Full text of "Indiana Historical Society publications"

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FORT WAYNE & ALLEN CO., IND.

WE.

ALLEN COUNTY PUBLIC LIBRARY.

3 1833 02140 1499
Gc 977.2 In5 v. 14 No. 1-3

Indiana Historical Society,
Publications

INDIANA

HISTORICAL SOCIETY

PUBLICATIONS

VOLUME 14

DISTRIBUTED BY

THE BOBBS-MERRILL COMPANY

INDIANAPOLIS

1944

OFFICERS, 1944

Eli Lilly, President

William O. Lynch, First Viee-Prcsident

Mrs. Harvey Morris, Second Vice-President

Harry O. Carman, Third Vice-President

John G. Rauch, Treasurer

Christopher B. Coleman, Secretary'^

Executive Committee: The above officers and Lee Burns,
Chairman ; Mrs. W. W. Caar,* O. F. Hall, Albert L. Kohl-
meier, Cornelius O'Brien.

'''Deceased.

7 CONTENTS

PAGE

. No. 1. The Trail of Death. Letters of Benjamin

Marie Petit, by Irving McKee 1

♦

; No. 2. The Diaries of Donald Macdonald, 1824-1826,

v-J with an introduction by Caroline Dale Snedeker 143

■ No. 3. Portraits and Painters of the Governors of
R^ Indiana, 1800-1943, by Wilbur D. Peat 381

Index 433

INDIANA
HISTORICAL SOCIETY

PUBLICATIONS

VOLUME 14
NUMBER 1

THE TRAIL OF DEATH

Letters of
Benjamin Marie Petit

By
IRVING McKEE

INDIANAPOLIS

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

1941

PREFACE

THE removal of the Indians from the Middle West a hun-
dred years ago was an event of prime importance in the
growth of the United States. One of the most striking epi-
sodes in this process was the Potawatomi emigration from
Indiana in 1838. More contemporary records and a greater
volume of published material about it are extant than are to
be found in connection with the removal of the Miami and
other Indians from this part of the country. The journal of
the emigration, a large part of which is attributed to William
Polke, the conductor of the party, was printed in Volume XXI
of the Indiana Magamie of History. Contemporary news-
papers and documents in the National Archives contain details.
The late state representative, Daniel McDonald, of Plymouth,
realizing the injustice and harshness of the treatment of the
Potawatomi, brought together some of the information in the
little volume. Removal of the Pottawattomies from Northern
Indiana, most of which is included in his A Twentieth Cen-
tury History of Marshall County, Indiana. Facts about the
emigration were given publicity in the movement which re-
sulted in the erection by the State of Indiana of the imposing
monument to Chief Menominee and his band at Twin Lakes,
Marshall County. But much remains to be told of the struggle
— on one side, to adjust these natives to an imported standard
of civilization, and, on the other, to cast them out of the only
land they knew.

The Petit letters, for the most part translated and published
for the first time, illuminate this phase of pioneer times with
almost brutal clarity. The devoted young priest, seeking with
all his waning strength to defend an immense, but moribund,
cause; the hapless Potawatomi, caught between an advancing
tide and a menacing wilderness; the untiring and unscrupu-
lous government agents, harried by the incoming white men-
all these meet here in brief but photographed conflict. The

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6 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

inevitable defeat, a tragedy in the classic sense, more than
justifies the title given it — The Trail of Death/

To H. Vernon Davis, of Culver Military Academy, without
whose scholarship and perseverance the translation of the
letters would not have been complete or accurate, special
acknowledgment must be made. The Reverend Thomas T.
McAvoy, C. S. C, Archivist of the University of Notre Dame,
made available much of the material and provided invaluable
help at every turn.

Since first prepared, the manuscript has been admirably
corrected and clarified by the staff of the Indiana Historical
Society.

Irving McKee

Culver Military Academy
June, 1941

^Jacob P. Dunn, True Iiidian Stories . . . (Indianapolis, 1908), pp.
234-52.

CONTENTS

Page

Introduction 1 1

Letters of Benjamin Marie Petit :

To Bishop Brute, April 17, 1836 29

To Mme. Chauvin Petit, October 15, 1837 30

To His Family, November 24 ( ?), 1837 33

To Bishop Brute, November 27, 1837 35

To Bishop Brute, December 9, 1837 40

To Bishop Brute, December 26, 1837 47

To His Family, January 5 ( ?), 1838 51

To De la Hailandiere, February 11, 1838 53

To De la Hailandiere, March 25, 1838 58

To Bishop Brute, April i, 1838 63

To His Family, April 4. 1838 65

To Bishop Brute, May 26, 1838 ()-]

To His Family, May 31, 1838 72

To Bishop Brute, June 20 and 23, 1838 73

To His Family, July 9, 1838 80

To Bishop Brute, July 26, 1838 81

To Abel C. Pepper, July 31, 1838 87

To John Tipton, September 3, 1838 88

To WilHam Polke, September 8, 1838 90

To His Family, September 14, 1838 90

To John Tipton, September 17, 1838 93

To Bishop Rosati, September 19, 1838 93

To Father Francois, September 23, 1838 95

To Bishop Brute, November 13, 1838 97

To John Tipton, November 26, 1838 106

To Bishop Brute, November 26, 1838 108

To Bishop Brute, January 18, 1838 no

Conclusion i M

Appendix

Father Petit's Journal i ^9

Father Petit's Entries in the Baptismal Register 135

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ILLUSTRATIONS

Page
Replica of Father Badin's Chapel on the Univer-
sity OF Notre Dame Campus 14

First Page of Father Petit's Journal 34

Symbols

10 Indian Office

ISL Indiana State Library

UNDA. . . .University of Notre Dame Archives

ALS Autograph Letter Signed

C Copy

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INTRODUCTION

THE Potawatomi, or "People of the Small Prairie," were
probably the most numerous of the Indian tribes living in
Indiana before the incoming white man drove them to other
lands. Having moved southward from northern Wisconsin
and Michigan, the tribe in 1800 occupied the region at the
southern end of Lake Michigan from the Milwaukee to the
Grand River, including a large part of northern Illinois, a
strip across Michigan to Lake Erie, and all of Indiana above
the Wabash and Pine Creek. Although the total population
of their fifty widely separated villages was only twenty-five
hundred, the Potawatomi, a hunting and fishing people, re-
quired this large region for existence.

The French traders and Jesuit missionaries who met the
Potawatomi between 1640 and 1670 at Green Bay, at Sault
Ste. Marie, and near Lake Huron described them as "the most
docile and affectionate toward the French of all the savages
of the west."^ In the French and Indian War, concluding
with the sanguinary Pontiac Conspiracy of 1763, the Pota-
watomi were active in behalf of their traditional allies. When
the defeated French abandoned their American possessions to
Great Britain by the Treaty of Paris, the isolated Indians
faced the choice of supporting established British traders on
the one hand or newly arrived settlers from the East on the
other. Again they made the expedient but ultimately disastrous
decision, fighting against the Americans from 1775 to 1795
and from 18 12 to 18 15. A comparative peace and quiet then
settled upon them, which was interrupted only by their forced
migration westward to make way for the incoming whites.

The first white men to befriend the Potawatomi were Je-
suit missionaries, and it was in these "black robes" that they
placed their greatest trust. From 1690 to 1761 the Jesuits
maintained the St. Joseph Mission near the northern border

'Frederick Webb Hodge (ed.), Handbook of American Indians North
of Mexico (U. S. Bureau of American Ethnology, Bidletin 30, 2 volumes.
Washington, D. C, 1907, 1910), II, 290.

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12 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

of Indiana and present site of Niles, Michigan.^ Here the
Potawatomi of northern Indiana as well as Michigan received
ministrations which deeply impressed them and which they re-
membered long after the last black robe had departed.

Their tendency to cling to the ceremonies and teaching of
the Jesuit fathers was evident in 182 1 when Isaac McCoy, a
Baptist missionary to the Miami at Fort Wayne, visited the
Potawatomi of the Yellow River, near Plymouth, Indiana.
A trader had described their chief, Menominee, as a native
preacher who exhorted his followers to abstain from vice,
especially liquor, and to adhere to good morals.^ Upon Me-
nominee's earnest solicitation McCoy, accompanied by a young
half-breed interpreter, Abraham Burnett,* came to his Yellow
River village, consisting of four little bark huts, just north
of Twin Lakes, in 1821 and again the following year to hold
religious meetings for the tribe. As Menominee was only
about thirty years old at this time,' he could not have known
the Jesuits, who had been absent for almost sixty years, but
McCoy observed that this chief and his band practiced morn-
ing and evening prayers together in the Catholic fashion, with
sermons by the leader.

"See George Pare, "The St. Joseph Mission," Mississippi Valley Histori-
cal Review, XVII (1930), 24-54.

^Isaac McCoy, History of Baptist Indian Missions . . . (Washington,
D. C. 1840), pp. 95-96.

'Burnett was a Potawatomi, born in Michigan about 181 1. He was a
student at McCoy's mission school at Fort Wayne and accompanied McCoy
on several trips as an interpreter and traveling companion. McCoy, History
of Baptist Indian Missions, pp. 100 ff., 113, 138, 139; "Abram B. Burnett,
Pottawatomi Chief," Kansas State Historical Society, Collections, 1913-1914
(1915), XIII, 371-73. He is mentioned post, p. 113.

"Letter of Henry Willmering, S. J., of St. Mary's College, Kansas, to
Irving McKee, June 9, 1938. The letter states : "Chief Menominee is prob-
ably the same individual as Alexis Menominee, listed in the parish register
of St. Mary's Church at Sugar Creek [Kansas] for the year 1841 on page 75.
He was born about the year 1791, was married to Angelique Sagike, had one
daughter, Mary Ann, aged six years. The loi entry in the Burial Register
tells us that he died on April 15, 1841, aged about fifty, and was buried in the
Sugar Creek cemetery." Menominee was baptized Alexis on the Yellow
River in Indiana. See post, p. 15. A sketch of Menominee is given in Daniel
McDonald, A Twentieth Century History of Marshall County, Indiana (2
volumes. Chicago, 1908), I, 12-16.

TRAIL OF DEATH 13

During McCoy's visits the Indians attempted to persuade
him to come and live among them. He declined, but in 1822
he left Fort Wayne to estabHsh among the Potawatomi to
the north a new post which he called Carey Mission." It was
located near the present Niles, Michigan.

This institution continued for a decade, providing instruc-
tion and caring for the spiritual welfare of the Indians in the
neighborhood. From his experience in the mission field Mc-
Coy became convinced that the best future for the Indians lay
beyond the Mississippi. Their weakness for whisky and their
gullibility in dealing with traders made him eager to establish
them in a place far removed from the white man. In 1828
he led a small group of Ottawa and Potawatomi on an ex-
ploring expedition to the West. The next year he received an
appointment as general agent in the mission work of his de-
nomination among the Indians who migrated west of the
Mississippi, and during the succeeding years he also held com-
missions from the government for exploring and treating with
the Indians in the West. In 1830 Carey Mission was closed.^

Apparently the Potawatomi to whom McCoy and his as-
sistants ministered were friendly but not wholly receptive of
the Baptist teaching, yearning still for the teaching of the
black robes. "Supposing it would please us," McCoy wrote,
"they frequently told us that they still recollected portions of
prayers which they had been taught, and two or three old per-
sons told us that 'they had had water put on their faces,' as
they expressed it."^

When a black robe, Father Reze,° finally came again to

*'Under a provision of the Chicago treaty of 1821 Isaac McCoy was
appointed teacher to the Potawatomi and by arrangement with the Baptist
Board of Missions founded the mission. McCoy, History of Baptist Indian
Missions, pp. 102-6, 1 13-14, 139-40, 145-51; Charles J. Kappler (ed.), Indian
Affairs. Laws and Treaties (2 volumes. Washington, D. C, 1904). H, 200;
Cecilia Bain Buechner, The Pokagons (Indiana Historical Society, Publica-
tions, X, No. 5, Indianapolis, 1933), p. 292.

