882 Eoch discovered the tubercle bacillus, and in 1890 the same 
person introduced tuberculin. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 835 

The Henry Phipps Institute for Tuberculosis was opened in 1903. 

In 1845 the work of Prof Bberle, an efficient textbook for its day, 
did not contain the word diphtheria. Membranous croup was recog- 
nized and described; a few years later diphtheria was recognized and 
classed among other diseases. At that period these two diseases were con- 
sidered as distinct, — at the present day authors generally class them as 
one and the same,— croup involving the larynx ; diphtheria the pharynx, 
or throat. 

Thirty-five years ago the mortality of diphtheria was very high, and 
nearly all cases of croup perished unless intubation (tube in larynx) 
or tracheotomy (an incision into the larynx or windpipe) was resorted 
to, — and these measures gave but little hope. 

A brighter day has dawned. In 1883 Edwin Klebs, and a short time 
afterwards Loeffler, discovered the germ of diphtheria. 

In 1890 Behring first used antitoxin as a remedy in this disease. A 
few cases only, are fatal at the present day if antitoxin is used, especially 
'if used at an early period in the disease. 

Typhoid fever has, virtually, been banished from the several armies. 
The typhoidbacillus was discovered in 1880. In the Civil war there were 
79,462 cases of typhoid fever, with a mortality of 29,336. The anti- 
typhoid serum does not cure the disease,^-it prevents it, — a far better 
service. 

Tetanus, or lockjaw is another terrible disease that has been largely 
deprived of its fatality by a special antitoxin used for a preventive. 

Pasteur, the great French scientist deserves unbounded praise for 
his discoveries. He gave us methods of cure for hydrophobia, anthrax, 
and other diseases. He deserves credit for protecting the silkworm. 

Time and space will not permit entering upon a prolonged discission 
of many other affections, such as hookworm, cerebro-spinal meningitis, 
bubonic plague, yellow fever, syphilis, and many other diseases that have 
been routed by modem discoveries. 

Cancer is an enemy that we have not as yet conquered. It defies all 
our remedies and investigations. Insanity haunts us, and we are help- 
less, both as regards prevention and cure ; all that we can do is to build 
more insane asylums. Wretched men and women are not content to 
endure the evils they have but *'fly to those they know not of," — and 
80 suicide is on the increase, — an awful increase! 

Mexican War History 

Indiana furnished five regiments for the Mexican War, which con- 
tinued from 1846 to 1848 inclusive. Seventy years have passed away 



836 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

since its close, an4 all the Indiana surgeons have been dead for some 
years. 

Caleb V. Jones was promoted from a private to surgeon of the first 
Indiana volunteer regiment. William Fosdick was assistant surgeon of 
the same regiment. During the Civil war Dr. Jones was surgeon of the 
63rd Regiment Indiana Volunteer Infantry. 

Daniel S. Lane was surgeon of the second Indiana volunteer regi- 
ment; John T. Walker, assistant surgeon. 

James S. Athon was surgeon of the third Indiana volunteer regiment ; 
John G. Dunn, assistant surgeon. 

The fourth Indiana volunteer regiment was not provided with sur- 
geons. Isaac Fenley a contract physician was with the regiment as its 
medical oflScer during the years 1847 and 1848. A letter from the 
Adjutant General's oflSce at Washington, D. C, says: ** Nothing has 
been found of record to show that any other person was on duty with 
that organization in a medical capacity.^' 

James S. Athon was surgeon of the fifth Indiana volunteer regiment ; 
P. G. Jones, assistant surgeon. 

CivHi War History 

Indiana sent to the Civil War 136 regiments of infantry; 13 regi- 
ments of cavalry ; 1 regiment of heavy artillery ; 25 companies of light 
artillery and 2,130 naval volunteers, — a total of 210,497 men. There 
were 24,416 of these men who gave up their lives. Approximately, 550 
physicians of Indiana served as surgeons for these soldiers. Generally 
one surgeon and two assistant surgeons were assigned to each regiment. 
In a few instances the same person served as medical oflScer in two, and 
in a few instances in three different regiments; after resigning the ser- 
vice in one regiment, the same medical officer would rie-enter the service 
in a later regiment. 

Quite a number of Indiana physicians served as combatants during 
the Civil war. Some were enlisted as privates and also line officers of 
regiments. Quite a number of men who served in the Civil war, and, 
possibly in the Mexican war, took up the study of medicine after their 
return home and became valuable members of the medical profession. 

The following alphabetical list of surgeons who served in Indiana 
regiments was prepared with diligent care, and was published in Kemp- 
er's Medical History of Indiana. 

Abbett, Charles H., Asst. Surg., 36th Infantry; Aborn, Grin, Asst. 
Surg., 40th Infantry; Adams, David, Asst. Surg., 51st Infantry ; Adams, 
James R., Asst. Surg., 58th Infantry ; Surgeon, 15th Infantry ; Adams, 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 837 

Marcellus M., Asst. Surg., 116th Infantry; Aichele, Emil, Asst. Surg., 
32nd Infantry; Allen, Joseph S., Surgeon, 10th Infantry; Allen, Wil- 
liam S., Asst, Surg., 143rd Infantry; Alexander, John H., Asst. Surg., 
27th Infantry; Surgeon, 27th Infantry; Anderson, Joseph V., Asst. 
Surg., 15th Infantry; Anderson, William, Surgeon, 37th Infantry; 
Applegate, Charles H., Asst. Surg., 78rd Infantry; Archer, Samuel M., 
Asst. Surg., 133rd Infantry ; Armstrong, James B., Surgeon, 31st Infan- 
try; Arnold, Martin B., Asst. Surg., 155th Infantry; Arthur, Christo- 
pher S., Surgeon, 75th Infantry; Averdick, Henry Q., Surgeon, 35th 
Infantry ; Avery, Increase. J., Surgeon, 10th Infantry ; Avery, John P., 
Asst. Surg., 11th Infantry; Austin, Thomas D., Surgeon, 23rd Infan- 
try. 

Babbitt, Edward D., Asst. Surg., 34th Infantry; Baker, Braxton, 
Asst. Surg., 130th Infantry ; Ballard, Micajah, Asst. Surg., 140th Infan- 
try; Banks, ^ Ephriam N., Surgeon, 54th Infantry; Bare, Addison W., 
Asst. Surgeon., 82nd Infantry ; Bare, John B., Surgeon, 66th Infantry ; 
Barker, William L., Surgeon, 120th Infantry ; Bassett, John Q. A., Asst. 
Surg., 74th Infantry; Bayse, Thomas S., Surgeon, 36th Infantry; 
Beachley, Nathaniel J., Asst. Surg., 22nd Infantry ; Beck, Elias W. H., 
Surgeon, 3rd Cavalry ; Beck, William H., Surgeon, 145 Infantry ; Beck- 
with, Lod W., Surgeon, 38th Infantry ; Beebe, James, Asst. Surg., 148th 
Infantry ; Beeks, Green C, Surgeon, 150th Infantry ; Bell, Naithaniel Q., 
Asst. Surg., 35th Infantry; Bence, Robert F., Surgeon, 33rd Infantry;^ 
Bennett, Basil B., Asst. Surg., 101st Infantry; Benson, Julius L., Asst. 
Surg., 7th Cavalry; Berryman, James A., Asst. Surg., 135th Infantry; 
Bigelow, James K., Surgeon, 8th Infantry ; Bigney, Peter M., Asst. Surg., 
18th Infantry; Black well, John A., Surgeon, 115th Infantry; Black- 
stone, John K., Asst. Surg., 9th Infantry; Blair, William W., Surgeon, 
58th Infantry; Blaser, Felix F., Asst. Surg., 32nd Infantry; Blount, 
Rufus F., Asst. Surg., 118th Infantry ; Bodman, Elam, Asst. Surg., 30th 
Infantry; Bogart, Henry J., Asst. Surg., 139th Infantry; Bogle, Chris- 
topher F., Asst. Surg., 43rd Infantry ; Bond, Richard C, Surgeon, 15th 
Infantry; Boor, William F., Surgeon, 4th Cavalry; Bosworth, Richard, 
Asst. Surg., 36th Infantry; Bounell, Mathew H., Surgeon, 116th In- 
fantry ; Boyd, Samuel S., Surgeon, 84th Infantry ; Boynton, Charles S., 
Surgeon, 24th Infantry; Surgeon, 67th Infantry; Boyse, Thomas F., 
Asst. Surg., 36th Infantry; Brackett, Charles, Asst. Surg., 1st Cavalry; 
Bray, Madison J., Surgeon, 60th Infantry; Brazelton, John B., Asst. 
Surg., 134th Infantry ; Brenton, William H., Asst. Surg., 73rd Infantry ; 
Brooks, Mopdecai, Asst. Surg., 82nd Infantry ; Brown, Clay, Asst. Surg., 
11th Infantry ; Brown, Jacob R., Asst. Surgeon, 29th Infantry ; Brown, 
Jesse R., Asst. Surg., 57th Infantry; Brown, S. Clay, Asst. Surg., 8th 



638 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Infantry; Surgeon, 18th Infantry; Brown, Wilkins B., Surgeon, 59th 
Infantry; Browne, John T., Asst. Surg., 12th Cavalry; Bruce, George 
W., Asst. Surg., 1st Cavalry; Asst. Surg., 8th Infantry; Surgeon, 142nd 
Infantry; Brucker, Magnus, Surgeon, 23rd Infantry; Brusie, Luther, 
Asst. Surg., 3rd Cavalry; Bryan, George W., Asst. Surg., 67th Infantry; 
Bryson, Frank T., Surgeon, 48th Infantry; Buck, Robert H., Surgeon, 
13th Cavalry; Asst. Surg., 75th Infantry; Surgeon, 118th Infantry; 
Burton, William A., Asst. Surg., 24th Infantry; Asst. Surg., 57th In- 
fantry; Bushnell, Samuel B., Asst. Surg., 11th Cavalry; Butterworth, 
William W., Surgeon, 99th Infantry ; Buzett, Edward F., Surgeon, 49th 
Infantry; Byers, Alexander R., Surgeon, 65th Infantry; Byrn, Spen- 
cer, Asst. Surg., 23rd Infantry. 

Calderwood, James C, Asst. Surg., 23rd Infantry; Campbell, John 
C. L., Asst. Surg., 21st Infantry; Campfield, John A., Asst. Surg., 12th 
Infantry; Carley, Rush, Asst. Surg., 146th Infantry; Carr, George W., 
Asst. Surg., 44th Infantry; Surgeon, 129th Infantry; Casselberry, 
Isaac, Surgeon, 1st Cavalry ; Casterline, Amos B., Asst. Surg., 52nd In- 
fantry; Casterline, Ziba, Asst. Surg., 84th Infantry; Chamberlain, 
James M., Surgeon, 152nd Infantry ; Chamberlain, N. A., Surgeon, 13th 
Infantry; Champ, George W., Asst. Surg., 139th Infantry; Chandler, 
Joseph A., Asst. Surg., 155th Infantry ; Charlton, Robert, Surgeon, 79th 
Infantry; Charlton, Samuel H., Asst. Surg., 6th Infantry; Chittenden, 
George F., Surgeon, 16th Infantry; Chitwood, Joshua, Surgeon, 7th 
Cavalry; Clapp, William A., Surgeon, 38th Infantry; Clippinger, 
George W., Surgeon, 14th Infantry; Clowes, David A., Asst. Surg., 12th 
Cavalry ; Cole, William C, Surgeon, 72nd Infantry ; Coleman, Asa, Pro- 
tem Asst. Surg., 46th Infantry ; Coleman, Horace, Surgeon., 46th Infan- 
try; CoUett, Joseph T., Asst. Surg., 6th Cavalry; Collings, Isaac S., 
Asst. Surg., 57th Infantry; Surgeon, 57th Infantry; Collins, Erasmus 
B., Surgeon, 51st Infantry ; Collins, George M., Asst. Surg., 17th Infan- 
try ; Collins, William A., Asst. Surg., 6th Infantry ; Comingor, John A., 
Surgeon, 11th Infantry; Confer, James M., Surgeon, 29th Infantry; 
Conn, Isaac T., Asst. Surg., 21st Infantry; Connett, Mahlon C, Asst. 
Surg., 8th Cavalry; Cook, Robert H., Asst. Surg., 12th Infantry; Coop- 
er, Joel S., Asst. Surg., 115th Infantry; Cox, Jesse T., Asst. Surg., 89th 
Infantry; Craig, Isaac N., Surgeon, 13th Infantry; Craig, John M., 
Asst. Surg., 134th Infantry; Asst. Surg., 146th Infantry; Cravens, 
James W., Asst. Surg., 1st Cavalry; Cresap, William S., Asst. Surg.^ 
135th Infantry ; Asst. Surg., 154th Infantry ; Crosby, Thomas H., Asst. 
Surg., 47th Infantry; Crouse, Henry M., Surgeon, 57th Infantry; 
Crowder, Robert H., Surgeon, 11th Cavalry ; Culbertson, David P., Asst. 
Surg., 43rd Infantry ; Culbertson, Joseph R., Asst. Surg., 10th Cavalry ; 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 839 

Culbertson, Robert H., Asst. Surg., 80th Infantry; CuUen, John C, 
Surgeon, 16th Infantry; Curry, John, Surgeon, 38th Infantry; Cyrus, 
William H., Asst. Surg., 54th Infantry. 

Daly, George P., Asst. Surg., 78th Infantry; Darnell, Milton B., 
Asst. Surg., 43rd Infantry; Surgeon, 43rd Infantry; Daughters, An- 
drew P., Surgeon, 18th Infantry ; Davis, John B., Asst. Surg., 21st In- 
fantry ; Davis, John W., Asst. Surg., 6th Infantry ; Asst. Surg., 24th In- 
fantry; Davis, Joseph H., Asst. Surg., 145th Infantry; Davis, Robert 
P., Asst. Surg., 84th Infantry; Davis, Samuel, Surgeon, 83rd Infantry; 
Davis, Solomon, .Surgeon, 10th Cavalry ; Surgeon, 53rd Infantry ; Dav- 
idson, Benjamin F., Asst. Surg., 143rd Infantry ; Davidson, WilliaiH, 
Asst. Surg., 76th Infantry; Davisson, Henry C, Asst. Surg., 54th In- 
fantry ; Dewey, Annin W., Surgeon, 101st Infantry ; Dicken, James L., 
Surgeon, 47th Infantry; Dixon, William H., Asst. Surg., 59th Infantry; 
Doane, George M., Asst. Surg., 46th Infantry; Dodd, James, Asst. Surg., 
67th Infantry; Dodge, Henry C, Asst. Surg., 74th Infantry; Dodson, 
Jonas H., Asst. Surg., 4th Cavalry ; Dome, David C, Asst. Surgeon, 17th 
Infantry; Downey, William A., Asst. Surg., 58th Infantry; DuflSeld, 
James T., Asst. Surg., 7th Infantry; Surgeon, 76th Infantry; Duffy, 
John S., Asst. Surg., 145th Infantry ; Dukate, John S., Asst. Surg., 53rd 
Infantry; Dunn, Williamson P., Asst. Surg., 40th Infantry; Dunn, Wil- 
liamson D., Asst. Surg., 2l8t Infantry, Ist Heavy Artillery; Durand, 
Amos M., Asst. Surg., 50th Infantry; Asst. Surg., 52nd Infantry; Dut- 
ton, Daniel B., Asst. Surg., 123rd Infantry. 

Easterling, Amos, Asst. Surg., 51st Infantry; Ebersole, Jacob, Sur- 
geon, 19th Infantry; Edgerle, George W., Asst. Surg., 8th Infantry; 
Edwins, Stanley W., Asst. Surg., 124th Infantry ; Eliott, James S., Sur- 
geon, 86th Infantry; Ellis, Hamilton E., Surgeon, 43rd Infantry; Els- 
ton, William T., Asst. Surg., 151st Infantry; Eno, Newton G., Asst. 
Surg., 88th Infantry ; Evans, David S., Surgeon, 69th Infantry ; Everts, 
Orpheus, Surgeon, 20th Infantry. 

Ferguson, William T., Asst. Surg., 142nd Infantry ; Field, Nathaniel, 
Surgeon, 66th Infantry; Fisher, Elias, Surgeon, 16th Infantry; Fitz- 
gerald, David A., Asst. Surgeon., 47th Infantry ; Fitzgerald Jenkins A., 
Asst. Surg., 70th Infantry; Flack, William C, Surgeon, 50th Infantry; 
Florer, Thomas W., Surgeon, 26th Infantry ; Ford, James, Surgeon, 8th 
Infantry; Ford, John H., Surgeon, 93rd Infantry; Forstmeyer, Emil, 
Asst. Surg., 32nd Infantry; Fosdick, Albert C, Surgeon, 5th Cavalry; 
Foster, William C, Asst. Surg., 13th Infantry; Fonts, William D., Sur- 
geon, 81st Infantry; France, Samuel, Surgeon, 100th Infantry; Free- 
man, Samuel A., Asst. Surg., 30th Infantry; Freeman, William, Sur- 
geon, 7th Cavalry; Asst. Surg., 52nd Infantry; French, John S., Asst. 

Yd. n— 18 



«40 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Surg,, 120th Infantry; Fritts, Thomas J., Asst. Surg., 3rd Cavalry; 
Asst Surg., 8th Cavalry; Fry, Thomas W., Sr., Surgeon, 11th Infantry; 
Fullerton, George W., Asst. Surg., 136th Infantry. 

Gall, Alois D., Surgeon, 13th Infantry ; Garrett, Anthony, Surgeon, 
63rd Infantry; Garrison, Herod D., Asst. Surg., 4th Cavalry; Garrison, 
James L. F., Surgeon, 52nd Infantry; Garver, Henry F., Asst. Surg., 
19th Infantry; Garver, James A., Asst. Surg., 8th Cavalry; Surgeon, 
ISfitk Infantry; Gateh, James D., Asst. Surg., 16th Infantry; Gentry, 
Zachariah B., Surgeon, 154th Infantry; Gerrard, Jerome B., Asst. 
SurfT* 35th Infantry; Asst. Surg., 117th Infantry; Gerrish, James W. 
F^ Sorgeony 67th Infantrj'^; Gillespie, William, Asst. Surg., 7th Infan- 
try; Surgeon, 83rd Infantry; Gillum, James, Asst. Surg., 138th Infan- 
try ; Qihnore, Alexander W., Asst. Surg., 9th Infantry ; Glick, Elias B., 
Siurge<my 40th Infantry ; Goldsberry, John A., Asst. Surg., 21st Infan- 
tfy ; Goodwin, John B., Asst. Surg., 37th Infantry ; Gordon, George W., 
^SxurgeGH, 18th Infantry; Gorrell, Joseph E., Asst. Surg. 129th Infantry; 
Goes, James M., Asst. Surg., 149th Infantry ; (Jould, Vernon, Asst. Surg., 
87th Infantry; Graham, William B., Surgeon, 101st Infantry; Gray, 
Arthur W., Surgeon, 24th Infantry ; Gray, John M., Surgeon, 8th Cav- 
alry ; Gregg, James S., Surgeon, 88th Infantry ; Gregg, Vincent H., Sur- 
geon, 124th Infantry; Green, Hiram S., Asst. Surg., 73rd Infantry; 
Green, John N., Asst. Surg., 19th Infantry; Griffith, John C, Asst. 
Surg., 29th Infantry; Grinvrell, John L., Asst. Surg., 34th Infantry; 
Grove, Jasper M., Asst. Surg., 7th Cavalry; Grover, Henry C, Asst. 
Surg., 20th Infantry; Guffin, John, Asst. Surg., 20th Infantry; Sur- 
geon, l&6th. 

Haines, Abram B., Asst. Surg., 19th Infantry ; Asst. Surg., 20th In- 
twcktry ; Surgeon, 146th Infantry ; Hall, Daniel D., Asst. Surg., 36th In- 
quiry; Ham, Levi J., Surgeon, 48th Infantry; Harriman, Simeon B., 
Asst Siurg., 34th Infantry; Harris, William B., Asst. Surg., 82nd Infan- 
tiy ; Harrison, Robert G., Asst. Surg., 120th Infantry ; Harrison, Thomas 
H.^ Asst Surg., 150th Infantry; Hawn, Emanuel R., Asst. Surg., 21st 
lahkntry, Ist Heavy Artillery ; Surgeon, 49th Infantry ; Surgeon, 144th 
IiifaBtly; Hayes, Samuel M., Asst. Surg., 30th Infantry; Haymond, 
WUli«m S., Aast Surg., 46th Infantry; Heaton, Johnson F., Asst. Surg., 
39lli Infantry; Helmer, Orlando H., Asst. Surg., 43rd Infantry; Hen- 
defs<Hi> John P^ Surgeon, 89th Infantry ; Hendricks, William C, Sur- 
fK'€«u 3tlst Infantry; Surgeon, 147th Infantry; Henry, David H., Asst. 
$iur|r^ ITtli Infantry; Henry, Robert, Asst. Surg., 65th Infantry; Her- 
wy. James W., Asst. Surg., 50th Infantry ; Hervey, Thomas P., Asst. 
Siw^^ SOAl Infantry; Hiatt, Christopher C, Asst. Surg., 5th Cavalry; 
SttrgeoB,. GQi Cavalry; Higbee, Edward S., Surgeon, 74th Infantry; 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



841 



Higinbotham, Samuel, Sui^eon, 87th Infantry ; Hilburn, Jabez C, Sur- 
geon, 97th Infantry; Hitchcock, John "W., Surgeon, 18th Infantry; Sur- 
geon, 133rd Infantry; Hitt, John Y., Surgeon, 17th Infantry; Hoag- 
land, John S., Aast, Sut^., 53rd Infantry; Hobbs, William P., Asst. 
Surg., 85th Infantry; Hobbs, Wilson, Surg., 85tli Infantry; Hochstetter, 
Jacob P., Surgeon, 57th Infantry ; Hodgkins, Lewis W., Asst Sui^., 68th 




Dr. Madison J, Brat 



Infantry ; Hoffman, Max P. A., Asst. Surg., 9th Infantry ; Sargeon, 128th 
Infantry; Holtzman, Samuel B., Surgeon, 58tb Infantry; Hombrook, 
William P., Asst. Surg., 42nd Infantry ; Homer, Jacob S., Surgeon, 53rd 
Infantry; Houghland, William T., Asat. Surg., 25th Infantry; Houser, 
Jacob H., Asst. Surg., 10th Cavalry ; Howard, Noble P., Asst. Surg., 12th 
Infantry; Humphreys, Louis, Surgeon, 29th Infantry; Hunt, Andrew 
M., Asst. Surgeon, 33rd Infantry; Hunter, James B., Sui^on, 60th In- 



MS INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

ftaUry ; Hwni Aiwon, Surgr^u, 14th Infantry ; Asst. Surg., 2(h;h Infan- 
try ; UMU>kw*>«» David, Surgeon, 30th Infantry. 

lix^Uiul WiMiam H., Asat. Surg., 22nd Infantry; Irwin, George E., 
A«*i iJlMr^M ftard Infantry. 

J^i)U0«i, George D., Surgeon, 80th Infantry; Jay, James C, Asst 
?!to^r^. l\h Cavalry; Jeancon, John Allard, Surgeon, 32nd Infantry; 
%l^>ai<iiM|>, Robert B., Surgeon, 24th Infantry; Johnson, laaae C, Aast 
Swr^.. I53rd Infantry; Johnson, Jarvis J., Surgeon, 27th Infantry; 
vlvxhu^u). John B,, Aast. Surg., 72nd Infantry ; Johnson, Samuel F., Sur- 
^w, tioth Infantry; Johnson, Thomas J., Asst. Surg., 25th Infantry; 
JuhujHM), William W., Asst. Surg., 85th Infantry; Jones, Caleb V., Sur- 
jyeou, 63rd Infantry; Jones, George W., Asst. Surg., 63rd Infantry; 
Junes, Harry, Asst. Surg., 57th Infantry; Jones, James T., Asst. Surg., 
laflud Infantry; Jones, John H., Asst. Surg., 13th Cavalry; Jones, 
Joseph, Surgeon, 86th Infantry; Jones, Thomas N., Asst Surg., 2nd 
Cavalry; Surgeon, 130th Infantry; Jones, William B., Surgeon, 149th 
Infantry; Josse, John M., Surgeon, 32nd Infantry. 

Kay, Robert, Asst. Surg., 23rd Infantry; Asst. Surg., 144th Infan- 
try; Kay, David G., Surgeon, 81st Infantry; Keen^ Lorenzo S., Sur- 
geon, 29th Infantry ; Keiser, Alfred, Asst. Surg., 124th Infantry ; Kelly, 
Mathew, Asst. Surg., 82nd Infantry; Kelso, William H., Asst. Surg., 
81st Infantry; Kemper, General W. H., Asst. Surg., 17th Infantry; 
Kendriek, William H., Asst. Surg., 19th Infantry ; Kennedy, Hamlet K, 
Asst. Surg., 13th Infantry; Kennedy, Leroy H., Asst. Surg., 70th In- 
fantry ; Kersey, Silas H., Asst. Surg., 36th Infantry ; Surgeon, 36th In- 
fantry ; Kilgore, Tecumseh, Asst. Surg., 84th Infantry ; Asst. Surg., 13th 
Cavalry ; Surgeon, 13th Cavalry ; Killen, James, Asst. Surg., 10th Infan- 
try; Kimball, Abner D., Asst. Surg., 48th Infantry; King, Henry R., 
Asst. Surg., 51st Infantry; King, William P., Asst. Surg., 124th Infan- 
try; Surgeon, 147th Infantry; Kirby, Henry, Surgeon, 84th Infantry; 
Kirkpatrick, George W., Asst. Surg., 72nd Infantry; Knight, James H., 
Asst. Surg., 3rd Cavalry; Krauth, Ferdinand, Surgeon, 32nd Infantry; 
Kuester, Charles B., Asst. Surg., 133rd Infantry; Surgeon, 156th In- 
fantry; Kunkler, Gustave A., Surgeon, 32nd Infantry; Lambey, Louis, 
Asst. Surg., 14th Infantry; Lansing, Sylvester, Asst. Surg., 48th Infan- 
try ; Asst. Surg., 49th U. S. C. T. ; Larkin, John B., Asst. Surg., 17th In- 
fantry; Surgeon, 17th Infantry; Lattimore, Finley C, Asst. Surg., 6th 
Infantry; Leavitt, Philander C, Surgeon, 100th Infantry; Leech, El- 
liott W., Asst. Surg., 123rd Infantry ; Leedy, John K., Surgeon, 74th In- 
fantry ; Lemon, William H., Surgeon, 82nd Infantry; Lent, Cyrus V. N., 
Surgeon, 101st Infantry ; Surgeon, 138th Infantry ; Lewis, Eli, Surgeon, 
65th Infantry ; Lewis, Samuel B., Surgeon, 10th Cavalry ; Liddall, James 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 843 

P., Asst. Surg., 22nd Infantry; Lininger, Daniel P., Asst. Surg., 7th 
Infantry ; Lomax, William^ Surgeon, 12th Infantry. 

McCarthy, John F., Surgeon, 29th Infantry ; McGhristie, John, Asst. 
Surg., 9th Cavalry; McClelland, James S., Surgeon, 135th Infantry; 
McClure, Samuel M., Asst. Surg., 37th Infantry; McCoy, Gfeorge K., 
Asst. Surg., 35th Infantry; McCoy, James A. C, Asst. Surg., 49th In^ 
fantry; MoCoy, John, Surgeon, 139th Infantry; McCrea, Thomas P., 
Surgeon, 10th Infantry; McCune, George W., Surgeon, 14th Infantry; 
McPadden, William Q., Surgeon, 79th Infantry; MoGtee, Richard, Asst. 
Surg., 100th Infantry; McKinney, Asa W., Surgeon, 31st Infantry; 
McNutt, James H., Asst. Surg., 97th Infantry; McPheeters, John S., 
Surgeon, 23rd Infantry; McPheeters, Joseph Q., Surgeon, 14th Infan- 
try; Surgeon, 33rd Infantry; Magann, Edwin W., Asst. Surg., 9th Cav- 
alry ; Mageniss, John, Asst. Surg., 42nd Infantry ; Manker, Lewis, Sur- 
geon, 79th Infantry ; Martin, James W., Surgeon, 52nd Infantry ; Martin, 
Samuel F., Asst. Surg., 66th Infantry; Martin, William H., Surgeon, 
10th Infantry ; Martin, W. W., Surgeon, 44th Infantry ; Mason, Ferdi- 
nand, Surgeon, 13th Infantry; Meek, John A., Asst. Surg. 89th Infan- 
try; Meeker, Daniel, Surgeon, 9th Infantry; Meeker, Lysander, Asst. 
Surg., 128th Infantry; Melscheimer, Charles T., Asst. Surg., 101st Infan- 
try; Mendenhall, William T., Asst. Surg., 57th Infantry; Mercer, Wil- 
liam M., Asst. Surg., 152nd Infantry ; Meredith, Marion, Asst. Surg., 68th 
Infantry; Merit, Nathaniel P., Asst. Surg., 31st Infantry; Messner, Sam- 
uel P., Asst. Surg., 116th Infantry ; Miller, James, Asst. Surg., 30th In- 
fantry; Mills, James R., Asst. Surg., 47th Infantry; Milner, Isaac N., 
Asst. Surg. 53rd Infantry; Mitchell, Elisha V., Surgeon, 91st Infantry; 
Mitchell, Robert, Asst. Surg., 38th Infantry; Mitchell, Robert S., Asst. 
Surg., 57th Infantry ; MoflBt, John, Asst. Surg., 33rd Infantry ; Monroe, 
Jasper R., Surgeon, 49.th Infantry ; Monteith, Jacob S., Asst. Surg., 69th 
Infantry; Montgomery, George B., Surgeon, 24th Infantry; Morgan, 
James W., Asst. Surg., 31st Infantry; Morrow, Doctor F., Asst. Surg., 
13th Cavalry ; Morrow, James L., Surgeon, 72nd Infantry ; Moss, Gordon 
A., Asst. Surg., 87th Infantry ; Surgeon, 151st Infantry ; Mullen, Alex- 
ander J., Surgeon, 35th Infantry; MuUinix, Maston G., Asst. Surg., 
149th Infantry; Munford, Samuel E., Asst. Surg., 17th Infantry; Sur- 
geon 17th Infantry; Murphy, Alexander D., Asst. Surg., 97th Infantry; 
Murphy, Alexander M., Asst. Surg., 97th Infantry; Surgeon, 97th In- 
fantry ; Murray, Ralph V., Asst. Surg., 137th Infantry ; Myers, Seth F., 
Surgeon, 73rd Infantry; Myers, William D., Surgeon, 88th Infantry; 
Myers, William H., Asst. Surg., 10th Infantry ; Surgeon, 30th Infantry. 

Neat, Thomas C, Asst. Surg., 144th Infantry; Neely, John M., Sur- 
geon, 120th Infantry ; Nelson, William Y., Asst. Surg., 128th Infantry ; 



844 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

New, George W., Surgeon, 7th Infantry; Newland, Benjamin, Surgeon, 
22nd Infantry; Nichols, John D., Asst. Surg., 38th Infantry. 

O Terrell, Robert M., Surgeon, 40th Infantry; Olds, Joseph H., 
Asst. Surg., 6th Cavalry; O'Neal, Laughlin, Surgeon, 153rd Infantry; 
Orr, James P., Asst. Surg., 36th Infantry; Osgood, Howard Q., Asst. 
Surg., 5th Cavalry. 

Parks, Edward R., Surgeon, 30th Infantry; Parsons, George W., 
Asst. Surg., 35th Infantry; Patten, James C, Asst. Surg., 1st Cavalry; 
Asst. Surg., 58th Infantry ; Patterson, John J., Asst. Surg., 1st Cavalry ; 
Pattison, George W., Surgeon, 130th Infantry; Pearce, John W., Asst 
Surg., 51st Infantry; Pearman, Francis M., Surgeon, 30th Infantry; 
Pearson, Charles D., Surgeon, 49th Infantry; Surgeon, 82nd Infantry; 
Peck, Samuel W., Surgeon, 18th Infantry; Pegann, Emanuel, Surgeon, 
155th Infantry ; Perkins, Conrad S., Asst. Surg., 10th Infantry ; Phipps, 
J(^m M., Surgeon, 132nd Infantry ; Piatt, William C, Asst. Surg., 140th 
Infantry; Piekthall, Arthur, Asst. Surg., 49th Infantry; Pitcher, Ste- 
wart C, Surgeon, 143rd Infantry ; Plummer, Isaac N„ Asst. Surg., 44th 
Infantry; Poffenberger, Isaiah, Asst. Surg., 99th Infantry; Pope, Hen- 
ry E., Asst. Surg., 54th Infantry ; Porter, John P., Asst. Surg., 89th In- 
fantry; Pottenger, Wilson, Asst. Surg., 73rd Infantry; Potts, John, 
Ksst, Surg., 40th Infantry; Pratt, Samuel R., Surgeon, 12th Cavalry; 
Surgeon, 87th Infantry; Preston, Albert Q., Surgeon, 55th Infantry; 
Prichet, John, Surgeon, 57th Infantry; Prunk, Daniel H., Asst. Surg., 
20th Infantry ; Ralston, William G., Surgeon, 81st Infantry ; Read, Ez- 
ra, Surgeon, 11th Cavalry; Surgeon, 21st Infantry, 1st Heavy Artillery; 
Reagan, Amos W., Surgeon, 70th Infantry; Reagan, Jesse, Surgeon, 
148th Infantry; Reed Albert S., Asst. Surg., 147th Infantry; Rerick, 
John H., Surgeon, 44th Infantry; Reynolds, Robert C, Asst. Surg., 43rd 
Infantry; Richards, Samuel D., Surgeon, 59th . Infantry ; Richardson, 
Adamson, G., Asst. Surg., 154th Infantry; Riffle, John S., Asst. Surg., 
40th Infantry ; Ritter, John A., Surgeon, 49th Infantry ; Robinson, John 
A., Asst. Surg., 11th Cavalry ; Robinson, Lawson D., Asst. Surg., 99th In- 
fantry; Robson, John R., Asst. Surg., 1st Cavalry; Asst. Surg., 91st 
Infantry; Robson, Robert, Surgeon, 91st Infantry; Rockwell, William, 
Asst. Surg., 11th Infantry; Roe, John L., Surgeon, 137th Infantry; 
Roether, Daniel B., Asst. Surg., 7th Cavalry ; Rogers, Dudley, Surgeon, 
59th Infantry ; Rooker, James I., Asst. Surg., 11th Infantry ; Rose, Madi- 
son H., Surgeon, 53rd Infantry; Rupert, Delos W., Asst. Surg., 30th 
Infantry ; Russell, George H., Asst. Surg., 5th Cavalry ; Russell, Isaac S., 
Asst. Surg., 99th Infantry ; Ruter, Rinaldo R., Surgeon, 93rd Infantry ; 
Rutledge, William, Asst. Surg., 2nd Cavalry; Ryan, Townsend, Surgeon, 
54th Infantry. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



845 



Sabin, Elias H., Asst. Surg., 14th Infantry ; Sadler, Joseph J., Asst. 
Snt^., 16th Inf&ntry; Salisbury, David, Asst. Surg., 128tb Infantry; 
Scearce, John C, Surgeon, 11th Infantry; Scbell, Frederick A., Asst. 
8uTg., 6th Cavalry; Schmidt, Qustavus A., Asst. Sni^., 6th Cavalry; 
Schassler, Charles, Surgeon, 6th Infantry; Scott, William, Surgeon, 
89th Infantrj'; Seott. William G., Asst. Surg., 8th Cavalry; Scudder, 




Dr. Abram 0. Miu.ER 



John A., Asst. Surg., 65th Infantry; Sexton, Marshall, Surgeon, 52nd 
Infantry; Shaffer, Abner H., Surgeon, 75th Infantry; Shapley, William 
W., Sui^eon, 42nd Infantry; Sheldon, George W., Surgeon, 74th In- 
fantry; Sherman, Mason Q., Surgeon, 9tb Infantry; Sherrod, William 
P., Surgeon, 2lBt Infantry; Sherwin, Herman H., Asst. Surg., 152nd 
Infantry; Short, Wesley, Asst. Sui^., 26th Infantry; Simms, John M., 
Asst. Sui^., 76th Infantry; Simonson, James C, Sni^on, 66th Infan- 
try; Slaughter, Robert C, Asst. Sui^., 25th Infantry; Surgeon, 53rd 



846 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Infantry ; Slaughter, William W., Surgeon, 60th Infantry ; Slavens, Ze- 
nas L., Asst. Surg., 115th Infantry ; Smith, Andrew J., Asst. Surg., 2nd 
Cavalry; Smith, John W., Surgeon, 155th Infantry; Smith, William R., 
Asst. Surg., 70th Infantry ; Smith, William Z., Asst. Surg., 49th Infan- 
try; Smydth, William C, Surgeon, 43rd Infantry; Smythe, Qonsolvo^ 
C, Surgeon, 43rd Infantry ; Spain, Archibald W., Asst. Surg., 80th In- 
fantry; Asst. Surg., 136th Infantry; Sparks, Nathan B., Asst. Surg., 
6th Infantry; Speed, Edward B., Asst. Surg., 44th Infantry; Spencer, 
Eobert, Surgeon, 73rd Infantry; Spencer, William, Asst. Surg., 46th 
Infantry; Asst. Surg., 73rd Infantry; Spottswood, Edmund T., Sur- 
geon, 6th Cavalry; Spurrter, John H., Asst. Surg., 16th Infantry; Sur- 
geon, 123rd Infantry; Squire, William B., Asst. Surg., 14th Infantry; 
St. Clair, Owen, Asst. Surg., 142nd Infantry; Steams, Elias P., Asst. 
Surg., 72nd Infantry ; Stewart, William J., Asst. Surg., 47th Infantry ; 
Still well, Joseph A., Surgeon, 221^ Infantry; Stucky, John M., Asst. 
Surg., 59th Infantry; Swafford, Benjamin F., Surgeon, 11th Cavalry; 
Swartz, David J., Asst. Surg., 100th Infantry; Sweeny, Thomas J., Asst. 
Surg., 43rd Infantry; Sweezy, William C, Surgeon, 140th Infantry. 

Taggart, John F., Surgeon, 4th Cavalry; Taylor, Alfred B., Asst. 
Surgeon, 12th Infantry; Taylor, Daniel W., Surgeon, 34th Infantry; 
Taylor, William 15., Surgeon^lSnd Infantry; Teal, Norman, Asst. Surg., 
88th Infantry; Thomas, Charles L., Surgeon, 25th Infantry; Thomas, 
Elias B., Asst. Surg!, 4th Cavalry ; Thomas, James H., Asst. Surg., 117th 
Infantry; Thomas, John H., Asst. Surg., 49th Infantry; Thompson, 
NJohn C, Surgeon, 11th Infantry ; Tilfofd, John H., Asst. Surg., 79th 
Infantry ; Tillson, Hosea, Asst. Surg., and Surgeon, 57th Infantry ; Til- 
man, Jonathan R., Asst. Surg., 60th Infantry; Todd, Robert N., Sur- 
geon, 26th Infantry ;; Todd, William A., Asst. Surg., 11th Infantry; 
Tolerton, James, Surgeon 129th Infantry; Torbet, George A., Asst. 
Surg., 26th Infantry; Triplett, Charles E., Surgeon, 87th Infantry; 
Twiford, Willis H., Surgeon, 27th Infantry; Tyner, Samuel L., Asst. 
Surg., 42nd Infantry. 

Underbill, Joshua W., Surgeon, 46th Infantry. 

Vaile, Joel, Surgeon, 2nd Cavalry; Van Voris, Flavins J., Asst. 
Surg., 86th Infantry; Vincent, Henry C, Asst. Surg., 83rd Infantry; 
Vincent, Jeremiah K., Asst. Surg., 33rd Infantry; Voyles, David W., 
Surgeon, 66th Infantry. 

Walker, Augustus C, Asst. Surg., 63rd Infantry; Walker, John T., 
Surgeon, 25th Infantry; Wallace, James P., Asst. Surg., 150th Infan- 
try ; Walton, Allen M., Surgeon, 13th Cavalry ; Asst. Surg., 86th Infan- 
try; Washburn, Israel B., Surgeon, 46th Infantry; Waterman, Luther 
D., Surgeon, 8th Cavalry ; Weaver, Samuel M., Asst. Surg., 83rd Infan- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 8:.7 

try; "Webb, William A., Asst. Surg., 70th Infantry; Weddington, Sam- 
uel C, Asst. Surg., 147th Infantry ; Weir, Andrew N., Surgeon, 6th Cav- 
alry; Welbom, William P., Surgeon, 80th Infantry; Wells, James C, 
Asst. Surg., 50th Infantry; Welman, Richmond M., Surgeon, 9th Cav- 
alry; Whitaker, Eli D., Surgeon, 38th Infantry; White, Arthur, Asst. 
Surg., 25th Infantry ; White, Jacob S., Surgeon, 34th Infantry ; White, 
James B., Asst. Surg., 75th Infantry ; White, John M:, Asst. Surg., 70th 
Infantry; Whitehall, Alexander L., Asst. Surg., 60th; Whitesell, Jo- 
seph M., Asst. Surg., 36th Infantry; Whitesell, Philip P., Surgeon, 
101st Infantry ; Widmer, John F. B., Asst. Surg., 49th Infantry ; Wiles, 
William V., Asst. Surg., 85th Infantry ; Williamson, Eleazer, Asst. Surg., 
130th Infantry; Williamson, Robert A., Surgeon, 10th Infantry; Wil- 
liamson, Thomas 'W. C, Asst. Surg., 24th Infantry ; Wilson, Isaac, Asst. 
Surg., 137th Infantry; Wilson, Jacob B., Asst. Surg., 123rd Infantry; 
Wilson, James, Asst. Surg., 11th Infantry; Winans, Richard, Asst. 
Surg., 17th Infantry ; Wishard, Joseph M., Surgeon, 5th Cavalry ; Witt, 
William B., Surgeon, 69th Infantry; Wolf, Harvey S., Surgeon, 81st 
Infantry; Wonsetler, Gideon, Asst. Surg., 15th Infantry; Wood, ^ 
James A., Asst. Surg., 12th Cavalry ; Wooden, John L., Surgeon, 68th 
Infantry ; Woods, Calvin J., Surgeon, 19th Infantry ; Woods, Daniel L., 
Asst. Surg., 21st Infantry, 1st Heavy Artillery; Asst. Surg., 138 In- 
fantry; Asst. Surg., 153rd Infantry; Woolen, Green V., Asst. Surg., 27th 
Infantry; Wright, Ivy E., Asst. Surg., 116th Infantry. 

Youart, John M., Asst. Surg., 15th Infantry; Surgeon, 15th Infan- 
try. 

Surgeons in Colored Regiments 

Eastman, Joseph, Asst. Surg., 44th U. S. C. T. ; Strong, John T., Sur- 
geon, 44th U. S. C. T. ; Thompson, James L., Surgeon, 4th U. S. Heavy 
Artillery ; Weist, Jacob R., Surgeon, 1st U. S. C. T. 

Surgeons in Minute Men Regiments 

Bounell, Mathew H., Surgeon, 102nd Regiment; Buck, Robert H., 
Surgeon 103d Regiment ; Harrison, Thomas H., Asst. Surg., 102nd Regi- 
ment; Thomas, L. C, Surgeon, 104th Regiment; McClain, James, Asst. 
Surg., 104th Regiment;; Wheeldon, John, Asst. Surg., 104th Regiment; 
Spurrier, John H., Surgeon, 105th Regiment ; Kellog, Norman P., Asst. 
Surg., 105th Regiment; Chitwood, Joshua, Asst. Surg., 106th Regiment; 
Tarvin, Theophilus, Surgeon, 107th Regiment; Constant, John H., Sur- 
geon, 108th Regiment ; Moore, Anderson M., Asst. Surg., 108th Regiment ; 



848 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

May, Willis L., Asst. Surg., lOSth Begiment; Johnson, Jarvis J., Surgeon, 
109th Regiment; Hall, Daniel D., Surgeon, 111th Regiment; Beard, 
Ferdinand W., Surgeon, 112th Regiment ; Bare, Addison W., Asst. Surg., 
112th Regiment; Parmerlee, H. M., Surgeon, 113th Regiment; Wood, 
Meredith, Asst Surg., 113th Regiment. 

Note. — No medical oflBcers were supplied to the 110th and 114th 
regiments. 

Medical Officers from Indiana Commissioned by the President, 

Volunteers, 1861-65 

John S. Bibbs, surgeon ; William D. Stewart, surgeon ; William C. 
Thompson, surgeon ; Charles S. Frink, surgeon ; James M. Study, assistant 
surgeon. 

Volunteer Navy — ^Acting Assistant Surgeons (Civil War) 

Philip H. Barton, George F. Beasley, William Commons, David Q. 
Curtis, William C. Foster, Thomas F. Leech, Jacob J. Smith. 

Spanish-American War 

Indiana equipped and sent out five regiments for this war ; and fur- 
nished them with five regimental surgeons, eleven regimental assistant 
surgeons, three surgeons in the volunteer army appointed by the Presi- 
dent, and fifteen hospital stewards, making a total of thirty-four medical 
officers. An alphabetical list of their names is given : 

Barcus, Paul J., Asst. Surg., 158th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; 
Bamett, Charles E., Asst. Surg., 157th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; 
Bamett, Walter W., Surgeon, 157th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Bueh- 
ler, Eugene, Asst. Surg., 160th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Charlton, 
Fred R., Surgeon, 158th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Davis, William 
S., Asst. Surg., 159th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Foxworthy, Frank 
W., Asst. Surg., 160th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Garstang, Reginald 
W., Asst. Siirg., 157th Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Gerrish, Millard F., 
Asst. Surg., 161st Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Hawkins, Eugene, Asst. 
Surg., 159th Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Jones, Homer I., Asst. Surg., 
158th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Kyle, John J., Surgeon, 160th Regi- 
ment, Indiana Infantry; Siver, Emmett L., Surgeon, 157th Regiment, 
Indiana Infantry; Smith, Wicliflfe, Surgeon, 161st Regiment, Indiana 
Infantry; Stunkard, Thomas C, Surgeon, 159th Regiment, Indiana In- 
fantry; Wilson, James, Asst. Surg., 161st Regiment, Indiana Infantry. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 849 

List of Surgeons Appointed by the President in the Volunteer Army 

OP THE United States 

English, Calvin H., Major and Brigade Surgeon; Kimball, Thomas 
C, Major and Chief Surgeon; Peyton, David C, Major and Brigade 
Surgeon. 

Hospital Stewards 

Bspey, James Q., 161st Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Hawkins, Robert 
W., 159th Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Langdon, Harry K., 159th Regi- 
ment, Indiana Infantry; Lewis, John I., 161st Regiment, Indiana In- 
fantry; Moore, Harry S., 158th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Moore, 
Harvey A., 157th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Newland, Harrod C, 
158th Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Pfaflf, John A., 160th Regiment, In- 
diana Infantry ; Rathert, William H., 161st Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; 
Sehultz, Guy A., 157th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Shell, Ogden Q., 
157th Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Sommer, Edgar L., 160th Regiment, 
Indiana Infantry; Starrett, Walter K., 160th Regiment, Indiana In- 
fantry ; Townsend, Terry M., 159th Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Wright, 
Charles E., 158th Regiment, Indiana Infantry. 

Dr. Qraham N. Fitch, of Logansport, was bom in Le Roy, New York, 
in 1808, and died in Logansport, November &8, 1892. He served in the 
Indiana legislature in 1836 and 1839. In 1844 filled a chair in Rush 
Medical College. Prom 1848 to 1852 was a member of congress from his 
district. From 1856 to 1861 was United States senator from Indiana. 
\During the Civil war he was colonel of the 46th Regiment Indiana Volun- 
teer Infantry, and for a time commanded a brigade. After the close of 
the Civil war, he occupied the chair of surgery in several of the medical 
colleges of Indiana. 

Dr. Abram 0. Miller (1827-1901), Lebanon, was colonel of the 72nd 
Regiment Indiana Volunteer Infantry (later mounted infantry), and 
much of the time commanded the famous Wilder 's Brigade of Mounted 
Infantry. At the battle of Selma, Alabama, he received a severe wound, 
but remained in the service until the close of the war. 

Dr. William H. Wishard deserves especial mention. He may be 
classed as physician, soldier, and historian. While he was not mustered 
. into the army as a soldier, yet he rendered faithful service in many a 
military camp. 

Dr. Wishard was born in Nicholas County, Ky., January 17, 1816, 
and came with his parents at an early age to Indiana. He graduated at 
the Laporte College at its early career. Began practice at Waverly, 



842 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

fantry ; Hurd, Anson, Surgeon, 14th Infantry ; Asst. Surg., 20th Infan- 
try; Hutchinson, David, Surgeon, 30th Infantry. 

Ireland, William H., Asst. Surg., 22nd Infantry; Irwin, George E., 
Asst. Surg., 93rd Infantry. 

Jaquess, George D.,* Surgeon, 80th Infantry; Jay, James C, Asst. 
Surg., 7th Cavalry; Jeancon, John AUard, Surgeon, 32nd Infantry; 
Jessup, Robert B., Surgeon, 24th Infantry; Johnson, Isaac C, Asst. 
Surg., 153rd Infantry; Johnson, Jarvis J., Surgeon, 27th Infantry; 
Johnson, John B., Asst. Surg., 72nd Infantry ; Johnson, Samuel F., Sur- 
geon, 65th Infantry; Johnson, Thomas J., Asst. Surg., 25th Infantry; 
Johnson, "William W., Asst. Surg., 85th Infantry ; Jones, Caleb V., Sur- 
geon, 63rd Infantry; Jones, George W., Asst. Surg., 63rd Infantry; 
Jones, Harry, Asst. Surg., 57th Infantry ; Jones, James T., Asst. Surg., 
132nd Infantry; Jones, John H., Asst. Surg., 13th Cavalry; Jones, 
Joseph, Surgeon, 86th Infantry ; Jones, Thomas N., Asst. Surg., 2nd 
Cavalry; Surgeon, 130th Infantry; Jones, William B., Surgeon, 149th 
Infantry; Josse, John M., Surgeon, 32nd Infantry. 

Kay, Robert, Asst. Surg., 23rd Infantry; Asst. Surg., 144th Infan- 
try; Kay, David G., Surgeon, 81st Infantry; Keen, Lorenzo S., Sur- 
geon, 29th Infantry ; Keiser, Alfred, Asst. Surg., 124th Infantry ; Kelly, 
Mathew, Asst. Surg., 82nd Infantry; Kelso, William H., Asst. Surg., 
81st Infantry; Kemper, .General W. H., Asst. Surg., 17th Infantry; 
Kendrick, William H., Asst. Surg., 19th Infantry; Kennedy, Hamlet K., 
Asst. Surg., 13th Infantry; Kennedy, Leroy H., Asst. Surg., 70th In- 
fantry ; Kersey, ^as H., Asst. Surg., 36th Infantry ; Surgeon, 36th In- 
fantry ; Kilgore, Tecumseh, As^t. Surg., 84th Infantry; Asst. Surg., 13th 
Cavalry; Surgeon, 13ih Cavalry; Ejllen, James, Asst. Surg., 10th Infan- 
try; Kimball, Abner D., Asst. Surg., 48th Infantry; King, Henry R., 
Asst. Surg., 51st Infantry; King, William P., Asst. Surg., 124th Infan- 
try; Surgeon, 147th Infantry; Kirby, Henry, Surgeon, 84th Infantry; 
Kirkpatrick, George W., Asst. Surg., 72nd Infantry ; Knight, James H., 
Asst. Surg., 3rd Cavalry; Krauth, Ferdinand, Surgeon, 32nd Infantry; 
Kuester, Charles B., Asst. Surg., 133rd Infantry; Surgeon, 156th In- 
fantry; KunHer, Gustave A., Surgeon, 32nd Infantry; Lambey, Louis, 
Asst. Surg., 14th Infantry; Lansing, Sylvester, Asst. Surg., 48th Infan- 
try ; Asst. Surg., 49th U. S. C. T. ; Larkin, John B., Asst. Surg., 17th In- 
fantry; Surgeon, 17th Infantry; Lattimore, Finley C, Asst. Surg., 6th 
Infantry; Leavitt, Philander C, Surgeon, 100th Infantry; Leech, El- 
liott W., Asst. Surg., 123rd Infantry ; Leedy, John K., Surgeon, 74th In- 
fantry ; Lemon, William H., Surgeon, 82nd Infantry; Lent, Cyrus V. N., 
Surgeon, 101st Infantry ; Surgeon, 138th Infantry ; Lewis, Eli, Surgeon, 
65th Infantry ; Lewis, Samuel B., Surgeon, 10th Cavalry ; Liddall, James 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 843 

P., Asst. Surg., 22nd Infantry; Lininger, Daniel P., Asst. Surg., 7th 
Infantry; Lomax, William^ Surgeon, 12th Infantry. 

McCarthy, John F., Surgeon, 29th Infantry ; McOhristie, John, As8t. 
Surg., 9th Cavalry; McClelland, James S., Surgeon, 135th Infantry; 
McClure, Samuel M., Asst. Surg., 37th Infantry; McCoy, George K., 
Asst. Surg., 35th Infantry; McCoy, James A. C, Asst. Surg., 49th In- 
fantry; McCoy, John, Surgeon, 139th Infantry; McCrea, Thomas P., 
Surgeon, 10th Infantry; McCune, George W., Surgeon, 14th Infantry; 
McFadden, William G., Surgeon, 79th Infantry; MoGtee, Richard, Asst. 
Surg., 100th Infantry; McKinney, Asa W., Surgeon, 3l8t Infantry; 
McNutt, James H., Asst. Surg., 97th Infantry; McPheeters, John S., 
Surgeon, 23rd Infantry; McPheeters, Joseph Q., Surgeon, 14th Infan- 
try; Surgeon, 33rd Infantry; Magann, Edwin W., Asst. Surg., 9th Cav- 
alry ; Mageniss, John, Asst. Surg., 42nd Infantry ; Manker, Lewis, Sur- 
geon, 79th Infantry ; Martin, James W., Surgeon, 52nd Infantry ; Martin, 
Samuel F., Asst. Surg., 66th Infantry; Martin, William H., Surgeon, 
10th Infantry ; Martin, W. W., Surgeon, 44th Infantry ; Mason, Ferdi- 
nand, Surgeon, 13th Infantry; Meek, John A., Asst. Surg. 89th Infan- 
try; Meeker, Daniel, Surgeon, 9th Infantry; Meeker, Lysander, Asst. 
Surg., 128th Infantry; Melscheimer, Charles T., Asst. Surg., 101st Infan- 
try; Mendenhall, William T., Asst. Surg., 57th Infantry; Mercer, Wil- 
liam M., Asst. Surg., 152nd Infantry ; Meredith, Marion, Asst. Surg., 68th 
Infantry ; Merit, Nathaniel P., Asst. Surg., 31st Infantry ; Messner, Sam- 
uel F., Asst. Surg., 116th Infantry; Miller, James, Asst. Surg., 30th In- 
fantry; Mills, James R., Asst. Surg., 47th Infantry; Milner, Isaac N., 
Asst. Surg. 53rd Infantry ; Mitchell, Blisha V., Surgeon, 91st Infantry ; 
Mitchell, Robert, Asst. Surg., 38th Infantry; Mitchell, Robert S., Asst. 
Surg., 57th Infantry ; MoflBt, John, Asst. Surg., 33rd Infantry ; Monroe, 
Jasper R., Surgeon, 49.th Infantry ; Monteith, Jacob S., Asst. Surg., 69th 
Infantry; Montgomery, George B., Surgeon, 24th Infantry; Morgan, 
James W., Asst. Surg., 31st Infantry ; Morrow, Doctor F., Asst. Surg., 
13th Cavalry ; Morrow, James L., Surgeon, 72nd Infantry ; Moss, Gordon 
A., Asst. Surg., 87th Infantry ; Surgeon, 151st Infantry ; Mullen, Alex- 
ander J., Surgeon, 35th Infantry; MuUinix, Maston G., Asst. Surg., 
149th Infantry; Munford, Samuel B., Asst. Surg., 17th Infantry; Sur- 
geon 17th Infantry; Murphy, Alexander D., Asst. Surg., 97th Infantry; 
Murphy, Alexander M., Asst. Surg., 97th Infantry; Surgeon, 97th In- 
fantry; Murray, Ralph V., Asst. Surg., 137th Infantry; Myers, Seth F., 
Surgeon, 73rd Infantry; Myers, William D., Surgeon, 88th Infantry; 
Myers, William H., Asst. Surg., 10th Infantry ; Surgeon, 30th Infantry. 

Neat, Thomas C, Asst. Surg., 144th Infantry ; Neely, John M., Sur- 
geon, 120th Infantry ; Nelson, William Y., Asst. Surg., 128th Infantry ; 



846 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Infantry ; Slaughter, William W., Surgeon, 60th Infantry ; Slavens, Ze- 
nas L., Asst. Surg., 115th Infantry ; Smith, Andrew J., Asst. Surg., 2nd 
Cavalry ; Smith, John W., Surgeon, 155th Infantry ; Smith, William R., 
Asst. Surg., 70th Infantry ; Smith, William Z., Asst. Surg., 49th Infan- 
try; Smydth, William C, Surgeon, 43rd Infantry; Smythe, Gonsolvo^ 
C, Surgeon, 43rd Infantry; Spain, Archibald W., Asst. Surg., 80th In- 
fantry; Asst. Surg., 136th Infantry; Sparks, Nathan B., Asst. Surg., 
6th Infantry ; Speed, Edward B., Asst. Surg., 44th Infantry ; Spencer, 
Robert, Surgeon, 73rd Infantry; Spencer, William, Asst. Surg., 46th 
Infantry; Asst. Surg., 73rd Infantry; Spottswood, Edmund T., Sur- 
geon, 6th Cavalry; Spiiriier, John H., Asst. Surg., 16th Infantry; Sur- 
geon, 123rd Infantry ; Squire, William B., Asst. Surg., 14th Infantry ; 
St. Clair, Owen, Asst. Surg., 142nd Infantry; Steams, Elias P., Asst. 
Surg., 72nd Infantry ; Stewart, William J., Asst. Surg., 47th Infantry ; 
Stillwell, Joseph A., Surgeon, 22i^ Infantry ; Stucky, John M., Asst. 
Surg., 59th Infantry; Swafford, Benjaihin F., Surgeon, 11th Cavalry; 
Swartz, David J., Asst. Surg., 100th Infantry ; Sweeny, Thomas J., Asst. 
Surg., 43rd Infautry; Sweezy, William C, Surgeon, 140th Infantry. 

Taggart, John F., Surgeon, 4th Cavalry; Taylor, Alfred B., Asst. 
Surgeon, 12th Infantry; Taylor, Daniel W., Surgeon, 34th Infantry; 
Taylor, William' l5., Surgeon^lSnd Infantry; Teal, Norman, Asst. Surg., 
88th Infantry; Tliomas, Charles L., Surgeon, 25th Infantry; Thomas, 
Elias B., Asst. Surgl, 4th Cavalry ; Thomas, James H., Asst Surg., 117th 
Infantry; Thomas, John H., Asst. Surg., 49th Infantry; Thompson, 
NJohn C, Surgeon, 11th Infantry ; TUfofd, John H., Asst. Surg., 79th 
Infantry ; Tillson, Hosea, Asst. Surg., and Surgeon, 57th Infantry ; Til- 
man, Jonathan R., Asst. Surg., 60th Infantry; Todd, Robert N., Sur- 
geon, 26th Infantry ;: Todd, William A., Asst. Surg., 11th Infantry; 
Tolerton, James, Surgcbn 129th Infantry; Torbet, George A., Asst. 
Surg., 26th Infantry; Triplett, Charles B., Surgeon, 87th Infantry; 
Twiford, Willis H., Surgeon, 27th Infantry; Tyner, Samuel L., Asst. 
Surg., 42nd Infantry. 

Underbill, Joshua W., Surgeon, 46th Infantry. 

Vaile, Joel, Surgeon, 2nd Cavalry; Van Voris, Flavins J., Asst. 
Surg., 86th Infantry; Vincent, Henry C, Asst. Surg., 83rd Infantry; 
Vincent, Jeremiah K., Asst. Surg., 33rd Infantry; Voyles, David W., 
Surgeon, 66th Infantry^ 

Walker, Augustus C, Asst. Surg., 63rd Infantry ; Walker, John T., 
Surgeon, 25th Infantry; Wallace, James P., Asst. Surg., 150th Infan- 
try ; Walton, Allen M., Surgeon, 13th Cavalry ; Asst. Surg., 86th Infan- 
try; Washburn, Israel B., Surgeon, 46th Infantry; Waterman, Luther 
D., Surgeon, 8th Cavalry ; Weaver, Samuel M., Asst. Surg., 83rd Infan- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 8^7 

try; Webb, William A., Asst. Surg., 70th Infantry; Weddington, Sam- 
uel C, Asst. Surg., 147th Infantry ; Weir, Andrew N., Surgeon, 6th Cav- 
alry; Welbom, William P., Surgeon, 80th Infantry; Wells, James C, 
Asst. Surg., 50th Infantry; Welman, Richmond M., Surgeon, 9th Cav- 
alry; Whitaker, Eli D., Surgeon, 38th Infantry; White, Arthur, Asst. 
Surg., 25th Infantry; White, Jacob S., Surgeon, 34th Infantry; White, 
James B., Asst. Surg., 75th Infantry ; White, John M:, Asst. Surg., 70th 
Infantry; Whitehall, Alexander L., Asst. Surg., 60th; Whitesell, Jo- 
seph M., Asst. Surg., 36th Infantry; Whitesell, Philip P., Surgeon, 
101st Infantry ; Widmer, John F. B., Asst. Surg., 49th Infantry ; Wiles, 
William V., Asst. Surg., 85th Infantry ; Williamson, Eleazer, Asst. Surg., 
130th Infantry; Williamson, Robert A., Surgeon, 10th Infantry; Wil- 
liamson, Thomas 'W. C, Asst. Surg., 24th Infantry ; Wilson, Isaac, Asst. 
Surg., 137th Infantry; Wilson, Jacob B., Asst. Surg., 123rd Infantry; 
Wilson, James, Asst. Surg., 11th Infantry; Winans, Richard, Asst. 
Surg., 17th Infantry ; Wishard, Joseph M., Surgeon, 5th Cavalry ; Witt, 
William B., Surgeon, 69th Infantry; Wolf, Harvey S., Surgeon, 81st 
Infantry; Wonsetler, Gideon, Asst. Surg., 15th Infantry; Wood, ^ 
James A., Asst. Surg., 12th Cavalry ; Wooden, John L., Surgeon, 68th 
Infantry ; Woods, Calvin J., Surgeon, 19th Infantry ; Woods, Daniel L., 
Asst. Surg., 21st Infantry, 1st Heavy Artillery; Asst. Surg., 138 In- 
fantry ; Asst. Surg., 153rd Infantry ; Woolen, Green V., Asst. Surg., 27th 
Infantry; Wright, Ivy E., Asst. Surg., 116th Infantry. 

Youart, John M., Asst. Surg., 15th Infantry; Surgeon, 15th Infan- 
try. 

Surgeons in Colored Regiments 

Eastman, Joseph, Asst. Surg., 44th U. S. C. T. ; Strong, John T., Sur- 
geon, 44th U. S. C. T. ; Thompson, James L., Surgeon, 4th U. S. Heavy 
Artillery ; Weist, Jacob R., Surgeon, 1st U. S. C. T. 

Surgeons in Minute Men Regiments 

Bounell, Mathew H., Surgeon, 102nd Regiment; Buck, Robert H., 
Surgeon 103d Regiment ; Harrison, Thomas H., Asst. Surg., 102nd Regi- 
ment; Thomas, L. C, Surgeon, 104th Regiment; McClain, James, Asst. 
Surg., 104th Regiment;; Wheeldon, John, Asst. Surg., 104th Regiment; 
Spurrier, John H., Surgeon, 105th Regiment ; Kellog, Norman P., Asst. 
Surg., 105th Regiment ; Chitwood, Joshua, Asst. Surg., 106th Regiment ; 
'Parvin, Theophilus, Surgeon, 107th Regiment; Constant, John H., Sur- 
geon, 108th Regiment ; Moore, Anderson M., Asst. Surg., 108th Regiment ; 



I 



848 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

May, Willis L., Asst. Surg., 108th Regiment ; Johnson, Jarvis J., Surgeon, 
109th Regiment; Hall, Daniel D., Surgeon, 111th Regiment; Beard, 
Ferdinand W., Surgeon, 112th Regiment ; Bare, Addison W., Asst. Surg., 
112th Regiment; Parmerlee, H. M., Surgeon, 113th Regiment; Wood, 
Meredith, Asst Surg., 113th Regiment. 

Note. — No medical officers were supplied to the 110th and 114th 
regiments. 

Medical Officers from Indiana Commissioned by the President, 

Volunteers, 1861-65 

John S. Bibbs, surgeon ; William D. Stewart, surgeon ; William C. 
Thompson, surgeon ; Charles S. Frink, surgeon ; James M. Study, assistant 
surgeon. 

Volunteer Navy — Acting Assistant Surgeons (Civil War) 

Philip H. Barton, George F. Beasley, William Commons, David G. 
Curtis, William C. Foster, Thomas F. Leech, Jacob J. Smith. 

Spanish-American War 

* 

Indiana equipped and sent out five regiments for this war ; and fur- 
nished them with five regimental surgeons, eleven regimental assistant 
surgeons, three surgeons in the volunteer army appointed by the Presi- 
dent, and fifteen hospital stewards, making a total of thirty-four medical 
officers. An alphabetical list of their names is given : 

Barcus, Paul J., Asst. Surg., 158th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; 
Bamett, Charles E., Asst. Surg., 157th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; 
.Bamett, Walter W., Surgeon, 157th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Bueh- 
ler, Eugene, Asst. Surg., 160th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Charlton, 
Fred R., Surgeon, 158th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Davis, William 
S., Asst. Surg., 159th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Foxworthy, Frank 
W., Asst. Surg., 160th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Garstang, Reginald 
W., Asst. Surg., 157th Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Gerrish, Millard F., 
Asst. Surg., 161st Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Hawkins, Eugene, Asst. 
Surg., 159th Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Jones, Homer I., Asst. Surg., 
158th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Kyle, John J., Surgeon, 160th Regi- 
ment, Indiana Infantry; Siver, Emmett L., Surgeon, 157th Regiment, 
Indiana Infantry; Smith, Wicliflfe, Surgeon, 161st Regiment, Indiana 
Infantry ; Stunkard, Thomas C, Surgeon, 159th Regiment, Indiana In- 
fantry; Wilson, James, Asst. Surg., 161st Regiment, Indiana Infantry. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 849 

List of Surgeons Appointed by the President in the Volunteer Army 

OP the United States 

English, Calvin H., Major and Brigade Surgeon; Kimball, Thomas 
C, Major and Chief Surgeon; Peyton, David C, Major and Brigade 
Surgeon. 

Hospital Stewards 

Espey, James G., 161st Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Hawkins, Robert 
W., 159th Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Langdon, Harry K., 159th Regi- 
ment, Indiana Infantry; Lewis, John I., 161st Regiment, Indiana In- 
fantry; Moore, Harry S., 158th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Moore, 
Harvey A., 157th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Newland, Harrod C, 
158th Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Pfaflf, John A., 160th Regiment, In- 
diana Infantry ; Rathert, William H., 161st Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; 
Schultz, Guy A., 157th Regiment, Indiana Infantry; Shell, Ogden G., 
157th Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Sommer, Edgar L., 160th Regiment, 
Indiana Infantry; Starrett, Walter K., 160th Regiment, Indiana In- 
fantry ; Townsend, Terry M., 159th Regiment, Indiana Infantry ; Wright, 
Charles E., 158th Regiment, Indiana Infantry. 

Dr. Graham N. Fitch, of Logansport, was bom in Le Roy, New York, 
in 1808, and died in Logansport, November ^8, 1892. He served in the 
Indiana legislature in 1836 and 1839. In 1844 filled a chair in Rush 
Medical College. From 1848 to 1852 was a member of congress from his 
district. From 1856 to 1861 was United States senator from Indiana. 
^During the Civil war he was colonel of the 46th Regiment Indiana Volun- 
teer Infantry, and for a time commanded a brigade. After the close of 
the Civil war, he occupied the chair of surgery in several of the medical 
colleges of Indiana. 

Dr. Abrara 0. Miller (1827-1901), Lebanon, was colonel of the 72nd 
Regiment Indiana Volunteer Infantry (later mounted infantry), and 
much of the time commanded the famous Wilder *s Brigade of Mounted 
Infantry. At the battle of Selma, Alabama, he received a severe wound, 
but remained in the service until the close of the war. 

Dr. William H. Wishard deserves especial mention. He may be 
classed as physician, soldier, and historian. While he was not mustered 
. into the army as a soldier, yet he rendered faithful service in many a 
military camp. 

Dr. Wishard was born in Nicholas County, Ky., January 17, 1816. 
and came with his parents at an early age to Indiana. He graduated at 
the Laporte College at its early career. Began practice at Waverly. 



850 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



April 22, 1840. Afterwards moved to Greenwood, — later at Southport, 
and to Indianapolis in 1876. 

He was present at the medical convention held at Indianapolis in 
1849, and was the last member of that band to pass away. He rendered 
service to Indiana soldiers on numerous occasions. The author first met 
Dr. Wishard on the battlefield of Shiloh, in April, 1862. 




Dh. Graham N. Fitch 
(U. S. Senator 1857-61) 



Probably he met face to face more Indiana physicians than any other 
practitioner in the state, and saw more of the public men of the state. 
His sketches of early Indiana physicians, and early medicine of Indiana 
have been invaluable to our state medical history. 

He died at Indianapolis, December 9, 1913; having almost reached 
the century mark. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 851 

Db. Bobbs and the Stobt of Cholectstotomt 

Dr. Joha Stough Bobbs was bora in Qreenvillage, Pa., December 28, 
1809. He located at iDdianapolis in 1835 ; died in that city May 1, 1870. 
Prior to the Civil war he was a state senator one term. During the Civil 
war he was commissioned by the President a brigade surgeon and served 
on the staff of Gen. T. A. Morris. 




Dr. Bobbs is especially known, honored, and recognized as the first 
surgeon to open the human gall bladder in the living subject, — an opera- 
tion quite common at the present day, and known as " cholecystotomy. " 
Dr. Bobbs never saw that word in print, and he named his operation : 
"Lithotomy of the Gallbladder." '« 

The patient was Miss Mary S. Wiggins, of Indianapolis, aged 30 
years. Later she married and was known as Mrs, Z. Bumsworth, and 

i*"Litbotoin}r of the Gallbladder." TranBactiong of the Indiana State Medi- 
cal 8oeiet7, 1S68, p. 68. To the laity I ma; say b; wa; of explanation, that 
Lithotomy Bignifiee, "Incision into the bladder to remove a calculus" (Gould). 



852 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

lived and died at McCordsville, Indiana. She died April 22, 1913, She 
outlived Dr. Bobbs and all who assisted him in the operation : '" surviv- 
ing forty-six years. 

The operation was performed June 15, 1867, Dr. Bobbs being assisted 
by "Drs, Newcomer, Todd, Comingor, Mears, Moore, Avery, and a med- 
ical student." The patient soon recovered, Dr. Bobbs died three years 
later; doctors quit talking about the case, and everybody else, appar- 
ently, foi^t its history. The story of the case slumbered twelve years, — 
1879, when the author of this paper, in preparing material for an article 
brought the case to light.*** 




Mrs. Z. Burnsworth, Pormebly Miss Mary E. Wiggins 
First person operated on for gall stones in the world 

In closing my article referred to, I. said: "It is a pleasing duty to 
pay this small tribute to the memory of our departed fellow and brother 
(Dr. Bobbs). While several European and American surgeons are dis- 
cussing the feasibility and priority of the operation of cholecystotomy, 
with as yet no complete results, but only the promise of success for the 



'» It ia interesting as a bit of medical history to knoir that in June, 190S, Sir 
Alexander R. Simpson, for thirty-five years professor of midwifery and diseases 
of women in the ITniveraity of Edinburgh, was visiting in Indianapolis, and expressed 
a desire to visit Mrs. Burnswortlt in order to see this remarkable patient. Ac- 
cordingly, on June 12, 1909, Drs. O. G. Pfiiff, A. C. Kimberlin, and A. W. Brayton, 
accompanied Sir Alexander to the home of that lady, where the distinguished physi- 
cian and celebrat«d patient met. Sir Alexander died at Edinburgh, Scofland, April 
7, 1916. 

2" "Affections of the Gallbladder Tending to Hesult in Cutaneous Biliary Pis- 
tula."- — Transactions of tlie Indiana State Medical Society, 1879, p. 120, 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 853 

tuture, they are astonished to learn that the operation was successfully 
performed by a surgeon of Indiana, twelve years ago. ' ' — ^page 13b. 

At Indianapolis, October 11, 1917, in the medical section o£ the new 
$6,000,000 library building a bronze tablet was erected in honor of the 
memory of Dr. Bobbs. This bronze tablet executed by Gutzon Borglum, 
is six feet by three and a half feet in size, bears in bas relief the figure 
of Dr. Bobbs, and the following inscription: *' Illustrious Surgeon, 
Patriotic Citizen, Self-sacrificing Benefactor, Servant of God through 
service to Mankind. First to perform the operation of cholecystotomy . " 

lNDivn)UAL Donations 

Dr. John S. Bobbs in 1870 gave a gift to the poor of Indianapolis, 
which was made the nucleus for the establishment of Bobbs' Free Dis- 
pensary, now known as the City Dispensary. 

His medical library was bequeathed to the physicians of Indianapolis. 
Later, when the medical college burned, these books were destroyed. 

Dr. William Lomax, of Marion, gave, in 1890, to Indiana Medical 
College, farm lands, and property in the city of Marion that were valued 
at approximately ten thousand ($10,000) dollars. 

Dr. William Flynn, deceased, of Marion, gave to the Indiana Medical 
College, a gift of money that was realized after his death, amounting to 
five thousand five hundred ($5,500) dollars. 

Dr. Luther D. Waterman, who resided at Indianapolis, recently con- 
veyed and donated to Indiana University, the bulk of his estate, of the 
probable value of one hundred and fifty thousand ($150,000) dollars, 
for the establishment of a department of research work. 

Min'eral Waters op Indiana 

This article will not attempt to enter into a scientific discussion of 
local mineral waters. Persons seeking aid for special diseases will do 
well to consult intelligent physicians for proper knowledge relating to 
waters adapted to their particular disease. The principal ones only will 
be mentioned historically. 

Medical experts do not hesitate to assert that we have in Indiana 
mineral waters which will compare favorably with those of some of the 
best known spas of America and Europe. 

The French Lick and West Baden springs are the better known of all 
our medicinal waters, and are usually considered the most important in 
a therapeutic sense. 

The natural mineral waters of Orange County are similar to those 
of the Baden-Lick valley in their chemical constitution. 



854 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Martinsville is a mecca for hundreds of invalids who annually resort 
thither for various diseases, — especially rheumatism. 

Mudlavia, near Attica, promises a similar water, but is especially re- 
nowned for its mud baths ; this mud being a very black loam of vegetable 
decomposition and seems particularly adapted to chronic diseases and 
rheumatism. 

Drilled wells have been constructed at several places, and attract sick 
persons seeking relief from various ailments. The waters of Greenwood, 
Shelbyville, Winona, and some other points, present their claims to a 
less or greater degree. 

Commodious hotels and sanitariums have been erected at all of these 
points so that those seeking relief from ailments, or desiring a haven for 
rest and retirement, will find all needful conveniences for comfort and 
treatment. 

Closing Words 

The growing figures at the top of my pages admonish me that I should 
bring my paper to a close. It was with some hesitation that I consented 
to prepare the medical chapter for the forthcoming History of Indiana. 
I am now in my seventy-ninth year, — past that period when ideas and 
words come flocking to the mind ; my old brain fatigues more easily than 
when I was younger. I crave the indulgence of the reader. I may have 
said words that I should not have said; still worse, I have failed to 
record words that deserve to be written. 

The physicians of Indiana have acted well their part, — ^whether at 
the bedside, in the hospital, in the lecture hall, or in the domain of 
medical literature, their work has been creditable. The early physicians 
of Indiana were honest, faithful, and did the best they knew how. As I 
have recorded the names of these early physicians I have been struck 
with the large number of Christian names derived from the scriptures. 
They were bom in homes where father and mother read the Bible. 

The medical men of the present day are no better men than were the 
earlier physicians, but they are better physicians. These have had 
greater facilities, and where much is given much will be required. 

If the physicians whom I met in Delaware County fifty-three years 
ago were to rise from the dead and appear upon our streets today, they 
would be startled at our speeding automobiles, but no less surprised if 
they should enter a modem medical meeting and hear doctors talking 
about asepsis, antiseptics, listerism, antitoxins, serums, and germs. They 
would not understand the meaning of these terms and would be com- 
pelled to consult a modem medical dictionary ! 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



855 



The changes in physicians and medical practice during the past one 
hundred years have been incidentally touched upon in the preceding 
pages of this paper. The changes are all the more striking to ns physi- 
cians who have lived for many years amid these revolutions and par- 
ticipated in the transformations. 

I began my practice amid the carnage of the Civil war ; after fifty- 




Da. James F. Hibberd 



seven years, when ready to lay my burden down, our country is again 
engaged in war. 

On November 6, 1861, Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes delivered before 
the medical class of Harvard University, an introductory lecture in which 
he closed with a stirring appeal to the young medical men. They are 
applicable today when our country is again in peril, and I shall quote 
them: "The young man who has not beard the clarion-voices of honor 
and of duty now Bounding throughout the land, will heed no word of 



856 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

mine. In the camp or the city, in the field or the hospital, under shelter- 
ing roof, or half -protecting canvas, or open sky, shedding our own blood 
or stanching that of our wounded defenders, students or teachers, — 
whatever our calling and our ability, we belong, not to ourselves, but to 
our imperilled country, whose danger is our calamity, whose ruin would 
be our enslavement, whose rescue shall be our earthly salvation!" 

Historical References 

Dr. W. H. Wishard, ** President's Address.'* Transactions of the 
Indiana State Medical Society,*1889, p. 5. 

Dr. W. H. Wishard, ** Medical Men and Medical Practice in the Early 
Days of Indianapolis.'* lb. 1893, p. 16. 

Dr. W. H. Wishard, *' Organization of the Indiana State Medical 
Society and Its Influence upon the Profession." lb. 1899, p. 20. 

Drs. W. H. Byford, M. H. Harding, and J. N. Graham, '* Report on 
the Practice of Medicine. ' ' The topography of several counties in eastern 
Indiana is given by Drs. Woody, of Winchester, Harding, of Lawrence- 
burg, Shields, of N«w Albany, Kersey, of Milton, Crooks and De Bruler, 
of Rockport, are historical and instructive. In this same article, also, 
are included notes on typhoid fever, epidemic erysipelas, dysentery, and 
various forms of malariaL fever. lb. 1853, pp. 24-57. 

Dr. George Sutton, of Aurora, contributes a valuable historical paper 
on ** Asiatic Cholera as it prevailed in Indiana during the years 1849-50- 
51 and 52." Also on same subject. lb. 1853, pp. 109-175; lb. 1867, p. 85 ; 
lb. 1868, p. 51. 

''Milk Sickness," ''Trembles or Milk Sickness," "Morbo Lacteo." 
Drs. George Sutton, Trans. 1853, p. 176. James S. McClelland, lb. 1854, 
p. 43. E. S. Elder, lb. 1874, pp. 113-127. 

"Nursing Sore Mouth," Dr. J. S. McClelland, lb. 1856, p. 48. 

"On Fractures and False Joints," Trans. 1857, p. 29, 1858, p. 40, 
1859, p. 34. These are valuable articles at the present day. Contributed 
by Prof. Daniel Meeker, of Laporte. 

"Report on the Diseases of Indiana for the Year 1872; With a Brief 
Outline of the Medical Topography and Climatology of Different Locali- 
ties." Reports from 42 counties. Dr. George Sutton, Chairman, Trans. 
1873, p. 61. 

"History of the Medical Institutions of Indianapolis." — Editorial 
Indiana Journal of Medicine, Vol. IV, pp. 313, 415, November, 1873. 

"Early State Medical Society— Fifth District Medical Society."— 
Dr. W. B. Fletcher. Trans. 1874, p. 26. 

"Cholera as Appearing in Indiapanolis During the Summer of 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 857 

1873.*'— Dr. Thad. M. Stevens, Indiana Journal of Medicine, Vol. V, 
p. 41 (June, 1874). 

''State Boards of Health.''— Dr. Thad. M. Stevens. Trans. 1875, 
p. 65. 

** Report on Medical History of Indiana." — Dr. Thad. M. Stevens. 
Trans. 1875, p. 79. 

"'Medical and Surgical History of Elkhart County." — ^|)r. M. M. 
Latta. Trans. 1875, p. 82. 

"Medical History of Grant County." — ^Dr. William Lomax. Trans. 
1875, p. 88. 

"A Report on Trichinosis as Observed in Dearborn Coui^ty in 
1874. ' '—Dr. George Sutton. Trans. 1875, p. 109. 

"First Case of Recognized Podelcoma (Madura Foot Disease) Oc- 
curring in the United States. ' ' — ^Dr. G. W. H. Kemper, American Prac- 
titioner, Vol. XIV, p. 129 (September, 1876). 

"Diseases Prevalent in the Early Settlement of Kokomo." — Dr. 
Corydon Richmond. Trans. 1879, p. 19. 