'McCoy, History of Baptist Indian Missions, pp. 260 f f., 321-27, 337. 402.

^Ibid., p. 237.

"Frederic Reze, a native of Hanover, was ordained in Rome in 1822 and
emigrated to the American missions in 1825. On February 25, 1833, he was
consecrated the first bishop of Detroit. The Catholic Encyclopedia, IV
(1908), 759; XII (1911), 320; Buechner, The Pokagons, p. 298.

14 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the St. Joseph in 1830 — the first in almost sixty years — Chief
Leopold Pokagon^° and other Potawatomi in the vicinity
sought baptism, and when Reze left soon afterward, Pokagon
petitioned Father Gabriel Richard, vicar-general of the Bishop
of Cincinnati in Detroit, for another priest. "An American
minister," said the chief, "wished to draw us to his religion;
but neither I nor any of my village wished to send our children
to his school, nor go to his meetings ; we have preserved the
way of prayer taught our ancestors by the black robe who used
to be at St. Joseph.""

Thus it was that Father Badin^^ came to reside near Niles
and at Notre Dame from 1830 to 1835. He labored among
the Potawatomi in Indiana and Michigan, aided faithfully by
his interpreter, an elderly spinster named Angelique ("Li-
quette") Campeau,^^ who had taught the Indians near Detroit
for thirty years. Badin purchased fifty arpents of land in
Michigan near the Indiana border on which he built a chapel,
and also a tract of land on St. Mary's Lake in St. Joseph

'"Pokagon was a civil chief of the first rank of the Potawatomi. His
village lay in what is now the southeast corner of Bertrand Township,
Berrien County, Michigan, about six miles from the site of Carey Mission.
By the treaty of Chicago in 1833 this land was ceded to the government.
From proceeds of the sale of a section of land granted to him and his wife
by the treaty of 1832, he purchased 712.8 acres in Silver Creek Township,
Cass County, Michigan, and he and his band moved to that place in 1837.
Here with the help of a few white neighbors they built a Catholic church.
Buechner, The Pokagons, pp. 294, 310-31 ; Kappler (ed.), Laivs and Treaties,
II, 274; Hodge (ed.). Handbook of American Indians, II, 274.

"Letter of Father Stephen Theodore Badin, September i, 1830, in
Annales de I'Association de la Propagation de la Foi (hereafter cited as
Ammles), IV (1830-31), No. xxiii, 547.

'^Stephen Theodore Badin came to America in 1792, and was ordained a
priest on May 25, 1793. After serving in Kentucky and at Monroe on the
River Raisin, he came to Pokagon and his people in August, 1830. Dictionary
of American Biography, I (1938), 488-89; Annales, IV (1830-31), No.
XXIII, 546-50.

'Tather Badin wrote of her, "She is 68 years old and she has spent more
than thirty years at the school of my venerable friend. Father Richard [in
Detroit]. I do not know of a priest more industrious, more penitent, more
patient, more learned, more genuinely pious than she is in all this coun-
try. . . . Her activity is equal to her charity and zeal." Quoted in Buechner,
The Pokagons, p. 302.

TRAIL OF DEATH 15

County, Indiana, where he erected a cabin-chapel in which he
and his successors Hved."

Father Badin was joined in 1833 by Father Louis De-
seille,^^ a Flemish priest. Deseille, looking for new souls to
save, in the fall of 1834 visited Menominee's Village on the
Yellow River, set up a cross, and proceeded to give instruc-
tion/*' He baptized the chief with the Christian name Alexis
on August 24, 1834, "under the branches of an old, shady oak
tree."" Several other Indians were inducted into the faith on
the same occasion and on the next day at Lake Maxinkuckee,
a few miles to the southwest.

The following spring Deseille and Bishop Brute^® jour-
neyed from South Bend to Chechaukkose's Village on the
Tippecanoe, where there was an Indian chapel.^^ These Pota-
watomi were greatly impressed by the unprecedented visit;
Deseille wrote to the Bishop afterwards : " . . .at the first
news of your arrival, which spread from village to village

"On the tract at St. Mary's Lake Father Badin also established the first
orphans' home and school in Indiana. The title to this land was conveyed to
Bishop Brute in 1835. The home and school were abandoned, but on this
site seven years later the University of Notre Dame was founded. Thomas
T. McAvoy, The Catholic Church in Indiana, 1789-1834 (New York, 1940),
pp. 182 f f. ; James E. Deery, "The First Catholic Orphans Home of Indiana,"
The Catholic Historical Society of Indiana, Bulletin No. 2, pp. 1-4 (De-
cember, 1937).

^^Father Louis Deseille came to America from Holland in 1832. He
joined the secular clergy soon after his arrival in America, spent some time
in Cincinnati, then joined Father Badin. William McNamara, The Catholic
Church on the Northern Indiana Frontier 1789-1844 (Washington, D. C,
1931), PP- 42, 63; McAvoy, "Father Badin Comes to Notre Dame," Indiana
Magazine of History, XXIX (1933), 12.

'Tather Deseille to Bishop Brute, June 10, 1835, quoted in a letter from
Brute to the compiler of Annales, November 26, 1835, Annales, VIII
(1835-36), No. XLiv, 325-26.

"Baptismal Register, University of Notre Dame Archives.

"Simon William Gabriel Brute de Remur, first Bishop of Vincennes.
See Sister Maria Silesia Godecker, Simon Brute de Remur, First Bishop of
Vincennes (St. Meinrad, Indiana, 1931).

''Hodge (ed.). Handbook of American Indians, I, 240; Godecker, Simon
Brute de Remur, pp. 247-48. For Brute's account of the trip see James
Roosevelt Bayley, Memoirs of the Right Reverend Simon Wm. Gabriel
Brute, D. D. . . . (New York, 1873), PP. 85-90; Annales, VIII (1835-36),
No. XLIV, 322-24.

16 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

with the swiftness of the wind, everybody — men, women, and
children — donned his best spring attire, mounted on horseback,
and, through quagmire and marshes, came to see the chief of
the Black-robes, of whom their fathers had spoken so much,
whose departure several had regretted until their last breath
and died bidding their children to listen to them, if the great
Lord of Life sent them again. "^°

Bishop Brute confirmed sixteen persons at Chechaukkose's
Village and in turn was offered a half section (320 acres) of
land upon which to build a church and a school. He accepted
the gift from the chief, but realized that it might not be pos-
sible to secure from the government the approval necessary for
a legal transfer. ^^

After his superior's departure Deseille remained ten days
at the Tippecanoe, instructing, baptizing, and admitting to first
communion. In order to relieve the congestion he sent away
the Yellow River Potawatomi, promising to visit them next.
When he did, he found that this band had erected a little chapel
much like the one at the Tippecanoe, close to the cross he had
set up the previous autumn. Menominee and his fellows, not
to be outdone in any way by Chechaukkose, gave the Church
not only a half section for a chapel but another half section to
be used for a school. After baptizing thirty-seven persons in
six days, Deseille returned to Pokagon's Village near Niles.^^

In a letter to the compiler of the Amiales, Brute expressed
himself as ''much touched by the piety and self-communing"
of the Indians whom he met on his journey, and as sympathetic
with Deseille's ambition "to train them to pastoral life." Brute
saw more clearly than the missionaries, however, that the gov-
ernment was threatening the security of their stations and their
activities might soon be brought to an end. He wrote on No-
vember 26, 1835 : "One knows that the policy of the United
States is to shut them [the Indians] out from all civilized

^Father Deseille to Bishop Brute, June 10, 1835, quoted in a letter from
Brute to the compiler of Annales, November 26, 1835, Annales, VIII, 324-25.

^Bayley, Memoirs, pp. 86, 87-88; Brute to the compiler of Annales,
in Annales, VIII, 324.

"Tather Deseille to Bishop Brute, June 10, 1835, quoted in ibid., VIII,
324-27.

TRAIL OF DEATH 17

States and to drive all the savages back to the other side of the
Mississippi."^^

By treaties made in 1818, 1821, 1826, and 1828, the Pota-
watomi had ceded such a large part of their possessions in
Indiana that their holdings could not be further reduced and
support them in their nonagricultural way of life.^* Mean-
while the westward white migration was increasing steadily.^'
New settlers pouring into the Indiana country clamored for
more and more lands, and prodded the government to purchase
the remaining Indian holdings. The inevitable result was the
proposition to move the Indians beyond the Mississippi. On
May 28, 1830, Congress passed a bill permitting an exchange
of lands belonging to Indian tribes in states or territories east
of the Mississippi for lands west of the Mississippi and mak-
ing provisions to enable the Indians to remove to their new
lands and "to give them such aid and assistance as may be
necessary for their support and subsistence for the first year
after their removal."^''

The next negotiations with the Potawatomi reflected this
policy. By the three treaties concluded with them in 1832
they gave up their title to and interest in all lands in Indiana
with the exception of certain well-defined reserves, and one of
these treaties, concluded on October 26, provided that if at any
time the Potawatomi wished to "change their residence," the
amount of goods necessary for their migration would be pro-
vided by the government.^'

The efforts of the government agents^^ were now bent

''Ibid., VIII, 323.

"Kappler (ed.), Laivs and Treaties, II, 168-69, 198-201, 273-76, 294-97.

^The white population in Indiana had increased from an estimated
6,550 in 1800 to 344,508 in 1830. Logan Esarey, A History of Indiana from
Its Exploration to 1850 (2 volumes. Fort Wayne, 1924), I. ^75, 3^5-

""U. S. Statutes at Large, IV, 411-12.

''Kappler (ed.), Laws and Treaties, II, 353-56, 367-70, 372-74-

^From 1789 to 1849 the Office of Indian Affairs was a part of the War
Department under the direction of the Secretary of War. In 1832 the posi-
tion of Commissioner of Indian Affairs was created, and in 1834 the Office
of Indian Affairs was set up under the Commissioner, within the War De-
partment. To it fell the duties of overseeing trade and commerce and treat-
ing with the Indians. From 1831 to 1836 the removal of the Indians to the
West was under the direction of the Commissary General of Subsistence.
In the latter year this duty was transferred to the Indian Office.

18 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

toward enrolling as many of the Indians as could be persuaded
to acquiesce in removal to new lands in the West. In 1833
Colonel Abel C. Pepper, subagent for Indiana, was appointed
to superintend the removal of the Indiana Indians. In that
year upwards of two hundred and fifty Potawatomi were gath-
ered together at Logansport, but most of them fled from the
camp before the removal started and only about seventy reached
the Mississippi. During the next year several more parties
made the journey, but the process was slow.

In 1834 William Marshall, Indian agent for Indiana, was
instructed by Lewis Cass, Secretary of War, to make further
efforts to secure the reserves still remaining in Indian posses-
sion in Indiana, and it was proposed that this could be done
most successfully by treating with the separate bands rather
than with the Potawatomi nation.^® During December, 1834,
Marshall concluded a number of treaties with Potawatomi
bands by which he purchased 52,800 acres of land for the gov-
ernment out of their reserves. He secured most of this at the
rate of fifty cents an acre, but in a few instances was obliged
to pay sixty-two and a half cents. ^^ When these treaties were
sent to President Jackson, he submitted only four of them to
the Senate for ratification and withheld the others. Three
of the four which were approved were made with Comoza and
his band. Muck Rose and his band, and Mota and his band.
They provided for the complete relinquishment of the reserves
granted to these bands in 1832 and carried the promise of the
Indians to yield peaceable possession within three years. In
the last-named treaty Mota and his band agreed to remove to
a country provided for them west of the Mississippi River
within the three-year period. By the fourth treaty which was
approved, the Potawatomi tribe ceded two sections of land on
the Tippecanoe River, including their mills, granted them in

^Lewis Cass to William Marshall, July 12, 1834, Newton D. Mereness
Calendar of papers in the National Archives, Indiana State Library (here-
after cited as Mereness Calendar), Indian Office, Letters Received, Miami.
Cass was secretary of war from 183 1 to 1836.