"Statistics of Placenta Praevia," 240 cases valuable for reference. 
Dr. Enoch W. King. Trans. 1879, pp. 43-92, and 1881, pp. 168-226. 

"A Review of the Epidemics that have occurred in Southeastern In- 
diana During the Last Fifty Years, and the Observations on Change of 
Type in our Endemic Malarial Diseases." — Dr. George Sutton. Trans. 
1885, p. 104. 

"Report df the Literary Proceedings of the Banquet Given by the 
Marion County Medical Society to the Indiana State Medical Society at 
the New Denison Hotel, on the Evening of June 5, 1888." At this meet- 
ing, James Whitcomb Riley first read his poem, "Doc Sifers." — Trans. 
1888, p. 160. 

* ' One Thousand Cases of Labor and Their Lessons. ' ' — ^Dr. G. W. H. 
Kemper, Medical News, Vol. 59, p. 285 (Sept. 12, 1891). 

"Memoirs of the Professional Lives of Drs. John S. Bobbs, Charles 
Parry, Talbott BuUard, and David Funkhouser. — ^Dr. P. H. Jameson. 
Trans. 1894, p. 212a. 

"Biographical Sketch of the late Dr. E. H. Deming."— Dr. John S. 
Bobbs. Trans. 1857, p. 53. 

"The Use of Antitoxin in the Treatment of Diphtheria and Mem- 
branous Oroup with a Collective Report of One Hundred and Thirty- 
two Cases." — ^Dr. E. L. Larkins. Trans. 1896, p. 197. 

"War Number" of the Indiana Medical Journal, Vol. XVI (Septem- 
ber, 1898). Especially valuable to those seeking knowledge of the sev- 
eral Indiana Regiments in the Spanish- American war. 



858 - INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

''Essays on Bacteriology and its Relation to the Progress of Medi- 
cine."— Dr. Theodore Potter, Medical and Surgical Monitor, 1898. 

''Mineral Waters of West Baden, Indiana, as a Therapeutic Agent.'' 
— Dr. W. D. Pennington, Medical and Surgical Monitor, Vol. I, p. 185 
(October, 1898). 

"The Mineral Waters of Indiana with Indications for Their Appli- 
cation. ' '—Dr. Robert Hessler. Trans. 1902, p. 365. 

"The Mineral Waters of Indiana." — Dr. George Kahlo. Trans. 
1903, p. 237. 

"The Mineral Waters of Orange County." — ^Dr. John L. Howard. 
Trans. 1905, p. 413. 

"Camp Morton Hospital in the Civil War." — Report by Drs. John 
M. Kitchen and P. H. Jameson to Gov. Morton, Jan. 6, 1863, Indiana 
Medical Journal, Vol. XVII, p. 270 (January, 1899). 

"Indiana in Medicine." A Toast. Dr. Alembert W. Brayton, Fort 
Wayne Medical Journal, Magazine Medical Journal, February, 1900', 
p. 43. 

"Report of Committee on State Medicine and Hygiene." — ^Drs. J. N. 
Hurty, L. P. Drayer, and N. P. Cox. Trans. 1899, p. 126. 

' ' Clinical Features of Malaria as Seen at Camp Mount Hospital. ' ' — 
Dr. W. T. S. Dodds. Trans. 1899, p. 197. 

"Smallpox in Anderson — A Study of the Present Epidemic." — ^Dr. 
Charles Trueblood. Trans. 1900, p. 120. 

"Aneurysm of the Cervical Portion of the Vertebral Artery; Opera- 
tion ; Recovery. ' ' Twenty cases only are on record, with six recoveries. 
This adds one more to number and recoveries — six of the successful cases 
were performed by American surgeons. — Dr. I. N. Trent. Trans. 1901, 
p. 118. 

' ' Modem War Wounds. ' '—Dr. Frank W. Foxworthy. Trans. 1902, 
p. 302. 

"Institutional Practice." — Dr. Harry Sharp. Trans. 1905, p. 67. 

' ' Blastomycosis and Its Congeners — Report of Eight Cases Observed 
in Indiana. ' '—Dr. A. W. Brayton. Trans. 1907, p. 35. 

"A Report of One Thousand Obstetrical Cases Without a Maternal 
Death." — Dr. Samuel Keni;iedy, The Journal of the Indiana State Med- 
ical Association, Vol. Ill, p. 200. 

"Historical Sketch of Medicine and Medical Men in the Early Days 
of Johnson County, Indiana." — Dr. R. W. Terhune, Whiteland. Pamph- 
let, Indiana State Library, Indianapolis. 

"Medicine in the Northwestern Territory: A Contribution to the 
Early Medical History of Indiana." — Dr. Hubbard M. Smith, Trans. 
Indiana State Medical Society, p. 438, 1906. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 859 

** Malaria in Indiana." — ^Dr. Ada E. Schweitzer. Historical and 
valuable for reference. The Journal of the Indiana State Medical Asso- 
ciation, Vol. IV, p. 70 (February, 1911). 

**A Plea for the Cesarean Operation. Based on a Report of Fifty- 
three Cases Performed in Indiana." — Dr. G. W. H. Kemper. The Jour- 
nal of the Indiana State Medical Association, Vol. IV, p. 162. 

** A Medical History of Indiana." — ^By Dr. G. W. H. Kemper. Amer- 
ican Medical Association Press, 1911. 

Dunn's ** History of Greater Indianapolis," chapter 41, and Sul- 
grove's ** History of Indianapolis and Marion County," chapter 12, will 
give considerable information concerning the physicians of Marion 
County. 



CHAPTER XV 



EDUCATION 



The beginnings of education in Indiana are involved in some obscu- 
rity. The first direct witness is Count Volney, who visited the French 
settlers of Vincennes in 1796, and wrote: ** Nobody ever opened a school 
among them till it was done by the abbe R. a polite, well educated, and 
liberal minded missionary, banished hither by the French revolution. 
Out of nine of the French, scarcely six could read or write, whereas 
nine-tenths of the Americans, or emigrants from the East could do 
both:"^ This school could not have existed many months before Vol- 
ney 's visit; for the Abbe Rivet, to whom he refers, succeeded Father 
Plaget as parish priest at Vincennes, and he did not leave until the 
spring of 1795. The next direct witness is brought forward }^y Rev. F. C. 
HoUiday, as follows: **The first school of any kind held in the territory 
of Indiana was taught one-and-a-half miles south of Charlestown, the 
present county seat of Clark County, in 1803. Rev. Geo. K. Hester, 
who was a pupil in this school in 1804, says : * Our first books were gen- 
erally very far from facilitating an education, or affording material for 
the mental culture of youth. My first two reading books were ** Gulli- 
ver 's Travels" and a * * I>ream Book. ' ' We had to commence the first rudi- 
ments of language in *'Dilworth's Spelling-Book. ' ' The rigid discipline 
exercised, the cruelty practiced on delinquent scholars, as well as the 
long confinement of children to their books, from soon after sunrise to 
sunset, r with only vacation at noon, was detrimental to their advance- 
ment in learning."' 2 

This positive statement seems hardly credible. It is stated that, * * Gen. 
Henry Dodge taught school in the Goodwin neighborhood, in the early 
part of 1800. ' ' ^ This was in Clark County, and Gen. Dodge was later 
the noted Governor of Wisconsin. Judge Banta, who gave the subject 
much study, says that providing schools for the children as soon as there 
were enough families in a settlement to call for a school, **I believe to 



1 View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, p. 335. 

s Indiana Methodism, p. 36. 

« Hist Ohio Falls Cos., Vol. 2, p. 351. 

860 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 861 

have been the unvarying American practice." On this basis he surmises 
that there was a school at the Falls of the Ohio not later than 1785, 
and one in Dearborn Ck>unt7 prior to 1802. As to the custom, Judge 
Banta is supported by Timothy Flint, who was familiar with the State 
from 1816, and says: '^That spirit of regard for schools, religious socie- 
ties and institutions, connected with them, which has so honorably dis- 
tinguished the commencing institutions of Ohio, has displayed itself 
also in this state. There are districts, no doubt, where people have but 
just made beginnings ; and where they are more anxious about carrying 
on the first operations of making a new establishment, than about educat- 
ing their children. But it ought to be recorded to the honor of the people 
in this state, that among the first public works in an incipient village, 
is a school house, and among the first associations, that for establishing 
a school. Schools are of course established in all the considerable towns 
and villages of the state. In many of the compact villages, there is a 
reading room, and a social library. • • • The only endowed col- 
lege, with which we are acquainted, is fixed at Vincennes."^ The one 
thing that is certain is that these early schools were ephemeral private 
schools, with the exception of Vincennes University. The township 
granted for its support was selected in October, 1806, and the same year 
the University was incorporated, its trustees being authorized to sell 
4,000 acres of the land. The common school lands, one section in each, 
township, could not be sold ; and in 1808 the county courts were author- 
ized to lease them for not more than five years, the lessee being required 
to put at least ten acres under cultivation in each quarter section. In 
1810, the school fever had been awakened, and Governor Harrison made 
his famous recommendations for military instruction in the schools. In 
that year the legislature provided for a township trustee for school lands, 
with power to lease not over 160 acres to one person, and, singularly 
enough, prohibiting the destruction of timber. There was little encour- 
agement to anyone to lease school lands, when they could enter lands 
for themselves, and why anyone should want timber lands that could 
not be cleared, is a puzzle. At any rate the income from the school 
lands at that period was a mere pittance, and the expense of maintain- 
ing the schools fell upon the patrons. 

In reality, the public school system, in 1810, was all university, for 
out of the proceeds of the lands sold, the trustees had erected a brick 
building, at a cost of some six thousand dollars, and the institution was 
opened in 1810 as a ** grammar school'' with Rev. Samuel Scott as 
** President." But even this was a ** vision," for David Thomas who 



4 Indiana as Seen by Early Travelen, p. 460. 



862 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

visited Vinceimea in 1816-7, recorded: "The Academy stands east of 
the town. It can be seen a considerable distance in every direction, 
and makes p very handsome appearance. It was erected in 1807. The 
walls are brick ; the length is sixty-five feet, the width forty-four feet, 
and the height three stories. It was designed for eighteen rooms. Ten 
thousand dollars have been expended, and it stands unfinished. The 
fund consists of land, twenty-five miles south of this place. The Legisla- 




First Building of Indiana University 



tnre authorized the sale of a part of this tract, and appointed twenty- 
one trustees to govern the Institution; but the hopes of its founders 
have not been realized. Only a common school has been kept in it." 
This was the situation when the Constitutional Convention of 1816 met; 
and this situation is of importance in considering the action of the Con- 
vention. Rev. Samuel Thornton Scott, who taught this school, was born 
in Kentocky in 1780. He studied at Transylvania, but before complet- 
ing hia eourse, was called to Vincennes as a teacher, by some of the 
Kentucky families that had settled there. He went back t« Kentucky, 
and was licensed to preach in 1803. He officiated in Kentucky, making 
occasional missionary visits to Indiana, until 1808, when he was called 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 863 

to the Presbyterian church at Vincennes.^ He preached and taught 
there until his death on December 30, 1827. The old Vincennes Univer- 
sity building was sold on execution, in 1839, to John A. Vabret, for 
$6,500; and for a time was occupied by Ste. Rose Academy for Girls. 
It was sold again in 1841 to Peter Bellier, who occupied it with St. 
Gabriel College; and after him, it was bought by the County Trustees. 
The Constitutional Convention of 1816 created a committee on ^'Edu- 
cation and universal dissemination of useful knowledge, and other ob- 
jects which it may be proper to enjoin or recommend the Legislature to 
provide for," composed of James Scott, of Clark, chairman, John Badol- 
lett and William Polke of Knox, Dann Lynn of Posey, and John Boone 
of Harrison. This committee was remarkably of Vincennes, anti- 
Jennings make-up, the first four members voting on the slavery side in 
the divisions made in the Convention. Scott, Badollett and Polke were 
men of more than. ordinary education. As Vincennes was specially inter- 
ested in the educational provisions, and Badollett and Polke were directly 
interested in Vincennes, with Scott and Lynn both personally and politic- 
ally friendly to them, it would seem that Jennings had followed his usual 
policy of placating by giving them control of this committee. It did not 
report until June 25, fours days before the adjournment ; and then Scott 
reported Article 9 of the Constitution, which was slightly, but not mate- 
rially amended on the 26th, and engrossed on the 27th. With the excep- 
tion of Section 4, which refers only to penal and charitable legislation, 
the Article is as follows : 

''Sec. 1. Knowledge and learning, generally diffused through a com- 
munity, being essential to the preservation of a free Government, and 
spreading the opportunities and advantages of education through the 
various parts of the country being highly conducive to this end, it shall 
be the duty of the General Assembly to provide by law for the improve- 
ment of such lands as are, or hereafter may be, granted by the United 
States to this State for the use of schools, and to apply any funds which 
may be raised from such lands, or from any other quarter, to the accom- 
plishment of the grand object for which they are or may be intended. 
But no lands granted for the use of schools or seminaries of learning 
shall be sold, by authority of this State, prior to the year eighteen hxm- 
dred and twenty; and the moneys which may be raised out of the sale 
of any such lands, or otherwise obtained for the purpose aforesaid, shall 
be and remain a fund for the exclusive purpose of promoting the inter- 
est of literature and the sciences, and for the support of seminaries and 



5 Edson 's Hist. Pres. Church, p. 42. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 865 

public schools. The General Assembly shall from time to time pass such 
laws as shall be calculated to encourage intellectual, scientifical, and 
agricultural improvements, by allowing rewards and immunities, for 
the promotion and improvement of the arts, sciences, commerce, manu- 
factures, and natural history ; and^ to countenance and encourage the 
princij^es of humanity, honesty, industry, and morality. 

''Sec. 2. It shall be the duty of the Qeneral Assembly, as soon as 
circumstances will permit to provide by law for a general system of 
education, ascending in a regular graduation from township schools to 
a State University, wherein tuition shall be gratis, and equally open to all. 

*'Sec. 3. And, for the promotion of such salutary end, the money 
which shall be paid as an equivalent by persons exempt from militia 
duty, except in times of war, shall be exclusively and in equal proportion 
applied to the support of county seminaries; also, all fines assessed for 
any breach of the penal laws shall be applied to said seminaries in the 
counties wherein they shall be assessed. 

**Sec. 5. The General Assembly, at the time they lay off a new 
county, shall cause at least ten percent to be reserved out of the pro- 
ceeds of the sale of town lots, in the seat of justice of such county, for 
the use of a public library for such county ; and at the same session they 
shall incorporate a library company, under such rules and regulations 
as will best secure its permanence and extend its benefits. ' ' 

In 1844, the State University held its commencement on September 
30, and the accounts of it published in the Indianapolis papers state 
that the degree of LL.D. was conferred **on the Hon. James Scott, for- 
merly a Justice of the Supreme Court, and the author of that part of the 
Constitution of the State of Indiana, which relates to education." ® The 
statement is presumably correct. He was chairman of the committee, 
and he was somewhat flamboyant in style, as may be seen from his reply, 
as the Speaker of the House of Representatives, of 1813, to the address 
of the Governor.'^ This would account for the fact that the provision 
for the application of the school funds is that they shall be applied *'to 
the accomplishment of the grand object for which they are or may be 
intended." 

It is astonishing that there is no biographical record of so prominent 
a man in any State or local history, or even history of the bench and 
bar. But there was a tradition that he died ait Carlisle, Indiana ; and 
Mrs. Luella B. Wagner, of the Public Library there, found on the tomb- 
stone of a neglected grave in the old cemetery of that place the following 
inscription : 

« Sentinel, Oct. 3 ; Journal, Oct. 5, 1844. 
7 Western Sun, March 6, 1813. 



866 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

JAMES SCOTT, LL.D. 



A Native of Pennsylvania 

Died 

March '2, 1855 

Aged 

87 years, 9 months, 4 days 



He was for eighteen years a Judge 
of the Supreme Court of the Terri- 
tory and State of Indiana. 



With men he was a man, 
With God, a child. 



Judge Scott was appointed Prosecuting Attorney for Clark County 
in 1810, and resided at Charlestown, where he was one of the founders 
of the Sunday School in 1812. He was Speaker of the House of Rep- 
resentatives in 1813, and resigned on being appointed Chancellor of the 
Territory. He served on the Supreme Bench from 1816 to 1831; and 
was candidate for Governor on the Anti-Masonic ticket in 1832. After 
retiring from the Supreme Bench, he made an unsuccessful effort to 
resume the practice of his profession at Charlestown. For a short 
time he published a newspaper called **The Comet"; and then opened 
a school for young ladies. After the election of G^n. Harrison to the 
Presidency, he was appointed Receiver of the Land Office at Jefferson- 
ville ; and after the expiration of his term, being advanced in years, he 
went to live with an adopted daughter at Carlisle. 

A careful examination of the provisions of Article 9 will show that 
they are framed with reference to existing conditions. Indiana had its 
university already, at Vincennes, with a township of land for endow- 
ment. It also had land for public schools. The care of these was pro- 
vided for, but there is also special provision made for seminaries in all 
of the counties, which would give them something of the higher educa- 
tion that had been provided for at Vincennes. Presumably this was 
what reconciled the other delegates to fastening Vincennes University 
to the public school system, with State responsibility for instruction in 
it being gratis. On the other hand, it is possible that Jennings was 
even then figuring on the removal of the University, and was entirely 
willing to have it put under State supervision by the Constitution. 
But these provisions made a top-heavy system, which did not promote 
the establishment of common, or elementary schools. On December 28, 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 867 

1825, John Ewing, of the Senate Committee on Education, reported: 
''With the exception of county seminaries deriving some aid from the 
penal code, and the township rents accruing to the State University, 
there exists no active fund for education to which resort could be had; 
and the pittance of rent from some sixteenth sections is entirely inade- 
quate to effect the object at this time.'' The makers of the Constitution 
of 1816 had superb '* vision'* of what was going to result from the land 
grants for schools, but the financial results they contemplated were 
never realized; and furthermore there was a damper on support by 
taxation in the provision of the Enabling Act, under which the State was 
admitted, exempting all public lands sold after 1816 from taxation for 
five years from the date of sale ; but this was not so serious as might be 
imagined, because there was no effort to raise school money by taxation, 
except to provide school-houses, for many years afterward. It was a 
beautiful school system, without funds to carry it into effect. In fact 
it was designed for futurity, rather than for immediate use. There 
were no really free schools in Indiana, except at New Harmony, and 
indeed, none in the United States outside of New England. 

In fact, no law was adopted, or even contemplated, for carrying the 
provisions of the Constitution into effect, until, on January 9, 1821, 
a resolution was adopted, **that John BadoUett, and David Hart, of 
Knox County, William W. Martin, of Washington County, James 
Welch, of Switzerland County, Daniel S. Caswell, of Franklin County, 
Thomas C. Searle, of Jefferson County, and John Todd, of Clark County, 
be and they are hereby appointed a committee to draft and report to 
the next General Assembly of this State a bill providing for a general 
system of education ascending in regular gradation from township 
schools to a State university, wherein tuition shall be gratis, and equally 
open to all; and particularly to guard against any distinctions exist- 
ing in any of the said institutions between the rich and the poor." It 
will be noted that his resolution is in the words of the Constitution, 
except the concluding clause ; and Prof. Boone says of it : * * The signifi- 
cance of the last clause appears in the peculiar educational notions and 
social standards prevalent at that time. The Literary Fund of Virginia 
had just been set apart (1810), as had that of Georgia also (1817), for 
the exclusive benefit of the poor. New Jersey about the same date 
legalized township taxation *for the education of paupers'; and Ohio, 
but a few days before the appointment of the Indiana committee, had, 
in an otherwise liberal act, provided for schools, * open first to the needy 
and dependent, then, if means and accommodations afforded, to others. ' 
American public schools have frequently been. East and West, North and 
South, even among the New England States, * pauper' or * charity' 



868 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

schools; and it is greatly to the credit of the Indiana Legislature that, 
as early as 1821, when her sister states saw no way to make elementary 
education both free and universal, the Assembly of one Western State, 
taking counsel of progress, saw and was ready to affirm the right of 
every child, of whatever rank or social condition, to an education at 
public expense. This was theory; and it may be held as sound educa- 




Earlv Loo Schcwl House in Wayne County 



tional doctrine to-day. Such wise faith dignifies even the failure of the 
fathers. ' ' * 

There arc two other things about this committee that are noteworthy. 
One is that no otic of them was a member of the legislature at the time, 
which was a very unusual proceeding for an Indiana legislature. They 
were selected from the citizens of the State on account of their interest 
in education. The other was their optimistic dispositions, although in 
that they probably shared s very general impression at the timo of the 
value of the school lands. By an elaborate computation they reached 
the conclusion that in six years the annual revenues from the school 

eHist. of Eilucation in Indiana, p. 24. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 869 

lands would be sufficient to maintain a school in each school district 
of the State for three months. They also computed that in the same time 
the university would have accumulated from its lands $260,772; and 
they thought it would then be safe to invest $40,000 of this in a building, 
and $20,772 in apparatus, library, etc., reserving the remainder as a 
permanent endowment. They recommended at that time a liberal in- 
crease of the members of the faculty. 

The committee called Judge Benjamin Parke to its aid, and a bill was 
prepared which was finally adopted, after some amendment, and ap- 
proved January 31, 1824. It is entirely permissory. In any township, 
three freeholders or householders could call a meeting, and if twenty 
of like qualification attended, they could elect three trustees, who should 
have charge of the school lands. The trustees were to make school dis- 
tricts, and appoint a ** sub-trustee'' for each district. The sub-trustee 
was to call a meeting of the freeholders and householders of his dis- 
trict, and take a vote whether they would support a school for not less 
than three months in the year. If they agreed to do so, he was to call 
a meeting of all the inhabitants of the district to meet at the site, which 
the former meeting had selected, and commence work. Then came a 
mandatory provision that, ** Every able bodied male person of the age 
of twenty-one years and upwards, being a freeholder or householder as 
aforesaid, residing within the bounds of such school district, shall be 
liable equally to work one day in each week, until such building may 
be completed, or pay the sum of thirty-seven and a half cents for every 
day he may so fail to work.'' The house was to be built **of brick, 
stone, hewn timber, or frame" as the majority might desire; but with 
the requirement, ' * That in all cases, such school house shall be eight feet 
between the floors, and at least one foot from the surface of the ground 
to the first floor, and finished in a manner calculated to render com- 
fortable the teacher and pupils; with a suitable number of seats, tables, 
lights and every other thing necessary for the convenience of such 
school; which shall forever be open for the education of all children 
within the district without distinction." After the schoolhouse was 
built, the sub-trustee called another meeting, which decided how many 
months of school they wanted, and ** whether they will suffer any por- 
tion of the tax for the support of such school to be raised in money, 
and,' if so, what proportion." This was certified to the township trus- 
tees, who were then to employ a teacher, ** Provided, however, that no 
person shall be employed as a teacher as aforesaid, until he shall produce 
the certificate of the township trustees, that they have examined him 
touching his qualifications, and particularly as respects his knowledge of 
the English language, writing, and arithmetic, and that in their opinion. 



870 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

he will be a useful person to be employed as a teacher in said school. * ' 
This was substantially the system followed until the adoption of the 
school law of 1852, with some amendments, such as provision for 
*' examiners *' for teachers, in 1837. These were to be appointed by the 
Judge of the Circuit Court, but their cooperation might be declined by 
the trustees if they so wished. 

The only **free'' feature of the system was the schoolhouse. The 
patrons paid the teacher, or rather underpaid him, and it was largely 
a matter of chance if they got their money's worth. Barnabas C. Hobbs 
related that when he came before the examiner, the first question asked 
was, **What is the product of 25 cents by 25 cents f It was a stumper. 
There was no such **sum'' in Pike's Arithmetic, which he had studied. 
He started a discussion, and found that the examiner thought it would 
be 61/4 cents, with which he gracefully coincided; and after an hour's 
further conversation, in which no more questions were asked, he was 
granted his license ; and one of the best teachers Indiana ever had was 
saved to the State. Some of the teachers were people who could not 
earn a living any other way, on account of physical disability, age, or 
even intemperance. Judge Banta, who made a very full investigation 
of the subject, says: **A11 sorts of teachers were employed in Johnson 
Countjr. There was the * one-eyed teacher'; the * one-legged teacher'; the 
Uame teacher'; the * single-handed teacher'; the teacher who had * fits'; 
the teacher who had been educated for the ministry, but owing to his 
habits of hard drink had turned pedagogue ; the teacher who got drunk 
on Saturday and whipped the entire school on Monday. Some are 
remembered for the excellence of their teaching, and some for their 
rigorous government. Some are remembered for their good scholarship 
and some for their incompetency. " ® It was much the same everywhere. 
Their wages were poor, $10 to $20 a month, and ** boarded around," for 
men, and half of that for women, who were seldom employed at all. In 
1827, Rev. Isaac Reed wrote: **The State is not districted; and the com- 
mon schools are generally of a low character, when compared with the 
schools of the Northern States. Here and there is found a district, where 
the school is well supported, and well taught. The schools are nearly 
all taupht by men. It is a rare thing to see a woman teaching school." ^^ 
Most of the parents believed in whipping, and did not think that women 
could control the larger pupils. 

The women who did teach usually had special schools for girls, or 
were assistants in larger schools, as at New Harmony. It is a relief to 

9 History Johnson County, p. 365 ; see also articles by Judge Banta in Ind^ Mag. 
of History, Vol. 2. 

10 Indiana as Seen by Early Travelers, p. 501. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



871 



turn from the usual condition to the record of a woman teacher who 
was ideal. At Yevay, Mrs. Julia L. Dumont was the teacher. Tears 
afterward, one of her pupils, who never knew but two men teachers 
who did not believe in corporal punishment, wrote of this woman, who 
never resorted to it: "As a school-mistress, Mrs. Dumont deserves im- 
mortality. She knew nothing of systems, but she went unerringly to 




1. Julia L. Dumont 



the goal by pure force of native genius. In all her early life she taught 
because she was poor, but after her husband's increasing property re- 
lieved her from necessity, she still taught school from love of it. When 
she was past sixty years old, a school-room was built for her alongside 
her residence, which was one of the best in the town. It was here that 
I first knew her, after she had already taught two generations in the 
place. The 'graded' schools had been newly introduced, and no man was 
found who could, either in acquirements or ability, take precedence of 
the venerable school-mistress ; so the high-school was given to her. I 
can see the wonderful old lady now, as she was then, with her cape 



872 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

pinned awry, rocking her splint-bottom chair nervously while she talked. 
Full of all manner of knowledge, gifted with something very like elo- 
quence in speech, abounding in affection for her pupils and enthusiasm 
in teaching, she moved us strangely. Being infatuated with her, we 
became fanatic in our pursuit of knowledge, so that the school hours 
were not enough, and we had a *lyceum' in the evening for reading 
* compositions, ' and a club for the study of history. If a recitation 
became very interesting, the entire school would sometimes be drawn 
into the discussion of the subject; all other lessons went to the wall, 
books of reference were brought out of her library, hours were consumed, 
and many a time the school session was prolonged until darkness forced 
us reluctantly to adjourn. 

''Mrs. Dumont was the ideal of a teacher because she succeeded in 
forming character. She gave her pupils unstinted praise, not hypo- 
critically, but because she lovingly saw the best in every one. We worked 
in the sunshine. A dull but industrious pupil was praised for dili- 
gence, a bright pupil for ability, a good one for general excellence. 
The dullards got more than their share, for knowing how easily such 
an one is disheartened, Mrs. Dumont went out of her way to praise 
the first show of success in a slow scholar. She treated no two alike. 
She was full of all sorts of knack and tact, a person of infinite resource 
for calling out the human spirit. She could be incredibly severe when 
it was needful, and no overgrown boy whose meanness had once been 
analyzed by Mrs. Dumont ever forgot it. I remember one boy with 
whom she had taken some pains. One day he wrote an insulting word 
about one of the girls of the school on the door of a deserted house. 
Two of us were deputized by the other boys to defend the girl by com- 
plaining of him. Mrs. Dumont took her seat and began to talk to him 
before the school. The talking was all there was of it, but I think I 
never pitied any human being more than I did that boy as she showed 
him his vulgarity and his meanness, and, as at last in the climax of her 
indignation, she called him *a miserable hawbuck.' At another time 
when she had picked a piece of paper from the floor with a bit of pro- 
fanity written on it, she talked about it until the whole school detected 
the author by the beads of perspiration on his forehead/' ^^ 

It should be added also that much of the school teaching was by 
young men who had no idea of remaining teachers, but needed money 
to continue their education for lawyers, or doctors, or preachers. In 
1861, James Sutherland made the first collection of biographical 
sketches of an Indiana legislature, and in that body there were 26 



11 Some Western Schoolmasters, in Scribner *8 Magazine,^ Vol. 17, p. 747. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 873 

members who had at some time taught school, and mentioned it. There 
were probably more than that, as many of the sketches were evidently 
based on scant information. There was early a widespread call for 
better teachers. In his message of December 3, 1833, Governor Noble 
said: **The want of competent persons to instruct in our schools, is a 
cause of complaint in many sections of the State. And it is to be re- 
gretted that in employing transient persons from other States, combin- 
ing but little of qualification or moral character, the profession is not 
in the repute it should be.'' Possibly this was an echo of a movement 
that was already on foot for raising the professional standard. It began 
as a New England missionary movement, awakened by the appeals of 
Isaac Reed and others to ^'come over into Macedonia and help us," and 
was backed by the Beechers and others at Cincinnati, which was the 
educational, as well as the literary center of the Ohio Valley in early 
days. There was organized there, in 1829, the ** Academic Institute," 
a teachers' association, which in June, 1831, called a convention of pro- 
fessional teachers of the Ohio Valley; and this Convention organized 
**The Western Literary Institute and College of Professional Teachers," 
whose stated object was announced thus: **Its objects shall be to pro- 
mote, by every laudable means, the diffusion of knowledge in regard to 
Education, and especially by aiming at the elevation of the character of 
Teachers who shall have adopted Instruction as their regular profes- 
sion." This organization had five directors from each of the States con- 
nected with it. The first records to which I have had access are for • 
1834, when the Indiana directors were Rev. M. A. H. Niles, Professor 
of Languages at Hanover ; Prof. John H. Harney, of Hanover, William 
McKee Dunn, who was then an instructor at Bloomington; John I. 
Morrison, of the Salem Seminary ; and Rev. J. U. Parsons, President of 
the Teachers Seminarv at Madison. In 1835 Dunn and Parsons were 
replaced by Ebenezer N. Elliott of the State University and Moody 
Park of Madison. In 1837 the directors were increased to six, those 
from Indiana being J. H. Harney, H. McGuffey, L. H. Parker, J. L. 
Holman, Edmund 0. Hovey of Crawfordsville, and President Andrew 
Wylie of the State University. In 1838, Wylie and Holman were re- 
tained, with J. S. Kemper, A. Keuler, David Stuart, and George W. 
Julian, who was then teaching. There were other Indiana teachers in 
the organization, among whom were J. Thompson, Samuel Merrill and 
J. N. Farnham, in 1835; and Isaac McCoy and William Twining in 
1837. 

These names introduce the most notable educational activities of 
Indiana at the time. The State Seminary, as it was then called, was 
opened at Bloomington, in 1824, with Rev. Baynard B. Hall, as sole 



874 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



teacher. He was a graduate of Union College and Princeton Theological 
Seminary. He had 13 pupils the first year, 15 the second, and 21 the 
third; and taught them Latin and Greek, at a salary of $250 a year. 
He is best known to the present by hie sketch of his Indiana life, "The 
New Purchase," published in 1846 under the pseudonjmi of "'Robert 



t^^^t.,,-^ 




Chahactehistic Letter of Mrs. Dumont 



Carleton." In 1828, the institution was chartered as a college, and Rev. 
Andrew Wylie, a class-mate of Gov. William Hendricks at Jefferson 
College, was made President, He had previously been President of 
Jefferson College, and of Washington College. Hall remained as Pro- 
fessor of Ancient Languages, and John H. Harney was added to the 
faculty in the chair of Mathematics, Philosophy and Chemistry. The 
latter two resigned in 1831, and were replaced by Beaumont Parks, and 
Ebenezer N. Elliott. The delay in getting the State Seminary on a 
higher basis did not suit those who were calling for education for the 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 875 

ministry ; and they had been moving. The American Annals of Educa- 
tion for June, 1833, contains this item : * * South Hanover College. This 
is a Manual Labor School where the industrious student may defray, by 
his own hands, the expenses of his education. It comprises a Literary 
and Theological Department, in which all the ordinary branches of 
language, science and divinity are taught. It numbers at this time a 
President and five Professors, and ninety-five students. In 1827, this 
institution commenced its operations in a log cabin, 16 by 18 feet, with 
six students under the care of Rev. John F, Crowe, who is properly the 
originator of the whole plan. It now has several buildings for accommo- 
dating students, the largest 40 by 100 feet, and three stories high, with 
a good farm and suitable workshops.'' But John Finley Crowe could 
not have started his institution without the aid of Judge Williamson 
Dunn, who donated 50 acres of land for it. Judge Dunn took great 
interest in education. He was bom near Danville, Kentucky, December 
25, 1781, his father, Samuel Dunn, an Irishman who had fought in 
Dunmore's War and the Revolution, having emigrated from Virginia. 
In 1809, Williamson came to Indiana, and located where Hanover now 
is, bringing with him three sdaves, whom he freed. He was made a 
Justice of the Peace and Judge of the Common Pleas in 1811 ; and in 
1812 was made captain of a company of Rangers, in which were included 
two of his brothers, and two brothers-in-law. They did valuable service 
through the war. In 1814, he was made Associate Judge of the Circuit 
Court. After the admission of the State he was a member of the first 
four legislatures. In 1820 he was made Register of the Land OflSce, for 
the Terre Haute district. He and Major Whitlock laid out the town of 
Crawfordsville, and the Land OflBx»e was removed to that place in 1823. 
Dunn induced Chester Holbrook to come up from Hanover and open 
the first school at Crawfordsville, to which he sent his six children. The 
Presbyterian preachers of the district wanted a theological college, and 
he offered them 15 acres at Crawfordsville. On November 21, 1832, nine 
Presbyterian preachers met there and decided to start the school. The 
next day they held a public meeting to inaugurate the movement; and 
on December 3, 1833, the Wabash Manual Labor and Teachers Seminary 
was opened by Caleb Mills, with twelve students. Edmund 0. Hovey 
went east to raise funds, and eventually raised $29,000 for Wabash, 
which put it in the nabob class. Meanwhile Judge Dunn's sons were 
being educated at Bloomington, and William McKee Dunn, the most 
noted of them, was not only a member of the College of Teachers, as 
mentioned above, but was always a good friend of common schools. 
William McKee Dunn was born at Hanover December 12, 1814. His 
elementary education was in a log schoolhouse at that place, with greaser! 



876 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

paper windows, and puncheon floors. He said of it, in an address at 
Hanover, in 1883; "The masters usually were Scot<?h or Irish, who be- 
lieved in doing a good day's work themselves, and required the children 
to do the same. Good beech switches were always on hand, back of 
the teacher's chair ready for use, and I can bear testimony that they 
were used. The excitement of the day commenced toward the close of 




William McKeb Dunn 

school in the afternoon, when all the recitations were over except the 
spelling lessons, and the children were told to learn them. These lessons 
we were permitted to learn aloud, and then Babel was turned loose. Every 
scholar, with his spelling-book in hand, spelled, or protended to spell, 
the words at the very top of his voice. We almost made the clapboards on 
the roof rattle. Sometimes in the evening the older boys would have 
exercises in dialogues and declamations. I can now almost see the tallow- 
dips and the lard, Aladdin-shaped, lamps that used dimly to illuminate 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 877 

the school-house on such occasions.'* After graduating at the State 
College, he graduated at Yale, in 1835; and was admitted to the bar, 
after teaching mathematics at Hanover for a year. He was elected a 
member of the legislature in 1848, and was a member of the Constitutional 
Convention of 1850. He served in Congress from 1859 to 1863, and 
then became Assistant Judge Advocate General. He died in Maplewood, 
Virginia, July 24, 1887. 

But Hanover was not the only place on the school map. Another 
live spot was Salem. John I. Morrison had begun teaching in Washing- 
ton County in 1824, and so had James G. May, and they had good back- 
ing. Perhaps the most notable champion of public education there was 
John H. Famham, who a few years later distinguished himself as one of 
the incorporators, and the first Corresponding Secretary of the Indiana 
Historical Society. He was invited to make the Fourth of July oration 
at Salem in 1826, and consented on condition that he should speak on 
**The necessity of a public school system in Indiana." The Fourth was 
rainy, but the old Presbyterian church was crowded to hear him; and 
he made a forcible argument for free schools at public expense, that was 
far in advance of the general sentiment of the day. It was one of 
Indiana's misfortunes that he was a victim of the cholera epidemic of 
1833, for few men of his time displayed so great and intelligent public 
spirit as he.*^ j^ January, 1830, Rev. Andrew Wylie, by invitation 
of the Joint Committee on Education, addressed the Legislature on 
education, directing his remarks to higher education ; and two thousand 
copies of the discourse were ordered printed, and distributed with the 
laws. In the same year the Indiana Branch of the Presbyterian Educa- 
tion Society was organized. It was chiefly interested in educating young 
men for the ministry, and did not publish a report until its annual meet- 
ing at Crawfordsville, October 17, 1832. At that time its President was 
Judge Jeremiah Sullivan, with a long list of Vice Presidents, Directors, 
and committees. Its receipts, at that time, had been $578.10, and dis- 
bursements $503.50. It had over 400 members, and had found ** perhaps 
eleven or twelve" young men who desired to educate themselves for the 
work. The first step of organized work for common schools, was the 
meeting, at Madison, Sept. 3d and 4th, 1833, ** according to appoint- 
ment of the Prudential Committee, '* of the * * Association for the Improve- 
ment of Common Schools in Indiana.'* The officers of this pioneer 
society were. President, Hon. Wm. Hendricks; Vice Presidents, Hon. 
Jesse L. Holman, Hon. S. C. Stevens, James Blythe, D. D., Dr. E. F. 
Plabody, Rev. J. M. Dickey, Hon. Benj. Parke, Hon. M. C. Eggleston, 



12 Stevens Hist. Washington County, p. 335. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



879 



upnii the rrHDliitioiiR. whirh war aflorwards bntiifchi in. discuHst'd and 
adoptnl. " The plan propiwwl »bs to have a Miperiiitriidpnt of srhools 
in each juiliciHl circuit, who jointly should constitute a Hoard of Educa- 
tion for the State; reports from the trustees; and the appropriation of 
the surplus revenues, one-half to the common schools and the other half 
to the ftemiiiarics. The first g<'neral taxation for the schools had been 




I'kesioent Am 



providc<l liy the law of ]HM. which imposed a poll tax of 12' j; cents, 
and appropriate.! .'i per cent of the State revenues, for si-hool purposes. 
The imposinir feature of tlie \'*M eimvention, »t the time, was an address 
by Rev. .Viidp'w Wylie on ('oiiimoTi School Kdiication ; and it is not had 
doctrine t"day. Iliinieh many wnu'd take exception to his ideas of the 
education <if irirl-;. at li'd^i in univ<<rsal application, even if approved 
for the ninKsi-^. .\* to ihi- he -iaid: 

■■Our f.'nia'<- mnst !>.■ laiiiiht in the first place how ti) keep house, I 



878 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

John Matthews, D. D., and A. Wylie, D. D. ; Board of Directors, J. 
Sullivan, Esq., J. W. Cunningham, J. H. Hamey, M. H. Wilder, Dr. 
W. B. Groodhue, Hon. John Sering, Rev. R. Ransom, A. Andrews, Esq., 
C. P. J. Arion, M. A. H. Niles, Hon. Williamson Dunn, James Goodhue, 
Esq., Hon. John Dumont, Rev. S. Gregg, Rev. J. T. Wells, and Jesse 
Mavity ; Corresponding Secretary, Rev. J. U. Parsons ; Recording Secre- 
tary, Rev. J. H. Johnston; Treasurer, Dr. John Howes. There were 
speeches by N. B. Palmer and John Dumont, but the most interesting 
feature was the report from Parsons, who had been making some investi- 
gations. Among other things, he reported: **In nine townships from 
which a full tabular report was returned, containing about 3,000 children 
between 5 and 15 years of age, only 919 attended school last year, and the 
larger part of those for three months only. But one in six are able 
to read; one in nine to write; one in sixteen have studied arithmetic; 
one in one hundred geography, «nd one in one hundred and forty-five 
grammar. By an interesting document received from Judge Parks of 
Salem, the persevering friend of common education, we are informed 
that in the three counties of Washington, Jackson and Lawrence, con- 
taining a population of 27,000, only 1,521 attend school in summer, and 
2,433 in winter." As to the character of the teachers, many of whom 
were reported as dissipated, profane, or immoral, he waxed eloquent, 
saying: **Let the drunkard stand in the sacred desk and sport with 
God 's truth, but let not his tainted breath sweep over my children. Let 
the profane blasphemer mock my devotions, but set a wall of adamant 
between him and my child. Bring the debauchee to my table and fire- 
side, where parental restraint will curb his licentiousness, but let him 
never stand accredited before my unprotected little ones." 