""William Marshall to Lewis Cass, January i, 1835, enclosing copies of
eleven treaties negotiated by him with bands of Potawatomi, photostats in
Matthews Collection, Indiana State Library, from Indian Office, Letters
Received, Potawatomi.

TRAIL OF DEATH 19

1832; the services of a miller furnished them by the govern-
ment were to be discontinued.^^

The treaties which Jackson withheld from the Senate pro-
vided for the purchase of parts of reserves, the remaining
parts to be divided among individual members of the bands.
The case of Menominee's reserve on the Yellow River serves
as a good example. In 1832 twenty-two sections (14,080
acres) of land on the Yellow River, south of Plymouth, were
granted to Menominee, Peepenawah, Notawkah, and Makkah-
tahmoway and their bands. William Marshall contracted to
purchase eleven sections of the reserve for the government, the
remaining eleven sections to become the property of individual
Indians including Menominee, Makkahtahmoway, and Notaw-
kah.^^ To this arrangement Jackson objected, on the grounds
that it would deprive most of the members of the bands of
their just claim to an interest in the reserves.^' The arrange-
ment was unacceptable to Secretary Cass, also, for he was
adverse to any partial removal of the Indians, believing firmly
that "they ought all speedily to go."^*

Marshall resigned as agent in February, 1835, and Jackson
sent to Pepper the unratified treaties with the request that he
inform the Potawatomi that, when they signified a willingness
to sell their lands and remove west, the President would auth-
orize negotiations for that object. ^^

Spurred on by pressure from the Indian Office and from
the growing white population, Colonel Pepper determined to
remove all obstacles that might in any way hinder him from
accomplishing his task. When Father Deseille visited the Yel-
low River Potawatomi in 1835, it was recognized that his
presence might prejudice their removal. A priest who wished

"Kappler (ed.), Lazvs and Treaties, II, 428-31.

"Marshall to Cass, January i, 1835, Matthews Collection.

''John Tipton to Governor David Wallace, September 18, 1838, in
Indiana Senate Journal, 1838-39, p. 728.

"George Gibson to Abel C. Pepper, February 27, 1835, Mereness
Calendar, Indian Office, Letters Received, Miscellaneous.

''John Tipton to Lewis Cass, March 7, 183S, photostat in Tipton Papers,
Indiana State Library, from Indian Office, Letters Received, Potawatomi
and Miami ; Abel C. Pepper to Lewis Cass, May 16, 1835, Mereness Calendar,
Indian Office, Letters Received, Potawatomi.

20 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

"to train them to pastoral life" promised to become a formid-
able barrier in the way of the chosen policy. In January, 1835,
and again in July, Pepper wrote to George Gibson, Commis-
sary General of Subsistence, that Catholic priests were alleged
to be interfering with the operations of the removal of the
Potawatomi. During the next months it was reported to him
that Father Deseille held meetings with the Indians, advised
them not to sell their lands but to build a church, settle
together in one village, and reject the proposition of the gov-
ernment to remove west.^*^ Pepper thereupon requested that
whenever Deseille assembled any of the Indians within the
Indian agency, he inform Pepper of it, and added that it
might be necessary to furnish an authorized interpreter for
these occasions to insure that there would be no talk or speeches
which might incite the Indians toward a violation of the exist-
ing laws and treaties. He referred the priest to an act ap-
proved June 30, 1834, to regulate trade and intercourse with
the Indians, which placed heavy penalty on anyone attempting
to "produce contravention or infraction of any treaty of the
United States.""

Whatever Deseille's opinion of a governmental attitude
that threatened the existence of his mission, his replies to Pep-
per were friendly and co-operative. He promised to comply
with the agent's request and added : "I have not the least
objection to this — my business with the Indians being only
about their spiritual concerns," He even inquired whether
Pepper would prefer to have the Indians discontinue their
attendance at the Sunday and festival meetings in the village.^*

This brought from Pepper the assurance that he had no
objections to any course of religious instruction among the

^"Abel C. Pepper to the Commissary General of Subsistence, January 17,
1835, Mereness Calendar, Indian Office, Letters Received, Potawatomi;
Abel C. Pepper to Lewis Cass, October 16, 1835, Indian Office, Letters
Received, Potawatomi.

"Abel C. Pepper to Father Deseille, August 7, 1835, Indian Office,
Letters Received, Potawatomi; U. S. Statutes at Large, IV, 731.

"^Father Deseille to Abel C. Pepper, October 10, 1835, Indian Office,
Letters Received, Potawatomi ; Deseille to Pepper, November 10, 1835,
"Documents : Correspondence on Indian Removal, Indiana, 1835-1838," Mid-
America, XV (1932-1933), 178.

TRAIL OF DEATH 21

Indians that did not "infringe the laws of the United States
nor interfere with the humane poHcy of the government." He
added that it would give him pleasure to have Deseille call on
him for an exchange of views. ^^

Commissary General Gibson, upon whose department lay
the responsibility of conducting an emigration, asked Deseille
for an explanation of the actions attributed to him, declaring
that he was reluctant to believe that the priest would adopt a
course "calculated to impede the progress of measures adopted,
in the judgement of the Government to promote the well fare
of the indians." Father Deseille declared himself innocent of
all charges made against him. His visits to the Indiana Pota-
watomi had been made only with consent of their agent, Wil-
liam Marshall, and their great distance from Pokagon's Village
in Michigan where he lived made it impossible for him to visit
them more than two or three times a year. He attributed to
Marshall the efforts to concentrate the tribe into villages. As
to the building of a church by the Indians on Yellow River,
he explained : "I could not but approve it but I deemed it use-
less being convinced that it was not possible for them to stay
much longer in that country without being protected by the
laws against encroachment of the Whites and for this reason
I would not take one step to begin and after several repeated
solicitations I told them that I did not see any possibility for
them to remain in this country unless they should get from
their great father the President the favor of being subject to
the laws as white people and this I did not tell them before I
had .'jscertained myself that the intention of the Government
was not to remove all the Indians to the West but rather to
extinguish their nationality — so I was told by persons in office
whom I supposed to be well acquainted with the proceedings
of the Government."

Gibson's far too reassuring reply reveals either a lack of
unity or a duplicity in the policy of the War Department. He
informed Deseille that there would be no further inquiry into
his actions, and stated further that Potawatomi chiefs who had
visited Washington in November, 1835, had been told that

'"Abel C. Pepper to Father Deseille, October 20, 1835, ibid., XV, 177.

22 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

they would not be disturbed by the government so long as they
wished to remain in Indiana.*"

Upon this, Deseille set about to expand and improve his
mission, confident that there would be nothing to interrupt its
progress. He requested an appropriation out of the fund voted
by Congress for civilizing the Indians to be expended on a
school at the Yellow River reserve. He wrote frankly to
Pepper, "I am quite confident, sir, you will not make any dif-
ficulty to permit me as heretofore to continue the moral and
religious instruction of the Indians of your agency; viz. those
of the village of Menomina, Chechacose and Ashkum who all
have received the same favor [that they could remain as long
as they wished] by a rescript of the Secretary of War in Jan-
uary, 1836." In April, 1836, Menominee and Makkahtah-
moway also asked for an appropriation for the education of
the youths of their tribe, and shortly afterward the sum of
$300 was allowed.*^

This trend of affairs was exasperating and embarrassing
to Pepper. He requested Deseille to take no steps toward
establishing himself permanently among the Potawatomi*^ and
wrote to John Tipton:*^ "If the Sec. of War. or Commissary
Gen did give such assurences, why was I not advised of it?
I have felt it to be my duty constantly to repeat to the Indians

^''George Gibson to Father Deseille, November 3, 1835, and January 22,
1836, Indian Office, Commissary General of Subsistence, Letter Book,
volume C, 329, 420; Deseille to Gibson, December 28, 1835, "Documents,"
Mid-America, XV, 179-80.

"Father Deseille to Abel C. Pepper, March 21, 1836, "Documents,"
Mid-America, XV, 182; Menominee and Makkahtahmoway to Elbert
Herring, April 14, 1836, Mereness Calendar, Indian Office, Letters Received,
Indiana; Lewis Cass to John Tipton, April 19, 1836, Mereness Calendar,
Indian Office, Letter Book, volume 18, pp. 315-16.

■""Abel C. Pepper to Father Deseille, April 18, 1836, "Documents,"
Mid-America, XV, 183.

"Abel C. Pepper to John Tipton, April 16, 1836, Tipton Papers, Indiana
State Library. Tipton was a member of the United States Senate from
Indiana from 1832 to 1839. From 1823 to 1831 he had served as agent to the
Miami and Potawatomi, first at Fort Wayne then at Logansport, and his
success in winning the confidence of the Indians was notable. As a member
of the Senate he served on committees dealing with military affairs, Indian
affairs, and public lands. Tipton Papers, Indiana State Library.

TRAIL OF DEATH 23

that the President would no longer listen to any arguments in
favor of their remaining in this Country. And are my
speec[h]es thus made to be contradicted, and my authority and
influence to be destroyed, by the action of the Government,
without my knowledge? I failed in a late effert to conclude a
treaty with the Yellow river band, wholy on account as the
Chief aleged, of a paper which he said the Priest had authoriz-
ing the band to remain permanently on their reservation —
build Churches, School houses &c. ... I shall be glad to be
advised what has been said to Me-nom-mi-na or the Priest on
this subject."

But Pepper's success was close at hand : one by one he was
committing the remaining bands of Potawatomi to emigration.
On March 26, 1836, he negotiated a treaty with the Pota-
watomi of Turkey Creek Prairie (near the head of the Yellow
River) ; on March 29 and April 11 at the Tippecanoe (where
Chechaukkose's band lived); on April 22 at Logansport; on
August 5 at the Yellow River (ostensibly with Menominee's
band) ; and on September 20, 22, and 23 at Chippewaynaung
on the Wabash. By these treaties the Potawatomi agreed to
sell to the government all their claims to land in Indiana and
promised to remove to lands provided for them beyond the
Mississippi within two years. The treaties were all ratified by
the Senate.** How he managed to wear the Indian resistance
down can only be imagined, but following the treaty of the
Yellow River, concluded on August 5, by which the twenty-
two sections comprising Menominee's Reserve were sold, there
was a great storm of protest.

It will be remembered that this reservation was granted in
1832 to Menominee, Peepenawah, Makkahtahmoway, and No-
tawkah and their bands. Menominee's name, which headed
the list in 1832, does not appear among the signers of the
treaty of 1836, and strenuous efforts were made to prove that
the treaty was a fraud. Government officers attributed to
Deseille the leadership in the opposition. Arguments against
the validity of the treaty were that those who signed it were
not the proper chiefs and that there was much drinking at the
treaty grounds. In turn the priest was alleged to have ob-

"Kappler (ed.), Laivs and Treaties, II, 450, 457-59, 462-63, 470, 471-72.

24 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

tained from Menominee and perhaps others a title to the reserve
and to have incited the Indians to fight the treaty/^

On November 4 the Potawatomi of the Yellow River sent
to John Tipton a protest against the sale which Tipton for-
warded to Carey A. Harris, then Commissioner of Indian
Affairs. Harris acknowledged the receipt of this and of a
similar plea from Chechaukkose and others, but let the matter
drop.**' Protests dated November 15, 1836, and April 6, 1837,
were sent to President Van Buren and Secretary of War
Cass. On May 15 and June 12, the Yellow River Potawatomi
again appealed to the President, declaring that they had not
made a treaty with Colonel Pepper the preceding August."