Organization in behalf of special schools became quite common, the 
legislature incorporating on request ** school societies" of people who 
desired to establish seminaries and other educational institutions. Gov- 
ernor Noble took an active interest in the subject. In 1836 he appointed 
John Dumont to prepare a revision of the school law, which he did, and 
reported on December 20 of that year. A thousand copies were ordered 
printed, and the report was largely the basis of the amendments of that 
year, and the general revision of the school law in 1837. Governor Noble 
also called a convention of the friends of education, which was held on 
January 3, 1837, with **Gov. Noble as President; Rev. Dr. Wylie and 
Hon. Isaac Blackford Vice Presidents, and Rev. James W. McKennon 
and Professor Dunn, Secretaries." Several resolutions were adopted, 
and **on mention of Mr. Dumont, Senator from Switzerland, who has 
done more for free schools than any other man in Indiana, they were 
referred to a committee, to prepare a memorial to the Legislature, based 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



879 



upon the resolutions, which was afterwards brought in, discussed and 
adopted." The plan proposed was to have a superintendent of schools 
in each judicial circuit, who jointly should constitute a Board of Educa- 
tion for the State ; reports from the trustees ; and the appropriation of 
the surplus revenues, one-half to the common schools and the other half 
to the seminaries. The first general taxation for the schools bad been 




President Andrew Wylib 



provided by the law of 1836, which imjKBcd a poll tax of 12H cents, 
and appropriated 5 per cent of the State revenues, for school purposes. 
The imposing feature of the 1837 convention, at the time, was an address 
by Rev. Andrew Wylie on Common School Education ; and it is not had 
doctrine today, though many would take exception to his ideas of the 
education of girls, at least in universal application, even if approved 
for the masses. As to this he said : 
"Our females must be taught in the first place bow to keep house. I 



880 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

speak designedly in homely phrase, because it suits my subject, and I 
want to express myself briefly and yet intelligibly to all. Let those who 
prefer elegance to comfort, and who can afford the expense of such 
folly, teach their daughters Languages, ancient and* modern. Painting 
and Instrumental Music, Poetry and Rhetoric, Oratory and Calisthenics 
— and they may add if they please Mechanics, Mensuration, Trigonome- 
try, Astronomy, Hydrostatics, Hydraulics, Optics — Natural Philosophy 
in all its branches — Chemistry, Physiology, Mental and Moral Philosophy, 
the science of Government, Political Economy, Grammar, Logic, Phi- 
lology, Sculpture, Architecture and the art of Landscape, Phrenology, 
and whatever else they please — but since every man who wants a wife, 
and who has not the stomach of an ostrich, can not long be pleased with 
a woman who, when he comes home hungry and tired, serves him up 
a dish of biscuit, in color, form and weight resembling long bullets, with 
other articles of food, good it may be in the material, but miserably 
spoiled in the preparation ; since, I say, this is clear to a demonstration, 
then it follows that every young female should )qiow how to bake a loaf 
of bread. O what virtue there is in a well raised, well baked, three days 
old wheaten loaf ! Blessings on the heart and head and hands of those 
mothers in Israel, who, when young, learned so much of the art of Chy- 
mestry — and disdained not to add thereto so much of the still more 
needful art of kneading and baking, as is necessary to the production of 
the precious article. Ladies, I do not trifle. To be poisoned is a serious 
matter ; and poisoned that man is sure to be, and his children too, whose 
wife is a slattern and unskilled in the culinary art. I need not insist 
on what every one must have observed, that indigestion, with those numer- 
ous diseases which spring from it, and spread misery and death among 
so many families, has its origin, chiefly, in their habit of feeding on 
things which kind nature indeed designed for the use of man, but in 
regard to which nature has been baffled and her designs frustrated by the 
cook. But on this I do insist, that much of that intemperance, which 
has broken the heart of so many females throughout the land, may be 
traced to the same source. The hungry man eats, but he eats indigestibles. 
The pain of appetite is indeed stayed, but his stomach feels another pain, 
from having to act upon that, which to master is a task too hard for 
stomach of man or dog, and the miserable sufferer goes to the bottle for 
relief, and is undone. '* Of course we can all see a thread of truth in this ; 
but if Andrew could come back and see the institution over which he 
presided a coeducational university, his ghost would probably turn a 
shade paler. The address certainly met full approval when delivered, 
for the Senate ordered two thousand copies printed. 

Contemporary with this convention was another event of great im- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



881 



portaoce — the establishment of an educational journal in Indiana — and 
indeed the only preserved account of the Convention is in the first 
number of that journal. This was the Common School Advocate, an 
ei^ht page monthly quarto, published at Madison, by William Twining. 
The correspondent who reported the Convention for him wrote: "I 
ought to have mentioned that your enterprise was recommended by 




Prop. William Twining 



vote of the Convention, and what was better, by individual pledges for 
from one to twenty copies of the paper." Among the subscribers was 
"Uncle Jimmy" Blake, of Indianapolis, who was an untiring worker 
for free schools, and who took ten copies of the Advocate. It is due to 
that fact that the only known copy of the paper is preserved in the State 
Library, as well as some of the other educational documents that have 
been quoted above. James Blake is amply remembered in local histories 
for many good works performed in a modest, unobtrusive way, but his 



882 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

work for schools, and his instrumentality in preserving historical matter, 
have never been appreciated as they deserve. Strange to say Twining 
Has been entirely overlooked by historians. Prof. Boone, in his extensive 
and valuable ** History of Education in Indiana/' does not even mention 
his name, nor does Prof. Smart, in his ** Indiana Schools and the Men 
who have Worked in Them." As I know of no account of him in any 
Indiana publication, I give in full the following biographical information, 
furnished by his granddaughter, Miss Katharine T. Moody, of the St. 
Louis Public Library : 

**Rev. William Twining was the son of Stephen Twining, Treasurer 
of Yale College, and Almira Catlin. He was born in New Haven, Conn., 
Dec. 9, 1805 ; attended Phillips Academy at Andover, Mass., and Yale 
College, graduating at the latter institution in 1825. His theological 
training was received at the seminaries at Yale and Andover, 1826-1827. 
In 1828 he began his ministerial work at Windsor, Vt., and on Jan. 6, 
1830, was ordained as evangelist at Great Palls, New Hampshire. At this 
place a local custom, it seems, conferred upon the most recently married 
man the honorary title of **Hog Reeve,'* — accordingly the marriage of 
William Twining to Margaret Eliza Johnson, in New York City, June 
1, 1830, brought this somewhat doubtful distinction to him. Mrs. Twin- 
ing was a daughter of Horace Johnson and Catharine Thorn, a grand- 
daughter of Jonathan Thorn and Catharine Livingston, of New York. 
In 1831 William Twining was called to the pastorate of the Appleton 
St., now Eliot Congregational'. Church, at Lowell, Mass. In 1835 he 
was obliged, on account of failure of his voice, to resign from the ministry, 
and, in 1836, he moved to Indiana to undertake educational work. His 
first stopping place, was at Rising Sun, but a little later he settled at 
Madison, where he conducted a school for girls from 1836 to 1843. He 
returned in 1843 to New England in the effort to raise money for Wabash 
College. From 1843 to 1854 he was professor of Mathematics, Natural 
Philosophy and Astronomy in Wabash college. From 1859 to 1863 he 
acted as temporary pastor of the Congregational Church at Beardstown, 
111., removing, in 1863, to St. Louis, Mo. William Twining was a strong 
temperance advocate and abolitionist, and was actively interested in the 
work of the ** underground railroad*' — frequently giving aid to the 
unfortunate negroes who passed through the state. His death occurred 
at Webster Groves, Mo., a suburb of St. Louis, June 5, 1884; Mrs. Twin- 
ing died there Oct. 15, 1873. 'He published in 1877, a book of public 
worship entitled **Antiphonal Psalter and Liturgies/' His children 
were : Almira Catlin, born July 1, 1831, married Rev. Charles Marshall of 
Crawfordsville and Indianapolis; Edward Henry, born at Lowell, Oct. 
3, 1833, married Harriet Sperry, Professor at University of Minnesota 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 883 

■ 

and University of Missouri, Secretary of the Mississippi River Com- 
mission, he served as Captain in the Civil War; Catharine Anna, bom 
at Madison, Ind., March 1, 1837, married Charles Dummer Moody ; ** 
William Johnson, born at Madison, Ind., Aug. 2, 1839, graduated from 
West Point, was Major of Engineers, served in the Civil War, Acting 
Astronomer Northern Boundary Survey, one of the Commissioners of 
the District of Columbia; Helen Elizabeth, bom at Madison, Ind., July 
26, 1841, married Edwin Joy; Charles Ormond, bom at Crawfordsville, 
Ind., Sept 28, 1845; Mary Evelyn, born at Crawfordsville, Ind., Dec. 
3, 1847. 

Twining 's paper was not only an early common school journal for 
Indiana but also for the United States. There were earlier educational 
journals — ^the Academician, 1818-23; the American Journal of Educa- 
tion, 1826-30 ; and the American Annals of Education, 1830-39 ; but the 
first journal devoted to common schools was the Common School Assist- 
ant, established at Albany, N. Y., by J. Orville Taylor, in 1836. The 
common school movement was arousing the whole country, and in Janu- 
ary, 1837, three papers devoted to their advocacy appeared, one each in 
Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, and curiously enough all three took the 
same name, of the Common School Advocate. The Illinois paper was 
published at Jacksonville, and stated that it was edited **by a few 
literary gentlemen who, from their deep interest in the subject, gener- 
ously volunteered their services for one year without remuneration.'' 
The editorship, however, has been ascribed to Rev. Theron Baldwin.^* 
In his first number. Twining took a stand against corporal punishment, 
citing the example of a teacher who had recently died in Germany, of 
whom it was computed that in fifty-one years of teaching, he had given 
'* 911,500 canings, 124,000 floggings; 209,000 custodes, 136,000 tips with 
the ruler, 10,200 boxes on the ear, and 22,700 tasks to get by heart. ' ' It 
was further calculated that he **had made 700 boys stand on peas, 600 
kneel on a sharp edge of wood, 5,000 wear the foors cap, and 1,708 hold 
the rod." In February he published an article advocating women 
teachers, avowing that, * * It has been thought by some judicious persons, 
that females make the best teachers, and that a large supply might be 
secured in every State and County." This was very advanced doctrine 
for the time. In the same number he printed the address to the people 
which had been ordered by the convention in January. In February 
and March he printed a plan for a public school system, one feature of 
which was a Secretary of Public Instruction. In April he announced 



IS Catharine Anna Twining had local celebrity as a singer ; and appeared in 
concerts at Indianapolis and elsewhere, see Hist. Indianapolis, p. 530. 
1* Pubs. Hist. Library, 111. Vol. 10, p. 333. 



884 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

that he had undertaken to establish a teachers' seminary at Madison, and 
said : * * The name of the seminary is the Madison Preceptoral Institute ; 
a name chosen to distinguish it from the Indiana Teachers' Seminary, 
formerly located six miles from this town, now in Rising Sun.*' In May 
he printed the proceedings of an Education Convention held at Madison, 
at which the memorial of the State convention to the legislature was 
read and discussed. That memorial asked the appointment of a salaried 
Board of Education. One gentleman presented the status of the common 
school question, as follows: **Thi8 memorial did not receive the atten- 
tion which it deserved from the Legislature, because the subject of 
internal improvevients occupied the first place, and because certain 
politicians, whose political existence was identified with the prosecution 
of the public works, although professedly in favor of education, had 
suffered it to be passed by as a secondary matter, and had thereby de- 
prived the people, for at least one year, of the benefits of a school system. 
That there was danger of the same thing another year ; that the friends 
of education should therefore be prepared to unite their efforts, and to 
urge the plan proposed, if it be the best one, upon the attention of the 
Legislature, at its next session. That the only point upon which they 
were likely to differ in the plan proposed in the memorial, was that 
which related to the appointment of a board of education, in preference 
to a Secretary of public instruction, or to the continuance of the pres- 
ent system, modified and improved. ' ' 

There is no room for question that the one great obstacle to a radical 
improvement of the common schools was the internal improvement sys- 
tem. Twining, and other advocates of education argued that the educa- 
tion of the rising generation was of more importance than digging canals ; 
but their arguments fell on deaf ears. The people wanted better trans- 
portation, and were determined to have it. Besides, when the canals 
and railroads were in operation the State would have revenues from them 
that would take care of the schools and everything else that was desirable. 
When the bubble burst, the situation was as bad, or worse. The State 
was hopelessly in debt, and the burden of taxation was too great to add 
anything that could be avoided; and so the securing of any effective 
reform was put off year after year, and the percentage of illiteracy grew 
slowly but steadily. The only consoling feature of the situation was that 
it was creating a condition that finally forced the public to act. 

Notwithstanding the involved financial condition of the State, on 
account of the internal improvement system, the friends of education 
kept up their work for better common schools. On January 2, 1839, 
they met in convention at Indianapolis, with Gov. Wallace as President, 
and E. 0. Hovey and J. M. Ray as secretaries. On the evening of the 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 885 

2d addresses were made by Rev. A. P. Tilton, of Indiana Franklin In- 
stitute, and Rev, Samuel K, Hoshour, of Centreville Academy ; and on 
the 3d by Rev. Edmund 0. Hovey of Wabash, and Prof. Beaumont 
Parks, of Indiana College. This convention decided to adopt a con- 
stitution, and establish a Central Board of Correspondence, which should 
collect statistics, and report to the next annual convention, to enable 




AMUEL K. HOSHOUB 



it "to take some definite measures to improve the system of common 
school education in Indiana." It also appointed a committee to recom- 
mend a series of text-books for use in the schools; and a committee to 
petition the legislature to provide for a Superintendent of Common 
Schools. The constitution adopted made the Governor of Indiana the 
President of the association, the Secretary of State Secretary, and the 
Treasurer of State Treasurer, if these officials would consent to serve. 
Auyone who desired might enroll as a member, and annual meetings 



886 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

were to be held on the third Wednesday after the assembling of the legis- 
lature. It provided for a committee on ways and means, a committee on 
correspondence to collect information, and a committee to prepare amend- 
ments to the school law.*^ Among the influential citizens of the State 
who took an active part in the proceedings were Ryland T. Brown, 
Douglass Maguire, Samuel Merrill, and John Vawter; but there were 
evidently many others who were not named in the meager report of the 
convention. 

Notwithstanding the labors of the friends of education, nothing ma- 
terial was done for the common schools until the Wabash and Erie debt 
was adjusted by the legislature of 1845-6. It should not be understood, 
however, that education was entirely neglected in Indiana. There were 
numerous very good private schools, and the seminaries were doing ex- 
cellent work for those who were able and willing to pay tuition. By 
1846 there had been forty-five County Seminaries established that were 
public institutions so far a» the buildings were concerned ; and there had 
been forty-two private schools of the higher order, called variously 
seminaries, academies, colleges, etc. About one-fourth of the latter were 
for girls. Many of these were high grade schools, depending, of course, 
largely on the teachers in charge, some of whom were all that could 
be asked. It was in this period that William Haughton, of Beech Grove 
Seminary, in Union. County, Samuel K. Hoshour, of Cambridge City 
Academy, Rufus Patch, of La Grange Collegiate Institute, John I. 
Morrison, of the S^lem Female Seminary and also in charge of the 
Washington County ^minary, Cornelius Perring, of the Monroe County 
Female Seminary, made lasting impress on Indiana by their efficient 
instruction. It was in this period that Earlham College had its begin- 
ning, as the Friends Boarding School, and Franklin College as the 
Indiana Baptist Manual Labor Institute. The public elementary schools 
were the ones that were being neglected. There was one forward step, 
however, by the school law of 1843, which provided that the Treasurer 
of State should act as Superintendent of Common Schools, and as such 
should report to the legislature the condition of the school funds, and 
the condition of the State University, seminaries, and common schools, 
together with estimates of expenditures of school moneys, and recom- 
mendations for the management of the school fund and the better organi- 
zation of the common schools. This gave an opening for action later. 

George H. Dunn, then Treasurer of State, prepared and sent out 
blanks for information ; but he went out of office in the following year, 
and was succeeded by Royall Mayhew. Mayhew was born at Bangor, 



15 Journal, Jan. 12, 1839. 



INDIANA AND.INDIANANS 887 

Maine, in 1805. He came to Indiana and read law at Shelbyville. * He 
was elected Treasurer as a **dark horse.'* The Whigs voted for George 
H. Dunn, and the Democrats could not get together." 'They first tried 
Frederick E. Qoodsell, and then Nathan B. Palmer, but neither could 
muster over 69 votes. Finally, on the 22d ballot, Mayhew received 83 
votes, and was elected. This was his one appearance in politics. In 
later years he had a general store in Indianapolis. He died March 11, 
1865. His report as Superintendent of Schools in 1844 was brief, but 
in 1845, he made a number of minor recommendations, the most im- 
portant being that, **some person other than the State Treasurer, should 
be selected as the superintendent of common schools'' as the duties 
imposed on that ofl&cial ** might very reasonably demand and occupy a 
large portion of the time of one individual,— much more time than the 
State Treasurer can properly devote to th^geqbjects." He included in 
his report the following very unusual and historically valuable in- 
formation: 

* * I have been much aided in arriving at general conclusions as to our 
common schools, by conversing with, and communication from Mr. H?^. 
West, a gentleman who has been travelling through our State, and visit- 
ing its schools during the past year. At my request he has communi- 
cated to me the result of his observations and experience ; he has been 
travelling in part for the purpose of introducing a new and improved 
series of books for children and youth in the primary departments, 
* Sanders's Series of School Books,' of the excellence of which I have no 
doubt. It has long been a matter of serious inconvenience and annoy- 
ance to parents and teachers, that so many different kinds of books for 
primary instruction were in use. Though some, of these possessed much 
merit, the fact that in half a dozen different schools, you might not find 
any two of the teachers agreeing in their preference for books; and that 
in each school you might find three or four kinds of publications, all 
designed for the same purpose, exemplifies the difficulties heretofore 
experienced. I have no doubt that the travels of Mr. West, and his 
introduction of a superior progressive series of books, have been of 
great importance, and will work a beneficial result. 

*'In a communication from Mr. West of the 23d Nov. (from which 
I shall give some extracts), he states that within the last six months 
he has visited near three hundred schools in this State, gives his views 
of their general character, the causes of the great indifference and neg- 
lect of the cause of education, and the remedy, or what would have a 
tendency fo produce a reformation. He considers one great cause which 
operates so prejudicially to common schools to be, the incompetency of 

teachers. That they are employed on account of the cheap rate at which 
Vol. n— 21 



888 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

they will serve — ^having obtained certificates of qualification on the 
ground of expediency, and not of merit. That with such instructors 
parents become negligent and indifferent, the comfort and convenience 
of school-houses neglected — teachers only pretending to instruct in read- 
ing, writing and arithmetic, and sadly deficient in the qualifications for 
these. He describes another class of schools which I give in his own 
language: *I visited another school the same week in a contiguous dis- 
trict, with the same natural advantages, which presented a difference 
almost incredible; and which cannot be accounted for upon any other 
principle, than the qualifications of the two teachers. I found the 
parents aroused to the importance of education — ^their children grow- 
ing up — intelligent — a small, but well selected library in the district, 
and on visiting the school, a living teacher; one who was qualified, and 
whose whole soul was engaged in his profession. He informed me that 
he labored with all his mental and physical energies for more than one 
year before he got parents at all aroused on the subject of educating 
their children. His larger scholars were instructed in History, Geog- 
raphy, Grammar, Algebra, Natural Philosophy and Astronomy. And 
this was not all. A refinement of manners, a courteous civility, the 
very essence of good instruction, and a high tone of morals had been 
made a special part of their instruction. These two schools I have 
described are probably about the extremes, but there are but few that 
approximate the latter, to what there are to the former ; I should judge 
the proportion to be about one in five.' 

** Among the objections and evils existing in our system, Mr. West 
Enumerates the want of a regular system of instruction, of government 
and discipline in schools. The want of communication between schools. 
The want of a regular progressive series of school books, adapted to the 
capacities of the scholar, and on this point he says — *this evil is being 
remedied by the introduction of Sanders's series of school books, which 
are admirably adapted to every stage of instruction in primary schools. 
They are introduced under the sanction and approval of a great number 
of the most learned and talented men in the State,' &c * * * He 
further says: * Within the last five years there has been a great improve- 
ment in the manner of communicating instruction, as well as in the 
system of government in common schools; and why should not the 
schools of Indiana be benefitted by these improvements? There is no 
copyright for them — They are free. If they have revolutionized New 
York, and done so much good in Ohio; why may not Indiana reap the 
benefit of their experience ? Men of enlightened minds feel deeply upon 
this subject; for they know that the very condition of our political 
existence as a free people depends upon our intelligence and virtue; 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 889 

and every citizen of Indiana should feel deeply in this matter, for they 
know that very soon the destinies of this great State, either for weal 
or woe, will be entrusted to those who are now receiving instructions at 
the primary schools.' These remarks of Mr. West being given from 
his personal and critical observation, and from his experience in matters 




Henry F. West 
(Fifth Mayor of Indianapolis) 

of instruction, I have deemed worthy of conwderation, in connexion 
with the few changes of the law herein recommended," 

Henry F. West was indeed a valuable addition to the educational 
forces of Indiana. He was bom at Pittsfield, Mass., March 14, 1796. 
and was early attracted to educational work. After his marriage, in 
1820, he moved to New York, and later to Ohio, becoming acquainted 
with the educational process of those states. In Ohio he edited a news- 
paper for a time. In 1845 he came to Indiana, and on October 1, 1846, 



89Q INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

he published at Indianapolis the first number of the Common School 
Advocate. He had in the meantime been writing articles for the 
Indianapolis newspapers over the name of ** Viator/' which have by 
some been ascribed to Caleb Mills, on account of the attention given in 
them to schools. Treasurer Mayhew's report was not the only public 
document of 1846 in which he was mentioned. In his message to the 
Legislature, of Dec. 7, Gov. Whitcomb says, in speaking of education : 
**But under this comprehensive topic, there is another subject which 
challenges our attention by its* far greater importance. I allude to the 
condition of our common isch^ols. Under our sim-pl(^ and sublime in- 
stitutions, all citizens are regarded as politically equal.- But to enable 
the citizen to protect l^iki^lf in the enioyx^eht of his full share of 
political rights, he must'bfe armed Vith at least an elementary educa- 
tion. He must know how to read and. write his mother tongue. This 

■^ • ■ . ■.,...' 

18 too frequently regarded merely as a question of expediency. But 
it should never be forgotten that it is«A sacred d^t which we owe to 
every son and dau^ter of Indiana, however popr they may be, to place 
them upon an equality with their more favored,- associates, as to the 
means of acquiring a common school education. Until this is done, they 
are not as equal as they ought to be, nor as we have it in our power 
to make them. 

**By this means, they will be better enabled to *know their own 
rights and knowing, to maintain them.' They will be better prepared 
to sift and analyze public questions — ^to scrutinize the conduct of their 
public officers, and to hold them to a proper accountability. 

'*Very genei:al dissatisfaction 13 expressed with our present school 
law. It is objected, that it is incoherent, and that its provisions are 
vague and conflicting. A careful revision of the entire school system, 
is respectfully Recommended. Great advantage would arise from the 
adoption into our system of such provision, as the experience of other 
states has showrf to be productive of happy results. 

**An obvious mode of accomplishing this object would be, the ap- 
pointment of a suitable person to examine into the condition of the 
schools of some of the older states, by correspondence, travel, and per- 
sonal inspection, and to report to a future legislature. I am informed, 
however, that Mr. H. F. West, a gentleman who has recently become 
a citizen of this place, has for several years devoted his attention to 
this philanthropic object, and is ready to communicate the results of 
his investigation. It is very probable that this will obviate the necessity 
of resorting to the measure above indicated, and will facilitate action 
on this subject. 

** Whatever system you may see fit to adopt, it is recommended, that 






\ 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 891 

■'«•■'■ . ; , L 

provision l)^ made for the appointment of a State Superintendent, who 
shall foe charged with the supervision of the entire school sy8teiA',,and 
particularly, with procuring full and prompt reports of the <sonfliti6n 
and miqiagement of the schoolk and school funds^iii the State. " 

West -8 Cottitiioii School Advocate, ia semi-monthly, had now reliched 
its fifth number, and was commanding public respect on account of the 
ability with which it was edited and the informiatioti it furnished. ". i ^h 
There was also another recruit to the scSii^l movemlsnt at this time, in .1. t; 
the person of Caleb Mills, whose first ^^m'lessage to the legislirturie-' 
appeared in the Indianapolis Journal on Dec. 8, the day after the Heliv- ; . i ; 
ery of Governor Whitcomb's message, jquoted above. It called attentioA ,v^: [t! 
to the illiteracy of the State, as shown by the ceiisus of 1840, thfere b^'^'*^" ' *•• 
ing abodt one-seventh of the adult population urfable to read W writJe; * S; 
His advocated taxation for the supp6rt of the com^Ion schools and.i^oni- - 

V mended the New York plan fbr the university, i. e., that no pnfe institUr 
^ tion be. made the university, but that the university ftihds be divided 
{^' among the colleges that came up tj^' a certain standard. If a majority 
of the legislators were friendly Jbb. Education, they were prevented from 
action by the diversity of sentiment as to details among the outside 
advocates of better schools, and so nothing was done at this, session, in 
the way of general legislation. There was, however, one bill passed 
which served as a test of public sentiment on the subject. Indianapolis 
wanted a city charter, and a bill for that purpose was drawn by Oliver 
H, Smith. To his draft, S. V. B. Noel added section 29, whict jgaye the 
council power to make school districts, street buildings, and iappoint 
** suitable teachers and superintendents,'' and to levy a school tax W not 
oyer one-eighth of one per cent on all city jw^ierty. Noel was then 
e^BXot and proprietoi^ of the Indianapolk Jocgrnal, and a member of the . ^ 
House of Representatives. He got the Uifl' through the House without 
amendment, but in the Senate section 48 was added, which provided «; 
that no sAool tax should be levied unless the voters of the city voted for 
'*free schools" at the first city election i^der the charter, which was 
to be held on the last Saturday in April. This was in accordance with 
the past policy of the legislature of allowing local option in regard to 
school taxes. The House of Representatives also, on January 8, adopted 
a t'esolutioia^ recommending **to the friends of edu^cartfon the holding of 
a State Common School Convention at Indianapolis on the fourth Wed- 
nesday of May next, for the purpose of consulting and devising the best 
course to be pursued to promote common school education in our state''; 
and on January 26 it granted the use of the hall of the House for this 
purpose. In connection with the diverse ideas advocated at the time, 
it may be noted that there were presented to this session of the legis- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 893 

lature several petitions from Qermans asking that their language be 
taught in the schools; and two from negroes, asking for some part of 
the public fund for their schools, which were then wholly separate 
and private. Also, a resolution was introduced to inquire into the ex- 
pediency of permitting women to be employed in the public schools, if 
they passed as good examinations as men.^^ 

A public meeting was promptly held at Indianapolis on Jan. 25, and 
a committee appointed to call the convention, with Henry Ward Beecher 
as chairman, Bev. E. R. Ames, J. S. Bayless, J. M. Bay and Ovid 
Butler. Ex-Governor Slade, of Vermont, was present at this meeting, 
and delivered an address on common school education. The Committee 
reported on the 27th, recommending a committee of seven on corre- 
spondence, with the special duty of reporting resolutions to the con- 
vention ; and it was itself continued for this purpose, with N. T. Bolton 
and T. B. Cressey added. On account of the absence of some of the 
members from the city, Royall Mayhew, D. V. Culley and Henry F. 
Cobum were added to it, and it finally made its call with Ovid Butler as 
chairman and Nathaniel T. Bolton as secretary.^^ The call quoted 
freely from the recent report of Mayhew, quoted above. The convention 
was held on May 25-6-7, 1847, and was attended by some three hundred 
enthusiastic delegates. Judge Isaac Blackford presided, and educational 
questions of all sorts were discussed, the basis of debate being the 
resolutions presented by the correspondence committee. There was a 
notable lack of agreement as to system and details. A committee of 
seven was appointed to prepare an address to the people, composed of 
E. B. Ames, chairman, Jeremiah Sullivan, T. R. Cressey, B. W. Thomp- 
son, James H. Henry, Solomon Meredith, and James Blake. It re- 
ported three months later in a formidable presentation of the school 
question, showing the defects of the existing system, and calling for a 
general school tax, a superintendent of Schools, a standard of qualifica- 
tion for teachers, and absolutely free schools — '* perfectly free, as the 
dew of heaven, to rich and poor, without the least recognition of pau- 
perism or charity."^® The convention also appointed a committee of 
three to draft a bill to present to the next legislature, the members of 
which were Oliver H. Smith, Calvin Fletcher and Judge Amory Kinney. 

MeanVhile the election in Indianapolis had come on.' West did 
battle for the cause in his Common School Advocate, and all the papers 
of the town advocated free schools. The result was that out of 500 
votes cast for city oflScers, under the new charter, there was 406 cast 

i« House Jonmal, p. 63. 

17 Journal, May 11, 1847. 

18 Journal, August 24, 1847. 



894 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

for free schools, and only 28 against. The Locomotive averred that most 
of the latter were, marked **No fre sculs**; but it did not file any aflS^ 
davits in support of the charge. The Journal had an editorial claiming 
that this was an expression of sentiment that prevailed throughout the 
State, and said: ^'Qive the citizens of our state a chance at the ballot 
box in this matter, and they will soon say whether they prefer to raise 
their children in the midst of ignorance, or intelligence.'* It was very 
icertain that Indianapolis people had not, up to this time, showed greater 
interest in schools than the rest of the State, for West said, in the Advo- 
cate: ''There are eleven schools in this city. Four district schools, 
four subscription do., one county and two Female Seminaries. The 
three last are of high order, and may be numbered among the* best, if 
not the best in our state. The others are far above the average of 
our district and subscription schools. Our object in this article is not 
to advertise the merits of our schools, but to present some facts for the 
consideration of our citizens. There are in this city 1,928 children be- 
tween the ages of 5 and 21 years. In all the schools of our city there are 
less than 550 names upon the registers, and the average daily attendance 
is only 462. So we see that here at the Capital, a place so renowned for 
its intelligence, that out of 1,928 children we have 1,466 receiving no 
instruction at our schools. This tells a tale upon our zeal in the cause 
of education, and our well directed charities ! Many of our citizens feel 
deeply in regard to the deplorable condition of the schools of our state ; 
while 50 per cent more of the entire number of children of the state 
attend school than there do from the city of Ii^dianapolis. ' * ^^ 

The legislature of 1847 was not fully convinced by these demonstra- 
tions, nor by the second message of Caleb Mills, which was one of the 
strongest of all that he wrote, in its advocacy of common schools, though 
he clung vigorously to his New York university plan, and bitterly op- 
posed a superintendent of public instruction. It is said that this ** mes- 
sage" was submitted to Judge Amory Kinney in advance, and that he 
paid for having it printed in pamphlet form. It was so printed, and 
laid on the desks of the members at the beginning of the session. The 
House passed the convention bill, with amendments, but it came to the 
Senate so late that its members declared they had not full time to con- 
sider it ; so they adopted a bill submitting the question to a vote of the 
people at the annual election in August. It is not certain that the 
champions of tax-supported free schools expected more than that; but 
at any rate, they accepted the test, and went to work. Another con- 
vention was held in May, and another address to the voters was pre- 



i» Quoted in Sentinel, January 12, 1847. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 895 

pared. The State Educational Society, which had been made a perma- 
nent organization, appointed Judge Kinney a special agent **to travel 
throughout the State and deliver addresses, and endeavor to awaken an 
interest in behalf of free common schools/' The subject was, generally 
discussed during the next three months, and extensive objection was 
developed. In the election the free school people won, but not by a very 
decisive vote. Out of a total vote at the election, 13,052 did not vote 
on the school question, and those who did stood 78,523 for, and 61,887 
against free schools. Of the existing counties, 59 gave majorities for, 
and Si majorities against. It is difScult to arrive at any satisfactory 
explanation of the division. In a general way, the vote in the north 
half of the State was more pronounced in favor of free schools but there 
was no regularity about it. Of the thirteen counties bordering on the 
Ohio, only Crawford and Harrison voted against free schools. In the 
Whitewater Valley, the strongest support was from Dearborn, with 
2,601 for and 438 against ; while Wayne came next with 2,492 for and 
1,420 against; but Franklin cast 1,191 for and 1,070 against, and Union 
voted 580 for and 738 against. The most remarkable feature was the 
vote in counties where the best of the higher institutions of learning 
were located. Monroe, Putnam, Montgomery and Johnson, each with 
a chartered college, gave an aggregate of 6,921 votes against free schools 
out of a total of 9,113. Washington, Henry, Morgan, Delaware, Harri- 
son, Lawrence, Parke and Orange, with seminaries that ranked among 
the most prosperous in the State, gave 11,934 against, out of a total 
of 17,872 votes. On its face it would seem that these higher institutions 
threw their influence against free schools, or that they did not have 
any influence. 

The legislature of 1848 passed a school law, approved January 17, 
1849, authorizing a tax of ten cents on $100, and a poll tax for the 
support of public schools, with a number of changes in the detail of 
school management ; but section 31 of this law required that it should be 
submitted to the voters at the annual election in August ; and that if a 
majority in any county voted against it, that county should be exempted 
from the operation of the law. At the election there was a material 
shifting of the vote, although the aggregate of majorities was almost the 
same. In some of the strongest counties of the free school column the 
vote fell oflP, due it was claimed, to objection to the local option feature 
of the law. On the other hand, Union, Decatur, Warrick, Henry, Jack- 
son and Sullivan Counties, which had voted against free schools, voted 
to adopt the law. It was a valuable advance, with all its defects, as it 
put two-thirds of the State under the system of tax-supported schools, 
with a rainiraura limit of three months school in the year. This brought 



896 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

the public school system to the condition in which it existed when the 
Constitutional Convention of 1850 assembled; and the work of that 
Convention on the school question, and some of its resultB, have already 
been presented. ^^ The effort which had been exerted thus far was not 
abated. A steady, persistent, organized and systematic fight for free 
schools was kept up until the constitution was adopted, and the School 




Barnabas Coffin Hobbs 



Law of 1852 was passed. It is proper to add a word here as to Henry 
P. West, who did such efficient work in thi.s cause. Under the new 
school law, he with Calvin Fletcher and Henry P. Cobum were elected 
trustees of the Indianapolis schools in 1853, and generously gave their 
services in getting the new system into operation. In May, 1856, Mr. 
West was elected Mayor of Indianapolis, as a Democrat, and served 
acceptably but briefly. He died on November 8, 1856, and was buried 

to See Chap. 9. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 897 

with distinguished civic and Masonic honors, lamented on all sides as 
a good and public-spirited man. In a business way, he and his brother 
George B. West, established the book store of H. F. West & Co.,. one of 
the early Indianapolis firms which through various changes finally 
merged in the Bowen-Merrill Co. — ^now represented by the two estab- 
lishments of The Bobbs-Merrill Co. and the Wm. K. Stewart Co. 

The establishment of colleges, academies and seminaries in Indiana 
was largely affected by sectarian religious rivalry, which was quite 
bitter. This continued until after the Civil war, and an illustration of it 
is found in the following account of the establishment of Asbury (now 
DePauw) University, written by Rev. F. C. Holliday, of the Methodist 
church, in 1872 : 

* ' The State funds for educational purposes in Indiana, as in most of 
the Western States, were for many years under the almost exclusive 
control of Presbyterians, who assumed to be the especial guardians and 
patrons of education. It is impossible, at this day, to comprehend the 
self-complacency with which their leading men in the West assumed 
to be the only competent educators of the people, and the quiet unscrupu- 
lousness with which they seized upon the trust-funds of the States for 
school purposes, and made those schools as strictly denominational as 
though the funds had been exclusively contributed by members of their 
own communion. A young man who, in either the Miami University at 
Oxford, Ohio, or Lexington, Kentucky, or Bloomington, Indiana, would 
have questioned the correctness of any of the dogmas of Calvinism, would 
have been an object of unmitigated ridicule and persecution. Such was 
the spirit of exclusiveness with which State colleges were managed, in 
the early settlement of the Western country, that for many years but 
few students, except those from Calvinistic families, were found in the 
State colleges. This tended to throw other denominations upon their 
own resources, and induced them not only to build up denominational 
schools but caused them, in due course of time to assert their rights in 
the management of the State institutions ; and the result has been that, 
in those states as Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, Illinois, and Iowa, where 
Presbyterian greed has been most conspicuous, they now occupy, in edu- 
cational matters, a subordinate position^ When in 1834 and 1835, eflPorts 
were made in Indiana so to change the management of the State Univer- 
sity, by amending its charter, that the trustees should be elected by the 
State Legislature, instead of being a self-perpetuating corporation, a 
storm of indignation was raised among those who controlled the State 
University ; and it was made the occasion of heaping all sorts of oppro- 
brium on the head of the Methodist Church. The movement was said to 
be an effort on the part of the Methodists to get a Methodist professor in 



898 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

the State Uiiiversity ; and it was tauntingly said, in the halls of the 
Legislature, that 'there was not a Methodist in America with sufScient 
learning to fill a professor's chair, if it were tendered to him.' Such 
taunts proved a wholesome stimulus to Methodist enterprise and inde- 
pendent Church action in the department of education, and the result is 
seen, in part, in the investment of more than half a million dollars in 
property for school purposes; in the employment of more than fifty 
teachers in Methodist schools in Indiana ; in the endowment of denomina- 
tional colleges second to none ; and in the chief control of the State Uni- 
versity from which we had been so long and persistently excluded. And 
all this accomplished, not by the seizure and appropriation of public 
funds, but by the willing contributions of our people, and by the moral 
force of the numbers and intelligence of our communicants. 

** At the first session of the Indiana Conference, held in New Albany, 
October, 1832, a committee, consisting of Revs. Allen Wiley, C. W. Ruter, 
and James Armstrong, was appointed to consider and report on the 
property of establishing a literary institution, under the patronage of 
the Conference. The committee reported, but no action was had, beyond 
providing for the collection of information, to be reported to the next 
Conference. 

'* While the Conference felt that, on many accounts, it would be 
desirable to have an institution of learning under its own control, yet it 
was thought if we could get anything like an equitable share of privileges 
in the State University at Bloomington, that that would meet the wants 
of our people for several years; and accordingly, at the Conference of 
1834, it was resolved to memorialize the Legislature on that subject. A 
memorial from the Conference, and similar memorials from different 
parts of the state, numerously signed, were sent up to the Legislature. 
The memorialists did not ask that the University be put, either in whole 
or in part, under the control of the Church ; they simply asked that the 
trustees of the University should be elected for a definite term of years, 
and the vacancies, as they occurred, should be filled by the Legislature, 
and not by the remaining members of the Board of Trustees. 

**The memorials were referred to an able committee of the Legislature, 
but from some cause the committee never reported. It was easier to 
strangle the report in the committee, than to justify a refusal of the 
reforms asked by the memorialists. Failing in their efforts to secure 
a reform in the manner of controlling the State University, the members 
of the Conference. turned their thoughts earnestly toward the funding 
of a literary institution of high grade, under the control of the Church. 
At the session of the Conference of 1835, a plan was agreed upon for 
founding a university. 



900 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

' ' Subscriptions were taken up and proposals made from different parts 
of the state, with a view of securing the location of the university, Boek- 
ville, Putnamville, Greencastle, Lafayette, Madison, and Indianapolis 
were the principal competitors. Eockville presented a subscription of 
$20,000 ; Putnamville, about the same amount ; Indianapolis and Madison, 
$10,000, each; and Greencastle, the sum of $25,000; and at the session 
of the Conference in Indianapolis, in 1836, the university was located at 
Greencastle. At the next session of the Legislature the institution secured 
a liberal charter, under the name of Indiana Asbury University. 

* * The first meeting of the Board of Trustees was held in 1837, when it 
was resolved to open the Preparatory Department, which in due time 
was done under the principalship of Rev. Cyrus Nutt, a graduate of 
Alleghany College. Rev. M. Simpson was elected President of the 
University in 1839; and the first regular Commencement was held in 
1840, when President Simpson was duly inaugurated, the charge being 
delivered by Governor Wallace." 