It is likely that Deseille was instrumental in sending these
papers to Washington, sincerely feeling that the Indians were
being defrauded. Lewis H. Sands, an assistant superintendent
of the emigration, made a tour of the Potawatomi villages in
Indiana in the spring of 1837, and in May reported that he
had found all the bands convinced that they had given up their
lands and ready to move except at the Yellow River village.
He called upon Deseille. "He appeared willing to give me an
answer to my queries," Sands wrote to Pepper, "and I am
perfectly convinced that he has made this band of Indians
believe that they have not sold their reservation. . . . Unless
his influence is curtailed and he stopped from making misrep-
resentations relative to the treaty and object of the govern-
ment, we may not expect to emigrate but a portion of this
band."^«

Citing the act of June 30, 1834, as his authority. Pepper
delivered to the priest, through Sands, a kind of ultimatum,

"George W. Ewing and Cyrus Taber to John Tipton, August 21, 1836,
Mereness Calendar, Indian Office, Letters Received, Potawatomi.

"Protest to John Tipton by Potawatomi of Yellow River, November 4,
1836, Mereness Calendar, Indian Office, Letters Received, Potawatomi ;
John Tipton to Carey A. Harris, December 18, 1836, Mereness Calendar,
Indian Office, Letters Received, Indiana; Harris to Tipton, December 29,
1836, Mereness Calendar, Indian Office, Letter Book, volume 20, p. 351.

"Mereness Calendar, Indian Office, Letters Received, Potawatomi and
Indiana. See also post, pp. 38, 41.

"Lewis H. Sands to Abel C. Pepper, May 11, 1837, "Documents," Mid-
America, XV, 183-84.

TRAIL OF DEATH 25

ordering him, as an alien, to leave the public lands, or, as an
alternative, to stay and attempt to prove himself a citizen. In
the latter event he announced that the priest would be prose-
cuted for disturbing the peace among the Indians and attempt-
ing to alienate them from the government. Upon this the
missionary left the reserve.^''

Shortly after Deseille's departure Miss Campeau received
the following curt note from Sands : "You are hereby re-
quired to leave the Indian reservation purchased by Govern-
ment forthwith. M Deselle cannot be allowed to evade the
penalties of the law by leaveing yourself in possession of his
house. Mr. Nash is authorised to demand and take possession
of the House in which M. Deselle resided for the use of Gov-
ernment And you expected to depart immediately."^"

Pepper, feeling perhaps that these steps may have been too
drastic, sought approval of his actions from Commissioner
Harris, in a letter of May 31. Harris replied that the depart-
ment concurred fully in the course that had been taken. ^^

Deseille remained in the neighborhood. The following
September he spent two weeks at Pokagon's Village in Mich-
igan, then made his way on foot to his home at St. Mary's
Lake. He fell ill after his arrival there, and died on Septem-
ber 26.^^

In the late summer and early fall of 1837, between four
and five hundred Ottawa, Chippewa, and Potawatomi from

"Abel C. Pepper to Father Deseille, May 16, 1837, and Lewis H. Sands
to Abel C. Pepper, May 20, 1837, ibid., XV, 185-87.

°"Lewis H. Sands to Mamzelle Liggate (Angelique Campeau), May 2S.
1837, photostat in University of Notre Dame Archives from original in
Chancery Office, at Indianapolis. The priest had acknowledged to Sands
that he had a contract signed by the Indians of the Yellow River reserve
granting his Bishop one section of the reserve including the church and the
house in which the priest resided. See ante. p. 16; Sands to Abel C. Pepper.
May 20, 1837, "Documents," Mid-America, XV, 186-87.

"Abel C. Pepper to Carey A. Harris, May 31, i837, ibid., XV, 188;
Harris to Pepper, June 16, 1837, Indian Office, Letter Book, volume 21,
p. 500.

''A description of Father Deseille's death is given in, "Missionaries of
Indiana,— First Rev. C. De Seille," Ave Maria, I, No. 30, PP- 474-75 (De-
cember 9, 1865); Annales, X (1837-38), No. lx, 556; Godecker, Simon
Brute de Remur, pp. 327, 347.

26 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the Chicago Agency were removed to Council Bluffs sub-
agency, and smaller parties of Potawatomi emigrated from
Indiana. The government agents meanwhile continued to
exert a constant pressure on the remaining bands.

In the midst of this anxious season Angelique Campeau,
now living at Plymouth, asked Bishop Brute to send a new
father to take Deseille's place.®^ The nearest priests were at
Chicago, Logansport, and Fort Wayne, far too remote to visit
the Catholic Potawatomi or the increasing white population
around South Bend. In answer to this plea Bishop Brute
dispatched his well-loved, newly ordained young priest. Father
Benjamin Marie Petit, to carry on as well as he could the task
of missionary and father.

Petit was born at Rennes, France, Brute's native city, on
April 8, 1811. He was graduated from the University at
Rennes in 1829 and made a brilliant record at the law school
from which he graduated in 1832. After three years as a
successful advocate he renounced his profession and entered
the Seminary of St. Sulpice^* to become a priest. Perhaps
Bishop Brute's presence in the city accounted for Petit's de-
cision, for Brute had journeyed to France to secure funds and
priests for his newly formed diocese, and it is likely that he
encouraged the young man in abandonment of the law for
the church. '^^

In April, 1836, Petit wrote to his widowed mother, Mme.
Chauvin Petit, that he was soon to leave for America with
Bishop Brute. On April 14 Paul Petit, Benjamin's younger
brother, addressed a protest against this decision to Brute
which was soon followed by one from his mother. Their op-

''^\ngelique Campeau to Bishop Brute, September 30, 1837, photostat in
University of Notre Dame Archives of original in Chancery Office, at
Indianapolis. This contains a note from some of the Catholic Indians
strengthening Mile. Campeau's plea, which is signed by "Jeneie or Sinigo.
Markartamwa. Menomine. Peppenarwha. Weishekmar."

'*The Seminary of St. Sulpice was a Catholic school founded at Paris by
Jean-Jacques Olier in 1642. It became an important place for training clerics.
Branches were established in Canada in 1657 and in the United States in
1791. The Catholic Encyclopedia, XIII (1912), 378-80.

^°Data in the Archives d'llle-et-Vilaine, Rennes; Annales, XI (1838-39),
No. Lxv, 382-83.

TRAIL OF DEATH 27

position to Benjamin's departure to the mission field was based
largely upon his delicate health, especially a weakness in the
chest which demanded constant attention. Brute called upon
Mme. Petit, apparently to try to assuage her fears, for Ben-
jamin showed no signs of changing his plans. Another lengthy
expostulation from Paul and two more from Mme. Petit were
of no avail. Benjamin's letters show from the beginning that
he longed for missionary fields and placed himself entirely in
the hands of his Bishop.^''

Petit sailed with Brute and the group he had gathered to-
gether on June i, 1836. The boat docked in New York on
July 21, and the party divided. Two priests were sent directly
to the northern part of the Vincennes diocese — one to Chicago
and one to Fort Wayne. Brute took five of the group to Mary-
land to study English at Mount St. Mary's at Emmitsburg.
Of the remaining eleven, three, including Petit, were sent
through Pittsburgh to bring the heavy baggage down the Ohio,
and eight accompanied the Bishop to Louisville by way of Cin-
cinnati, then to Vincennes. Petit and his comrades arrived
several weeks after the Bishop. ^^

The young man remained for the time at Vincennes. On
December 16, 1836, he received his minor orders, and two days
later he was made a subdeacon.^^ In June, 1837, he accom-
panied Brute on a visit to Father Frangois^^ at Logansport.
Hearing of Deseille's expulsion from the public lands the pre-
vious month, they proceeded to South Bend, where they spent
several days. They also visited the German colony ministered

^'Photostats of the letters from Mme. Petit and Paul Petit to Bishop
Brute, dated April 14, 16, 21, 23, and 25, 1836, are in the University of
Notre Dame Archives. The original letters are in the Chancery Office at
Indianapolis.

"Godecker, Simon Brute de Remur, pp. 274-77, 279-80.

'^Herman J. Alerding, A History of the Catholic Church in the Diocese
of Vincennes (Indianapolis, 1883), p. 226; Godecker, Simon Brute de Remur,
p. 293.

''Father Claude Frangois came to America as a missionary in 1835.
He was stationed first at Fort Wayne, then in 1836 was transferred to
Logansport to replace the Reverend Patrick O'Bierne (O'Byrne). Ihid., pp.
240, 284; Alerding, History of the Catholic Church, p. 238; McNamara,
Catholic Church on the Northern Indiana Frontier, p. 78-

28 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

to by the Reverend Louis Mueller'^" near Fort Wayne and the
neighboring Miami reservation, returning to Vincennes after
traveling six hundred miles. ®^

On September 23 Petit was elevated to the deaconship, the
last step before priesthood. When he had entered the mis-
sionary field, he had asked as a particular favor "to be sent
to the Indians so soon as he would have been prepared for the
priesthood."**" The need for someone to replace Father De-
seille probably brought the call sooner than Bishop Brute
wanted it for his young charge, but it was accepted hopefully
and eagerly.

The following letters written by Petit, beginning April
17, 1836, shortly before his departure for America, and con-
tinuing to a few days before his death, tell the story of his
trials and joys as a missionary, and give a vivid description
of the expulsion of the Potawatomi from Indiana.

^Father Mueller was among the party which accompanied Brute to
America in 1836. Upon his arrival he went directly to Fort Wayne.
Godecker, Simon Brute de Remur, pp. 277, 289; Valley of the Upper
Maumee River (2 volumes. Brant & Fuller, Madison, Wis., 1889), II, 412,
413, 429. 432.

*^Godecker, Simon Brute de Remur, pp. 310-11, 318.

^^Ibid., p. 328; Alerding, History of the Catholic Church, pp. 167, 226.

LETTERS OF BENJAMIN MARIE PETIT

Petit to Bishop Brute, April 17, 1836

[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDAi]

St. Sulpice, 17 April, 1836.

MONSEIGNEUR,

I was preparing, following what had been agreed upon, to
leave tomorrow and join you at Rennes, when a letter came
from my mother asking me in the name of obedience not to
depart from the seminary before she had had the honor of see-
ing you and had given me permission to depart. One of my
brothers,^ Mother tells me, was to have the honor of writing
to you in my behalf.

M. Fayon^ tells me that, as my journey to Rennes was only
to give pleasure to my mother, it must be postponed, since she
appears to want it to be, unless you, Monseigneur, wish other-
wise to dispose of me, who am and will always be with the
grace of God ready to obey all that you have the goodness to
tell me in the smallest as well as in the greatest things, because
I desire only the will of God, and I regard you as the inter-
preter of that holy will to me.

I shall await your reply before departing, Monseigneur,
or rather, as your moments are so precious, please have M. de
la Hailandiere* write to me what you wish me to do : I shall
do it instantly.

M. du Merle^ leaves tomorrow to visit his family.

^The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.

^Paul Petit. Ante, pp. 26-27.

^Evidently the rector of the seminary.

Xelestin Rene Lawrence Guynemer de la Hailandiere, second Bishop of
Vincennes, was born in Brittany, May 2, 1798. He was ordained a deacon in
1824, entered St. Sulpice in Paris, and became a priest May 28, 1825. With
Petit, he accompanied Brute to America in 1836. He served as vicar-general
of the diocese, and, in 1839, upon the death of Brute, he was consecrated
Bishop. Alerding, History of the Catholic Church, pp. 162 ff.

"Charles du Merle also accompanied Brute to America in 1836, and was
ordained a subdeacon by him on the same day as Petit. Godecker, Simon
Brute de Reniur, pp. 273, 293 ; Alerding, History of the Catholic Church,
p. 226.