A more charitable view was presented by another Methodist writer 
a quarter of a century later — Rev. Thomas A. Goodwin — who was not 
so sensitive about ** Methodist ignorance *' as HoUiday, and whose special 
school bias lay in another direction. He was a native of Indiana, bom 
at Brookville, November 2, 1818. He was the first student at Asbury, 
in 1840, and was in the first graduating class in 1844. In that year he 
opened the Madison Female College, and later became president of 
Brookville College. In 1853 he quit teaching to edit the Indiana Ameri- 
can, a Whig paper at Brookville. He made it a vigorous anti-slavery 
and temperance journal ; and in 1857 removed it to Indianapolis, where 
he continued it until impaired health forced his retirement to the 'farm. 
But he could not stop writing, and he did as much as most editors in 
contributions to magazines and religious periodicals, with frequent 
letters to the daily papers — especially the Journal — over the signature of 
**U. L. See." All that stopped his literary output was his death, on 
June 19, 1906. Writing of the Territorial period, in 1900, he says : **It 
is no disparagement to the Methodists and Baptists of that period that 
there were few educated men among them, but it is to their credit rather, 
that with such appliance as they had, they went to those who needed the 
essential truths of the gospel to prepare them for the evangel of educa- 
tion. When families began to cluster in villages and when the pressing 
needs of pioneer life began to give place to home luxuries, and the primi- 
tive cabin to the more comfortable house, the log schoolhouse was sup- 
planted by the academy and a demand came for better teachers than the 
peripatetic adventurer who took to teaching only to replenish an ex- 
hausted pocketbook, with neither moral nor educational fitness for the 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 901 

work. Just then there seemed to be an inexhaustible supply of young 
Presbyterian preachers at command, and they came to fill a much-felt if 
not a long-felt want. Methodists and Baptists had had organizations ten 
years or more in and near the cluster of settlers that was to become Madi- 
son when, in 1814, the demands of the village required a better school 
than they could possibly have with the teachers available, hence they 
employed William Robinson, a young Presbyterian preacher to take the 
village school. • • • 

'*In view of these historic facts, it is hardly extravagant to say, that 
there were no good schools in Indiana before the Presbyterian preachers 
came. All of the county seminaries were first manned by them, and in 
nearly every case the first Presbyterian church of the locality was 
organized by the seminary teacher; and when the Indiana Seminary, 
later the Indiana College, now the Indiana University, was ready for 
opening, the ubiquitous Presbyterian preacher-teacher was ready for the 
opening, and for a quarter of a century or more that school was as exclu- 
sively a Presbyterian school as was Hanover or Wabash. All this is to 
the credit of that church as an educational force, with no detraction 
from it as a religious force. It came from an educated ancestry, and 
right well does it maintain its rank though the developments of the last 
half century show that churches of plebeian origin may successfully 
challenge her claim to the primacy. • • • When such a man as 
John Finley Crowe, in his humble parish at Hanover, as earl^ as 1823, 
wrestles for three years with the problem of providing educated ministers 
for the young commonwealth, until it takes form, in 1827, in a school 
for native coming prophets and teachers, in a log house on his own lot, 
with only six boys to begin with, I can not refrain from naming him as 
one of the heroes of pioneer times. That school became the nucleus of 
Hanover College, and remotely of the new Wabash College, and it was 
really the germ of the great McCormick Theological Seminary, of 
Chicago. Mr. Crowe was not a charming preacher; he was not even a 
thorough teacher ; but he was a great man in that he seized upon oppor- 
tunities and devised great things." ^i B^t, while Parson Goodwin could 
see some good in Presbyterian education, he had no use for schools that 
had no theological curriculum. He was convinced that the words ** reli- 
gion and morality," connected with education in the Ordinance of 1787, 
were left out of the Indiana Constitution of 1816 through infidel 
influences, and that the Indiana University's non-religious course of 
study was not true education. He was an earnest and persistent cham- 
pion of the sectarian colleges against the State University. In 1902, in 



21 The Tndianan, 1900, p. 100. 



INDIANA AND IXDIAXAXS 9<B 

an assttolt on that institatioa, mfti^ reciting tlie eiq[MirNiKee of Kteutud^ 
and Ohio with uniTersitifis he stated the Indiana caae« as he saw it^ 
as follows: 

'^A^iain it was neeessaij to call rdigions men to its ehairs, no fr^ee* 
thinkers offering to do the teaching. Its early teachers were all Presby- 
terians of acknowledged sehdastic attainments and unquestioned piety 
and devotion to the cause of Christianity, but they at once found them- 
selves hampered by conditions just as their brothers in Kentucky and 
Ohio were, 

"The immediate result was that the Presbyterian Church in the 
State was the first of all the churches to abandon it and to build Colleges 
wherein the doctrines of the Bible as to religion and morality could 
be taught to their children while seeking the intellectual culture of the 
College. In this laudable work they were generously aideil by their 
brothers in the East as a legitimate missionary work. The Methodists^ 
tlie Baptists and other churches soon followed. The prestige of priority 
in time and superiority in material equipments soon so lost its charm that 
some of these outnumbered their older rival, and at no time have their 
alumni been inferior in the mental training which makes success in life. 

** Almost from the beginning this well endowed College was an 
applicant to the Legislature for material aid in addition to what, for 
the times, was a princely endowment ; yet, notwithstanding the peremp- 
tory order of the Constitution to provide for a State University, it was 
more than fifty years before it got a cent. The people did not take kindly 
to the peculiarities of the methods which had driven them to the necessity 
of building and maintaining Colleges in which the whole man can be 
developed. 

**So persistent had it become in its importunities, and basing them 
upon the provisions in the Constitution above referred to, that in the 
coilvention to revise the Constitution, in 1851, Hon. T. A. Hendricks, 
of Shelby County, later Governor of the State and still later Vice- 
President, offered a resolution instructing the Committee on Education 
to provide in the new Constitution that no money should bo paid for 
educational purposes to any grade above the township school. This was 
adopted without a dissenting vote. Lest that might not bo sufficiently 
specific, the next day Hon. Joseph Ristine, then and for many years 
later a leading Democratic politician, offered a resolution to * abolish tho 
County Seminary system and the State University also.' It was adopt(Ml, 
and as a result of these resolutions all that related to Seminaries and 
the University was left out of the new Constitution. 

*'By all the rules of construction this as emphatically prohibits appro- 
priations to a State University as if the exact words of these resolutions 
Vol. n— jj 



904 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

had been embodied into the section itself. And the University itself and 
all the executive officers of the State so understood it. The County Sem- 
inaries were sold and for twelve years the University never asked for 
aid, not even when its principal buildings were destroyed by fire in 1853. 
Needing more endowment, it attempted to sell scholarships as the 
Christian Colleges were doing, but the men who want Colleges in which 
religion and morality are tabooed are not the kind of men to endow 
Colleges, and none worth naming were sold, and the scheme was aban- 
doned. 

**Left thus, the financial condition of the University soon became 
so embarrassing that in 1863 it again ventured to ask aid of the State 
purely as a matter of charity, but then the State Board of Education 
was composed of the State officers, one of whom was the identical Joseph 
Ristine who in the convention had moved to 'abolish the State University 
also,' and one of whorii was the well-remembered war Governor, an 
alumnus of the Miami University. The Board unanimously opposed the 
appropriation on constitutional grounds and none was made. 

**Not to be thwarted, the University people set about reconstructing 
the Board, hence at the next Legislature it appeared in the lobby to urge 
that educators alone should constitute the State Board of Education, with 
only the Governor and the Superintendent of Public Instruction to 
represent the State. Their arguments being plausible, and no State 
officer willing to be burdened with its duties, the change was made and 
the President of the University and of two other State Schools and three 
Superintendents of public schools, none of whom were chosen by any 
State authority, became the State Board of Education. 

** After that, as the result shows, the access to the. treasury became 
easy. These cultured gentlemen spent the weeks of the Legislature of 
1867 with the Legislature ostensibly revising the law on public schools, 
but really in impressing the members that they alone had the cause of 
education at heart, and that what the Indiana system most needed 
was a head, with only vague suggestions to a chosen few that the 
moribund State University was the only available head in sight, until 
a few days before the adjournment, when a bill was introduced just 
in time to be railroaded through by the suspension of the rules, appro- 
priating $8,000 to relieve the pressing wants of the head of the common 
school system of the State. The Legislature was so absorbed in questions 
growing out of the reconstruction period after the war that there was 
no time for discussion, and thus access was gained to the treasury six- 
teen years after the State University was ** abolished" by a vote of the 
people of the State, four to one, thus saving it from the grave that had 
entombed the earlier non-American Colleges of Kentucky and Ohio. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 905 

'vThis was the beginning of appropriations that have in a third of 
a century aggregated more than two million dollars, and which are 
increasing annually, so that now it amounts to $130,000 a year, about 
one-half of which is by direct levy upon the taxables of the State, 
including some classes of the property of the non-State Colleges. But 
this financial burden is the least objectionable feature of the case. The 
tax-payers of the State are amply able to pay twice as much if they 
approved the policy of excluding religion and morality from College 
teaching.'* 

There is scant room to question that Qoodwin was right as to what 
the Constitutional Convention of 1850 intended, or that if they had 
anticipated that the University would claim State support they would 
have prohibited it expressly. But fortunately they did not; and the 
State has proceeded on the rational theory that the legislature can exer- 
cise any legitimate function of a sovereign state, not expressly prohibited 
to it by the Constitution. In consequence the State University has 
developed to a point where it is both valuable and creditable to the 
State. It undoubtedly came up through great tribulation, and was no 
more than an ordinary college for the first sixty years of its existence. 
Its real upgrade movement began when Science Hall, with the labora- 
tory and library were burned, in 1883, and the Trustees decided to move 
it from its old quarters to the present site. In the same year the 
legislature gave it an endowment of a tax of five mills on one hundred 
dollars, to continue for thirteen years. On January 1, 1885, David 
Starr Jordan became President and began to do things. The standard 
he set has been kept up by his successors, John Merle Coulter, Joseph 
Swain, and William Lowe Bryan. Women had been admitted in 1868, 
the first woman student and graduate being Sarah Parke Morrison, a 
daughter of John I. Morrison; but the total number of students did 
not reach 200 until 1886. After that the growth was more rapid, the 
1,000 mark being passed in 1900, and the 2,000 in 1908. In 1916 the 
attendance was 2,669. A School of Law, which had been opened in 
1842, with Judge David McDonald as Professor, and had been dis- 
continued in 1877, was revived in 1889, with Judge David Demaree 
Banta at its head, and has since been successfully continued. In 1871 
the Indiana Medical College, at Indianapolis was made the School of 
Medicine of the University, but this relation was terminated by mutual 
consent in 1876, and in 1891 a medical preparatory course was estab- 
lished at the University, which continued until, in 1907, after a contest 
in the legislature between the University and Purdue, a compromise was 
effected by which the medical education under charge of the State was 
centered in the State University, and is conducted through its School 



906 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

of Medicine at Indianapolis, a well-equipped and well conducted institu- 
tion, under the management of Dr. C. P. Emerson ; its eflficieney is 
increased by the new "Long Hospital." 

There were some other "divisions of labor" that were advantageous 
to the public, whether they were to the university, as a great educational 
institution or not. As has been noted, there had been a demand in 




Joseph Sw.un 

the State for better school teachers for years past, and one of the 
arguments for institutions of higher learning was that they would 
furnish competent teachers. But they did not; for the simple reason 
that a man, who had energy enough to get a college education usually 
had sense enough not to waste his time teaching in the schools, at the 
rate of wages then paid, when he could do better at something else. 
Consequently, if they taught, it was only until they could get a start 
in law or medicine, or some remunerative occupation. But the eham- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 907 

pions of common schools objected seriously to this failure, and it was one 
of the * chief causes of the revolt against higher education at public 
expense, which wiped the seminaries out of existence, in the Constitu- 
tional Convention of 1850, and which came so near sending the uni- 
versity after them. The Board of Trustees **sat up and took notice.** 
In 1852, they announced a ''Normal Department in connection with 
the University, with a male and female Model School as schools of 
practice." A resolution was adopted to make the Monroe County 
Female Seminary, then ably conducted by Mrs. E. J. McFerson, **the 
Female Normal Seminary of the University,'' but nothing was done 
for the females, and the normal training for males in the University 
was dropped in 1856-7. There was a feeble effort to revive it when 
the State Normal project came up in 1865, but too late to save it for 
the University. There was an effort in the Constitutional Convention 
of 1850 to provide for a normal department in the State University, 
but it was defeated by a large majority, presumably from a determina- 
tion not to recognize the University as a State institution. The idea 
of a separate institution for the training of teachers did not appeal to 
the members of the Convention, which is not remarkable, as it was 
comparatively new. There were only four normal schools in the United 
States at the time, the first one only ten years old, and their utility was 
not demonstrated, even to the satisfaction of educators. In his first 
report as Superintendent of Public Instruction, Prof. Larrabee referred 
to the lack, and said: ** Perhaps it is well, for I doubt whether such 
schools • • • would comport with our circumstances, or suit our 
government, or meet our wants." Thereafter neither he nor Caleb 
Mills, his successor, both college men, had anything to say about normal 
schools. It was not until 1859, that the Superintendent of Public 
Instruction, Samuel L. Rugg, who was not even a professional educator, 
said: **I fear we shall never realize that completeness of qualifications 
of teachers we desire • • • until the State adopts and carries into 
effect some plan for Normal School instruction." 

But, happily, there were other educational agencies at work. In 
1854 some of the County Teachers Associations adopted resolutions for 
a State association, and on Christmas day of that year, 178 teachers, 
representing 33 counties, met at Indianapolis, and organized the State 
Teachers' Association. Most of the school reforms, except in text-books, 
since then have originated with it. And as a matter of justice, it should 
be said that Indiana owes a debt of gratitude to her school teachers that 
has never been appreciated. In the preceding pages it has been made 
manifest that the effective initiative in educational reform from the 
beginning, came from teachers, and that they were among the most 



908 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

influential factors in the establishment of the common school system. 
Their State Association has been the most potent agency in the improve- 
ment of that system. But all of this is really small as compared with 
the patient daily work of the great force of teachers who have in very 
fact built their lives into the fabric of the commonwealth. It has been 
a tremendous influence, reaching into every corner of the State, and 
moving so uniformly, and so steadily, for the general uplift, that the 
few exceptions to the general rule are negligible. In 1855 the State 
Teachers' Association appointed a committee to memorialize the legis- 
lature on the establishment of normal schools. It met no success, but 
in 1857 a strong report was made, and another committee appointed. 
This was followed by repeated discussions, and a circular appeal to the 
public; but the Civil War put an end to school reform for the time 
being, as it did to many other useful things that are appreciated in 
times of peace. However, the leaven was working, and in 1865 there 
was a triumph of school uplift, including provision for a normal school. 
Perhaps the most influential factor in this was Prof. John M. Olcott. 
He was born in Dearborn County, Indiana, in 1833; and received his 
elementary education at home, his father, a native of Connecticut, 
having been a teacher, and his mother, a New York woman, being 
cultured. In 1850, when seventeen years of age, he began teaching; 
and the next year entered Asbury, from which he graduated in 1856. 
He was at once made Superintendent of Schools of Lawrenceburgh, 
where he continued for four years; then three years at Columbus; and 
in 1863 took charge of the schools of Terre Haute, where he remained 
for six years. He realized the need of an inducement to get action 
from the legislature, and convinced some live Terre Haute people that 
a Normal School would be a good investment for that place. With the 
local backing, and the efficient aid of Representative B. E. Rhoads, of 
Vermillion County, a law for a normal school was passed at the called 
session of 1865, conditioned that it should be located in the city offering 
the largest donation, but not less than $50,000. Terre Haute promptly 
offered $50,000 in money, and a building site valued at $25,000 ; and as 
there were no other offers, the school was located there. The original 
contribution of the State was a provision that there should be $5,000 
apportioned to the institution semi-annually, from the school revenues, 
which has since been doubled. But in 1867, on recommendation of 
Superintendent Hoss, the legislature diverted the proceeds of the town- 
ship library tax to the Normal School building fund, and in 1869 
appropriated $70,000 additional. The one stupid, and probably wholly 
unnecessary thing in the whole proceeding, was the diversion of the 
library tax, which was less than $50,000, but sufficed to ruin the 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 909 

township libraries. The school was opened January 6, 1870, with 21 
students, under Wm. A. Jones as President, and a faculty composed of 
Nathan Newby, Amanda P. Funnell, and Mary A. Bruce, besides the 
teachers in the Model School. Mr. Jones was born in Connecticut in 
1830, and came to Illinois in 1856. He taught for seven years at 
Altona, and was Superintendent of Schools at Aurora, before being 
called to Terre Haute. He was succeeded in 1879 by George P. Brown, 
a well known Indiana educator, bom in Ohio, November 10, 1836, who 
remained until 1885. On July 1, 1885, William Wood Parsons became 
President, and still holds that position. He was bom at Terre Haute, 
May 18, 1850, and graduated at the State Normal in 1872. The original 
school building was destroyed by fire in 1888, together with the library. 
Terre Haute gave $50,000 for rebuilding, and the State $100,000 and 
a new building was erected. The school now has a library, of 60,000 
volumes; and the atten^nce has quadrupled during the administra- 
tion of Prof. Parsons — now numbering over 3,000. 

A somewhat similar divorce occurred as to agricultural education. 
The University established an Agricultural Department in 1853, which 
lasted for six years. In 1862, Congress offered a donation of 30,000 
acres of land, for each Senator and Representative of any State that 
would establish an agricultural school under the provisions of the law. 
Indiana accepted the donation in 1865, and established The Trustees of 
the Indiana Agricultural College to take charge of the donation. Bloom- 
ington made a desperate effort to have the school located there, in con- 
nection with the University; but in 1869, the legislature accepted a 
donation of $150,000 from John Purdue, of Lafayette, backed by $50,000 
from Tippecanoe County, and 100 acres of land from the village of 
Chauncey, all on condition that the school be located in Tippecanoe 
County, and named Purdue University. The school opened September 
17, 1874, with Abram C. Shortridge as President — Richard Owen had 
been named as President, but resigned before the school opened. Short- 
ridge remained foi' a year, and was succeeded by Dr. E. E. White, who 
continued till 1883, then giving place to James H. Smart ; who remained 
in the oflBce until his death, on February 21, 1900. Prof. Smart was 
one of the most distinguished of Indiana educators. He was bom at 
Center Harbor, N. H., June 30, 1841. His education was in the school 
of his father. Dr. W. H. Smart, an old time New England teacher; and 
he was specially trained for teachinjg. He taught for four years in New 
Hampshire, beginning in 1858, and was associate editor of the New 
Hampshire Journal of Education. In 1863 he removed to Toledo, where 
he taught for two and one half years ; and was then Superintendent of 
the Fort WajTie schools for ten years. He was elected State Super- 



910 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

intendent of Public Inatruction in 1874, and reelected in 1876, and in 
1878. He was a member of the State Board of Education for twenty- 
seven years; was the author of a number of books and pamphlets on 
educational subjects; was President of the National Educational Asso- 
ciatiou in 1889; and represented the United States at the World's 
Expositiona of Vienna, in 1872, and Paris, in 1878. He was succeeded 




James H. Smabt 

by Winthrop Ellsworth Stone, also a native of New Hampshire, bom 
at Chesterfield, June 12, 1862, a graduate of Boston University, and 
the University of Qoettin^n, who still presides over the institution. 
Purdue has developed into one of the leading technical schools of the 
nation. In addition to its literary course, it maintains university trair- 
ing in agriculture, applied science, mechanical engineering, civil en- 
gineering, electrical engineering, chemical engineering and pharmacy. 
It has 1,000 acres of land, and 29 buildings, including laboratories, 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 911 

shops, museum, library, and all the equipment pertaining to its diversi- 
fied work. The students in 1916-7 were 2,415, representing forty states 
and ten foreign countries. 

The apprehensions entertained by some that State-supported insti- 
tutions of higher education would injure the non-State colleges has not 
been realized. The development of the latter has depended chiefly on 
location and endowment. Many of them, such as Hauover, Earlham, 
Butler and Franklin, serve chiefly local demand for higher education 
for those who do not desire to leave home, though they all have non- 
resident students. Asbury (now De Pauw) has developed into a uni- 
versity, with departments of law, medicine, theology, music and peda- 
gogy, and a total attendance of 4,000. Its plant is valued at over 
$500,000, and its endowments amount to over $1,500,000. One of the 
most remarkable of the private schools in development is Valparaiso 
University, which was opened in 1873 as Northern Indiana Normal 
School with 35 students, by Henry Baker Brown. The second year the 
attendance reached 210, and it was soon necessary to erect new buildings. 
In 1904 the name was changed to Valparaiso College, and in 1907 to 
Valparaiso University. It now has courses in twenty-one departments, 
220 instructors, and over 5,000 students. To secure clinical advantages, 
it maintains two large buildings in Chicago, where medical students take 
their last two years of training, and the entire course in dentistry is 
taught Until 1916 this institution was owned and controlled by Mr. 
Brown and Oliver P. Kinsey, as partners, but early in that year, they 
transferred it to a self -perpetuating Board of Trustees, for educational 
purposes, making perhaps the most unique and extensive contribution 
to education that the world has ever known. 

As to denominational colleges, the Methodists have outstripped com- 
petitors, in DePauw, although the Presbyterians had the start. The 
latter are still represented in Hanover and Wabash. Neither of these 
has aspired to university standing, and Hanover is somewhat handi- 
capped by its location. Wabash has vindicated New England conserva- 
tism both by adhering to college work and by its adherence to its edu- 
cators. Rev. Charles White, the second President, came into office by 
the death of Rev. Elihu W. Baldwin, the first President, and continued 
in office xmtil his death, twenty years later, in 1861. His successor, Rev. 
Joseph Farrand Tuttle held the office for thirty years. Rev. Otis Hovey, 
one of the founders, was a member of the faculty for 42 years, 1834-76 ; 
Caleb Mills was on the faculty 46 years, 1833-79 ; and Prof. John Lyle 
Campbell taught there for 55 years, 1849-1904. The Catholics have a 
university in Notre Dame, which was founded in 1842, by Father Edward 
Sorin, and which has five colleges — Arts and Letters, Science, Engineer- 



912 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



ing, Architecture, and Law. It has about 700 students in college and 
university work, and about 450 in preparatory work, with 80 instructors. 
This is one of the finest and best equipped educational plants in the 
State, with 1,000 acres of land, and commodious buildings for all pur- 
poses. There is also at Notre Dame an excellent convent school for 
girls, established in 1843. The most extensive Catholic educational work 
for women is done by the Sisters of Providence, who conduct Saint 




Notre Dame University 



Mary -of -the -Woods, near Terre Haute, and also conduct 38 grammar 
schools and academies at various cities of the State. Their work began 
in 1841, in a very modest way, and has developed steadily. During the 
Civil War, a number of these sisters digressed from educational work 
to act as nurses in the military hospital at Indianapolis. The Catholic 
schools maintain normal departments, and devote much attention to 
.domestic science. The latest of the denominational schools is Indiana 
Central University, which was opened September 26, 1905, by the United 
Brethren, just south of Indianapolis, and which has the appearance of 
a healthy infant. 

But the glory of Indiana is in her public schools, which are not 
merely "common schools" in the sense the makers of the Constitution 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 913 

of 1850 contemplated. There is not a city in the State — and few coun- 
ties without cities — where there is not maintained a high school of as 
high rank as the seminaries that were abolished at that time. They 
expected the interest of the School Fund to maintain the schools. 
The total School Fund, Common and Congressional, now amounts to a 
little over $11,900,000 ; but, in his report of January 4, 1917, the Super- 
intendent of Public Instruction says: ^* Indiana has invested in her 
public school property today more than twenty-five millions of dol- 
lars, nineteen thousand teachers are in these public schools and an army 
of more than five hundred fifty thousand children are enrolled in them. 
And this great system is maintained at an annual cost of about twenty- 
five millions of dollars.'' In other words the annual expenditure for 
schools is more than twice the total amount of the permanent School 
Funds, and they are more than twice what they were in 1850. The 
support, of course, comes chiefly from taxation; and there are no taxes 
that are paid more willingly than school taxes; and there is no depart- 
ment of government in which the people take more direct and intelli- 
gent interest than in the public school system. The high schools are 
divided into three classes, according to number of teachers, subjects 
taught, length of term, etc. Those of the highest grade are called 
** commissioned schools,'' and have terms of eight months each year. 
The second grade, *' certified schools," have the same standards except 
that the terms are seven months. The ** non-certified" or ** non-commis- 
sioned schools" include all those below the standards in any respect. 
In 1916 there were 527 schools of the first class, 129 of the second, and 
153 of the third, and in addition to these there were 501 ** consolidated 
schools," employing four or more teachers. There were 8,376 public 
school houses, 40 concrete, 85 stone, 4,480 brick, 3,769 frame, and 2 log. 
It will be recalled that the original ideal was a ** three months school." 
In 1916 the average length of term in elementary schools was 142 days 
in township schools; 162 days in towns, and 178 days in cities. In high 
schools, the average length of term was 158 days in townships, 167 days 
in towns, and 179 days in cities. These figures present the results not 
only of growth in population and wealth, but of an increasing demand 
for better and higher education among the people. It is the product 
of public sentiment. 

A word should be added as to ** vocational education", an experi- 
ment which is now under trial, in pursuance of a State law of 1913. 
The early educational enterprises of Indiana were largely connected 
with manual training or manual labor as a mode of meeting the ex- 
penses of education, not only at New Harmony, but at various other 
points : but, as pointed out by Prof. Boone, it was abandoned everywhere 



914 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

except in the Union Literary Institute, an institution in Randolph County 
for the education of colored people, which was founded by anti-slavery 
Friends in 1846.22 In the last thirty years there has been a gradual 
revival of the idea, in instruction in domestic science and manual train- 
ing. A number of influences have contributed to this, among them the 
influence of women's clubs, and the call of workingmen for technical 
instruction. One remarkable influence, in connection with agriculture, 
was the organization, in 1894, of a **com club" by J. F. Haines, Super- 
intendent of Schools at Noblesville. He was figuring on some basis for 
a boys' club that would give them occupation outside of their regular 
school work, when a friend who had a seed store suggested that he set 
them to raising com. He proposed the plan to the boys, telling them 
he would undertake it if ten were willing to join, and 52 agreed to start. 
The average Indiana farmer was slow to believe that anything could be 
learned in school about farming that he did not know ; and it was only 
after the boys began raising better corn than their fathers, on the same 
land, that conviction set in. The movement has spread rapidly, and 
the more recent movement for **war gardens" has given an impetus to 
agricultural training that is liable to produce unlooked-for results here- 
after. At present, vocational education is being pushed energetically 
by the school authorities, and the progress is considered most gratifying. 
There is an analogous educational development in the libraries of 
the State, which is of great importance not merely as adjunct to the 
schools, but for the education of those wbo lack full school education, or 
have finished it. From the practical point of view, if the graduate of a 
college, or even a university, has learned how to study, he has received 
one of the chief benefits of school training — that of being able to pursue 
his education through books. The Constitution of 1816, and laws under 
it, provided for county libraries; and a law of 1837 provided for per- 
missory school district libraries; but these had few results of any im- 
portance. The first real relief came from the Sunday-School libraries, 
which were an essential feature of the Sunday Schools from the start. 
On August 3, 1827, the Indiana Sabbath-School Union, which had been 
organized several months earlier, held its first annual meeting at 
Indianapolis. At that time it was estimated that of the 50,000 children 
in the State, only 2,000 attended Sunday Schools, and the remainder 
were ** growing up in great ignorance and thus preparing for great 
wickedness." In addition to their religious influence, the purpose of 
the schools was declared to be ** paving the way for common schools, 
and of serving as a substitute till they are generally formed." One of 



22 Hist. Ed. in Ind. pp. 72, 77-80. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 915 

the chief lines of work w&s teaching children to read and spell. The 
Union issued an Address to the Pnblic stating the modes in which it was 
proposed to aid one of which was by establishing depositories from which 
books would be supplied at reduced prices. Three of these had been 
located at Madison, New Albany and Indianapolis. The books were 
divided into seven classes according to value, ranging from those cost- 




JOSEPH F. TUTTLE 

ing less than twelve cents to those costing more than $1.50. They were 
given out as rewards for work done in the Sunday School, chiefly memo- 
rizing verses; and fines were imposed for "every dirt or grease spot, 
turned down or torn leaf, or week overkept." It is hard to realize 
now what a boon this supply of reading was to the children of that day. 
Occasionally some reminiscent one speaks of it, as Sarah Parke Morri; 
son tells of the use in their family — which was much better supplied 
than most families — "a book being carried home every Sabbath by each 



916 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

of us. * Henry Martin/ *The Dairyman's Daughter,* * Harriet Newell,' 
and *The Judsons' later, and, best of all, * Little Jack, the Circus 
Boy/ "23 It is a notable fact that these early Sunday Schools enlisted 
the aid of many persons who were not professed Christians, but who 
were interested in education, and the general uplift. 

The next movement of any extent was the Maclure **workingmen's 
libraries," of which an account is given elsewhere; but these were limited 
and ephemeral. The first approach to a survey of the library condition 
of the State was by the census of 1850. It credited Indiana with 151 
libraries, other than private, containing 68,403 volumes. These were 
classed as public libraries — ^mostly county libraries — 58, with 46,238 
volumes; school libraries, 3 with 1,800 volumes; Sunday School libraries 
85, with 11,265 volumes; college libraries 4, with 8,700 volumes; church 
libraries 1, with 400 volumes. The report as to Sunday School libraries 
is far below the facts. Prof. Jewett, who had charge of the library 
report for the Census, states that he had been unable to get full statistics 
as to these libraries; and as the Methodists alone had 612 Sunday 
Schools in Indiana in 1850, the figures might be safely quadrupled for 
their church alone. The library feature had been connected with the 
common school agitation at least from the time of Twining 's Common 
School Advocate. It has been so associated in other states, notably in 
New York, which was the particular bright example held up to Indiana, 
and which had over a million and a half of volumes in its school libraries 
in 1852. Most of the advocates of common schools were Sunday School 
workers, and were familiar with the benefit of libraries in that connec- 
tion. Hence it was natural that the School law of 1852 provided for a 
special tax for township school libraries, to be purchased under the 
direction of the State Board of Education. By November 1, 1854, 
$171,319.07 had been collected, and $147,222 expended for books. Then 
the trouble began. The law provided for the purchase of complete 
libraries, and the State Board bought complete libraries ; but instead of 
providing a library for each township, the laW provided for a distribu- 
tion to counties according to population — 10 libraries to a county with 
over 15,000 inhabitants; 8 libraries to a county with 10,000 to 15,000 
inhabitants ; and 6 libraries to a county with less than 10,000 inhabitants 
— an equitable distribution to be made to the townships by the county 
commissioners. The result was that there were 690 libraries to be divided 
among 938 townships ; and the basis was so unequal that there were 150 
townships that received less than full libraries which had more popula- 
tion than one entire county that received six libraries. The county com- 



28 Among Ourselves, Vol. 3, p. 165. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 917 

missioners divided them so impartially that in some cases they broke 
sets of books, sending part to one township and part to another. This 
was partially remedied by the school law of 1855, and the tax continued 
for another year. The total library tax collected was $273,000, or about 
$290 to the township, and the number of volumes furnished was about 
300 to the township, varying with the population. 

These libraries were immensely popular and useful. In the report 
of Caleb Mills, Superintendent of Public Instruction, in 1856, he states 
that an examination of the statistics in the report will ** convince the 
most skeptical that a one-quarter of a mill property and a twenty-five 
cents poll tax never accomplished so much for education in any other 
way." In 1857, he said that the system had already ** accomplished 
results equal to the most sanguine expectations of its friends, and fully 
redeemed their pledges in its behalf"; and the statistics for the year 
justify his statement, for, as he says: **The reports from many town- 
ships will show that the number of books taken out in twelve consecu- 
tive months is equal to from one to twenty times the entire number in 
the library, a case perhaps without a parallel in the history of popular 
reading." An equally convincing testimony is found in the report of 
the Superintendent of Public Instruction for 1860, which says, *'The 
most common complaint made to me in relation to them is for want of 
means to replenish the libraries with new and additional works and to 
keep them in repair. In some of the townships I am informed that 
individuals have read nearly or quite every book in the library and call 
loudly for more. • • • A permanent annual revenue, small when 
compared with the original revenue for that purpose, is much needed 
foi\the support of this feature of our educational system. A bill for 
that purpose passed the Senate at its last session by a vote of twenty- 
nine to nine, but failed to become a law." This lack of support caused 
an idea on the part of those who examined the remains of these libraries 
at later periods that the books **shot over the heads" of the people, and 
were therefore unpopular. The real explanation was that the popular 
books had been **read to pieces" and discarded, there being no money 
to repair or replace them ; and only the heavier and less popular books 
remained in the libraries. 

As a matter of fact, the libraries were fairly well selected for the 
time, but there was no such profusion of popular literature then as is 
to be found at present. Of juveniles, which in a few years practically 
disappeared from the libraries from constant use, there were originally 
Abbott's **Rolla," ** Jonas," and **Lucy" books, which really deserve 
a better standing than they have with libraries today; ''Abbott's 
Biographies"; ** Cousin Alice's Stories"; ''Robinson Crusoe"; ** Swiss 



918 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Family Bobinson" — ^imp06sible but alluring to children; Mayne Beid's 
**Boy Hunters,'' ''Forest Exiles,'* ''Young Voyagers," and ^'Desert 
Home"; Chambers's "Library for Young People"; Harper's "Story 
Books"; "Aunt Kitty's Tales"; "Uncle PhiUp's Books"; "The Young 
Crusoe"; "The Young Sailor"; "Braggadocio"; "Fairy Tales and 
Legends"; "The Little Drummer"; "Anecdotes for Boys"; "Anec- 
dotes for Qirls"; "Stories About Birds"; "Stories About Animals"; 
"Stories About Insects"; "Campfires of the Revolution"; "Wild 
Scenes and Wild Hunters"; Dickens's "Child's History of England"; 
Bonner's "Child's History of the United States," and others. When 
the Civil war came on, practically everything else was forgotten, and 
the township libraries went from bad to worse. After the war, a tax 
was levied for their revival; but, as has been mentioned, the proceeds 
were diverted to the building of the State Normal School. Very few 
persons wanted to read the books that were left, as books had become 
more plentiful, and up-to-date reading could usually be had by any 
who really desired it. In many townships the libraries were boxed up 
and kept in attics or stables; and the impression grew up that they had 
been a wasteful and useless investment of money. A peculiar addition 
to this delusion was made by a law passed in 1879. Over in Richmond, 
Robert Morrison had offered to make a generous donation for a library 
if the township would support it. A law was passed, general in form, 
but applying only to this case at the time, providing that in any town- 
ship in which a library of the value of $1,000 is established by donation, 
the Township Trustee might levy a tax of 1 cent on $100 for its support. 
In 1887, when I began a crusade for the revival of the township libraries, 
the purpose of this law had been forgotten; and the impression bJBul 
grown up that it was to prevent the public from rushing heedlessly into 
the maelstrom of public libraries. It required years of effort to secure 
the permission of the legislature to the people of a township to tax 
themselves to support a library for their own use. In 1891, the State 
Teachers' Association took the matter up, and appointed a committee 
to urge a law on the legislature, but they were unable to accomplish 
anything. In the meantime, however, an entering wedge had been 
driven by the Indianapolis school law of 1871, which authorized the 
Board of School Commissioners to levy a tax "for the support of free 
libraries in connection with the common schools of such city." This 
proved so great a success that in 1881 it was extended to cities of 10,000 
inhabitants; and in 1883 to "all the cities and incorporated towns of the 
State." 

The library provision in the Indianapolis school law was introduced 
by Prof. Abram Crum Shortridge, then Superintendent of Schools. Up 



920 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

to that time, IndiaoapoUs had come under the general school law of thp 
State, which was not well fitted for a city. Sbortridge devised a scheme 
for independent school government ; secured the approval of a meeting 
of influential citizens ; and was appointed <hi a committee with Judge 
A. C. Roache and Austin H. Btown, to draff ttie law. It provided for 
a school board of one member from each of the nine wards, into which 
the city was then divided. Tl^e law was limited to Indianapolis by being 
made to apply to cities of tliirty thonsaad' inhabitants. It provided 
for a tax of two cents on $100 — later increased to fonr cents. Prof. 
Shortridge was for many years a "live wire" in school matters. He vras 
bom on a farm near New Lisbon, Henry County, October 22, 1883, and 
had very fair schooling at Fairview, in Rush Conuty, and at Oreen 
Mount,, near Richmond. He taught for three years at Milton and 
DnUin, and was then for six years at Whitewater College, Which he 
leased in 1856 and conducted for six yeua. In 1861 he was called to 
Indianapolis to take char^ of the preparatory department of Butler Col- 
lege. In 1863 he was drafted to the office of Superintendent of Schools 
of Indianapolis ; and held that position until 1S74, when he resigned to 
become President of Purdue, He retired from active educational work 
in 1876, but has always taken a warm interest in eduoational matters. 
He helped to organize the Indiana Teachers Association in''1854, and 
the National Teachers Association in 1858; and tliere was scarcely an 
edacational reform from 1856 to 1876 in which he did not have s part. 
In this period, he was connected as publisher or associate editor with the 
educational papers. The Little Chief, The Indiana Teacher, The Educa- 
tionist, and The Indiana School Journal. 

In 1891 the Indiana Library Association was organized, with a mem- 
bership of persons interested in library work, which continued the 
agitation for more liberal library laws. On December 3, 1896, Ruther- 
ford P. Hays, Secretary of- the American Library Association addressed 
the Indiana Association on Library Commissions; and on December 28, 
1897, Govcmo)* James A. Mount made a plea for the establishment of 
niral libraries. By this time the Indiana Union of Literary Clubs had 
taken up the subject, and appointed a committee to secure legislation 
for traveling libraries; and the Indiana Library Association, and the 
Indianapolis Commercial Club appointed committees to co-operate in 
the work. I united with them, on condition that a provision for town- 
ship libraries he included in the law ; and in 1899 a law was passed pro- 
viding for a State Library Commission, for traveling libraries, and per- 
mitting townships to establish and maintain libraries by taxation. The 
Commission was to act in conjunction with the State Library, with the 
i^tate Librarian as Secretary, ex officio. In 1901 the two were separated, 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 921 

and on November 1, 1901, the State Library Commission began its sep- 
arate work. The development of public libraries in Indiana began at 
that time. In 1899 there were 57 public libraries in Indiana, of which 
6 were housed in buildings adapted to, but not constructed for, library 
use ; and there was but one librarian in the State who had library school 
training. In 1916 there were 197 public libraries, 163 special library 
buildings, and 190 librarians who had some library school training. In 
the two years, 1914-6, traveling libraries were furnished to 367 associa- 
tions (of five or more persons) and to 56 public libraries, to supplement 
their collections, reaching 84 of the 92 counties in the State. At the 
present time, there are only three counties in the State, Brown, Dubois, 
and Crawford, that do not have a free public library ; and the traveling 
libraries are circulated in these. It should be added that this develop- 
ment would have been impossible but for the timely generosity of Andrew 
Carnegie, whose total gifts to Indiana public libraries exceed two and 
one-half millions of dollars. Of the present library buildings 103 repre- 
sent donations from him, and 7 are gifts from other persons. 

These figures do not include the school libraries that have been 
formed for the use of the various public schools. Libraries are required 
for commissioned and certified high schools, and they have been formed 
in many others. In an article in Harper's Weekly, in January, 1909, 
Mrs. Emma Mont. McRae estimated that there were 8,000 school libraries 
in the State, which is certainly not an overestimate. These are largely 
intended for supplementary reading and reference, but also circulate 
freely among the pupils. There has also been a large distribution of 
books through the two reading circles — the Teachers and the Young 
Peoples. The Indiana Teachers' Reading Circle was organized in pur- 
suance of resolutions introduced in the State Teachers' Association 
December 26, 1883, by Prof. W. A. Bell, its object being to unify and 
develop the teachers of the State by a common course of reading, on 
topics helpful in their work. It has distributed about 500,000 bookn 
to its members, at largely reduced prices, and is universally conceded 
to have been of very great service. The Young People's Reading Circle 
is the result of a paper read before the State Teachers' Association in 
1887, by Joseph Carhart, professor of English Literature at DePauw, 
and is especially interesting for its novelty, being an Indiana enterprise. 
As to this feature, Prof. Carhart said: 

**Have the teachers of other states undertaken such an enterprise? 
Probably not. None have been reported to the Bureau of Education at 
Washington, nor has inquiry in other directions discovered a Children's 
Reading Circle, limited by state lines, directed by the teachers of the 
state, and in which a voluntary membership purchase their own books. 



922 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

But what then T Every good thing had a beginning. The great public 
school system itself waa begun by heroic souls somewhere, at some time 
when there was neither precedent to encourage nor example to guide. 
What state has a better right to set the example to other states in every- 
thing that is good and great than the State of Indianat What body is 
more entitled to the honor of inaugurating a great movement in behalf 




Mrs. Emma Mont. McBae 

of school children than the Teachers' Association of Indiana? Shall the 
sons and daughters of pioneers that blazed their way through an un- 
trodden wilderness, wait for other states to lead in a path of duty that 
lies so plain before them? Shall they not rather emulate the example 
of their fathers and lead in a way in which other states will follow? 
What better time to devise liberally— to inaugurate a great educational 
movement, possessing the possibility of incalculable good, and one 
requiring wisdom in planning, tact and energy in executing — than dur- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 923 

ing the present f I confidently recommend to the Indiana Teachers' 
Association, the organization of a Beading Circle, for the school children 
of the state." 