(29)

30 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

We always pray here, Monseigneur, for you and for the
mission, confident that you do not forget us either before the
good Lord.

Please accept the expression of veneration, devotion and
gratitude with which I am, Monseigneur,

Your very humble servant and happy son in Jesus Christ,

B. Petit,
Tonsured Clerk.
Messieurs de St. Palais,^ Buteux,^ du Merle charge me, Mon-
seigneur, to convey to you their respectful homage.

[Addressed :] Monseigneur Brute Bishop of Vincennes, at
the diocese of Nantes, Nantes.

Petit to Mme. Chauvin Petit, October 15, 1837

[Translated from Annales, XI (1838-39), No. lxv, 383-85]

I am now a priest, and the hand which is writing to you
bare Jesus Christ this morning!^ How can I express to you
all I should like to say, and yet how can I not wish to say
something of what no tongue can express? My hand is con-
secrated to God; my voice now has a power to which God
Himself is docile. How my lips trembled this morning at my
first Mass when, at the Memento,^ I commended you all to
God! And so shall I again tomorrow, and the day after, and
every day of my life until the last! . . .

'James M. Maurice de Long d'Aussac de St. Palais, fourth Bishop of
Vincennes. He was ordained a priest at the age of twenty-five and accom-
panied Brute to Vincennes in 1836. He served successively at a station six
miles north of the site of Loogootee, at Logansport, and at Madison. In
1847 he became vicar-general and superior of the ecclesiastical seminary at
Vincennes, under Bishop John Steven Bazin. He was consecrated Bishop of
Vincennes on January 14, 1849, and died June 28, 1877. Alerding, History of
the Catholic Church, pp. 190 f f.

^Father Stanislaus Buteau was one of the party which accompanied Bishop
Brute to America in 1836. In 1837 he founded St. Mary's parish at Terre
Haute and became its first resident priest. He remained there until 1842.
Godecker, Simon Brute de Remur, p. 273 ; H. C. Bradsby, History of Vigo
County, Indiana . . . (Chicago, 1891), p. 595; Alerding, History of the
Catholic Church, p. 445.

*That is. Petit said Mass. He had been ordained a priest the day before,
October 14, at Vincennes by Bishop Brute.

"Memento vivorum, prayers for the living, a regular part of the Mass.

TRAIL OF DEATH 31

When I think that in two days I shall start from here all
alone, going nearly three hundred miles to bestow sacraments
— graces ratified in heaven — among people whom I do not
know at all, but to whom God sends me — " I tremble at the
thought of my nothingness. When I see myself going for-
ward, as we often do here, in the company of God, who reposes
on my breast^^ night and day, carrying on my horse the instru-
ments of the great Sacrifice,^^ stopping from time to time in
the depths of the forest, and making the hut of an obscure
Catholic the palace of the King of Glory — how deeply do I
feel myself penetrated by St. Paul's thought, that God loves
to accomplish great things by using that which is nothing:
Ea quae non sunt)}^

Ah, then I abandon myself willingly, and, I must say, at
that time which is so important in my life, I have not yet felt
anything painful! All has been the sweet rapture of God's
will, who Himself ordains and executes through His grace.
Ah, with what delight I put my trust in Him ! Pray much for
me ; now is the time. . . .

I had been a deacon since September 24, when a black-
sealed letter came one evening, announcing that M. Deseille, a
missionary among the Indians for seven years, was dead. He
had sent word beforehand to his two nearest neighbors, at
Chicago and Logansport, but one was very sick, and the other,
who had been in bed for several weeks, was too enfeebled to
travel seventy-five miles. M. Deseille had to die alone — ah,
Mary must have helped him! This is without doubt one of
the severest tests of missionaries ; but, since they expose them-
selves to the danger only for their love of God, He, being so
good, does not abandon them without succor to death; and, if
He deprives them of a priest's presence, assuredly it is to em-
bellish their crown of virtues with a final sacrifice. Indeed I

'"The distance from Vincennes to South Bend by way of Terre Haute,
Covington, Lafayette, Logansport, and South Bend— the route followed by
Petit — is about 265 miles. See Petit's Journal, post, pp. 119-20.

"The Eucharist.

"The Mass kit.

""As base things of the world, and things which are despised, hath God
chosen, yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought things that are."
I Corinthians, i :28.

32 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

think He accords this favor only to those who are His sainted
friends.

From the first moment Monseigneur resolved to send me
to the deceased's residence to settle his affairs. But I was
about to make the journey as a deacon, when a letter from M.
Frangois arrived from Logansport, expressing his sorrow at
finding himself reduced by illness to refusing his ministrations
to those who were dying in his congregation. I was very
moved while reading this letter. Monseigneur was preparing
for the ordination of an Irish priest^* the following week. He
had said many times in speaking to me of my journey: "You
must become a priest." But he knew that I wanted time, and
he himself wished it for me. Yet I felt myself forced to tell
him that in the present state of affairs I should not have any
objection to my ordination, if he judged it expedient. My
words fell in with his intentions : from then on my ordination
was decided upon. A priest yesterday, I said my first Mass
today, and in two days I shall go to South Bend to console
a tribe of Indians who have addressed a touching petition to
Monseigneur for a new priest. At the same time I shall be
with poor M. Francois, the missionary at Logansport. I am
not at all frightened, for I have faith in the One whose min-
ister I am; but pray for me — I shall be seventy-five miles
from the nearest priest, left to myself, but supported by the
strong arm of my God.^^

I shall conclude this glorious day by telling you that the
dominant feeling in me is a profound joy under the burden of
newly contracted obligations. I know not whether I should
have some inquietude, but I feel so light at heart, so happy,
so content, that I am wholly overwhelmed by it. To go from
Mass to Mass to heaven! . . .

You know how I often said I was born lucky — well ! I can
still say it, and God has treated me on my first mission like a

"John Plunkett. Alerding, History of the Catholic Church, p. 226;
Godecker, Simon Brute de Remur, p. 328.

"The stations which Petit was to attend included St. Mary's of the
Lake, South Bend, Pokagon's Village, Bertrand, Michigan City, and the
various Indian villages in southern Michigan and northern Indiana. McAvoy,
"Father Badin Comes to Notre Dame," Indiana Magazine of History, XXIX,
13-

TRAIL OF DEATH 33

spoiled child 1^'' I had always longed for a mission among the
savages; we have only one in Indiana; and it is I whom the
Potawatomi will call their "Father Black-Robe."

Petit to His Family, November 24 (?)," 1837
[Translated from Annates, XI (1838-39), No. lxv, 385-87]

I have stayed twenty-one days among them.^^ This is the
life we led during that time: At sunrise the first bell rang,
and you would have seen the savages come along the forest
paths and the shores of the lakes. There are four adjoining
each other, and the church is built on a hillock on the shore of
the largest.^^ When they arrived, the second bell rang. While
waiting for the laggards to assemble, the catechist gave in an
animated manner the substance of the previous day's sermon.
Then they recited a chapter of the catechism and the morning
prayer. I said Mass between hymns, after which I preached,
my sermon being translated by a respectable French demoiselle"**
of seventy-two years who has consecrated herself in the ca-
pacity of an interpreter to the work of the missions. Then
they concluded with a Pater and an Ave, sang:
In thy protection do we trust,
O Virgin, meek and mild,
and left the chapel.

Then it was time for me to hear confessions until evening,
sometimes even after supper. At sunset they came together
again for catechism, followed by an exhortation, evening

^"This is the term Bishop Brute affectionately applied to the young
priest. "Missionaries of Indiana, — First Rev. C. De Seille," Ave Maria,
I, No. 30, p. 474.

"No date for this letter is given in the Annales, but it was probably
written on the twenty-fourth. Petit says that he has spent twenty-one days
at the Yellow River, and, in his letter to the Bishop, post, p. 35, that he
arrived there on the third of November.

^'The Potawatomi Indians on the Yellow River reserve.

"About halfway between Plymouth and Hibbard, near the Yellow River,
is a cluster of seven small bodies of water, four of which — Cook, Nichols,
Myers, and Lawrence— are called "lakes." These evidently are the four to
which Petit refers. They have probably varied in size from time to time,
and it is difficult to decide which is the largest, but according to local
tradition the site of the church is on the north side of Cook Lake.

^Angelique Campeau.

34 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

prayer, the hynin to the Virgin, and I gave them my blessing —
poor Benjamin's blessing!

But God has done great things through me : Fecit mihi
magim qui pot ens est! Many had the holy habit of taking
communion frequently, and, deprived as they had been since
the death of M, Deseille, they had practiced spiritual com-
munion with all the ardor of a pious longing. I have bap-
tized eighteen adults and blessed nine marriages. The prosely-
tism of these good people is wonderful : they leave their homes
and go far away to be with those who desire to be made Chris-
tians, to teach them what they must know. Each of the newly
baptized who was not an inhabitant of the village took away
with him a young man who knew how to read and who went
with him solely to teach the prayers and the catechism.

Shall I tell you now how much they have become attached
to me in such a little time? "We were orphans," they said to
me, "and as if in darkness, but you appeared among us like a
great light, and we live. You have taken the place of our
father who died, and we shall do nothing without your advice."

"I do not hold the hearts of others in my hand," said an
old man, his eyes filled with tears, while pressing my hand,
"but mine will never forget what you have spoken. While
you were among us, if we had any sorrow, we came to you,
and you consoled us. To whom shall we go when you have
departed?"

When, passing by a wigwam, I raised the mat which serves
as a door and thrust in my head to say to them, "Good day,
my children!" if you had seen their frank smiles in replying
to me, "Good day. Father!" — if you had heard them ask me
permission with the simplicity of children to go on their fall
hunt and, when they had received my blessing and the little
paper on which I indicated the fast days for them, take leave
of me in such filial and childlike manner — if you had seen their
heavy spirits when they knelt in a silent circle about me at the
moment I was to leave — you would understand why, in bid-
ding this first farewell, I felt again in my heart something of
that feeling which I knew for the first time when I left
Rennes : that day I left my family again.

r,c s^-" /%.^^. iL,.,<,

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Firs^ Page of Father Petit 's Journal

TRAIL OF DEATH 35

Petit to Bishop Brute, November 27, 1837
[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDA21]

South Bend, 27 November, 1837.

MONSEIGNEUR,

Here I am back from my journey and my mission among
the Indians, and today I must give you a general report.

I arrived on the 3d at the reserve of Chichipe Outipe^" and
left again on the 25th; from the 4th to the 20th confessions
did not leave me a moment to myself. Since the 20th I have
been freer. 64.5980

I performed 28 baptisms, 18 of which were of adults; 9
marriages; 138 communions, some of which were first com-
munions. I brought divine grace to a sick woman in a cere-
mony including all my Indians. I administered extreme unction
and officiated at an interment.

If it were now necessary to retrace everything my heart has
felt, paper would not suffice. I shall only tell you, Monseig-
neur, that my soul, overwhelmed by the sweetnesses of the
Lord's favor, does not know how to thank Him and you, His
interpreter, for having granted me this wonderful beginning
in the holy ministry. Not that sometimes there do not arise
certain clouds, certain anxieties, but they are calmed by prayer
and trust in God.

These good Indians have given me their confidence so en-
tirely, they surround me with so much filial attachment, that
it is only by weeping and rending my heart that I tear myself
away from their touching farewells, carrying off in my heart
something of the sentiment which I knew for the first time
two years ago when I left my mother and brothers.

An Indian sends me two messages to ask me whether I
should like to admit him to confession. I naturally reply,
"Yes." He comes, gloomy as the night, sad, racked with deep
pain. This is the situation : This man, a good Christian, had

"The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.

""He [Petit] calls his mission 'Chichipe Outipe,' which I have not yet
been able to identify, but the first word is apparently She-she-pa which is the
Potawatomi word for 'duck.' " Dunn, True Indian Stories, pp. 241, 258.
This is apparently a term that the Indians applied to Petit, also. See post,
p. 62.

36 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

before his baptism a wife whose temperament did not agree
with his. He sends her away and takes another, M. Deseille
wants him to return to his first wife, but he doesn't want to.
The priest forbids him to enter the chapel and deprives him
of prayer. He remains good for a year, praying and present-
ing himself for confession, but M. Deseille refuses to receive
him, even for confession, if he is unwilling to take his first
wife again. But his heart has partaken of piety, and this is
not life for him. He comes to confession, and I question him,
warned by Mile. Campeau. At the very first words I learn
that the first wife, whom he had left, was, when he married
her, his brother's widow (a way out!), and I tell him to come
back in the evening with his present wife. I made inquiries
about the situation in the meantime. I reprimand them for
having married thus without the benediction and against the
will of the priest, and then I announce to them that on the
following Sunday I shall marry them (it is Thursday). I
forbid them to live conjugally until that day and order them to
spend the time in fasting, prayer, and meditation of their sins.
On Sunday they come back to confession. I announce and
explain the marriage so that there may be neither astonish-
ment nor scandal, and I have them take their places again
among their brethren. As a result of this, life has returned to
the heart and countenance of this man ; it is one of the greatest
joys I have ever experienced.

One Saturday evening a girl of eighteen or nineteen years
conies to confession. We notice that she speaks with diffi-
culty. She finishes her confession and goes away. Evening
comes, very dark and rainy. Two little Indians arrive and
consult me about this girl, who fell into convulsions on the
way home. I take a woolen blanket, wrap myself in it like an
Indian, and my guides and I [go forth], each with a torch in
his hand which spreads a dubious light on the way through the
woods when he waves it. There are creeks to cross on tree
trunks by this light. We arrive. The poor girl has not been
well for several days, and, upon returning home, fell into the
fire unconscious, they thought. I give extreme unction by
the light of the fire burning in the center of the Indian hut.
I start to withdraw, but they appear to want me to stay, and I

TRAIL OF DEATH 37

Stay. I sleep for a moment on a mat ; then I remain awake in
their midst. I have them sleep by turns. I speak to them
with some Indian words learned from M. Deseille and many
gestures learned from my mother, from France. The night
passes, the moon looking down upon us from on high and
revealed by the hole through which the smoke escapes.

Two days later the mother comes to confession and tells
me that her daughter spoke only to say : "I have seen my
Father. Pray to God for me. I cannot speak, but I see and
hear. Tell him to ask God that I may die or that I may re-
cover quickly." When I have a moment in the evening (this
was in the last few days), I go there, saying my breviary.
I say my Complin^^ with the dying woman, then the prayers
of the dying, then a last absolution. A half hour afterward
the report of a rifle informs us of her death. I hurry imme-
diately to those at the chapel, where we pray for her.

A thousand things and details as moving must wait for an-
other time. I should like to ask you for the privilege of bene-
diction and indulgence of the cross and chaplets, the privilege
of in mortis articulo, if you can grant them to me.

How am I to give dispensation to Mme, Brouillette for the
impediments of affinity contracted by having responded at the
baptism of her daughter?^* May I do it by a single voluntary
act from here, or is it necessary to make the journey and give
her dispensation at her home ? She knows nothing of it ; it is
lOO miles there and back.

What about a good man quite ready for baptism who does
not want to be baptized because it will then be necessary to
marry and his present Christian wife has too melancholy a
temperament? He is waiting for her to change before he
binds himself to her forever, and so at present refuses his
baptism.

A woman's unfaithful, bigamous husband becomes con-
verted. She has custody of the children. Is it necessary to

^The liturgical prayer of the day, said after nightfall.

""Marie Elizabeth Brouillette. See Petit's Journal and notes to his Jour-
nal, post, pp. I20, 133. Mme. Brouillette had incurred the "impediment" by
acting as godmother to her own daughter.

38 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

require her to leave this husband, who supports her and her
children? She was his first wife, a Christian woman sent
away by an unfaithful husband, not married by the Church.
Can she marry another, and vice versa? What if both are
unfaithful? I think yes, but be good enough to reply to me
with just a word on all this, and I shall be very grateful to you.
I like so much to lean upon the decision of a superior in such
questions.

The Indians, Monseigneur, are preparing to leave for
Washington to protest against the unworthy manner with
which they are treated. The treaty^^ is indeed a thing as illegal
as possible and in no wise applicable to our people, who have
sold nothing. Menominee, the great chief, another savage, an
interpreter, and a lawyer are preparing to leave. It seems to
me that if the government has not decided to be completely
unjust, they will be listened to. It is not at all a question of
breaking the treaty but merely of whether the executive power
will declare the treaty good and valid as far as it concerns
those who have actually sold, but at the same time exercising
its power as interpreter to say that the document could not be
applied without an error of fact which would vitiate it. To
those who have not sold, it is a question of interpreting and
applying the treaty, not of breaking it.

I just found out, however, that, at the payment at which
the savages were to receive the money necessary for their
journey, the Catholics got nothing, or next to nothing. So I
fear their voices cannot be heard at Washington — or perhaps
they will obtain a justice which would save the most edifying
of your congregations for your diocese. One's heart bleeds at
so much injustice. Well, what shall I say to you? Monseig-
neur, I have asked the good Lord whether I ought to tell you :
I think so. If the Indians cannot find a way to go themselves,
could I not go myself, with a power of attorney from them?
I think I am capable of doing it, although it is a trial to a sort
of natural timidity and repugnance which I feel for this kind
of thing. Mother informs me of money from France ; I could
make the trip at my own expense.

^Treaty of August S, 1836. See ante, p. 23.

TRAIL OF DEATH 39

Would we abandon them without even a feeble attempt at
protection? I have entrusted the affair to the Holy Virgin.
I do not think there enters into this proposal I make to you any
natural desire on my part to travel or tour. Ah, no; I feel
rather a sort of natural defiance, and I think I should make
this attempt. Your wisdom will weigh and decide : it will be
the voice of God to me. The journey will take only a short
time.

If I had more paper I should speak to you about my
Protestants around the Indian mission. What would you say
if I told you that a Protestant lady poured out torrents of
tears while asking me to pray that her whole family might
become Catholic? It is the edification of the Indians which
causes this. Monseigneur, to conclude, pardon me again : I
said Mass this morning for M. Schaeffer.^^ I lack paper and
have only time enough to beg you to excuse irregularities of
form in favor of deep respect and of complete and devout sub-
mission in Jesus Christ.

From your son,

B. Petit
Ptre. Mre.-'

This morning I claimed letters addressed to M. Deseille,
notably the one of which his sister spoke. I am going to write
to Mile. Deseille what I know of the details of this mission-
ary's death. On second thought I shall not do it, for upon
rereading the letter I see that I am not asked to do it.

I think I conformed with Monseigneur's wishes in giving
six piasters^^ to Mile. Campeau for her living. She asks me
for an old coat, some old stockings, and some pocket handker-
chiefs. I gave them to her. She is indeed, Monseigneur, one
of your most edifying and useful missionaries, is this holy
woman.

^'Father Bernard Schaeffer came to America with Bishop Brute in
1836 and went immediately to service in Chicago. He died there on October
2, 1837. See Petit's Journal, post, p. 121 ; Godecker, Simon Brute de Remiir,
pp. 273, 277.

"Missionary Priest.

^"Piaster" is synonymous with "dollar."

40 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

I confirmed the gift of a pair of young steers promised by
M. Frangois"^ to a Frenchman*^" to whom M. Deseille had en-
trusted the animals and who at all times has rendered and is
still ready to render the greatest services to the mission.

M. Mueller's^^ horse is worn out, and, what is worse, they
told me the other day that he is eighteen or nineteen years old.
What is certain is that when I was coming back from my so-
journ among the Indians, a trip of twenty-seven or thirty
miles, I had to stop for the night on the way. He could not go
further. I know the road is terrible — mud, half a foot of ice,
snow — but what of it? Mme. Coquillard^^ promises me an-
other.

[Addressed:] To The Right Rd. Bishop Brute Vincennes
(Knox County) Indiana.

Petit to Bishop Brute, December 9, 1837

[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDA33]

South Bend, 9 December, 1837.

MONSEIGNEUR :

Just this moment I received your honored letter of the
29th last. I had been waiting for it for several days in order
to write to you, having to bring to your attention some of M.
Deseille's final recommendations, made to a good Irishman
who attended him during his last illness. He wanted 140
Masses said for the repose of his soul, and he informed you

^Priest at Logansport. See ante, p. 27.

^Perhaps M. Charron. See notes to Petit's Journal, post, p. 133. Char-
ron was a farmer on the land on St. Mary's Lake owned by Bishop Brute.

"Father Mueller was priest at Fort Wayne. See ante, p. 28. He came
to South Bend following Father Deseille's death, and upon his departure
took the Father's horse, leaving behind his own, which was sick. See Petit's
Journal, post, p. 120.

'^Frances (Comparet) Coquillard. In 1824, in Detroit, she married
Alexis Coquillard, an agent of the American Fur Company, and came with
him to his station at the present site of South Bend, then a wilderness.
"Intelligent, charming, and well educated," she "was to the poor untutored
Indians of that day a veritable Good Samaritan." Charles C. Chapman,
History of St. Joseph Cowity, Indiana (Chicago, 1880), pp. 503-4; Mary C.
Coquillard, Alexis Coquillard — His Time (Northern Indiana Historical So-
ciety, South Bend, 1931), pp. 12-13, 14.

'■'The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.

TRAIL OF DEATH 41

that he himself had paid the cost of 40 Masses, and he wished
the 140 said in a year's time.

If M. Mueller saw a draft for $400 among M. Deseille's
papers, I have found nothing of the kind, and I haven't heard
the least word said about it. All I discovered was $140 in
cash, which belongs to the savages of Chichipe Outipe. I shall
give it to Menominee for his journey to Washington ; he asked
me for it again, and it belongs to them. In addition there is
a counterfeit note for $5, and $4 in cash ; I think that is all
remaining after the debts were paid by M. Frangois.

As to the savages, Monseigneur, I have never said a word
to them tending in the least to influence them to disobey in
case they should not obtain justice and should be forced to
depart.^* This would be contrary to their interest and my duty.
Nor have I ever had the least idea of asking your permission
to accompany them in their emigration, and I am, thanks to
God, wholly prepared to leave them when you say to me :
"Depart" (not, however, without some inner pangs, but that
does not matter).

But this is what I have done, and I don't think I did
wrong — you shall judge : I promised Menominee a memorial,
in which I should briefly explain their case so that, when he is
before the President, he may be sure to make him understand
the facts with certainty. He is to deliver it as if it were his
own, and my name will not appear. It is a simple, general,
and logical expose of the facts, tending to prove that they did
not sign, or that they signed without knowing what they were
doing, or that some of the signatures appearing on the treaty
are of people not properly settled on the reserve. The whole
is based simply on the general facts, without direct or personal
accusations against anyone. It is true that agents in general
are somewhat blackened by it, but is it necessary to sacrifice
the innocent to the guilty by keeping silent?

^^In a letter dated November 29, Bishop Brute wrote to Petit: "These
people will not be successful in having the law repealed. Whatever may
have been its origin — however faulty or dishonest even — if the fault lay in
the documents upon which the law was based then above all, we should, as
Father Deseille said, refrain from meddling in what is not in the line of our
duties." Quoted in Godecker, Simon Brute de Remur, p. 334-

42 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The reason I promised this to him is that they have so
often been deceived by lawyers and interpreters, and they have
so often been made to say what they do not mean, that I am
very glad to assure them a certain communication of their
protests.