The proposition was at once adopted, and a committee, composed of 
Prof. Carhart, Mrs. McRae, and L. H. Jones was appointed to select 
books, and put the plan in operation. It was a great success from the 
start, and grew to such an extent that in 1894, a central office and dis- 
tributing point was established. Prof. Carhart threw all his energy 
into the organization work, and was ably seconded by the other members. 
In a recent history of the movement, issued by the Circle, it is said: 
**The person who probably gave more time, thought and energy, than 
any one else, to the selection of the Young People's books, is Mrs. Emma 
Mont. McRae. For many years she was chairman of the Young People's 
Committee and upon her fell a large part of the responsibility of select- 
ing these hooks. She served longer on the Board of Directors than any 
other member — Shaving served from the organization of the Teachers' 
Beading Circle in 1883, until January, 1910, over a quarter of a century 
in a splendid service she was so eminently qualified to give." 

This is not only true, but is a high testimonial to the judgment of 
Mrs. McBae, for the books have been remarkably well selected for their 
purpose. The common tendency of adults, and particularly of educa- 
tors, in selecting books for young people, is towards the ''one hundred 
best books that nobody reads." The important thing with young people 
is to form the reading habit ; and that can be done only by giving them 
something attractive — something that they will read because they enjoy 
it, and not 'from a sense of duty, or obligation. That this has been 
accomplished in this case is shown by the fact that the number of mem- 
bers of the Circle has now grown to 70,000. The number of volumes 
distributed is in excess of a million — the exact sales for 14 years, 
1902-17, being 681,387 volumes. As the largest demand for these books 
has been from the localities with the least public library facilities, it is 
apparent that this work has suppleme^ted the regular library work 
of the State in a most fortunate way. And incidentally it may be men- 
tioned that nothing is more desirable than a close co-ordination of the 
library and school interests — ^not a union, for that means the subordina- 
tion of one or the other — but the fullest possible co-operation of the two 
in their common task of public education. 



CHAPTER XVI 

TRANSPORTATION, COMMERCE AND INDUSTRY 

One of the first problems of the Indiana pioneers was that of trans- 
portation. The early English and American fur traders, who came 
overland, used pack-horses, and these were commonly used in military 
movements. The only obstacle to this mode of transportation was an 
occasional stream that was too deep to be forded. These were commonly 
crossed by swimming the pack-horses, the goods being ferried over on 
rafts made of dry logs, bound together with vines. This custom was bor- 
rowed from the Indians, and was also common among the early French. 
The Miamis called such a raft **ti-pi-la-h6-ta-k&-ni,'' and the Frwich 
early adopted a Malay word, '*cajou," that was probably imported by 
some missionary, and signifies a log. Occasional mention is made by the 
French missionaries of their crossing streams and lake on '*cajeux," 
using the word properly in plural form. The Canadians, who still retain 
it, have shortened it to **caj." In one of the early tragedies of Indiana, 
the drowning of Ziba Foote, a surveyor, in 1806, in what is known as 
Foote's Grave Pond, in Posey County, a raft of this kind was used in the 
effort to rescue him.* The French settlers, however, located on streams, 
and did their transportation by water. For this they used birch-bark 
canoes on the lakes; but on the streams of Indiana, they used bateaux, 
or flat-bottomed board boats, on the shallower streams, as on the Wabash 
above Post Ouiatanon, and below that used pirogues — sometimes written 
**periaugers" by the Americans — which were made of logs hollowed out, 
and would carry considerable cargoes. For overland travel, the French 
also used very largely a two-wheeled cart, called a caleche, which is still 
in use in Canada, and is very convenient in a country where there are 
no roads, as it can be taken anywhere that a horse can go, except through 
woods where the trail is not wide enough to admit of its passage. Rev. 
James B. Finley tells of meeting Rev. Benjamin Lakin, in 1802, moving 
with his wife, and household possessions, in a cart of this kind, through 
the wilds of Southwestern Ohio to his new circuit : ' * The point where 

1 Ind. Hist. 8oc. Pubs. Vol. 2, p. 363. 

924 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 925 

we met him was on the eastern side of the Little Miami, the track of the 
railroad now occupying the spot. Then there was nothing that deserved 
the name of a road — a kind of a trace. We were surprised to see a 
man and woman in a cart drawn by one horse — surprised, because this 
was a superior way of traveling, not known to the settlers, who traveled 
and carried their movables on pack-horses. As we came up we halted to 
look at his vehicle. As we stopped he inquired how far it was to the 
next house^ This we were unable to tell, for the road was uninhabited. 
We then had the curiosity to ask him who he was, where he was going, 
and what was his business? He quickly and kindly replied, 'My name 
is Lakin ; I am a Methodist preacher, and am going to preach the gospel 
to lost sinners in the Miami and Scioto country.' Filled with strange 
imaginings we parted and the preacher drove on. What would the young 
preacher of the present day think of taking his wife in a cart and 
starting out without money, home, or friends and traveling through the 
wilderness seeking for the lostf ^ 

After the American settlers had become established, their next prob- 
lem was getting their produce to some market. This they found at New 
Orleans, but the vessels used by the French were too small for their pur- 
poses and they developed the flat-boat. The flat-boat was essentially a 
forest product, and it would be very difficult to find the enormous trees 
now that were required for the sides, which were the foundations of 
the boat. Its construction is described by Col. Cockrum as follows: **To 
make one of these boats was quite an undertaking. The first thing to 
do was to procure two gunwales. They were usually made out of large 
poplar trees (the liriodendron, or * yellow poplar') and were from sixty 
to eighty feet in length. A fine large, straight tree was selected, and 
after it was cut down, two faces of it were hewn, leaving it about twenty- 
four inches thick. Then it was turned down on large logs and split in 
halves, hewn down to from twelve to fifteen inches in thickness, thus 
making both the gunwales out of one tree. The two ends were sloped 
from six to eight feet, so that when the bottom was on, it had a boat 
shape, that would run much faster in the water. The gunwales were 
then hauled to the boatyard and placed on rollers. The distance apart 
which was wanted for the width of the boat was usually from fourteen 
to sixteen feet. Strong sills or girders were framed into the gunwales 
every eight or ten feet and securely fastened there by strong pins. Small 
girders or sleepers, to receive the bottom of the boat, were pinned into 
the cross sills or girders every eighteen inches and even with the bottom 
of the gunwales. The bottom was made of one and a half inch lumber. 



2 Sketches of Western Methodism, p. 182. 



926 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

the length to reach from outside to outside of the gunwales, where it 
was securely nailed and then calked. The old Indiana flat-boat builders 
used hemp for calking, driving it into the cracks between the edges of the 
planks with a calking chisel made for the purpose. When this was done, 
another bottom of inch lumber was made over this that held the calking 
in place and made the bottom stronger. When the bottom was finished, 
it was ready for launching. This was done by having large auger holes 
in the round logs the bottom rested on and turning them with hand- 
spikes. The ground was always sloping toward the river and it did not 
require much turning until the logs would roll down the slope and carry 
the boat into the water. The boat, having been made bottom-upward, 
had to be turned. A large amount of mud and dirt was piled on the 
edge of the bottom, which was intended' to sink it. Then a check line 
was fastened to the farthest edge and near the middle the line was 
carried over a large limb or the fork of a tree and two or three yoke of 
oxen hitched to it. When everything was ready, the boat was turned 
right side up. It was then full of water, which had to be baled out. 
The upper framework for the body of the boat was made very securely 
and well braced and the siding was nailed on. Strong joists were put 
on top of the framework from side to side to hold the decking. A center 
girder ran lengthwise of the boat and this rested on a post every six or 
eight feet. This girder was a little higher than the outer walls,, so 
that the water would run off the deck. A strong post was fastened in a 
framework made on the false bottom which came up through the deck- 
ing about three feet near each end of the boat. Holes were bored in 
these check posts, so that it could be turned around with long wooden 
spikes. The check rope was securely fastened to these posts and one end 
of it was carried to the bank and fastened. By using the spikes the check 
post would take up the slack and the boat could be securely landed as 
near the bank as wanted. There were three long oars, the steering oar 
had a wide blade on the end and was fastened to a post near the back of 
the boat. This oar wds used as a rudder in guiding the direction of 
the boat. The other two oars were used as sweeps to propel the boat and 
to pull her out of eddies. This crudely fashioned boat would carry a 
large amount of produce. The pork was usually packed in the boat in 
bulk; flour, wheat and com were stored on raised floors so as to keep 
them dry. On small rivers when the water was at floodtide, two hundred 
thousand pounds of pork, one thousand bushels of com and many other 
articles of produce would be carried. 

''The pioneers made their location where there was plenty of good 
spring water, but at a later date they had two objects in selecting their 
homes : First, to be near a mill or a place where there was a good mill- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



927 



site; second, to be not far from a river where a flat-boat conld be loaded 
with produce. The money paid for the produce to load the boats brought 
great prosperity to the conntry. On the lower Mississippi, where the 
great sugar plantations were, there was a great demand for this provision. 
A boat would tie to the bank near one of these immense plantations and 




Primitive Grain Mill 
(Preserved at Indiana University — Said to be first used in State) 



would sell the owner a half boat-load of meat, corn and flour. It took 
one of these boats a month to run out of the Wabash down to New 
Orleans. They would sell their load of produce and then sell the boat. 
These old boatmen were a jolly, generous, light-hearted set of men, and 
would often lash their boats together and float for several days and 
nights in that way on the lower Mississippi. This description does not 
apply to the Pittsburg flat-boat men or those from the upper Ohio, run- 



928 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

ning coal barges down the river. They were, in many instances, a 
lot of desperadoes. * ' ^ 

But another enterprise was early under way. In 1799, Louis A. 
Tarascon, a French merchant of Philadelphia, sent two men to examine 
the Ohio and Mississippi, with a view to ascertaining the feasibility of 
building ships at Pittsburg, and sending them to the ocean. On a favor- 
able report, a shipyard, with all necessary appurtenances, was estab- 
lished at Pittsburg; and in 1801 his firm built there the schooner 
** Amity," of 120 tons burden, and the ship ** Pittsburgh,'' of 250 tons. 
Both of these vessels made their way safely down the Ohio and Missis- 
sippi ; thence to Philadelphia, and on to France, returning with cargoes 
of French goods. As they passed Marietta, in May, 1802, the brig **Mary 
Avery," of 130 tons, which had been built there, was making ready 
to start, and followed them down the river on the same evening. Several 
other ships were built, at these and other points ; but after some wrecks 
the ship-building industry was abandoned about 1808. In December, 
1810, the Ohio Steamboat Navigation Company was incorporated by 
Robert Fulton, Robert R. Livingston, Daniel D. Tompkins, DeWitt 
Clinton, and Nicholas J. Roosevelt, to operate steamboats on western 
rivers, under the Fulton-Livingston patents. The ^'New Orleans," the 
first steamboat on the Ohio, was built by them at Pittsburg, and launched 
in March, 1811. It was 138 feet long, and of 300 tons burden. It started 
down the river in October of that year, attaining a maximum speed of 
eight miles an hour, with the current, and exciting the wonder and en- 
thusiasm of the people all along the Ohio and Mississippi. The ''Comet," 
of 25 tons, was built in 1812, and the ''Vesuvius," of 890 tons, in 1814; 
but none of these boats succeeded in getting back up the river. In 1814, 
the "Enterprise" was built by D. French, at Brownsville, Penn., and 
went down to New Orleans, where she was impressed by Gen. Jackson, 
and used for military purposes for a short time. In May, 1815, she 
started up the river, and reached Louisville in 25 days. But the water 
was very high, and she was able to use cut-oflfe and back-water naviga- 
tion, bein^ of only 75 tons burden; and it wasi still an open question 
whether a steamboat could make its way upstream on the upper Missis- 
sippi and Ohio. This was settled in 1817, when the "Washington," built 
by Henry M. Shreve, at Wheeling, with a number of improvements in 
machinery, made the up-trip from New Orleans to Louisville in 25 days. 
This boat was attached at New Orleans, on suit of the Fulton-Livingston 
people, who claimed a monopoly of navigating the western waters by 
steam; but their claim was rejected by the courts, and from this time 



8 Pioneer History of Indiana, pp. 508-10. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 929 

steamboat building grew apace. In 1818 there were 63 steamboats on 
the Ohio. In 1834, when the total tonnage of the British empire was 
82,696 tons, and that of the entire eastern seaboard of the United States 
was 76,064 tons, that of the Ohio and Mississippi rivers was 126,278 
tons. The profits were so great that competition was developed on all 
lines, and the era of palatial boats, and reckless efforts at speed that 
cost numerous explosions, was entered on. The improvements were so 
great that in 1853 the trip from New Orleans to Louisville was accom- 
plished in four days and nine hours. 

The steamboats solved th« transportation problem for the people 
adjacent to the Ohio River and the lower Wabash, but for years the set- 
tlers that were more inland relied on flat-boats, which could be run out 
of any creek of moderate size during a freshet, and a freshet could be 
relied on at least once or twice a year. It was on account of this flat-boat 
navigation that the numerous laws appeared in the earlier statute books 
concerning navigable streams, which have often roused the curiosity, 
and at times the amusement of readers of later days. But that was one 
respect in which our ancestors had a great deal more common sense 
than the present generation. The framers of the Ordinance of 1787 
saved the ownership of these streams to the public by the provisions of 
the ''articles of compact,*' which were to remain ** forever unalterable, 
unless by common consent," that: **The navigable waters leading into 
the Mississippi and St. Lawrence, and the carrying places between the 
same, shall be common highways, and forever free, as well to the in- 
habitants of the said territory, as to the citizens of the United States, 
and those of any other states that may be admitted into the confederacy, 
without any tax, impost, or duty therefor." This obviously refers to 
navigation by canoes and bateaux, which were the only vessels used on 
the portage routes. In the original land surveys, the surveyors were 
instructed to note these navigable streams, and survey them out, by 
metes and bounds; which they did, and they were never included in 
the land sales — the adjacent lands being sold in fractional sections, by 
the metes and bounds established. The Indiana legislature, by act of 
January 17, 1820, made explicit declaration of the streams that were 
navigable, and provided penalties for obstructing them in any way, and 
in this they did not limit themselves to the surveys and sales, for the act 
provides that its provisions shall not ''be so construed so as to prevent 
any person or persons who may have purchased from the United States, 
the bed of any stream by this act declared navigable, from erecting any 
dam, which when erected will be of public utility, provided, such person 
or persons shall provide and at all times (when said rivers, or creeks, 
shall contain a suflScient depth of water, to render such streams navi- 



930 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

gable) keep in repair good and sufficient locks or slopes of dimensions 
sufficient to secure the safe passage of all such boats or other crafts, as 
may navigate said rivers. ' ' 

An act of February 10, 1831, extended the list of navigable streams 
and made the penalty apply to ^'any obstruction, calculated to impede 
or injure the navigation of any stream, reserved by the Ordinance of 
Congress of 1787, as a public highway, at a stage of water, when it would 
otherwise be navigable." This act covered the Missisinewa throughout 
its course in the State ; the West Pork of White River to Yorktown, and 
the East Pork to **the junction of Sugar creek, and Blue river, above 
the mouth of Platrock"; the North Pork of the Muskackituck to Vernon, 
South Pork to the mouth of Graham's Pork, and Brushy Pork to the 
mouth of Hog creek ; the West Pork of Whitewater to the north line of 
Payette County, and the East Pork to the north line of Union County ; 
and a number of other streams, some of which are not known except 
locally. The purpose was to reach every stream that could be used for 
running out flat-boats in high water; and these streams were actually 
so used. Por example, Randolph County lands reach the highest alti- 
tudes of any in Indiana, and one would hardly thiiik of it in connection 
with navigation at present; but in an early day it sent out numerous 
flat-boats both by the Missisinewa and by White River, chiefly the former. 
Indeed, Ridgeville was so great a shipping point that Jacob Ward estab- 
lished a boatyard there and sold boats, forty feet long and ten feet 
broad, at $25 each. It is recorded that he made 37 of these boats in one 
season.^ In 1825 the legislature appointed Alexander Ralston a com- 
missioner to survey the West Pork of White River, which he did that 
summer, and reported the distance from Sample's Mills, in Randolph 
County, to Indianapolis, 130 miles; from Indianapolis to the forks 285 
miles ; and from there to the Wabash 40 miles ; and that ifor this distance 
of 455 miles it could be made navigable for three months in the year, by 
an exi)enditure of $1,500. He found two falls, or rapids, one of 18 
inches about eight miles above Martinsville; and one of nine feet in 
about 100 yards, 10 miles above the forks. On this report, the legisla- 
ture adopted a law, January 21, 1826, to improve the navigation of the 
stream as high as Sample's Mills, directing the county commissioners to 
call out men to work the stream as they did the roads. Not only did 
flat-boats go down White River, but a number of boats were brought up. 
In the spring of 1821, Matthias R. Nowland and Elisha Hemdon brought 
up a keel-boat, loaded with flour, bacon and whisky. In 1822, the 
keel-boat *' Eagle" arrived at Indianapolis from Kanawha, loaded with 



4 Hist. Eandolph County, pp. 95, 112. 



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932 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

salt and whisky. She was of 15 tons buVden. In the same month the 
** Boxer," of 33 tons arrived from Zanesviye, loaded with merchandise; 
and later in the year, Luke Walpole arrived with two keel-boats, bring- 
ing his family and their belongings, toigether with a stock of merchandise. 
It is said that many other boats came up, of which no special record was 
kept.^ One steamboat, the ^'Gen. Hanna," came up to Indianapolis in 
the spring of 1831, towing a loaded barge. The only other actual steam 
navigation at this point was by the ** Governor Morton," a boat of 150 
tons, built at Indianapolis in 1865, and operated for a little more than 
a year. 

In fact. White River could very easily be made navigable for steam- 
boats to Indianapolis, as the fall in the stream from that point to the 
forks of the stream is only 260 feet, or less than a foot to the mile. 
The principal obstructions are drifts and sandbars, which could be re- 
moved without difficulty. In fact the removal of the bars would be a 
source of profit on account of the value of the sand and gravel. Large 
quantities of these are removed from the stream on this account alone, 
by means of pumps. There have been half-a-dozen of these pumps 
working at Indianapolis for several years past, taking out an average 
of 30,000 cubic yards each, in the course of a year. This is of especial 
importance in connection with road-building as this river gravel is 
excellent road material, and is found very widely through the State. 
The only obstacle is in some idiotic decisions of the Supreme Court of 
Indiana. The first of these cases came before the court in 1876, and the 
opinion, by Judge Perkins, says: **The Court knows judicially, as a 
matter of fact that White River, in Marion County, Indiana, is neither 
a navigated nor a navigable stream;" and as to the bed not being sur- 
veyed and sold, he added: "The idea that the power was given to a 
surveyor or his deputy, upon casual observation, to determine the ques- 
tion of the navigability of rivers, and thereby conclude vast public and 
private rights, is an absurdity.*' Apparently, the provision of the 
Ordinance, and the subsequent legislation of the State and the United 
States, with the uniform action of officials under the laws, were neither 
presented nor considered. In all probability the learned court never 
heard of them. If there is anything absurd in a decision on navigability 
by a competent surveyor, from actual observation, what can be said of 
a judge, clothed in the judicial ermine, and wrapped in the mantle of 
ignorance, who assumes to ** conclude vast public and private rights,** 
without so much as looking at tho stream? Worse than that, what is 
to be said of the proposition that a court can destroy the title to vast 



5 Br(fwn 's Hist, of Indianapolis, p. 20. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 933 

quantities of public property, whose preservation has been carefully 
provided for by the legislative and executive departments ? Fortunately, 
the courts of other states of the Northwest Territory have been more in- 
telligent, the general rule being that ^any stream that will float logs is 
navigable." More fortunately, the United States has never recognized 
this Indiana decision, and there is no reason why it should, as neither 
it nor the State of Indiana were parties to the action ; and if the public 
title is affected by the decision, it is because the court permitted it to 
be assailed collaterally, in a suit between individuals. It may be added 
that the Indiana authorities on the subject of riparian rights are in 
almost hopeless confusion, and largely so bec^ause the basic provision of 
the Ordinance of 1787 has been ignored. In the latest decision bearing 
on the question, involving the title to the swamp lands bordering the 
Kankakee River, although the court reaches a fairly rational conclusion, 
it expressly states that, ' ' It is not disputed that the Kankakee River is a 
non-navigable river,** and that ** Meander lines are not by necessary im- 
plication boundary lines.*' These may be ** legal facts,*' but historically, 
the Kankakee River was one of the most important of the '' navigable 
waters*' referred to by the Ordinance^ and in the surveys in Northwest 
Territory, the special purpose of the meander lines was to make them 
boundaries, and exclude from sale the streams included between them.'' 
To the pioneers of Indiana the water-ways were of special importance 
on account of the difficulty of making wagon-roads. It was not only 
a matter of getting rid of the forest, but also getting a new sujface for 
the soft loamy soil, which was an almost hopeless road material during 
the greater part of the year. At the celebration of the centennial of 
Indiana Territory, on July 4, 1900, Calvin Fletcher read a paper on 
Indiana roads, which presents their transition states from the view of 
an actual observer. He says: **The pioneers of our State found In- 
dian trails, which, with widening, proved easy lines of travel. Many 
of these afterward became fixtures through use, improvement and leg- 
islation. • • • Next to the hearty handshake and ready lift at the 
handspike, where neighbors swapped work at log-rollings, was the greet- 
ing when, at fixed periods, all able-bodied men met to open up or work 
upon the roads. My child-feet pattered along many of the well-con- 
structed thoroughfares of today when they were only indistinct trac- 
ings — long lines of deadened trees, deep-worn horse paths, and serpentine 
tracks of wabbling wagon wheels. The ever-recurring road-working days 
ajad their cheerful observance, with time's work in rotting and fire's 



6 2 Mich., 219; 19 Oregon, 375; 33 W. Virginia, 13; 20 Barbour, N. W., 9; 14 
Kentucky Law, 521 ; 87 Wisconsin, 203. 

7 State vs. Tuesberg Land Co., 109 N. E., 530; 111 N. E., 342. . 



934 , INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

work in removing dead tree and stump, at last let in long lines of sun- 
shine to dry up the mud, to burn up the miasma, and to bless the way- 
farer to other parts, as well as to disclose what these pioneer road- 
makers hadi done for themselves by opening up fields in the forests. 
• • • To perfect easily and naturally these industries requires three 
generations. The forests must be felled, logs rolled and burned, families 
reared, and in most cases the land to be paid for. When this is ac- 
complished a faithful picture would reveal not only the changes that 
had been wrought, but a host of prematurely broken down men and 
women, besides an undue proportion resting peacefully in country grave- 
yards. A second generation straightens out the fields at odd comers, 
pulls the stumps, drains the wet spots, and casting aside the sickle of their 
father, swings the cradle over broader fields; and even trenches upon 
the plans of the third generation by pushing the claim of the reaper, 
the mower and the thresher. • • • The labor of the three genera- 
tions in road-making I class as follows : To the first generation belonged 
locating the roads and clearing the timber from them. The wet places 
would become miry and were repaired by the use of logs. • • • The 
roots and stumps caused many holes, called chuck holes, which were re- 
paired by using brush and dirt — ^with the uniform result that at each 
end of the corduroy or brush repairs, a new mud or chuck hole would 
be formed in time ; and thus did the pioneer pave the way for the public 
and himself to market, to court, and to elections. The second generation 
discover^ a value in the inexhaustible beds of gravel in the rivers and 
creeks, as well as beneath the soil. Roadbeds were thrown up, and the 
side ditches thus formed contributed to sound wheeling. Legislation 
tempted capital to invest and tollgates sprang up until the third genera- 
tion removed them and assumed the burden of large expenditures from 
public funds for public benefit. 

'*And thus have passed away the nightmare of the farmer, the trav- 
eler, and mover and the mail-carrier — a nightmare that prevailed nine 
months in the year. • • • An experience of a trip from Indian- 
apolis to Chicago in March, 1848, by mail stage is pertinent. It took 
the first twenty-four hours to reach Kirklin, in Boone County (Clinton 
County) ; the next twenty-four to Logansport, the next thirty-six to 
reach South Bend. A rest then of twenty-four hours on account of high 
water ahead ; then thirty-six hours to Chicago— five days of hard travel 
in mud or on corduroy, or sand. • • • In the summer passenger 
coaches went through, but when wet weather oame the mud wagon wa3 
used to carry passengers and mail, and when the mud became too deep 
the mail was piled into crates, canvas-covered, and hauled through. This 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 935 

was done also on the N«ational (Cumberland), the Madison, the Cincin- 
nati, the Lafayette and the Bloomington roads." 

The joyous system of ** working the roads," to which Mr. Fletcher 
refers, was in use in Indiana from the start, as in the other states, the 
idea being to get the labor without calling on the poorer citizens for 
money, which would h«ave been a hardship for many of them. The first 
road law, adopted in 1807, contained these provisions: **A11 male per- 
sons of the age of twenty-one years and not exceeding fifty, who have 
resided thirty days in any township, of any county within this territory, 
and who are not a county charge, shall be liable yearly and every year, 
to do and perform any number of days' work, not exceeding twelve, 
whenever the supervisor of the district in which he resides shall deem 
it necessary; and if any such resident, having had three days' notice 
thereof from the supervisor, shall neglect or refuse to attend by himself 
or substitute to the acceptance of the supervisor, on the day and at the 
place appointed for working on the public road, with such necessary and 
common articles of husbandry as the said supervisor shall have directed 
him to bring, wherewith to labor, or having attended, shall refuse to 
obey the direction of the supervisor, or shall spend or waste the day 
in idleness or inattention to the duty assigned him ; every such delinquent 
shall forfeit for every such neglect or refusal, the sum of seventy-five 
cents, to be recovered at the suit of the supervisor respectively before 
any Justice of the Peace of the Township. • • • if any person or 
persons working on the highways, or being with them, shall ask any 
money or drink, or any other reward whatsoever, of any person passing 
or travelling on the said public road or highway, he shall, for every such 
offense, pay the sum of one dollar, to be recovered by the supervisor." 

The War of 1812 called for an increase in the laboring forces of the 
commonwealth, and by an act of 1814 it was provided: **That each 
and every white male person, sixteen years of age and upwards, and 
each and every male person of color, bond or free, sixteen years of age 
and upwards, shall be subject to work on roads and public highways, as 
is directed by law, except those th«t shall from time to time be exempted 
by the courts of common pleas for their respective counties, on account 
of their entire disability." It was further specified that, *4n case of de- 
fault, or non-attendance of minors, or servants, to work on public roads 
or highways, when legally called on as the law directs, the parent, 
guardian or master, shall be held and deemed responsible for all fines 
and costs which are recoverable by law.® After the stress of war was 
over, the age limit was restored to twenty-one years, and the system, in 



8 Acts 1813-4, p. 132. 
vd. n— «4 



936 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

other respects is still continued, much to the disadvantage of good roads. 
Everybody knows the system is largely farcical, but, as in many other 
things, the American people seem to enjoy defrauding themselves; and 
the blessing of free government is that they can do what they like. The 
present law provides for an eight hour day, with exemption at $1.50 
per day, but with the privilege of furnishing a *' substitute.'^ This is 
usually taken advantage of by railroads and other corporations, which 
escape a large part of their road taxesi by employing cheap and inef- 
ficient labor. The law provides a penalty for any who ** shall remain 
idle or not work faithfully, or shall hinder others from working,'* but 
this is not enforced; and the condition is very well presented by an 
anonymous poet, in describing the hardships of pioneer days 



**0h, our life was tough and tearful, and its toil was often fearful, 

And often we grew faint beneath the load. 
But there came a glad vacation and « sweet alleviation, 

When we used to work our tax out on the road. 

**When we used to work our tax out, then we felt the joys of leisure, 

And we felt no more the prick of labor's goad; 
Then we shared the golden treasure of sweet rest in fullest measure, 

When ^e used to work our tax out on the road." 

Even worse than this feature, is the fact that the work is usually 
mere patching, and never intelligent road construction. Generally the 
greater part of it is scraping the soil from the sides of the road into 
the center, and filling holes with material that soon works out. It made 
the roads worse in the early days, before gnavel and crushed stone were 
used in road construction, and various records of the period preceding 
the civil war are laden with complaints of the villainous roads of the 
State. The whole matter was well summed up by a weary traveler, who 
inscribed in the tavern register of Franklin, the lines — 

**The roads are impassable — hardly jacbassable; 
I think those that travel 'em should turn out and gravel 'em." 

In the early days, the construction of durable roads except by the 
State or National government was not considered. There were great ex- 
pectations of the National Road, which was located through Indiana in 
the summer of 1827, and contracts for which were let in the year fol- 
lowing. In all, from 1827 to 1838, when work was abandoned. Congress 
appropriated $1,136,600 for this road in Indiana, of which $513,099 was 



938 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

expended for bridges and masonry. The road was well graded and 
bridged through Indiana, but there was not enough money to macad- 
amize all of it. The contract for the bridge over White River, at Indian- 
apolis, was let in 1831, and the bridge was completed in 1834. With 
Indianapolis as a center, the road was macadamized for several miles east 
and west, and similar improvement was made for a few miles west of 
Richmond, before the work stopped. The remainder was merely grade 
and bridges, until parts of it were taken over by local authorities, or by 
toll road companies, and macadamized or graveled. The demand for 
roads was the chief cause of the State's undertaking its internal improve- 
ment system, which has been described elsewhere and which also came 
to an end at this time. Just before this work stopped, the movement 
for plank roads had got under way in the East, and in a few years 
reached the West. Plank road companies were incorporated; and on 
February 16, 1848, a general incorporation law for plank road com- 
panies was adopted. The idea took well in a country where timber was 
a drug on the market and for several years was quite popular. Robert 
Dale Owen became interested in a plank road from New Harmony to 
Mt. Yemon, and after some investigation, published a small book on 
the subject in 1850. He stated that the plan had been introduced into 
Canada from Russia, and recommended, from Canadian experience, the 
laying of 8-foot plank on stringers as the most economical and satis- 
factory method. A new plank road is indeed k luxury; but when it 
begins to go to pieces it is almost worse than nothing ; and it took only 
about a decade to satisfy Indiana that plank roads were not what she 
wanted. The law of 1848, permitted companies to take over State or 
county roads, with the consent of the County Commissioners, and after 
planking three miles, to charge toll on them. The same plan was fol- 
lowed as to gravel roads later on, and in the course of thirty years most 
of the decent roads in Indiana became toll roads. In 1885 a law was 
passed for constructing free gravel roads, by assessment of lands lying 
within two miles of the improvement, on petition of a majority of the 
land-owners aflPected. In 1893, lanother law was passed for constructing 
free gravel roads at public expense, if a majority of the voters favored 
it at an election held for that purpose. Under these laws the new free 
gravel roads of the State have been constructed; but the reform legis- 
lature of 1889 provided by Kaw for the public purchase of existing toll 
roads, and making them free, and under it there remain only a few 
toll roads in the State, in the river counties. 

The latest movement for good roads is chiefly due to the introduc- 
tion of the automobile, and the desire of automobile owners to make 
**runs"; but its practical \<alue to the farmer is none the less on that 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 939 

account, and indeed the farmer is very commonly an automobile owner. 
The gravitation of the automobile industry towards Indiana was largely 
accelerated by the local ownership of **prestolite," and by the construc- 
tion of the motor speedway at Indianapolis in 1909. In December, 1910, 
the Indiana Qood Boads Association was organized, with Clarence A. 
Kenyoh as president, and began the agitation for both better roads and 
better management of road funds in the State. Kenyon is a native of 
Michigan, bom at Kalamazoo, May 9, 1858. He was a lawyer by pro- 
fession, but came to Indianapolis in 1891 as vice-president and attorney 
for the Western Paving & Supply Co. He was thoroughly acquainted 
with scientific road-making, and an enthusiast on the subject. He did 
more to awaken an intelligent interest in it than any other one man in 
the State. To secure any effective legislation was an up-hill fight, for 
the local authorities that controlled the road funds did not want to lose 
their control, and they were powerful politically. On January 15, 1914, 
a meeting of friends of good roads, including engineers, county commis- 
sioners, and Purdue instructors, with others, was held at the Chamber of 
Commerce in Indianapolis. Kenyon made a strong presentation of the 
folly of the existing system, calling attention to the fact that in 1912 
the State had expended $13,831,392 for roads, without any system, and 
without expert supervision; and the fight for a State Highway Com- 
mission was bunched. A law was secured, not what the friends of good 
roads wanted, but one establishing a commission, and authorizing a 
limited system of **main market roads" under its authority. It has lo- 
cated its roads, and is co-operating with national and local authorities 
systematizing the road work of the State. With the backing of the 
automobile interests, it will probably accomplish something worth while. 
It certainly would do so if it took up the matter of reclaiming tox the 
State the control of the beds of navigable streams, and the utilization 
of the gravel in them for road construction, which is now being monopo- 
lized by private parties who have no valid title to it. 

In its early stages Indiana was almost wholly agricultural, the manu- 
facturing and other industries being devoted to supplying local wants. 
There was, however, a considerable product of manufactures from the 
looms and spinning wheels of the pioneer women ; and some product for 
export from the saw mills and grist mills. With the exception of the 
production of wine by the Swiss, in Switzerland County; of whisky at 
various points; and of various manufactures at New Harmony, manu- 
facturing on any extensive scale was rarely undertaken, and when under- 
taken was a failure. The early settlers realized that the prices of manu- 
factured goods were largely increased by the cost of importation, and 
there was early a demand for steam mills; but those introduc^ed at 




Mah SiiowiMi Mii\ M\RKcr lliiiiiWAVs Ti> BE Brii,T in Ikdiaxa 
(I^ll)lish«l by Portlniid Omriit Awim-.. 11] Sn. Wuh. St., Chwago) 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 941 

Vincennes and Indianapolis produced so much more than was required 
locally, and without "any outside market, that they were financial failures. 
Although there was a steady increase of manufacturing and other em- 
ployment as the population of th^ State increased, there was a pre- 
ponderance of agricultural labor until after 1890. By the census of that 
year, out of 635,080 people in the State engaged in gainful occupations, 
there were 331,240 engaged in agriculture. In 1900, of 899,175 in oc- 
cupations there were 342,733 in agriculture ; and in 1910, of 1,037,710 
in occupations there were 344,454 in agriculture. Naturally, the first 
developments of manufacturing were those connected with agriculture. 
The pioneer had to get his grain into meal or flour, in some yay, anJ 
his first method was to make a hollow in the end of a log, artd pound 
the com as the Indians did. The next step was to make the bo|^m of 
the hollow flat, and cover the grain with a mill-stone, which }yas turned 
by hand, or by a horse harnessed to a lever arm, and driven around the 

• . ^ 

mill. This laborious method was of course used only for immediate'^^heeds, 
and not for commercial purposes. It speedily gave way to mills operated • 
by water power, wherever water power was avail-able, and there were T 
few localities in Indiana where it was not available to some extent. ; Tn- v 
this, as in everything else, the pioneer used his ingeniiity to overcpm§»* 
the obstacles that confronted him. One of the most notable insta^ces pt ^ 
ingenious enterprise in milling is that of John Work, who buiU!a miUv 
on Fourteen Mile Creek, in Clark County, at a very^ early day. ..As Hi^' 
business grew, with the settlement of the country, he needed more vater. 
power. The creek made a long bend above the mill, coming back at one 
point within 300 feet of it, but separated by a hill of stone. He decided 
to tunnel through this, and began work in 1814. With rtide; tools, and 
the use of 650 pounds of powder, three men completed tbe 'tunnel in 
three years, the cost being $3,300. There were iigh festivities when it 
was completed. The race was Ave feet wide and six feet deep; and a 
large man rode through it on horseback. At each end was a barrel of 
whisky, with the head knocked in, and gourds for. the thirsty; not, to 
mention ample supplies of food. This tunnel ^y^i^. a good sup^ply' of 
water, with a fall of 26 feet, and the picturesque old. stone mill istill 
stands, and does service for the neighborhood. s 

One of the most important of the early industries was pork pack- 
ing, for pork could be barreled and shipped by flatboat, without danger 
of injury from rain. This grew into an extensive business in fill the set- 
fled parts of the State. . In the^ winter of 1854-5 there were reported 
485,663 hogs slaughtered, and in 1855-6, 447,870, by 50 packing estab- 
lishments, widely scattered, and there were nineteen others that did not 
report. The largest establishments were at the larger towns — ^ladison, 




Tunnel Mnx 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 943 

Indianapolis, Connersville, Terre Haute, and Lafayette; and it was 
estimated that over 100,000 hogs were taken from Indiana to Cincinnati, 
Louisville and other outside points to be slaughtered.® The drop in the 
number in the second winter indicates that it was not a favorable winter 
for packing. It was necessary to have freezing weather to pack pork, 
in those days, and a warm winter was a public calamity. It is not gen- 
emUy known that summer-packing is an Indiana invention, nor is it 
generally recognized how completely it has revolutionized and improved 
the industry. In 1863, having decided that Indianapolis was the most 
favorable point for their business, the British firm of Kingan Bros, 
built here what was then the largest pork-house in the world — 187x115 
feet, and five stories high, with all the latest improvements, including a 
steam rendering plant, and with a capacity for slaughtering 3,000 hogs 
per day. Among their superior employes was George W. Stockman, 
a native Hoosier, of an old Lawrenceburg family. In 1868 he com- 
menced experimenting in the artificial cooling of meats, and was backed 
by the firm. His first apparatus was based on two simple physical facts ; 
that cold air is heavier than warm air, and will fall when in contact with 
it ; and that any object will cool more rapidly in a current of air than 
in the same air at rest. In the top story of the building, in a close room, 
Stockman placed a vat, perhaps 10 x 15 feet, and 2 or 3 feet deep, 
through which were run metal pipes, across the bottom, and coming to 
the surface at one end. The vat was filled with a mixture of ice and 
salt. As the air cooled in the pipes, it flowed out of the lower opening 
in a very perceptible current, and fell through a grating in the floor to a 
similar room, with a similar vat, on the floor below; and so on to the 
basement, where it was blown into the room where the freshly slaughtered 
pork was hung, by means of a rotary blower. In this way a temperature 
of 31 degrees was easily maintained, and the problem was solved. The 
Board of Trade report for 1872 says that Kingan & Co. **have made 
extensive and expensive preparations for prosecuting their business 
through the summer months, so that to the fattened porker there can 
be no postponement of the death penalty *on account of the weather.' 
This firm packed and shipped the product of 69,000 hogs which were 
killed between March and November of last year. These meats were 
ice-cured. Their ice-cured meats are equal to the product of their winter 
slaughtering." In 1873 their *' summer-pack'' reached 260,000. This 
was continued until the process was supplanted by the ammonia cool- 
ing processes, in which Stockman was also a pioneer, and took out sev- 
eral patents. The change in the system was important not only on ac- 



» Locomotive, March 8, 1856. 



944 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

count of avoiding dependence on weather, but because it is cheaper to 
fatten hogs in summer than in winter. There have been few inventions 
that have had a more tremendous effect commercially than this. 

In 1910, the Census Bureau made a special report on Indiana, in 
which it said: **In 1849 Indiana ranked fourteenth among the states of 
the Union in the value of its manufactures, the total value of products 
being $18,725,000. Each decade since then has shown a large increase, 
the value of the manufactured products of the state reaching th« $100,- 
000,000 mark in 1869, while in 1909 it amounted to $579,075,000, and 
the state ranked ninth in this respect. The growth has been dependent 
largely upon the natural resources of the state, consisting of an abundant 
supply of timber, important agricultural products, and a large produc- 
tion of petroleum and natural gas. During the past decade th« supply 
of timber, petroleum, and natural gas has fallen off greatly, and some 
of the industries depending upon these materials show a decrease in 
their output or less advance than in previous years. The manufacturing 
industries of the state as a whole, however, have continued to flourish, 
lumber having been secured from outside the state to supplement the 
local supply, while the increasing amount of coal mined in the state 
has compensated largely for the smaller supply of natural gas and has 
stimulated manufacturing in many lines. During 1849 an average of 
14,440 wage earners, representing 1.5 per cent of the total population, 
were employed in manufactures, while in 1909 an average of 186,984 
wage earners, or 6.9 per cent of the total population, were so engaged. 
During this period the gross value of products per capita of the total 
population of the state increased from $19 to $214. The proportion 
which the manufactures of the state represented of the total value of 
products of manufacturing industries for the United States increased 
from 1.8 per cent in 1849 to 2.8 in 1909. * * * In 1909 the state of 
Indiana had 7,969 manufacturing establishments, which gave employ- 
ment to an average of 218,263 persons during the year and paid out 
$121,816,000 in salaries and wages. Of the persons employed, 186,984 
were wage earners. These establishments turned out products to the 
value of $579,075,000, in the manufacture of which materials costing 
$334,375,000 were utilized. The value added by manufacture was thus 
$244,700,000, which figure best represents the net wealth created by 
manufacturing operations during the year." 