This is absolutely the only interpretation I make of it :
It is not at all a question of repealing a law : a treaty is not a
law, for it has in no wise received any legislative sanction at
all, having been approved only by the Senate and ratified by
the President. It is not a question of repealing it but of exe-
cuting it in its true sense. The executive power is always
joined to the interpretive power, and the President, who is
bound to execute the treaty, necessarily has the power to say
it applies to those to whom it does not. In the Senate's inten-
tion, however, the ratification applies to a completed sale. So
from the moment the executive power declares unquestionably
that the sale was not actually agreed upon, as is the case, it
would follow that by his interpretive power he ought to say
the treaty applies to those who have really sold, but it could
apply only by an error of fact contrary to the intention of the
ratification itself. Thus, you see, it is only a question of ask-
ing the competent executive power in the case at issue to de-
clare the proper application of the treaty by a natural and
well-founded interpretation.

Such is the spirit in which the memorial in question is ad-
dressed to the President. I think it may be useful to the
Indiahs, but speak but a word to me, and I shall keep it to
myself in all submission, telling Menominee that you do not
think it can do them any good. As to this manner of bringing
the question to the President's attention, I communicated my
opinion to the law3'er. I do not think I was wrong in all
this, but judge me, Monseigneur, and I shall submit very
quickly, very quickly.

If, however, the Indians depart before I have learned your
decision regarding this and ask me for the promised letter, I
shall give it to them, for it is merely as if they were asking
me to write a letter for them because they do not know how to
write, and this is a service which can hardly with charity be
refused them. All things considered, however, I should refuse

TRAIL OF DEATH 43

it to them until I got your permission. But in case of refusal
I shall ask your authority to communicate what I have done
to someone who can do as much for them in my place or adopt
my memorial in his name.

I am ashamed of myself, Monseigneur, and I fear you find
me still too much a lawyer. I should perhaps have cast that
spirit far from me, and yet it was at a time when the weak
oppressed had no sure defense against the oppressor other than
the priest's voice. Could you give them a letter of recommen-
dation to J. Ewing of Vincennes ? — he is in the Senate. ^^ En-
close it in your reply to this.

I had the happiness of baptizing Mme. Laurent Bertrand :^^
I heard her confession, baptized her under condition,^^ had her
renew her confession generally, and gave her absolution. . . .

This week I went several miles to see a woman who had
left the Catholics to join the Dunkers. She promised me she
would return, and I expect her tomorrow at confession. ^^ She
has been in this commendable state of mind since before M.
Deseille's death; she is the wife of a good Irishman who came
and told me his sorrow and implored me to go speak with his
wife. I hope God's grace will settle this yet.

In answer to your questions : First, I have completely worn
out M. Mueller's horse; he is in such a state as to make the
crows cry with envy. The idea of a journey with this poor
old creature (who, I imagine, still means well) is hopeless.
Perhaps he will recover ; one still occasionally sees that he was
a good horse.

Second : I went yesterday to lay out, at the further ex-
tremity of the land,^^ a site where a new farmer will build a

^John Ewing was a member of the United States House of Representa-
tives, not the Senate, 1833-35, 1837-39. Biographical Dictionary of the
American Congress 1774-1927 (1928), p. 954.

^"Wife of Laurent Bertrand, son of Joseph Bertrand, Sr. See post, p.
son. On November 2, Bertrand had informed Petit that his wife was ready to
become a CathoHc ; on November 28, she was converted. See Petit's Journal,
post, p. 122.

"A procedure resorted to when there is some doubt whether or not an
individual has been validly baptized.

^'She came to confession. See Petit's Journal, post, p. 122.

'"Probably the land deeded by Father Badin to Bishop Brute. See ante,
p. 15 and note.

44 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

second farmhouse and cultivate the soil. He is to use it for
three years to reimburse himself and then pay a third of the
land's produce, and all the improvements will belong to you.
The wood he will have to sell above what is necessary for the
fences and buildings and his own use will be sold by halves. I
allowed him to carry off and chop up the felled or broken
wood which was rotting on the ground in consideration of fif-
teen cents a cord. M. de la Hailandiere will say this is too
cheap, but it is the price one gets for such wood here, and,
if I do not sell it at this price, it will be a complete loss next
year. Before long I shall arrange for a farm with Charron
himself as well as I can to your advantage.

Third : the savages have repeated to me also that they were
willing to give a section to the Church, but it is the section on
which the church is located at the Yellow River, and the first
question is whether the reserve still belongs to them; if not, the
Church can take nothing from them.

Fourth : M. Deseille's residence at the Yellow River is very
beautiful and good,*" and I do not doubt you can have a right
of pre-emption over this quarter section as the heir of M.
Deseille, the first settler, but it would not be necessary to give
up the place or buy it.

Fifth: I shall be able to inquire for an Indian, but I do
not think I can find one of the kind which would be neces-
sary — but perhaps — I shall see. I heard that some of them
intended to ask you if they could settle at the lake, on a little
corner of your land, if they are driven off the "duck's head."
They could indeed cultivate your land if a priest is established
at the lake ; that might be advantageous both for you and for
them ; it should be looked into later.

Sixth: I shall see whether I can find some religious ar-
ticles suitable to please a Clarisse.*^

Seventh : I found two chalices, a large one and a small one,
for a mission; the foot of the latter is broken. The books are
in good condition, and some are precious — a magnificent Bil-

"Petit had taken up residence, apparently with no opposition, in the
house on the Yellow River reserve from which Sands had expelled Father
Deseille and Angelique Campeau. See ante, pp. 24-25.

"A nun of the Order of St. Clare.

TRAIL OF DEATH 45

luart*^ — church and personal linen, handkerchiefs, tools, all
sorts of things.

M. Coquillard*^ himself is soon going to Fort Wayne; I
shall entrust the note concerning M. Comparef** to him.

I recommend myself to the prayers of your candidates for
ordination at Christmas; we shall pray for them at Chichipe
Outipe as soon as I return there, but that will not be before
the ordination. I shall go there the day after Christmas.

Yes, Monseigneur, I shall accept without shame whenever
donations are given me, but they do not happen often. I am
still very rich anyway, and I have the dollars you intended for
M. Mueller in the bottom of my pocket. Is it a wrong use to
keep them for a horse in case his should completely fail?
There is a real carcass.

I shall write to M. Badin.*^

Monseigneur, if you find in me too much ardor for the
savages, you will excuse me, will you not? For though I
have known them only a short time, there is an inconceivable
tenderness for them in the bottom of my heart which the good
Lord will bless, I hope. Might it not turn out that this will
give me the happiness of offering to Him the pain I shall feel
in leaving them, if you wish it so?

*'One of the theological works of Charles Rene Billuart, 1685-1757.
The Catholic Encyclopedia, II (1907), 567.

"Alexis Coquillard won a reputation as an Indian trader and was ap-
pointed agent for the American Fur Company, in partnership with Francis
Comparet. He came to South Bend in 1824 and has been described as the
"pioneer introducer of civilized customs among the Indians in northern
Indiana." Coquillard, Alexis Coquillard; Chapman, History of St. Joseph
County, p. 464.

"Francis Comparet came to Fort Wayne in 1820. Bert J. Griswold, The
Pictorial History of Fort Wayne, Indiana (Chicago, 1917), p. 247; Coquil-
lard, Alexis Coquillard, pp. 8-13.

"Francis Vincent Badin, vicar-general of the diocese of Detroit. The
diocese of Vincennes extended only to the Indiana-Michigan border. The
region north of this was under the jurisdiction of Bishop Reze of Detroit,
to whom, through his vicar-general, Petit was responsible for his ministra-
tions at Bertrand and other points in Michigan. Alerding, History of the
Catholic Church, pp. 121-22, 124. Petit had written to Detroit on November
27, and wrote again on December 28. He received the same powers which
Father Deseille had had. Post, pp. 56, 121, 123.

46 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

I shall say midnight Mass in the church at Bertrand.*^ It
is not entirely finished, but well closed up and, I think, just
about as suitable as your respected cathedral, although it is not
consecrated. I think I can say the first Mass there just as well
as in Mme. Coquillard's parlor. Last Sunday I had twelve
children at catechism, afterwards the breviary, and finally our
dinner.

Monseigneur, I may be mistaken, and I often am mistaken
through ignorance, but I hope the good Lord will pardon me,
for he reads at the bottom of my heart a great desire to do
well for His glory. And thanks a thousand times to you;
you will pardon me, too, for I know your fatherly indulgence
for your respectfully devoted son and priest,

B. Petit
Ptre. Mre.

My friendly respects to M. de la Hailandiere : thanks a
thousand times for his good letters, and Shaw, Vabret, Berel,
and Paret,*" for keeping the little cloak and giving me the
pleasure of accepting it from me.

We need here the number of your section, which we do not
have in the contract for the tax payments.

I think it is proper that I go and settle at the lake :*^ first,
it will please many people , second, I think I am an embarrass-
ment here, though they urge me to stay and they are a thou-
sand times too good; and finally it is more fitting that I be

**Bertrand, Michigan, was a village on the St. Joseph River, not far
from the Indiana border. See "History of the Extinct Village of Bertrand,"
Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, Collections, XXVIII (1900), 128-
33.

^^These four were members of the party which Brute brought to America
in 1836. Michael Edward Shaw (Shawe) was made a deacon December 18,
1836, and was ordained March 12, 1837 — the first priest to be ordained in St.
Francis Xavier Cathedral at Vincennes. He became the first resident pastor
at Madison on July 18, 1836. Father John A. Vabret conducted the Catholic
College at Vincennes. Maurice Berel was ordained a priest at Vincennes on
December 23, 1837, and continued as an instructor in the school there.
Anthony Paret (Parret), ordained a subdeacon December 18, 1836, a deacon
December 23, 1837, and a priest August 15, 1838, remained in the Vincennes
District. Alerding, History of The Catholic Church, p. 226; Godecker,
Simon Brute de Remur, index; Vincennes Western Sun and General Adver-
tiser, September 2, 1837, p. 3, c. 4, and following issues.

"St. Mary's Lake.

TRAIL OF DEATH 47

where M. Deseille was. Please tell me in your next letter that
you desire me to go there, in order to remove all difficulty in
case I should leave my present dwelling. I am thinking of
leaving one of these days, but I am somewhat embarrassed : a
Westphalian Catholic is going to Europe and wishes to return
here, he says, in August next year with about forty Catholic
families to found a second town on the Coquillard land on the
other side of the river, but he wants a church.

May I presume to send by you, Monseigneur, my respectful
greetings to Messieurs Ellis, Law, Stahl, Trouts, and the
Moore and Doran families? You will permit me, Monseig-
neur, to ask for a reply from you or M. de la Hailandiere as
soon as you can without inconveniencing yourself.

I knew, of course, that I must always have someone present
when I say Holy Mass.

Sunday evening. The good Lord spoils me : I had to recon-
cile the poor Dunker, of whom I believe I spoke above, to the
Church today. Then I had a conversation with a Protestant
woman*^ desiring to become a Catholic; she is a believer and
appears educated ; I do not think it will take long. She came to
Mass today in spite of the extreme cold and the icy roads.
Some ladies even came from as far as Bertrand — seven miles —
a full audience. They tell me of other Protestants : it would
be a pity, Monseigneur, to abandon this post. If I am not
to remain here, try to send another here.

[Addressed:] To the Right Rd. Bishop Brute Vincennes,
Knox Cty. Indiana

Petit to Bishop Brute, December 26, 1837

[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDA^o]

South Bend, 26 December, 1837.
Monseigneur,

If after all the kindness you have shown me so often I
could still have doubted that I had found a father's tenderness
in you, your letter of December 5, followed at a two-day inter-
val by another, would have sufficed to prove to me the paternal

"A Mme. Clarke. See Petit's Journal, post, p. 122.

^°The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.