This report gives tables showing the details of employment of capital 
and labor, production, etc., for 55 industries or groups of industries 
that had products in excess of $500,000 in 1909, there being 772 estab- 
lishments grouped under the head of **all other industries," and there 
being 93 industries or groups of industries in this class. In this large 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 945 

diversity of manufacturing only the more important industries are com- 
mented on specially, giving a comprehensive view of their historical im- 
portance, as follows : 

** Slaughtering and meat packing. — This classification includes estab- 
lishments doing wholesale slaughtering and meat packing, and those en- 
gaged in the manufacture of sausage only. It does not include the nu- 
merous retail butcher shops, which slaughter a large number of animals. 
While from 1899 to 1904 the value of products decreased from $43,890,000 
to $29,435,000, it had increased to $47,289,000 by 1909, when the total 
value of products was $3,999,000 or 7.7 per cent greater than in 1899. 
The decrease during the earlier period was due largely to the fact that 
some of the large establishments reported in 1899 had removed from the 
state in 1904. Although the increase in value of products from 1904 
to 1909 was influenced greatly by the general rise in prices, the number 
of establishments, the average number of wage earners, and the amount 
paid for wages all show large increases. 

** Flour mill and grist mill products. — This industry, the outgrowth of 
the large crops of cereals grown in Indiana, has long been one of the 
leading industries of the state. The value of products increased from 
$29,038,000 in 1899 to $40,541,000 in 1909, an increase of $11,503,000 
or 39.6 per cent in the decade. The state, however, dropped from sixth 
place among the states and territories in this industry in 1899 to eighth 
place in 1909. In 1909 the value of the products of this industry rep- 
resented 7 per cent of the total for all manufacturing industries in the 
state. Those mills which do custom grinding only are not included in 
the general tables, or in the totals for manufacturing industries." Of 
the mills so omitted, there were 204 custom sawmills, with a total product 
of $220,437, and 175 gristmills, with a product of $836,847. 

**Iron and steel, steel works and rolling mills. — In 1889 the value of 
the products of this industry was but $4,743,000, while by 1899 it had 
increased to $19,338,000, and in 1909 to $38,652,000, or over eight times 
the amount reported in 1889. On account of a general depression in the 
industry in 1904 the value of products reported for that year was 12.5 
per cent less than that reported in 1899, but during the five years from 
1904 to 1909 there was an increase of 128.4 per cent. This recent gain 
is in a large measure due to the establishment of large steel works and 
rolling mills at Gary, in the northern part of the state, on Lake Michigan. 
The importance of the iron and steel industry as a whole is much greater 
than is indicated by the figures for the steel works «md rolling mills, 
since the statistics for blast furnaces and for the manufacture of tin 
plate and temeplate can not be shown without disclosing the operations 
of individual establishments. 



946 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

*' Liquors, distilled. — In 1904 the state was second in importance in 
this industry, as measured by value of products, but in 1909, notwith- 
standing a large increase in value of products, it dropped to third place. 
In 1909 internal revenue taxes to the amount of $25,111,967, represent- 
ing the Federal tax on all taxable liquors manufactured by the dis- 
tillers, including liquors placed in bond, were included in the value of 
products, whereasi at the previous census this tax was included only 
when it was actually paid and reported by the manufacturers. For this 
reason the importance of the industry in 1909, from a manufacturing 
standpoint is greatly exaggerated. In 1909 employment was given to an 
average of only 428 wage earners, and judged on this baiSis the industry 
becomes of minor importance." The tables show 14 distilleries, with 
$31,610,000 value of products, but only $4,712,000 of materials used. 
With the tax deducted, the increase of value by distillation is only $1,786, 
033 so that if prohibition is established the loss to the State will not be so 
formidable as is sometimes pictured. 

** Automobiles, including bodies and parts. — This industry, for which 
but 1 establishment was reported in 1899, had increased in 1904 to 11 
establishments, with products valued at $1,639,000. In 1909 there were 
67 establishments, the value of whose products amounted to $23,764,000, 
or more than fourteen times that reported for 1904. The manufacture 
of automobile bodies and parts has become so interwoven with other in- 
dustries that it is not possible to state how fully the statistics show the 
magnitude of the industry. A number of the foundries and machine 
shops and establishments engaged in the manufacture of electrical ap- 
paratus and supplies incidentally manufacture automobile accessories 
and parts, while a number of the establishments in Indiana classified 
under the heading 'Rubber goods, not elsewhere specified,' manufacture 
automobile tires. 

** Carriages and wagons and materials. — This classification includes 
those establishments which made five or more vehicles during the year, 
or which were engaged in the manufacture of carriage or wagon bodies, 
tops, or other parts and accessories. It does not include blacksmith or 
wheelwright shops or establishments engaged primarily in the manu- 
facture of children's carriages and sleds. This industry is more or less 
interwoven with other industries, such as the manufacture of foundry 
and machine shop products and of rubber goods. The value of products 
increased from $15,811,000 in 1899 to $21,665,000 in 1909, a gain in 
ten years of $5,844,000, or 37 per cent." It is an interesting fact that 
although the number of establishments reported in this industry de- 
creased from 323 in 1899 to 252 in JL904, and to 221 in 1909 ; the value 
of the products increased from $15,811,000 in 1899 to $21,655,000 in 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 947 

1909. The number of carriages manufactured in 1909 was 177,194, an, 
increase of 35,460 over 1899, although the explanation of the decrease 
in the number of the establishments is that they have gone into the 
automobile business. The number of wagons made in 1909 was 87,844, 
which is a decrease of 6,380 from 1899, although the value of the product 
increased $1,084,853. 

** Furniture and refrigerators. — This industry, which is dependent 
largely on the local and near-by supply of hardwood, is well developed 
in the state. During the decade 1899-1909 the number of establishments 
increased from 129 to 201, the average number of wage earners from 
7,149 to 11,284, or 57.8 per cent, and the valu€ of products from $8,770,- 
000 to $18,456,000, or 110.4 per cent. The industry ranked fourth in 
the state in 1909 in number o^ wage earners employed." In this in- 
dustry, in 1909, $9,996,272, or more than one-half the value of the 
product, was added by the process of manufacture. The wages paid 
were $5,137,301, exclusive of clerks and officials. 

** Agricultural implements. — This industry has been an important one 
in Indiana for a number of years, the value of products increasing from 
$6,415,000 in 1899 to $13,670,000 in 1909, or 113.1 per cent. The manu- 
facture of agricultural implements is carried on also in many factories 
devoted primarily to the manufacture of foundry and machine shop 
products, and for this reason the figures given fail to show the full 
extent of the industry." It is noteworthy that in this industry, also, 
although there has been a large increase in the value of the product, 
the number of establishments has decreased from 45 in 1899 to 39 in 
1909. At the same time, the number of wage earners employed has in- 
creased from 3,419 to 4,749. 

** Glass. — There were only two glass plants in Indiana when natural 
gas was discovered in the state about 1886. With the development of this 
cheap form of fuel, however, the number of such plants increased rapidly 
until in 1899 there were 110 glass factories, reporting products valued 
at $14,758,000. As measured by the value of products the state rose 
from eighth place in this industry in 1879 to fourth place in 1889 and 
second place in 1899 and 1904. With a reduction in the supply of nat- 
ural gas during the last ten years, however, the growth of the industry 
has been checked, and the value of products fell off three-tenths of 1 
per cent from 1899 to 1904, and 21.2 per cent from 1904 to 1909. As 
a result the state had in 1909 dropped back to third place in the value 
of glass products. The utilization of bituminous coal, of which there is 
a large supply in Indiana, may result in making the manufacture of 
glass a more permanent and a better established industry in the state 
than would have been the case if it had remained dependent upon an 



948 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



.uncertain supply of natural gas for fuel." The product of the glass 
factories had dropped to $11,593,000 in 1909, the number of establish- 
ments from 110 in 1899 to 44, and the number of wage earners employed 
from 13,015 in 1899 to 9,544. The chief product in 1909 was bottles 
and jars, amounting in value to $6,982,378. 

In connection with the automobile industry, it is noteworthy that the 
automobile is an Indiana product, the first gasoline-propelled vehicle 



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First Automobile 



in America, if not in the world, having been made at Kokomo, by EI- 
wood Haynes, a native Hoosier. He was born at Portland, Jay County, 
in 1857. His father, Judge Jacob M. Haynes, a native of Massachusetts, 
came to Indiana in 1844, and engaged in the practice of law. In 1856 
he was elected Common Pleas Judge, and held that office until 1871, 
when he was made Circuit Judge, and served until 1877. Elwood grew 
up at Portland, with ordinary school advantages, but was wise enough 
to desire a good education. He accordingly went to Worcester Poly- 
technic Institute, from which he graduated as a B, S. in 1881; and con- 
tinued his scientific studies at Johns Hopkins University in 1884-5. In 
1885-6 he taught sciences at the Eastern Indiana Normal School, at Port- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 949 

land. He then went into business in the characteristic American way 
of tackling anything that looks promising. In 1886 he turned his at- 
tention to natural gas, and organized the Portland Gas & Oil Company ; 
then went to Chicago as a superintendent of natural gas lines until 1890 ; 
then to Howard County as an independent operator. He began figuring 
on horseless carriages ; considered steam and electricity as motor powers ; 
was attracted to gasoline ; and*^n the fall of 1892 purchased a small en- 
gine in Michigan, and commenced the practical work of applying the 
power to a vehicle in a little machine shop owned by the Apperson 
brothers, in Kokomo. By July 4, 1894, he had his machine ready for 
trial, and retired to an unfrequented road four miles out of town, where 
he made an initial run of a mile and a half with three men in the car; 
and then turned and ran into town in triumph. His engine was a small 
one, weighing 240 pounds, and he attained a speed of eight miles an hour 
with '*The Pioneer.'* Later, with a more powerful engine, and rubber 
tires, it reached twelve miles. In 1895 he formed a partnership with Ap- 
person, and began manufacture, turning out five machines the first year, 
and also starting the manufacture of the double cylinder, or double- 
opposed engine, which made their machines prize-winners from the out- 
set. In 1896 their output increased to 55 machines, and in 1897 to 110. 
In 1899, their ** Phaeton" made the first thousand mile run in America, 
from Kokomo to New York ; and in 1901 this same run was made in 73 
hours. The Haynes Auto Company is now one of the leading industrial 
institutions of Kokomo, with an average output of a machine a day. 

In 1887 Mr. Haynes began a series of experiments in alloys that bid 
fair to be as important in their results to the arts as the gasoline auto- 
mobile has been in transportation. His original object was to find ab 
alloy that would resist the oxidizing influences of the atmosphere, and 
at the same time take a good cutting edge. Following scientific tradi- 
tions, his earliest experiments were made with copper alloys, but after 
some years of trial, he discarded copper, finding that its alloys are at- 
tacked by sulphur gases in the presence of moisture. He had some minor 
successes with the rarer metals, but it was not until 1899 that he produced 
a satisfactory alloy of nickel and chromium which had good luster and 
was not affected by nitric acid. This alloy, known as chromyl, is a 
partial substitute for platinum in some electrical uses, and in heat re- 
sisting uses. Soon after this he produced an alloy of cobalt and chromium 
which had the qualities he was seeking and to which he has given the 
name of **stellite," from the Latin ** Stella," a star, because they al- 
ways retain their luster, — the same name being applied to several alloys 
of the same basic composition. 

These alloys of cobalt and chromium possess the following properties : 



950 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

They melt at a temperature of about 2800° to 2900° F. They can be 
cast into bars or other forms, preferably in a metal or graphite mould. 
They are almost file hard. They are slightly malleable when cold. They 
are distinctly malleable at a bright red heat, and may be forged into 
table knife blades and other useful forms. They retain their luster 
under practically all atmospheric conditions. They are practically im- 
mune to all organic acids, such as vinegSr, lemon juice, malic acid, etc. 
Instruments made of them take a good cutting edge, and table knives 
made of them perform ideal service, retaining their luster and color for 
years without repolishing. The color and luster of the alloy leave little 
to be desired. While the alloy does not show quite as white a coW as 
silver, it far excels it in permanent luster and durability, retaining its 
bright **fl^sh" for years without repolishing. The alloy can not be hard- 
ened by heating to redness and quenching in water or other medium, 
though its elastic limit may be raised considerably by hammering, while 
its modulus of elasticity is greater than that of steel. This latter char- 
acteristic permits of the making of comparatively thin table knife blades 
of the alloy without too much impairing their stiffness. Table knives 
made of this alloy six years ago, and subjected to daily use, still show 
their beautiful luster and flash, though they have not been polished since 
they were put into use. The elastic limit of these alloys is about 85,000 
pounds, and their tensile strength about 110,000 pounds, though these 
properties vary somewhat with the composition and treatment of the 
alloy. 

By introducing 8 per cent to 20 per cent of tungsten, ternary alloys 
were made that were so hard that they would readily scratch glass, or 
even quartz. These were introduced into the machine shop as lathe tools, 
and soon showed remarkable superiority over the so-called **high speed 
steels.'' The first alloys produced for commercial purposes were quite 
brittle, but notwithstanding this fact, they were very effective if care- 
fully handled. Afterward, alloys almost equally hard, but much stronger, 
were produced, and later standard compositions were established, which 
soon won their way into machine shops on account of their superior ad- 
vantage in the turning of duplicate parts. When the Stellite tools were 
first introduced into the machine shop, they were employed principally 
on cast iron, and showed such remarkable results in the cutting of this 
material that they speedily won their way, particularly into the larger 
establishments which were engaged in the manufacture of large num- 
bers of duplicate parts, such as pistons, cylinders, fly wheels, reducing 
gears, etc. Later experiments have demonstrated that stellite tools, 
when properly prepared and ground, are superior to steel tools for turn- 
ing practically all grades of steel. It is a remarkable fact that. the edge 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 951 

strength of the stellite tool increases as the temperature rises, reaching 
a maximum at near dull red heat, when it is hard enough to cut ordinary 
steel without serious wear; but even at lower temperatures, if the steel 
to be turned is very hard, the lasting qualities of the stellite tool are 
always from- 10 to 50 per cent greater than those of the best steel tools. 

There is an apparent connection between the increase of manufac- 
tures in Indiana from 1900 to 1910 and the rapid growth of urban popu- 
lation. The total population of the State in the latter year was 2,700,- 
876, of which 2,130,088, or practically four-fifths, were white natives 
of native parentage ; 350,551 white natives of foreign or mixed parentage ; 
159,322 foreign born whites; and 60,320 colored. The greatest growth 
of the State in the decade had been in the larger cities, involving a con- 
^siderable removal from the country districts, and the chief manuf actur- 
ilig interests were also gathered in the cities. Indianapolis, with 233^650 
popLidation, contributed 21.8 per cent of the total of manufactured 
prcicLucts in 1909. It was the center of the slaughtering and meat-packing 
industry of the State, reporting over four-fifths of the value of th^ entire 
output of this industry in Indiana. Other important industries in Jn- 
dianapolis were foundries and machine shop, flour and grist mills, the 
manufacture of automobiles, including bodies and parts, printing and 
publishing, canning and preserving, and the lumber industry. ' In ad- 
dition to these there were six other industries in the city that had 
products in excess of $1,000,000 in value. These were the manufacture 
of bags other than paper, the roasting and grinding of coflfee and spice, 
the manufacture of copper, tin and sheet-iron products, glucose and 
starch, rubber goods, and saws. The manufacture of saws in the State 
was practically confined to Indianapolis. 

South Bend was second in manufactured products, although its popu- 
lation of 53,684 was less than that of Evansville, Fort Wayne or Terre 
Haute, and also showed the largest increase in percentage of manu- 
factured products which was due principally to the large increases of the 
manufacture of carriages and wagons, agricultural impliements, sewing * 
machine cases, men 's shirts and automobiles, in ea^h of which there was 
a product in excess of $1,000,000. This city ranked first in the State in 
the production of carriages and wagons, contributing more than one- 
third of the total value of the State's output, which was due chiefly to the 
great Studebaker plant. The manufacture of sewing machine cases in 
the State is practically confined to South Bend, where the Singer Com- 
pany has its large factory. Fort Wayne ranked third as a manufacturing 
city, its chief industries being foundries and machine shops, and the 
manufacture of electrical machinery, apparatus and supplies. Evans- 
ville was the fourth in importance of manufactures, its chief industries 

Vol. n— 25 



952 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



being flour and grist millB, furniture factories, breweries, and the slaugh- 
tering and meat packing industry. The fifth was Terre Haute, whose 
most extensive industry was a distillery, but with three other industries 
with products exceeding $1,000,000 in value — flour and grist mills, rail- 
road repair shops, and breweries. These five cities were the only ones 
with population exceeding 50,000. It should be noted that the census 
of 1910 gives no details as to Gary, on the ground that it would "dis- 
close individual operations," it being largely a plant of the Steel Cor- 





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Present Studebaeer Plant, South Bend 



poration. This place, which was incorporated in 1906, has had a phenom- 
enal growth, under the fostering care of the big trust that owns most 
of it; and at the same time there has been a great development of most 
of the lake shore region between it and Chicago, including Indiana Har- 
bor, East Chicago and Hammond. There were large meat-packing in- 
dustries established at Hammond, which were removed later, but it still 
had in l509 important industries in distilleries, foundries and machine 
shops, railroad repair shops, and canning and preserving establishments. 
It seems certain that the entire southern end of Lake Michigan will be- 
come an enormous industrial center, aa the transportation facilities, by 
both land and water, are already developed to an extent that makes ad- 
ditional development almost a matter of course. 

In cities ranging between 10,000 and 50,000 in population, Anderson, 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 953 

East Chicago and Elwood are important because of their large steel works 
and rolling mills. In 1909 Mishawaka had the only establishment in In- 
diana for the manufacture of rubber boots and shoes, which was its prin- 
cipal industry. The manufacture of agricultural implements was the 
chief industry in Richmond and Laporte ; and the manufacture of glass 
and automobiles were the chief industries in Muncie. Repair shops 
of steam railroads were the principal manufacturing industries in Elk- 
hart, Logansport and Huntington. Kokomo had numerous industries, 
but chiefly automobiles. In Marion foundries, machine shops and glass 
factories led in importance ; in Vincennes flour and grist mills ; in New 
Albany the tanning and currying of leather, steel works, and rolling 
mills; in Lafayette slaughtering and meat-packing; and in Peru the 
furniture and refrigerator industry. At Jefferson ville and Michigan City 
the manufacture of cars for steam railroads was the chief industry. Jef- 
ferson ville had an exceptional industry in the War Department's factory 
for the manufacture of clothing, which employed 590 wage earners and 
reported a product of $401,801. Another notable interest at Jefferson- 
ville is ship-building. The falls of the Ohio was a natural boat-building 
point from the first, and the construction of flat-boats and keel boats began 
on the Indiana side as- early as 1813. In 1829 the French Brothers began 
building steamboats at Jeffersonville. Various others have engaged in 
the business at various times, but the great establishment is the Howard 
Ship Yard. Its founder, James Howard, was born in Manchester, Eng- 
land, September 1, 1814. His parents emigrated to the United States 
in 1820, finally locating at Cincinnati, where James learned the ship 
carpenter's trade. In 1834 he established a ship yard at Jeffersonville, 
and built the ** Hyperion," a steamboat 107 feet in length. He con- 
tinued in the business there until 1836, when he removed his yard to 
Madison, continuing there until 1844, after which he was engaged at 
various other points until 1848, when he settled permanently at Jeffer- 
sonville; and his establishment is still conducted by his descendants. 
Many notable boats have been built here. One of the earliest, the 
**Glendy Burk/' launched in 1851, was celebrated in the old negro song — 

' ' De Glendy Burk am a mighty fine boat. 
Mighty fine captain too. 
He sits up dar on de hurricane deck. 
And he keeps his eye on de crew. 

**Den ho, for Louisiana, 
Ise gwine to leave dis town, 
I'll take my duds, and tote 'em on my back 
When de Glendy Burk comes down." 



954 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

Among others may be mentioned the ** James Howard/' a boat 318 
feet in length, and 54 foot beam, of 3,400 tons burden, which at the 
time of its construction, in 1870, was the finest steamboat afloat; and 
which is a type of the best steamboat construction of the present. An- 
other celebrated Howard steamboat was the ** Robert E. Lee,'* which 
was launched in 1876. From 1848 to the present this establishment has 
constructed an average of about a dozen vessels of various kinds a year, 
making a record that is not equaled by any shipyard on the western 
waters. It also has branch establishments at Cincinnati, Madison, 
Mound City and Paducah. 

Some of the industries of Indiana are of added interest on account 
of their effect on social conditions, and on other occupations. One of 
these is canning and preserving, which has given a notable impulse to 
the cultivation of vegetables and fruits in many parts of the State. 
The number of establishments in this industry grew from 69 in 1899 
to 134 in 1909; the number of wage earners employed from 2,152 to 
3,406; and the value of the output from $3,145,000 to $8,758,000. In 
1909 the largest pack was of beans, which made nearly one-fourth of 
the total product, and put that vegetable ahead of the tomato, which led 
in 1904. The other vegetables listed, in order of importance, were, 
peas, corn and pumpkin. **A11 other products, including pickles, pre- 
serves and sauces,'' amounted to $2,559,149 in 1909. A large amount 
of canning material goes outside of the State, contributing to changed 
conditions of agriculture. For example the cultivation of cucumbers has 
grown to an extensive industry in the northern part of the State, where 
the soil is sandy, under the fostering care of the Heinz establishment at 
Pittsburg. Another industry that has had a marked effect on rural life 
is butter and cheese making by creameries. , The census report of 1910 
shows for ** Butter, cheese and condensed milk" an increase from 112 
establishments in 1899 to 132 in 1909, with an increase of wage earners 
from 118 to 488, and an increase of value of product from $930,000 to 
$3,959,000. There has been a very large increase in this since 1909, 
which may be illustrated by the development of the firm of Schlosser Bros. 
The three brothers of that name began with a small plant at Bremen, 
Ind., in 1884, and gradually extended the business until at present they 
operate plants at Bremen, Plymouth, South Chicago, Indianapolis, and 
Frankfort. The last named is the largest, and last built, commencing 
operation in 1912. and producing about 2,000,000 pounds of butter a year. 
The material used at Frankfort is not produced in Clinton County alone, 
but is collected through fifteen counties in Indiana, and a few in Illinois. 
Ten butter experts are employed in that district, who solicit trade, and 
give instruction in dairy economics. They have wagons that travel reg- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 955 

ular routes and gather cream from their customers at their farms, with 
apparatus for testing ijie butter-fat. At the creamery the butter is made 
on the same principle as elsewhere, but on an extensive scale, and with 
all modern sanita^ precautions, such as *' Pasteurizing*' the cream, and 
salting, washing, and cooling with scientific accuracy. 

This industry, as well as the supply of milk to cities, is vastly 
aided by the development of the interurban railroads, which carry 
immense amounts of milk and cream, gathered from platforms 
along the lines where it is left by the farmers; the empty cans 
being returned to the same points. The change of social conditions 
brought about by these electric lines reaches in many directions, one of 
the chief influences being that exerted on travel by the running of cars 
at comparatively short intervals, which enables a person to cover a large 
amount of territory without those annoying waits between trains that 
were experienced when the steam railroads were the only reliance. Elec- 
tricity was first used for city car lines in Indiana in 1890 ; and the first 
interurban car ran from Anderson to Alexandria in 1898. The first in- 
terurban car entered Indianapolis on January 4, 1901, over the Muncie 
line, and at present there are twelve lines radiating from the capital to 
all parts of the State, and connecting with cross lines, and lines of other 
states, the interurban mileage in the State in 1916 being 2,085 miles. 
The development of the business can be inferred from the growth of the 
passenger traffic at Indianapolis, from 377,761 in 1901 to 7,012,763 in 
1914. In this connection it may be noted that steam railroad travel is 
very much more comfortable than it was in its earlier stages, at least for 
those who are able to pay for the conveniences of sleeping and dining cars. 
Now, a traveler can make long distances at night as comfortably as in his 
bed at home ; and he can get a convincing idea of what night travel neces- 
sarily was before the days of sleepers by going into a day coach and sit- 
ting up through the night. One can imagine the anticipation with which 
the public read the following from the American Railway Times, in the 
summer of 1856 : 

*'0n some of the French lines of railway, berths have been fitted up, 
and a traveler can undress and go to bed as comfortably as he can in the 
stateroom of a steamer. The price charged for this extra accommodation 
is only double the price of an ordinary ticket. In the United States the 
railroad companies have expended a great deal of money to make their 
passenger cars beautiful to look at, without and within, and to make them 
comfortable for day travelers. But when night comes and the traveler 
is weary, he cares but little for the mahogany, rosewood, velvet plush, gilt 
mouldings, and other nice things which adorn the car in which he is to 
pass the night. The most indifferent hammock in which the sailor was 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 957 

ever rocked to sleep would be of far more real value at such a time. Who 
that has ever traveled all night by cars would not have paid something 
handsome for a bed, a mattress, or even a board to stretch his weary limbs 
upon ? In some sections of the country we are happy to know that rail- 
road companies have turned their attention to make passengers in the 
night trains comfortable. A Cleveland paper states that some of the cars 
manufactured by the Buffalo Car Company for the Illinois Central Rail- 
way, have had new features introduced into them. One of them contains 
six staterooms, each room having two seats with movable backs long 
enough for a person to lie upon. The backs of the seats are hung with 
hinges at the upper edge, so that they may be turned up at pleasure, thus 
forming two single berths, one over the other, where persons may sleep 
with all the comfort imaginable. In one end of the car is a small wash 
room, with marble wash-bowl, looking-glass, etc. On the opposite side of 
the car from the staterooms is a row of seats with revolving backs, similar 
to barber's chairs, so arranged that the occupant may sit straight or re- 
cline in an easy attitude at pleasure. Other cars have each two or three 
similar staterooms, the remainder of the car being furnished with seats 
of the usual kind. With cars of this kind, railway traveling will soon 
become as easy and comfortable as riding upon the luxurious 
steamers.'' ^^ 

An industry that was of great importance in early times in Indiana 
was that of hides and furs, and indeed there were many of the early set- 
tlers to whom this furnished support while they were getting their farms 
started. Deer were plentiful, and bears not uncommon, while the smaller 
fur-bearing animals were abundant, and easily trapped. There are no 
statistics of the industry, but its extent can be inferred from the known 
abundance of the animals, and the common advertisements of, **Cash 
paid for furs and hides, ' ' in the early newspapers, not to mention the his- 
torical fact that furs and pelts served to a large extent for money, in 
the absence of other circulating medium. The larger fur-bearing animals 
disappeared soon after the full settlement of the country, but the smaller 
animals furnished the materials for considerable trade and are still more 
plentiful than is commonly supposed, especially the muskrat, which ap- 
pears to thrive with civilization. As late as February 18, 1860, the In- 
dianapolis Journal stated that, **one house here, that of Samuel Wilmot, 
has already paid out this season over $15,000 and is now buying furs at 
the rate of $2,000 to $3,000 per week." The same issue of the paper has 
the item: *'A bear weighing 400 pounds when dressed was killed in 
Greene County, not long ago, by a Mr. Walker." In the utilization of 



10 Quoted in Locomotive, July 26, 1856. 



958 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

native animal products, it would be very interesting to have reliable in- 
formation as to the ** diamond-backed terrapin'' industry of Indiana. 
There are none of these valued reptiles in the State, but the turtle-trap- 
pers of Indiana send out quantities of painted terrapins and map turtles 
that are sold in city restaurants for diamond-backs, and they are quite as 
good. A very interesting water industry that has grown up in compara- 
tively recent years is **musseling," or collecting mussel-shells for the 
pearl button industry. Pearl buttons are not made in the State, but 
there are more than a dozen little factories that cut ** blanks'' or *^* discs" 
from mussel shells, and ship them to Muscatine, Iowa, or to the New Eng- 
land states, where they are njade into buttons. There are estimated to be 
three thousand people engaged in this industry, chiefly on the Ohio and 
.Wabash rivers, and they do fairly well at it, as the shells, which ten years 
ago brought only $18 to $20 per ton, are now sold at $40 to $42 per ton. 
The most common mode of taking the mussels is by fishing for them in 
deep water. The fisherman locates a bed of mussels and throws from his 
boat a '* brail," or iron pipe about twenty feet long, to which, at intervals 
of a foot or so, are attached short lines, furnished with rude three-pronged 
grab-hooks. When a hook strikes an open mussel, it clamps its shell on 
the hook, and hangs on like a bull-dog ; so that when a brail is pulled over 
a mussel bed it is usually drawn up pretty well loaded. When he gets a 
boat-load, the fisherman goes ashore, and boils them for a few minutes in 
a rude tank, which kills the mussel, and opens the shell. The mussels are 
then taken out, and carefully felt with the fingers for pearls, which are 
often found, usually as ** slugs," or small imperfect pearls, not uncom- 
monly good pearls, worth $5 to $25. One instance is recorded of finding a 
pearl worth $2,000, and this ideal is ever before the hopeful mussel fisher- 
men. One of the curious features of this industry is the naming of the 
shells. Your mussel fisherman cdres nothing for scientific names, but he 
knows more about mussels than most scientists, and he designates the va- 
rious species as ** nigger heads," ** washboards, " **pig toes," ** monkey 
faces," '* maple leafs," ''warty backs," ''butterflies," "pocket- 
books," "heel splitters," "elephant ears," "pistol grips," "bana- 
nas," and other equally euphonious terms, which are in fact generally as 
descriptive as the scientific names, if not more so. The last named, the 
"banana," was formerly especially valuable, as it was shipped to Ger- 
many and Austria, especially the former, while it was used in the manu- 
facture of knife handles, pistol grips, unbrella handles, and other articles 
for which "pearl" is in demand. Before the present war these shells 
used to bring $80 a ton, but the price has nOw dropped to $30 to $40. 

The mineral wealth of Indiana, is also a thing ofr comparatively recent 
development, although some coal was rained in territorial days. When 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 959 

David Dale Owen made his first geological survey of the State, in 1837, 
cannel coal was being mined at Troy, and used in the potteries there; 
and bituminous coal was being mined at several banks on White River, 
on the Wabash below Merom, and seven miles east of Terre Haute. 
Michael Combs, a Campbellite preacher, who served a term in the State 
Senate, first discovered coal in Clay County, and shipped the first car-load 
out of there in 1852 ; but this was bituminous coal. The first block coal, 
or ** Brazil Block" was not found until 1858, and was supposed to exist in 
a very limited area. When Prof. Cox visited Brazil in 1868, the local 
coal experts took him to the door of the hotel and pointed out the bounds 
of the block coal district. He did the service of pointing out that it 
would be found elsewhere in Clay, and also in Parke and Owen counties. 
The special value of this coal is in the fact that it does not **cake,'' or 
fuse in burning, and therefore can be used in blast furnaces and its loca- 
tion in quantity gave a strong impetus to business in the State. It was of 
commercial importance from 1870 on. Bituminous coal is found through 
a region of 7,000 square miles in southwestern Indiana, and the greatest 
value of the geological surveys of David Dale Owen, in 1837 and 1859, 
was in pointing out that no coal would be found outside of this region of 
carboniferous rock. The State's production of coal from 1912 to 1915, in- 
clusive, averaged 16,000,000 tons, and the persons employed, over 21,000. 
The wages paid in 1915 were $13,420,000. The total mined from 1886 to 
1895, inclusive, was reported at 33,355,988 tons, valued at $36,673,059. 

The first petroleum *' excitement'' in Indiana was in 1862-4, when a 
number of wells were driven in western counties, but ho material supply 
of oil was found. In March, 1886, the first gas well was struck, at Port- 
land, Jay County, following the gas discoveries in the vicinity of Pindlay, 
Ohio. The discovery of petroleum came a little later, the two being asso- 
ciated in the Trenton ro<ik, which underlies the carboniferous rock of the 
western part of the State. The theory of their occurrence, as stated by 
State Geologist Blatchley^ in 1897, is as follows: '*In the Indiana oil 
field the Trenton rock is covered by an average thickness of 250 feet of 
that dark brown, close-grained deposit known as Utica shale, which pos- 
sesses every quality of a typical impervious cover. The driller recognizes 
this stratum as soon as he strikes it, by its color, its comparative freedom 
from fossils, and the ease with which it is drilled and mixed with water. 
No free oil is found in the Utica shale, though by distilling portions of it 
an amount equal to three per cent of the shale has been obtained. • • • 
The records of the numerous bores put down in recent years for oil and 
gas in Ohio and Indiana show that the surface of the Trenton rock is not, 
as many people think, a level plane, but that numerous rather broad 
arches and troughs, or anticlines and synclines, exist in it. Experience 





1 


N^^^^Ki^^s 




'5^ 


m 


, i 


^^^^Hnj|^^^Kl|MU^HM^Lii^Hk 


4 



Shooting Oil Weltj 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 961 

has proven that the anticlines in the Trenton are important factors in 
the geological distribution and accumulation of oil and gas. Where the 
anticlines occur the wells drilled along their crests yield at first gas and 
after a time oil. Those drilled into the troughs yield only salt water, 
while in those put down in the intermediate territory, or slope of the anti- 
cline, there is most probability of finding oil. • • • In the Indiana 
oil field the production of a new well can usually be foretold by the depth 
at which the top of the Trenton rock is found. If it is from five to ten 
feet higher than the average in the nearby productive wells, the chances 
are that it will yield much gas and little oil. On the other hand, if the 
Trenton is struck ten to fifteen feet lower than the average, the bore has 
pierced a trough or syncline, and a salt water well usually results. Some- 
times, however, there are apparent exceptions. Of two wells in which 
the Trenton is found at the same depth, one will be a * gusher,' and the 
other, but a short distance away, a *dry hole.' The only explanation 
which can be given in such a case is that the latter has pierced a close- 
grained or non-porous area of the Trenton, through which no fluid can 
find its way." ^^ The production of petroleum in Indiana in 1890 was 
reported at 63,496 barrels. In 1900 it was 4,874,392 barrels. In 1911 it 
had dropped to 1,695,289 barrels and in 1913 to 956,095. In 1914 it 
reached 1,355,456 barrels, but it is conceded that the supply is steadily 
diminishing. Of natural gas, the amount consumed in 1886 was valued 
at $300,000, and from that it increased to its high-water mark of $5,718,- 
000 in 1893, showing slight reduction for several years after, and then 
practically going out as a matter of importance, though it is still used by 
a few fortunates who are favorably situated with regard to the small re- 
maining supply. 

One of the most interesting of Indiana industries is that of building 
stone. There are a number of valuable lime and sand stones found in the 
State, but the attractive one is the oolitic limestone — in Lawrence County 
you are expected to call it Bedford Limestone, and in Monroe County 
Indiana Limestone, if you desire to be known as using the English lan- 
guage properly. This was the last of our building stones to come into 
commercial use, owing to its massive structure, the strata being so thick 
that it could only be used for ordinary purposes in irregular broken 
pieces, unless dressed by a stone-cutter. The first man who is recorded as 
appreciating its value was Dr. Winthrop Foote, who came from Connecti- 
cut in 1818, and located at Palestine, when that anticipated metropolis 
was the county seat of Lawrence, and later removed to Bedford with the 
government. He is said to have told a friend that **some day they v/ould 



11 Geol. Report, 1896, pp. 42-3. 



962 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

be sending that stone to New York City"; and to an objection as to the 
impracticability of transportation, he answered that "there wonld be 
fonnd a way by the time the stone was demanded there." He demon- 
strated his faith by entering government land where the beat outcroppings 
were found. In 1832 he went to Louisville, and interested a stone cutter 
named Toburn, who located at Bedford, and began the first practical use 
of the stone for buildings and monuments. One of his most interesting 
works is a vault that he excavated for Dr. Foote in a huge block of stone 
lying on the slope of a hill about a mile from Bedford, overlooking what 




Foote Vault 
(First monumental use of Oolitic limestone) 

is now called the "Blue Hole" quarry. In this were placed the exhumed 
remainET of Ziba Foote, the Doctor's brother, an early U. S. surveyor, 
whose death by drowning in 1806, in " Foote 's Grave Pond" is recounted 
elsewhere ; and the Doctor was also buried there in 1856. Early in 1854, 
the State Board of Agriculture employed Dr. Ryland T. Brown "to make 
a cursory geolo^cal examination of the State," and he made the first 
known report in print on the excellence of this stone, which he called 
"Mountain Limestone." His report, which is published in the State 
Agricultural Report for 1853, says: "Portions of this stone seem to be 
composed almost entirely of minute fossils, so firmly imbedded in the rock 
that it is almost impassible to separate them:" and also: "To saw this 
stone by steam power, into blocks proper for building purposes, and intro- 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 963 

duee it into citi€s of the lower Mississippi, would be a business that I 
think, would most certainly pay wdL^' 

What is more remarkable is his statement of the commercial use of the 
stone at that time, which he says was "being worked by Mr. Erving who 
has engaged to furnish the stone for the construction of the United 
States Custom House at Louisville.'' The stone was being shipped out 
oTcr the New Albany & Salem railroad, which had recently been con- 
structed into that region, and this seems to have been its first outside use 
for a building of any importance. Brown continues: ** Blocks, squared 
and ready for delivery were lying at the quarry-, some of which were 3 
feet on the surface and 14 feet long. The present face of the quarry, be- 
sides several thinner strata exposes one stratum of 8 feet in thickness 
without a seam, or 'the slightest fault. By means of wedges blocks may 
be split the whole thickness and of any desirable length. The accuracy 
and ease with which it may be split, its softness when fresh from the 
quarry, its beautiful whiteness when dr>% its durability and groat 
strength renders it all that could be desired as a stone for building pur- 
poses. The same rock, with slight local variations, extends to Gosport ; 
occupying a band of country- about ten miles in width traversed in its 
whole length by the N. A. & S. Railroad. At Mount Tabor near Qosport 
a variety of this stone is now being worked which receives a high polish, 
and presents a finely variegated appearance, being indeed an excellent 
and beautiful marble. Large amounts of stone from this region, under 
the name of * White River Stone' is now transported over the railroad and 
used at New Albany, Louisville and Jeff ersonville ; and the demand is 
rapidly increasing as the excellent qualities of the material become more 
extensively known. As soon as the X. A. & S. Railroad shall be connected 
through to the lake and its Indianapolis branch completed, or the Evans- 
ville, Indianapolis and Cleveland road constructed and the Cin. and St. 
Louis road completed, the demand for this rock must be immense. For 
range work in foundations for columns in public buildings, for pillars 
and lintels in open front business houses, and for window and door caps 
and sills, no better material can be desired. A test of its durability is 
furnished in the foundation of the court house in Bloomington where the 
stone after an exposure of more than 30 years preserves its corners as 
sharp and well defined as if they had come from under the hammer but 
yesterday. From Qosport to Qreencastle the same mountain limestone 
underlies the whole country and crops out on every hill-side and in the 
valley of every stream. The stone, however, is finer grained and hanler 
in general than the varieties occurring between the White rivers. Though 
it may require a little more labor to dress it, yet the stone at Cloverdale, 



970 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

seven or eight miles from Shoals, in Martin County, are said to have been 
in high repute among the Indians, and to have been used by the white 
settlers as early as 1814. They were resorts for many years, but were 
brought into public notice more prominently about 1900, when John R. 
Walsh came into possession of them, and extended his railroad to them. 
Many springs in the southern part of the State have purgative qualities, 
notably those in Clark, Floyd and Brown counties, and chalybeate springs 
are found in nearly all parts of the State, but the natural springs are far 
surpassed in number by the deep wells. Writing in 1901, State Geologist 
Blatchley said : 

**But a few deep bores were sunk in Indiana previous to 1886, 
when natural gas in commercial quantities was first discovered in the 
State. Several of the bores put down before that date, notably those at 
Reelsville, Putnam County; Terre Haute, Vigo County; Lodi, Fountain 
County, and at two or three localities in Crawford County, had devel- 
oped artesian flows of mineral water, but at only one of these wells was 
this water used to any extent for medicinal purposes, notwithstanding 
4hat the analysis of the water from most of the wells were made and pub- 
lished in the older reports of this department, and were copied quite ex- 
tensively in the medical journals and works on mineral waters. 

''Since 1886 more than 14,000 deep bores have been sunk for oil and 
gas in different parts of the State. Of these a number developed flowing 
water; while in a still larger number the water rose within easy pumping 
distance of the surface. In the different strata encountered above the 
Trenton limestone, especially outside of the main oil and gas fleldis as at 
present defined, large supplies of excellent potable water were often 
found. In most instances this occurred in the Niagara limestone; was 
cased off, and the bore sunk to the Trenton limestone, where salt water 
was found. By plugging the well between the potable and the salt water 
the former has been made available as a source of water supply for many 
cities and towns or for manufacturing and other industries. 

* * The output of a number of the flowing wells in central and western 
Indiana proved to be a saline sulphuretted mineral water of high value 
as a medicinal agent. Such water is now being utilized in sanitariums at 
Greenwood, Martinsville Columbus, Gosport, Spencer, Terre Haute, 
Montezuma and other localities; while in a number of places wells are 
producing a water as valuable, but which is being used only locally. In 
many of the deep bores, two or three different veins of mineral water 
were struck. The Niagara limestone furnishes most of the saline-sulphur- 
etted water now in use. The water of the Trenton limestone and the 
underlying St. Peter's sandstone is, in most instances, too brackish, i. e., 
contains too large a percentage of common salt for medicinal use ; though 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 965 

Putnamville and Greencafitle is not inferior to any stone in the State for 
beauty and durability/' 

The great development of the oolitic limestone industry did not come, 
however, until after the invention of channeling machines. The pioneer 
in the industry at Bedford was Davis Harrison, a civil engineer who had 
been with the N. A. & S. road, and who worked for years to interest cap- 
ital in the industry, until in 1877 he succeeded in organizing the Dark 
Hollow Quarry Company. He also interested Nathan Hall, who invented 
the wagon now commonly used for hauling the huge blocks of stone when 
the railroad does not reach the quarry, and who shipped the first car load 
of stone out of Bedford. Of the men who were instrumental in making 
the stone known to the world, one of the most important was John Rawle, 
an English quarryman, who first introduced it in Chicago, and spread its 
fame by distributing paper-weights made of it to architects and builders 
throughout the country. John R. Walsh of Chicago, became interested 
when he had to take some quarries at Bedford on foreclosure ; and did an 
enormous service to both the stone and the coal industries of Indiana by 
building the Southern Indiana Railroad from Terre Haute to Bedford, 
and another from Terre Haute to Chicago, but he broke himself up by 
doing it. By one means and another the stone became widely known and 
it needed only to be known to be used. If Dr. Foote were alive today he 
would not only find it being shipped to Ne^y York, but would find the 
great New York Terminal building constructed of it. Moreover he would 
find that in 1917 there were only seven of the forty-eight states and terri- 
tories in which it was not used, the total consumption being stated at 
8,165,645 cubic feet, valued at over $5,000,000. This remarkable use calls 
for some explanation of the qualities that have caused it, for it is obvious 
that the use is due to merit ; and it is an historical fact that this building 
stone has won its own way to the front. 

The first great advantage of the oolitic limestone is that it is soft 
when quarried, and hardens with exposure to the air. For this reason it 
is easily cut into any desired shape for architectural or sculptural pur- 
poses ; and on account of the enormous size of the blocks in which it can be 
quarried, it is especially adapted to monumental sculptural work. For 
example the sphinxes that stand in front of the Scottish Rite Cathedral 
at Washington, D. C, were each cut from a single block of stone 16V^x 
7%x8i4, and weighing 100 tons. Notwithstanding its easy- working qual- 
ities, this stone is exceptionally strong, and also remarkably elastic. The 
only building stone in commercial use which is stronger is granite, and 
granite is many times harder and more difficult to cut. The reliable 
weight-bearing strength per square foot of Indiana Limestone is over 
135,000 pounds, whereas that of the celebrated Portland limestone of 



966 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

England is figured at but 82,000 pounds. Inasmuch as the weight borne 
by the piers which support the enormous dome of St. Paul's Cathedral 
in London (which is built of the Portland limestone) is only 39,000 
pounds per square foot, it is easily seen that Indiana Limestone can much 
more than support any weight likely to be put upon it. Even the solid 
masonry shaft of the Washington Monument, 555 feet high puts a pres- 
sure on its foundation of only 45,000 pounds per square foot. 

The actual crushing strength of Indiana Limestone is very much 
greater than the 135,000 pounds mentioned above, and tiny cubes one inch 
on an edge show upon test a resistance of 10,000, 11,000 and even 12,000 
pounds. A bar of Indiana Limestone three or four feet long can be 
noticeably bent or deflected by the application of sufficient pressure, and, 
when released, will instantly spring back to its original straightness. 
When struck with a hammer it gives out a clear, metallic bell note almost 
like that of a bar of steel. This means that Indiana Limestone is the most 
elastic of all kindred substances. At first glance one is inclined to class 
this quality as ** interesting but not important.*' Yet as a matter of fact 
the power to submit to distortion without permanent deformation is 
among the most valuable qualities a building material may have. Con- 
sider the strain put upon a block of stone whose inside surface within a 
building may be 50 to 60 degrees hotter or colder than its outside surface 
exposed to the weather. One side of the block is contracted, and the other 
expanded, an enormous pressure being put upon it by the expansion of its 
fellows. Consider a change of temperature between midnight and noon 
of 50 to 70 or more degrees which often occurs in perpendicular walls 
exposed to direct sunlight. Only an elastic material can easily tolerate 
this sort of thing year after year. This is one of the great points (to say 
nothing of architectural beautjrand dignity) at which Indiana Limestone 
shows its wonderful adaptability to building purposes and also one of the 
great points at which manufactured substitutes for it fail. 

Another valuable quality is its resistance to the effects of fire. It 
does not begin to calcine until heated to over 1,000 degrees Fahrenheit, 
and below that temperature is not injured by throwing water on it, or by 
smoke. It can of course be blackened, but is easily restored to its orig- 
inal color by scouring. Its durability under ordinary atmospheric condi- 
tions appears to be practically unlimited, as its hardness increases with 
exposure. An interesting illustration of this is seen in a seal of the Uni- 
versity of Indiana, which was carved as an ornament for one of the 
buildings in 1855, and whose lettering and delicate carving are as sharp 
and clear as on the day when cut. In contrast with this, a tablet of Ver- 
mont marble, which was supposed to have peculiar durability, and which 
was therefore set in Foote's vault, mentioned above, has crumbled away 



968 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

materially. In conclusion may be mentioned, not another quality of the 
stone, but the important fact that the center of population of the United 
States, at the last census, was in the center of the limestone region, at 
Bloomington. 

The use of limestone for building is only a part of the use to which 
this material, found in nearly all parts of Indiana, is put. Not only 
waste stone from the quarries, but immense amounts of other stone not 
suited for building, are crushed and used for various purposes. In 1913, 
296,377 tons of crushed limestone were used for road making in In- 
diana, valued at $7,353,665. For railroad ballast 11,774,121 tons, valuted 
at $5,551,415, were used ; and for concrete work 10,000,030 tons, valued 
at $6,167,144. The aggregate of 35,169,528 tons, or approximately 470,- 
000,000 cubic feet, valued at $19,072,224, makes the crushed stone indus- 
try the mofirt important in the state in stone products. Another extensive 
use, which is growing in importance, is the manufacture of cement, which 
consists of ** certain anhydrous double silicates of calcium and alumi- 
num'*; and which in Indiana is manufactured by mixing ground lime- 
stone and shale, or, in northern Indiana, marl and clay, and burning them, 
grinding the ** clinker," or product of i calcining. The cement plant at 
Buffington uses limestone and blast furnace slag. In 1912 Indiana pro- 
duced 9,924,1^ barrels of cement, valued at $7,453,017, or an average of 
75 cents a bart-el. At that time Indiana ranked second only to Pennsyl- 
vania as a producer of Portland cement ; and the extension of the indus- 
try is mainly a question of transportation and cheap fuel. A considerable 
amount of waste limestone is used in making lime, and this has been the 
case since very early times, but the use has been chiefly local, as the State 
is surrounded on all sideiS by lime producing regions, and there has been 
a prejudice against the local product on the ground that it was too 
**rich," or **hot"; but the latter objection has been obviated by hydrat- 
ing the lime at the manufacturing plants. Nevertheless, in 1913, Indi- 
ana's output of lime was only 96,359 tons, valued at $323,905,- while 
Ohio's was 497,698 tons, valued at $1,976,316. With the increase of 
scientific farming, there is developing a large use of crushed, or rather 
powdered, limestone as a fertilizer, its chief functions being loosening or 
mellowing of clay soils, the solidifying of sand soils, and the correction of 
acidity in any soils. The last named is perhaps the most important, as it 
is estimated that the soil of three-fourths of the area of the State is too 
acid for the most advantageous agriculture. The beneficial effects of the 
use of limestone, or of marl, which is a chemical equivalent, are so obvious, 
on trial, that this use is rapidly growing, but there are no satisfactory 
statistics of its extent. 

Indiana abounds in mineral waters of almost every description, many 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



969 



of which have medicinal qualities for bathing or for internal use. In 
numerous localities these occur in natural springs, and there is hardly 
any place in the State where mineral water of some kind cannot be 
obtained by deep wells, which often give a flow of water at the surface, 
or so near it as to be classed as artesian. The elements that make these 
waters "mineral" are chiefly calcium, magnesium, sodium, potassium, 
iron and aulphur, and in smaller proportions, chlorine, silicon, aluminum, 
carbon, lithium, with occasional traces of phosphorus, iodine and bromine. 




French Lick 



These occur most commonly as "salts" and gases, and in multiform com- 
binations. Some of these waters are widely famous, and large and well 
known resorts have grown up in connection with them, as at French Lick, 
West Baden and Martinsville ; but there are not less than a hundred sana- 
toriums and smaller resorts scattered over the State some of which have 
quite extended reputations, and others only local. The mineral springs 
along Lick Creek have been known from the earliest settlement of the 
State, attracting attention at first from the number of deer, bulFalo, and 
other animals that gathered there to "liek" the saline deposits. The first 
hotel for the accommodation of persons who desired to use the waters was 
erected at French Lick about 1836, and one at West Baden some ten years 
later. The Martinsville water comes from deep wells, the first of which 
was sunk in search for gas, in 1887. Indian Springs and Trinity Springs 



970 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

seven or eight miles from Shoals, in Martin County, are said to have been 
in high repute among the Indians, and to have been used by the white 
settlers as early as 1814. They were resorts for many years, but were 
brought into public notice more prominently about 1900, when John R. 
Walsh came into possession of them, and extended his railroad to them. 
Many springs in the southern part of the State have purgative qualities, 
notably those in Clark, Floyd and Brown counties, and chalybeate springs 
are found in nearly all parts of the State, but the natural springs are far 
surpassed in number by the deep wells. Writing in 1901, State Geologist 
Blatchley said : 

**But a few deep bores were sunk in Indiana previous to 1886, 
when natural gas in commercial quantities was first discovered iii the 
State. Several of the bores put down before that date, notably those at 
Reelsville, Putnam County; Terre Haute, Vigo County; Lodi, Fountain 
County, and at two or three localities in Crawford County, had devel- 
oped artesian flows of mineral water, but at only one of these wells was 
this water used to any extent for medicinal purposes, notwithstanding 
*that the analysis of the water from most of the wells were made and pub- 
lished in the older reports of this department, and were copied quite ex- 
tensively in the medical journals and works on mineral waters. 

''Since 1886 more than 14,000 deep bores have been sunk for oil and 
gas in different parts of the State. Of these a number developed flowing 
water ; while in a still larger number the water rose within easy pumping 
distance of the surface. In the different strata encountered above the 
Trenton limestone, especially outside of the main oil and gas fieldis as at 
present defined, large supplies of excellent potable water were often 
found. In most instances this occurred in the Niagara limestone; was 
cased off, and the bore sunk to the Trenton limestone, where salt water 
was found. By plugging the well between the potable and the salt water 
the former has been made available as a source of water supply for many 
cities and towns or for manufacturing and other industries. 

* * The output of a number of the flowing wells in central and western 
Indiana proved to be a saline sulphuretted mineral water of high value 
as a medicinal agent. Such water is now being utilized in sanitariums at 
Greenwood, Martinsville Columbus, Gosport, Spencer, Terre Haute, 
Montezuma and other localities; while in a number of places wells are 
producing a water as valuable, but which is being used only locally. In 
many of the deep bores, two or three different veins of mineral water 
were struck. The Niagara limestone furnishes most of the saline-sulphur- 
etted water now in use. The water of the Trenton limestone and the 
underlying St. Peter's sandstone is, in most instances, too brackish, i. e., 
contains too large a percentage of common salt for medicinal use ; though 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 



971 



in a few cases a fair quality o£ blue lick water, contaiuinp ma^esium 
sulphate in quantity and also much sulphuretted hydrogen, is found in 
the St. Peter's sandstone. 

"In general it may be said that the waters of the deep wells contain ^ 
much larger percentage of mineral matter than those of the springs and 
shallow wells. This is due to the fact that the deeper subterranean waters 
are in direct contact with the rocks which yield them the salts a much 
longer time, since the water is not so soon renewed as that in springs 




West Baden Hotel 



which have a constant flow. It is probable, also, that more or less sea water 
was left in the Niagara and Trenton limestones and in the St. Peter's 
and Potsdam sandstones, at the time of the recession of the ocean, from 
the area now occupied by these formations. The mineral contents of this 
sea water have there remained for ages, and only when furnished a vent 
by artifical boring does the hydrostatic pressure behind force it upward as 
an artesian flow of so-called mineral water. As impervious strata of 
rock, shale, etc., usually exist between the surface and the source of the 
mineral water in the deep bores, it follows that the supply of water can- 
not be renewed by percolation as in ordinary springs. Dr. Edward Orton, 
of Ohio, proved that the hydrostatic pressure behind the salt water, gas 
and oil of the Trenton limestone of Indiana is caused by the waters of 
Lake Superior. The level of this lake is 600 feet above tide level, and by 



972 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

adding this height to the number of feet at which the Trenton lies below 
the tide level and calculating the pressure on this basis he found that it 
corresponded closely with the original rock pressure of gas, oil or salt 
water. The ultimate source of the mineral water which rises from great 
depths in the diflFerent artesian bores of the State is probably accounted 
for in the same manner, i. e., it comes from lakes which lie far distant 
from the point at which it wells forth. During its long journey it has 
plenty of time to gain, both by solution and chemical action, the large 
percentage of mineral salts which it holds/' 

Organized effort for the development of commerce and industry in 
Indiana were local in character until 1851, when the State Board of Agri- 
culture was chartered by the legislature, on February 14, and organized 
on May 27, with Governor Wright as president, John B. Dillon as secre- 
tary, and Royal Mayhew as treasurer. The first fair was held at Indian- 
apolis, October 19-25, 1852 ; and was so much a success that other towns 
wanted it. Accordingly it was held at Lafayette in 1853, and at Madison 
in 1854* Both of these were financial failures, and therefore the fair was 
returned to Indianapolis, and held there from 1855 to 1858 inclusive. 
In 1859 New Albany was given a trial, but the receipts dropped off one 
third. In 1860 it was brought back to Indianapolis, and instead of being 
held in Military Park, as previously, the managers secured the tract of 
36 acres (later increased to 56) north of the city, then known as **the 
Otis Grove,*' now called ** Morton Place,*' and the fair was held there. 
In 1861 there was no fair, on account of the war ; and in 1862-3-4 it was 
held at Military Park, in connection with the Sanitary Fair, the new fair 
grounds having been appropriated for Camp Morton. In 1865 it was 
held at Fort Wayne, again at a financial loss; in 1866 at Indianapolis; 
and in 1867 at Terre Haute. This was the last venture outside of Indian- 
apolis, and the only outside venture that was not a financial failure. Those 
at Indianapolis were all successful financially except that of 1860, when 
the expenses of fitting up the new grounds were unusually heavy. In 
1872 the first effort was made to give the fair something more than its 
usual agricultural character. Indianapolis business men offered to guar- 
antee the success of a joint fair and exposition to the extent of $100,000, 
and the State Board of Agriculture accepted the proposition. A two- 
story brick building, 308 by 150 feet, was erected on the south side of the 
fair ground, facing Nineteenth Street — then called Exposition Avenue — 
and the joint fair and exposition was opened with elaborate ceremonies 
on September 10, and continued until October 10, with so much success 
that the management was left with a debt of only $90,000. The exposi- 
tion project was continued, however, with some vigor in 1874-5-6 ; when 
the panic put an end to it, leaving a legacy of debt and hard feeling that 



HAP OF INDIANAPOLIS AND HER RAILROAD CONNECTIONS. 







Board of Trade Map, 1853 



974 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

survived for years after.^2 jn 1391 the State Board decided to find more 
commodious quarters, and in 1892 the first fair was held on the grounds 
now occupied, northeast of the city. The most notable improvement since 
that time was the building of the colosseum, which was completed in 
1908, in time for the saengerf est, July 17-9. This is a handsome and capa- 
cious auditorium with a capacity for 12,000 people. 

In early times there were occasional ** merchants associations'' and 
similar organizations formed to promote local interests. After the arrival 
of the railroad and the telegraph at Indianapolis, in 1848 a ^^ merchants 
exchange'' was organized at that point to receive dispatches and transact 
business. This went to pieces in a short time, and in 1853, a board of 
trade was organized, which made an approach to work on a State basis by 
issuing a railroad map, primarily showing the railroad connections of 
Indianapolis, and incidentally those of the entire State. This organiza- 
tion maintained an intermittent existence thereafter, and in February, 
1871,. a State convention of boards of trade was held at the ** chamber of 
commerce," which was in the old Sentinel building, at the southwest 
comer of Meridian and Circle streets. This movement was not of much 
duration, nor has been any other based on mere trade interests, as these 
interests in various parts of the State, are rather competitive than allied. 
In 1894, however, the Indianapolis Commercial Club, of which William 
Fortune was then President, called a meeting of the commercial organiza- 
tions of the State, for an interchange of views, with the ultimate object 
of an effort to secure better local government. A State organization was 
formed, and annual sessions were held until after the primary purpoee 
had been accomplished by securing the passage of the county and town- 
ship reform bills of 1899. It then became inactive. A State Chamber of 
Commerce has since been organized, but has not given its attention to 
public interests, which is apparently the only basis on which a State or- 
ganization can attain any material success. 



12 Agricultural Report, 1883, p. 38. 



CHAPTER XVII 

CHARITIES AND CORRECTION 

If there is any respect in which the founders of the government of 
Indiana are entitled to be credited with ** vision/' it is in the provision 
of the Contsrtitution of 1816 for penal and charitable legislation. This 
was not specifically referred to any committee, but the Committee on 
Education, was directed to report on education, **and other subjects 
which it may be proper to enjoin or recommend to the Legislature to pro- 
vide for." In the exercise of this authority they reported Section 4, of 
Article 9, which is the only part of that Article that does not relate to 
education, as follows : * * It shall be the duty of the General Assembly, as 
soon as circumstances will permit, to form a penal code founded on the 
principles of reformation, and not of vindictive justice ; and also to pro- 
vide one or more farms, to be an asylum for those persons who, by reason 
of age or infirmity or other misfortunes, may have a claim upon the aid 
and beneficence of society, on such principles that such persons may 
therein find employment and every reasonable comfort, and lose by their 
influence the degrading sense of dependence." It has been stated that, 
with the exception of the provision as to amendment, the constitution of 
1816 **was taken in its entirety, both as regards substance and phrase- 
ology, from the Ohio Constitution of 1802 and the Kentucky Constitution 
of 1799." ^ But no such provisions as are in this section, nor, indeed in 
this entire article, were in either of those constitutions, or in any other 
existing constitution. As constitutional provisions, they are original with 
Indiana, and in their basic principles they cover the accepted ideas of 
the latest theories of charity and punishment. As has been stated, this 
Article was written by Judge James Scott, but there is no record as to 
who made the suggestions. That as to State asylums for the poor might 
have been suggested by John Badollet, who was a member of the Commit- 
tee, as that cultured Swiss had a personal knowledge of the systems of 
older and more densely settled countries that none of the other members 
had ; and of necessity, it is not possible to maintain in a sparsely settled 



1 Constitution Making in Indiana, Vol. 1, p. 

975 



976 INDIANA AND INUIANANS 

country the charitable and corre(*tional institutions which are the most 
convenient and practicable agencies for providing for the dependent and 
criminal clas84*8 in i>opulou8 countries. 

As an extreme illustration, when (*ain killed AM, it might have Iteen 
possible to hang him, but it would not have l>een pownble to contiiu^ him in 
a penitentiary: and the only feasible punishment, that left him any 
opi>ortunity for reform, was to expel him from the Oarden of Eden. So, 
on the frontier, it is not practicable to adopt the most approved methods 
of dealing with many social problems; and some of the customs that we 
look back to now with a feeling that the i>eople who nmintained them 
must have \>een somewhat l>arbarous, were really due to the different con- 
ditions of i)opulation and wealth at that time. It is true that, in 1795, 
the legislature of Northwest Territory established a system of poor relief, 
under which the (\)urt of (Quarter Sessions appointed two overseers of the 
poor for each township, who were authorizeti, with the approval of two 
justices of the i)eace. to levy taxes for the support of the poor, part of 
which was to l>e us(*d in "providing proi>er houses and places and a con- 
venient stock of hemp. tiax. thread and other wares and stuff for setting 
to work such poor persons as apply for relief and are capable of work- 
ing,** and the rest to n*lieving those who were unable to work. But this 
was presumably for the lH*netit of the larger s<>ttlements of what is now 
Ohio. There is no indication that it was acte<l on in what is now Indiana, 
presumably l)ecause there was no township in this rt*gion that was able 
to maintain an almshouse; and. presumably, the duty was given to the 
State, by the Constitution, for the same reason. And it was probably 
because the law of 1795 was not generally practicable that the law of 1799 
provided for ** farming out" poor persons who were a public charge, or 
^'selling them to the lowt*st bidder,*' i. e. contracting for their care with 
the persons who offered to maintain them at the lowest cost. The custo- 
dian had the right to re<|uire reasonable labor; and the overseer* were to 
investigate any complaint of the paup<*r, and withhold compensation in 
case of ill treatment or insufficient provision. Theoretically this aeemetl 
the only way of caring for the dependent poor, under th^ circumstances; 
hut it was evidently subject to abuse, and the Constitutional Convention 
wante<] something better. 

Rut *he relief wan slow in coming. The State was in no c*tmdition 
financially to rare for all the \ oor. It had no buildings of its own, of any 
kind. The State officers occupied rented nuarters at Cor>-don. and the 
legislature met in the court house. At Indianapolis the situation was the 
same, until the State finally got the first real state capitol <M>mpleted in 
1R,15. The first move for a different system of care for the poor came 
from Knox County, apparently as an in<lustrial enterprise, to some extent 



-A 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 977 

at least. The legislature of 1821 authorized the voters of that county to 
elect three ** directors of the poor," who were incorporated, and author- 
ized to hold lands, erect buildings, employ officials, bind out pauper chil- 
dren, etc.2 When the building for an asylum was completed, the over- 
seers were required to bring the poor of all the townships in the county ^* 
to it. The Trustees of the Borough of Vincennes then adopted an ordi- 
nance, reciting that the location of the asylum near Vincennes would be 
**not only a great convenience to the paupers in obtaining the conven- 
iences of life and a ready sale for their ^rplus produce and manufac- ^ 
tures, but add much to the improvement of the town and convenience of 
its inhabitants in procuring home manufactures,'* and therefore offered 
a donation of ten acres of the Commons, to secure the location at that 
point. This was accepted, and the asylum was duly built. ^ The project 
does not appear to have been a success industrially, as the law was re- 
pealed in 1828 ; but the county commissioners were authorized to estab- 
lish similar asylums in Clark County in 1824; Washington, Dearborn 
and Floyd in 1829 ; and Harrison, Wayne and Jefferson in 1830. Mean- 
while there was a growing sentiment against the farming out system. 
Governor Ray took a decided stand against it in his message of 1825. 
After calling attention to the failure to act under the provision of the 
Constitution, he said : 

**Few things are better calculated to ensure us that honourable eleva- 
tion to which our young state aspires, than for the world to witness the 
representatives of our free population, in the exercise of their high func- 
tions, engaged in laying a foundation that will guarantee comfort and 
happiness to the unfortunate poor. It is the poor and needy that can 
justly claim more of our deliberations than the affluent, whose wealth sets 
legislative interposition at defiance. Viewing the construction of an 
Asylum or Asylums, as institutions, in which the citizens of all the states 
by some unhappy accident may be doomed to participate ; and as there is 
yet, within our limits immense tracts of waste lands belonging to Con- 
gress, we ought not to suppose that an application to that body for a small 
tract of land to aid this philanthropic design, would be unsuccessful. The 
existing law for the support of the poor, though perhaps as good as any 
that could be devised under the existing system is radically defective in 
the principles of humanity to the unfortunate, as well as in economy of 
expenditure. These unhappy objects of public charity are sold like mer- 
chandise or cattle in a public market to persons who are generally in- 
duced to become their purchasers from motives of gain or avarice, rather 
than humanity and benevolence, and the public charity thus offered, is 

2 Acts, 1820-1, p. 102. • 

« Vincennes Sun, Aug. 4, 11, 25, 1821; Jan. 12, 1822. 



J ^ 



978 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

often made a curse instead of a blessing. To me this practice seems de- 
grading to our character as a Christian people. Instead of lessening the 
sense of dependence as is contemplated in the humane provision in our 
constitution, such a mode of relief is calculated to lacerate anew the 
«* already wounded sensibility, to increase the sense of degradation, and 

changes the unfortunate dependent from an object of public charity into 
a means of private speculation. That this system is defective in point of 
economy, will at once appear obvious, by referrinig to the items of expen- 
diture in the several counties in this state which I will endeavor to pro- 
cure and lay before you. It is submitted to your consideration, whether 
the spirit of the above provision of the constitution cannot be carried into 
effect eflSciently, by dividing the state into districts of counties or larger, 
and making provisions for the establishment of an Asylum in each, where 
under the care of a single superintendent, made responsible for his con- 
duct, the poor, deaf, dumb and unfortunate of the district may be col- 
lected ; and those of them of capability occupied in some useful employ- 
ment contributory to their subsistence. It is believed that upon this 
system the poor can be maintained at an expense little exceeding one-half 
of that which is paid under the present system, besides affording abun- 
dantly the milk of human kindness. ' ' * 

Of course the general view was not so serious as this, partly because 
the people were accustomed to the system, and partly because they saw 
the humorous side of it — for there is a humorous side to most of the trag- 
edies of human life. For example, any right-minded person is moved to 
sympathy with a crippled soldier; and yet the world has laughed over 
Hood 's, 

**Ben Battle was a soldier bold. 

And used to war's alarms. 
But a cannon-ball took oflF his legs. 

So he laid down his arms.'* 

But Hood, himself, moved the world to pity with his ** Bridge of 
Sighs, ' ' and his ' * Song of the Shirt. ' ' And indeed it seems a dispensation 
of Providence that mankind can see the humorous side of our everyday 
tragedies, or life would be unbearable to thousands, who, as it is, manage 
to get along fairly well on a sort of Mark Tapley basis. Within four 
months of this appeal, the Lawrenceburgh Palladium, on April 29, 1826, 
published the following advertisement of a sale of paupers, which it 
alleged to have been found on the door of its oflfice : 



4 House Journal, 1825, pp. 41-2. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 979 

**The poor overseers — ^it plainly appears — 

For Lawreneeburgh town, County of Dearborn, 

Have three paupers to let, for the best bid they can get, 

On the first day of May, at the house of John Gray. 

Arominta Keach, not quite out of reach; 

With sore shin, we are told, 'most an hundred years old. 

Rebecca Coosingberry, so healthy and merry ; 

Yet it is said has a lunatic head. 

Francis Davis in turn is the worse by a burn ; 

One leg is not good, the other of wood ; 

A Tinker they tell, he'll work when he's well. 



19 



The legislature was impressed by the Governor's words, and a com- 
mittee recommended dividing the State into three districts, with an 
asylum for each, ^ but this was laid aside, and a law was adopted calling 
on the county clerks for information for statistics as to paupers. Four- 
teen of the counties reported under this law at the next session,® and 
their reports showed that the existing system was expensive ; but no action 
was taken at the time, and the problem drifted along until December, 
1830, when the legislature tried the Governor's other proposal of asking 
national aid ; and adopted the following memorial to Congress : 

* * The general assembly of the state of Indiana, as your memorialist, 
desires to lay before your honorable body, her views in regard to a subject 
not less addressed to the interest and humanity of all the states in the 
confederacy, as a common benefaction, than emphatically regarded by 
the constitution of this state, as specially demanding the interposition of 
her legislature. Though Indiana is bound by her charter to provide 
farms for asylums for the poor, infirm, and unfortunate, within the pales 
of her jurisdiction, she would, without such injunction, rejoice at every 
successful effort at home or abroad, tending to alleviate the distresses of 
this class of mankind. Under these convictions, she would respectfully 
submit to the Congress of the United States, her requests, that an act may 
be passed, granting one section of land for each county in the state, to 
be selected by her; which, or its proceeds, shall be applied to erect 
asylums and provide farms to receive all persons found to be objects of 
charity ; and also granting two sections, to be located in like manner, to 
be applied to benefit the deaf and dumb within her entire boundaries; 
and also granting one section, in like manner, to erect and sustain a state 
lunatic asylum. In making this appeal, the state of Indiana repudiates 
the idea of selfishness, and wishes to be understood as desiring only to 



5 Sen. Jour., p. 86. 

« House Jour., 1826-7, p. 60. 



980 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

take upon herself the responsibility of an agent empowered to minister 
consolation to all whom casualty or misadventure, may render dependent 
on benevolent protection. 

* ' This general assembly wishes not to stop at the limits of this request 
now made, but to express a hope that all the western states, having unsold 
lands within their jurisdiction, may apply for and succeed in obtaining 
similar grants to those applied for in this memorial. When this shall 
take place, the humane institutions they will foster, may be considered as 
much the common property of the whole union, and must be so in effect, 
as when they formed a part of the yet claimed general domain. The 
annual discharges of population from the old states, to those recently 
formed, must in the nature of things, furnish many objects calling for 
the exertion of the trust estate confided to our care, in such a manner as 
to display a union of philanthropy. Indeed when it is considered, that 
the unacclimated are necessarily more exposed to casualties of every des- 
cription, and more liable to fall victims to the assaults of the season, than 
the native, or old settler, the request herein made, may justly be viewed 
as tending only to induce a provision for ameliorating the condition of 
the distressed of the whole American family, whose necessities require 
aid. It is conclusive that the amount of lands asked for by this memorial, 
cannot be more appropriately applied, than to the objects referred to; 
and all the sympathies of our nature advocate the gift." "^ 

This memorial does not appear to have been presented to Confess, 
however, and the legislature adqpted a law authorizing county boards to 
erect and maintain poor-houses, and in those without poor-houses the 
system of farming out was continued. ® The hope of getting aid in the 
form of government land was not altogether abandoned, for on February 
7, 1840, the legislature adopted a joint resolution asking Congress, for 
two townships for the erection and maintenance of an asylum for deaf 
mutes and blind persons.® This secured no action. It was apparently 
in pursuance of a movement started in 1827, under the influence of 
Ray's message. On January 26, 1827, the legislature reserved from 
sale block 22 in Indianapolis — bounded by Alabama, New Jersey, Ver- 
mont and New York streets — for a State hospital and insane asylum. 
Up to the present, this is one of the mysteries of local history. The block 
was retained by the State until 1847, when it was subdivided and sold, 
the proceeds going to the new Insane Hospital, then under construction. 
There is a tradition that on this block there were some old log buildings 
that were used for housing insane persons, and the establishment was 



7 Special Acta, 1831, pp. 188-9. 

8 Rev. Stat. 1831, p. 286. 

9 Doc. 212, 1st Sess. 26th Cong. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 981 

known as "the Crazy Asylum," the inmates being transferred to the 
new Hospital when it was completed. Mr. Christian Schrader made a 
drawing of the buildings from memory. His recollection was confirmed 
by other old residents, as to the existence of the buildings, but not 
as to insane persons being domiciled there. But no record has been found 
of any State law referring to such an asylum ; no mention of it in any 
of the newspapers; none in the records of the County Commissioners. 
The County purchased a farm on May 7, 1832,'" and erected a poor- 
house on it. At that time all insane, including idiots, "who have no 
property for their support," were entitled to relief as paupers. This 











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"The Crazy Asylum" 
(From memory picture, by Christian Schrader) 

provision was in effect from 1818 until the new Hospital was constructed, 
and under it the County insane would have gone to the poor-farm. There 
is a tradition that the log buildings on the block had been built by set- 
tlers, prior to their use for the insane, but this seems improbable; and 
it does not account for the insane being there, as it must have been under 
some kind of governmental authority. It is probable that the applica- 
tion of the name "crazy asylum" was facetious, growing out of the ap- 
pearance of the buildings and the purpose for which the block was re- 
served. Possibly some future investigator may fall upon some other 
explanation, which is now lacking. In fact, there is no subject con- 
nected with Indiana history that presents a wider and more unoccupied 
field to the investigator who has the time and patience to seek for the 
explanation of human problems than this of insanity. 

10 Bought of Elijah Fox, for $1,000; the b. e. H of Sec ^9, tp. 16, r. 3. 



982 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

In the Journal of Col. William Fleming, for April 3, 1780, he says : 
*'The Frenchmen from the Illinois informed me that they were never 
troubled at St. Vincent or Opost either with Fleas or Batts njsither of 
which could live there, the latter may be accounted by the water being 
impregnated by Arsenic. ''^^ If this be true, it may serve as evidence 
of the fact that some of our evils are the products of civilization. In 
Indiana, ii^sanity seems to be one of these. In 1819, David Baillie War- 
den wrote of Indiana: ** Insanity is scarcely known either in this or 
the other western states.*' On July 23, 1817, Morris Birkbeck entered 
in his journal, at Vincennes: ** Mental derangement is nearly unknown 
in these new countries. There is no instance of insanity at present in 
this State, which probably now contains 100,000 inhabitants. A middle- 
aged man, of liberal attainments and observation, who has lived much 
of his life in Kentucky, and has traveled a good deal over the western 
country, remarked, as an incident of extraordinary occurrence, that he 
once knew a lady afSicted with this malady." ^* This seems incredible, 
and yet statistics are not inconsistent with it. The national census for 
1850 reported 15,610 insane for the entire country, or 67.3 for each 100,- 
000 of population; while the census of 1880 reported 91,959, or 183.3 
for each 100,000 of population. In the discussion of the subject in the 
census of 1910, the census of 1880 is considered the first reliable re- 
turn, but even on that basis, the showing is startling, for in 1910 the 
report was 187,791, or 204.2 to each 100,000 of population. If there 
was any regularity in the increase, there could not have been many in- 
sane in Indiana in 1817, on the general average; and presumably there 
were fewer on the frontier, in proportion, than in the older settlements. 
In 1840, the insane and idiotic together, in Indiana, were 72 to each 
100,000, and it was estimated that they were somewhere near evenly 
divided, so that the insane could not have been over 40 or 50.^^ It is to 
be noted also, that it was only the pauper insane who were admitted to 
poor-houses. The law made provision for guardians for those who had 
property, but there are indications that many of this class really 
fared worse than the pauper class. In the Indiana report for 1847, 
mention is made of an elderly woman who was ** confined in an open 
log pen in a door yard in one of the counties lying west of Indian- 
apolis''; and of another who was ** confined in an old smoke house and 
had been there for three successive years, a constant annoyance to the 



11 Mereness, Travels in American Colonies, p. 673. 

12 Early Travels in Indiana, pp. 188, 232. 

13 Report Commissioners Ind. Insane Hospital, 1847, p. 70. In the report of 
Dr. Ritchie, in 1842, it is stated that there were 241 insane in Indiana in 1840, which 
would be 35 to 100,000 of population. 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 983 

neighborhood by her piteous groans and frantic shrieks and howls." 
These were evidently violent maniacs, the ** harmless" ones being usually 
allowed to roam at large. 

The difficulties as to penal institutions were much the same as those 
noted in the case of charitable institutions. It was for this reason that 
punishment by whipping was so common, and so with confinement in 
stocks. It was too expensive to hire someone to guard criminals. The 
practical system was to administer his punishment and turn him loose, 
or, if confined, to so confine him that he would need no attention. The 
earliest jails were constructed with this in view. They were usually 
substantial log buildings, two stories high, with no openings in the lower 
story but small windows, and a trap door leading to the upper story. 
The prisoner was conducted to the upper floor by an outside stair, and 
put down through the trap door into the lower room, or dungeon, 
locked in, and left to his reflections. In later years the reflnement was 
added of a door in the lower room, through which the prisoners were 
put in. This is the case with the one surviving jail of this type, in 
Brown County. The first penal institution of the State, like the Knox 
County poor-house, was designed for utilizing the labor of the inmates. 
The promoters of the Indiana canal around the falls of the Ohio wanted 
cheap labor. There were a number of prisoners in jails who were doing 
nothing, and for whose board the public was paying; and there were 
others who were being whipped and released, who might well be con- 
fined and put to work. The sentiment back of the change was not wholly 
due to financial considerations, however, for there was a growing 
repugnance to the whipping-posrt, as may be seen from the following 
from the Indiana Centinel of May 6, 1820 : 

**0n Thursday last the minds of our citizens were shocked by the 
shameful spectacle of a fellow-citizen tied to a sign-post, and flogged like 
a dog, under sentence of the Circuit Court, now sitting in this town. He 
was found guilty of a petty species of the same crime for which so many 
heroes and statesmen have been celebrated, and for which their names 
have been given to the applause of posterity. — The sight was truly 
disgusting; and it was evident that the manly mind of the officer who 
executed the sentence revolted at the performance of that odious duty. 

**The criminal code of Indiana is a disgrace to civilization, and it 
ill becomes our lawgivers to boast of their refinement, while they sanc- 
tion this species of degrading brutality ; or to laud their purgation from 
British severity, while they harbor this relic of its foulest barbarism. 
Corporal punishments are worse than useless; for nine times out of ten 
they are fatal to the mind of the victim — he is lost to society — he sinks 
under his sense of shame : or, if sensitive and revengeful, the petty felon 

Vol. n— 27 



984 INDIANA AND INDIANANS 

becomes the hardened ruffian. If guilty, he is then desperate — if in- 
nocent, the scars on his shoulders keep knocking at his heart, and calling 
for satisfaction in a voice that is never mistaken or unheeded. 

**The arguments against such punishments are inexhaustible and in- 
surmountable. We have often heard that we live in a government of 
MIND, and foreigners have been simple enough to believe it till they 
read our statute book, and find that we consider ourselves as dogs and 
horses — ^that we are governed by a mere animal system; that the skin 
of one brute lashes the hide of another, and that we all, quadrupeds and 
bipeds, have the same common impulses, sentiments and feelings. 

**An Indian who was standing near while this culprit was beaten, 
asked a French citizen if he was a prisoner of war ? On being informed 
of his crime, and that he was thus punished for it, this untutored son of 
nature gave the savage interjection *Woh!' and very significantly laid 
his hand upon his tomahawk. This single fact contains a volume for 
legislators. ' ' 

This sentiment fell in very nicely with the prison proposition, and 
so there was general satisfaction when the law for the establishment of a 
State prison was adopted, on January 9, 1821. This law created a 
board of five managers, who were to build the prison, and appoint an 
Agent, who was to have charge of the prison and ** purchase provisions, 
clothing and tools necessary for the convicts, and raw materials to be 
by them manufactured, and dispose of the same for the support of the 
convicts and such other objects as the managers shall deem expedient.'' 
But, the Agent was further authorized with the consent of the man- 
agers, **to contract with the president and directors of the Jefferson- 
ville Ohio Canal Company for the employment of the able-bodied con- 
victs in labor on the said Canal in such manner as may be thought 
expedient." To supply the convicts, provision was made that in all 
cases where a maximum punishment of 100 stripes was provided, a maxi- 
mum imprisonment of seven years should be substituted; for a maxi- 
mum of 50 stripes imprisonment for five years or less ; and for 39 stripes 
not over three years. The State did not have the money for the build- 
ing, and its chief expectation at the time was from the sale of lots at 
Indianapolis. From the proceeds of these sales $3,000 was appropriated 
** towards the building of the said prison," and the remainder was to 
be contributed by individuals, who became joint stock-holders with the 
State in the profits of the institution, the provision being: '*That after 
all expences for the support of the convicts, Clothing, &c., and suitable 
allowances to the officers of the prison are paid, the proportion of the 
residue of their earnings which would belong to the State, according to 
the different sums -paid, shall be laid out in the purchase of canal stock 



INDIANA AND INDIANANS 985 

for the benefit of the state, and the proportions belonging to individuals 
according to the a^nount by them subscribed and paid, shall be ap- 
portioned in such manner as the said managers may direct their said 
agent to contract with such individuals on their subscribing." This 
contract was authorized to be made for a term of eight years, and was 
so made. 

The project did not prove a wealth-producer, partly because the 
canal scheme went to pieces, as heretofore recounted, and partly for 
lack of prisoners. For the first year of the prison, ending November 30, 
1822, there was but one convict on hand, and only three in the second 
year. The citizen who secured the position of first inmate was N. Strong, 
who was sent in for perjury, and he made a sturdy effort to keep out, 
by appealing to the Supreme Court on the ground that the law was 
ex post facto as to him. His offense was committed in July, 1821, and 
the prison law did not take effect