48 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

solicitude for the elder sons of your numerous family which
fills your heart.^^

I am surprised, Monseigneur, at my health : one evening at
sunset I left Bertrand in snow which was falling heavily to
go twenty-four miles to administer to a sick woman at Poka-
gon's.®^ I traveled all night through the forest ; there were, in
the sleigh, M. Benjamin Bertrand^^ and I. We upset nine
times on the way — superb ! — we laughed like kings. We finally
arrived at 2 a. m. I had left Bertrand without eating. The day
before was a fast day, and, as I wanted to say the first Mass,
I didn't take anything. I went to bed on an Indian mat, and
after a few hours there I was, as fresh and fit as you can
possibly imagine. Mass, sermons to the Indians, confessions
all day long, and the next day extreme unction, communion
for the sick woman, five other communions — and then we left.
Going back we upset only twice. I remember the time when
Benjamin would have coughed, grown pale, etc., but he was
not a missionary then: that makes quite a difference.

Now to tell you of 'Hty Christmas : Pokagon's savages ar-
rived at Bertrand for the festival Friday morning, to the num-
ber of sixty or seventy. I went there myself and heard
confessions until sunset Saturday. They brought me back by
sleigh to South Bend, where on Sunday morning after High
Mass I had the happiness of baptizing Mme. Clark. I left for
Bertrand immediately, and in the afternoon performed seven
baptisms, three of which were of Indian adults ; then confes-
sions until eleven o'clock, midnight Mass, sermons in French
and English, and about fifty communions; the next morning
at the lake confessions until High Mass, English and French
sermons, and ten or fifteen communions. I shall confess that
after these two High Masses, six sermons, and confessions

"Brute's solicitude for Petit induced him to request P"ather Francois, of
Logansport, in a letter of December 24, 1837, to "have an eye on" the young
man, "so zealous and little accustomed to the climate." University of Notre
Dame Archives.

"The village of Chief Leopold Pokagon. See ante, p. I4n.

*^Half-breed son of Joseph Bertrand, Sr. "History of . . . Bertrand,"
Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, Collections, XXVIII, 130. See
post, p. 5on.

TRAIL OF DEATH 49

during these days, I felt very tired, and in the afternoon I fell
asleep in an armchair by the fireplace.

I have nothing but the highest praise for the kindness of
the Bertrand family, M. and Mme. Coquillard, and M. and
Mme. Charron, whether it was to drive anywhere (for when
I do not go by sleigh and when I do not want to abuse their
kindness, I have to go on foot, my horse being entirely un-
serviceable; I do this only for very short trips), or whether to
do anything to please me in connection with decorating the
altars, etc. I should not, however, like to defer any longer,
if I am to remain here, having a good horse; I regard this as
necessary equipment; a missionary should not have to depend
upon the kindness of others to go anywhere his ministry calls
him. However great the kindness may be, it can become ex-
hausted at long last. But I am leaving for Chichipe Outipe
tomorrow; I am going to conduct a mission for the savages,
and from there I shall pass through Vincennes on my way to
Washington.'** During my absence M. Mueller's horse will
either get well, and then I shall sell him, or die completely.
Mme. Coquillard still promises me one which a gentleman owes
her as a token of a big sale of lands made by her husband;
if she gets it, I shall have it.

I hope to see you soon. I have many things to tell you,
and it is a joy to my heart to think of being with you again.
Yet I am leaving some children, a family I love much; my
heart is always torn and divided and will not be happy any-
where. These ties which the ministry forms are sweet and
strong, like all the manifestations of the love of God, whom
we serve.

I was so tired at Christmas time that I felt no devotion.
I do not know how the savages' journey will take place; I
think they are having trouble finding the necessary money. In
any event I shall be ready to follow your directions, either
going alone with their power of attorney, which they will send
me in case they should not be able to come themselves, or both
they and I leaving separately to act simultaneously. Omnia
ad Maiorem Dei Gloriain.

"This journey was never made, for Brute apparently overruled the
plan the next month. Post, p. 124.

50 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

I have just seen M. Joseph Bertrand, who has just come
from the Mississippi, where he conducted a troop of Indians.^'
As soon as they arrived there, they were visited by Protestant
ministers who offered them their services. *'We didn't send
for you," said Caldwell, ^^ the great chief of the Potawatomi.
"When we need you we shall let you know." But a French
priest was there, and they already have a church at Council
Bluffs. Who is this priest?'^' Will it be bad or good fortune
for these poor simple Christians? You could find out, Mon-
seigneur, from the Bishop of St. Louis, in whose diocese the
place mentioned above is situated.

^'Joseph Bertrand established a trading post on the west side of the
St. Joseph River in 1808, later moving across the river to the site now
known as Bertrand. He married Mona, baptized Madeline, daughter of
Chief Topenebee, by whom he had several children. Bertrand probably
served as an assistant in the emigration of about 450 Potawatomi, including
the band of Topenebee, in July, 1837. This party, under the direction of
Lewis H. Sands and Moses H. Scott, went to Chicago, where it divided.
One hundred and sixty, under Scott, went to the Osage River in Kansas
and 287, under Sands, to Council Bluffs. Bertrand joined his family on
the Potawatomi reservation in Kansas in 1853. "History of . . . Bertrand,"
Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, Collections, XVIII, 128-33 ; Otho
Winger, The Potawatovii Indians (Elgin, Illinois, 1939), pp. 115-19; Moses
H. Scott to Lewis H. Sands, November 18, 1837, and Lewis H. Sands to
Carey A. Harris, November 18, 1837, Mereness Calendar, Indian Office,
Letters Received, Chicago ; Daniel McDonald, History of Lake Maxinknckee
(Indianapolis, 1905), p. 19.

"Sauganash (the Englishman) or Billy Caldwell was a half-breed, son
of, an Irish officer and a Potawatomi woman. He was educated in the
Jesuit schools in Detroit and became an outstanding member of his tribe.
In 183s he left his home in Chicago to emigrate to Iowa ; he died on the re-
serve near Council Bluffs in 1841. Winger, The Potazvatomi Indians, pp.
108-10; Hodge (ed.), Handbook of American Indians, 11, 408.

^In 1837 there was no mission at Council Bluffs. The first Indian
mission west of the Mississippi — perhaps the "church'' that Petit mentions —
was established among the Kickapoo near Fort Leavenworth, in 1836, by
Father Charles Van Quickenborne, aided by Brothers Andrew Mazella and
Edmund Barry. Father Christian Hoecken became the first teacher in the
school there. On September 13, 1837, the Potawatomi of Council Bluffs,
under the direction of the Superior of the Missouri Mission, Father Ver-
haegen, petitioned the Secretary of War for a school to be conducted by the
Catholic Missionary Society of Missouri. The petition was signed by several
Potawatomi, including Caldwell. In May, 1838, a mission was established
under the direction of Father Peter de Smet and Father Felix Verreydt.

TRAIL OF DEATH 51

I think, Monseigneur, that toward the end of January I
shall have the happiness to ask for your benediction and to
offer you my respects in person.

You know, doubtless, that M. Mueller has been very ill
again.

I have not yet received an answer from M. Badin in De-
troit, and apparently I shall leave before getting one.

As for your fears that I am suffering hardship, I do not
at all. I have spent very little and am still rich enough to re-
turn home amply provided with the money you personally gave
me. I need absolutely nothing. I am little sensitive to the cold
and in good health, although a little tired these days.

I beg you, Monseigneur, to accept the respectful expres-
sion of sentiments of devotion and submission with which
I am,

Your Reverence's very humble and very obedient servant,
priest, and son in Jesus Christ,

B. Petit
Ptre. Mre.

My respects to all those gentlemen and particularly to M.
de la Hailandiere, Shaw, Vabret, Berel, Paret — particularly —
I have named everybody; this is certainly a large particulari-
zation !

[Addressed:] To the Right Rd. Bishop Brute Vincennes
(Knox Cty.) Indiana

Petit to His Family, January 5 (?), 1838^^

[Translated from Annales, XI (1838-39), No. lxv, 387-89I

Here I am at Chichipe Outipe, in the bosom of my Indian
church. How I love my children and what a good time I have
among them ! The mission is laborious, but what consolations !
I shall not repeat it — it is always the same miracle — an incred-
ible succession of conversions among these poor infidels. There

It lasted until 1841. John Rothensteiner, History of the Archdiocese of St.
Louis (2 volumes. St. Louis, 1928); I, 641-45, 653-54, 660, 663; John F.
Kempker, "Catholic Missionaries in the Early and in the Territorial Days of
Iowa," Annals of Iowa, X (1911), 61.

''According to his Journal Petit wrote only one letter between December
28 and January 27, "a letter to France" on January 5. See post, p. 124.

52 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

are now a thousand to twelve hundred Christians, and what a
fervor, what a wonderful and touching simpHcity !

It was the last day of the year 1837. I was sleeping on
my mat when, toward midnight, I was awakened with a start
by a discharge of musketry. One does not take long to arise
when one sleeps clothed on mats : I ran to my door, which was
being shaken, and opened it. In a moment my room was
filled with a crowd of Indians — men, women, children — who
had come to wish me Happy New Year. They knelt around
me, and I blessed them. Then, all smiles, they pressed my
hand. It was truly a family celebration. I made them a brief
speech on the past year and the one which had just begun, and
I led them all to the chapel, where we said a short prayer.
Then they asked my permission to do the same honors to the
chiefs, and I granted it without reluctance, as you may well
imagine.

Ah, I love them tenderly! If you saw, when I enter a cabin,
the little children who surround me and climb on my knees, the
father and mother and elder children who gather together,
piously make the sign of the cross, and then with a trusting
smile come to press my hand — you could not help loving them
as I do. When one visits them at their cabins in the evening,
one finds them with their heads bent over the fire, singing
hymns or reciting the catechism by the light of their brazier.
Their zeal is surprising: at this moment I have Christians of
three weeks' standing who have learned prayers, catechism,
and hymns in a space of time inconceivably short. I am be-
ginning to speak their language a little — to appreciate some-
thing of what they say to me. If I had to give you all the
details which might interest you, I should never finish. I am
truly too happy. Do not wish anything better for me but that
God protect us! This mission is menaced by approaching de-
struction — the government wants to transport the Indians to
the other side of the ]\Iississippi. I live between fear and hope,
but I entrust my hope and fear to the hands of the Lord !

TRAIL OF DEATH 53

Petit to De la Hailandiere, February 11, 1838
[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDA^s]

South Bend, ii February, 1838.
Monsieur and Very Reverend Friend:

First to business :^° an Indian woman had nine children ;
her husband died; the woman's brother-m-law, according to
the custom of these people, married his dead brother's wife in
order to support the family; this was a duty for them. He
already had another wife, who, shocked by this, became angry
with her husband and left him. She finally became a Chris-
tian. Today this is the situation: the first wife, not wishing
to return to her unfaithful husband, offers no difficulty: she
is not bound to him, he is unfaithful, she is a Christian, both
wish to leave each other, and he does not wish to leave his
second wife (his sister-in-law) — si discedit infidelis, discedat.^^
The difficulty is this: he wishes to become a Christian, and
his present wife, his brother's widow, does also, but the latter
says she cannot leave him on account of her numerous family,
whom he is supporting. They have been living as husband and
wife for four years. She has had one more child by him and
still has five from the first marriage too young to do without
paternal aid, which they receive from their uncle and step-
father. Monseigneur, wouldn't there be a means of dispensa-
tion for the marriage between brother-in-law and sister-in-law
for such weighty reasons? It seems possible to me. The
situation demands it ; they married in the belief that they were
fulfilling a duty. The second wife cannot leave her husband
without compromising her numerous family, her husband
wishes to keep her, and his first wife declared to me that, even
if he sends away the second, she will have nothing to do with
him. They have completely separated, and I have declared to
the woman that she could marry another. In short, and per-

""The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.

""De la Hailandiere was vicar-general of the diocese of Vincennes at
this time and could advise Petit in ecclesiastical matters in Brute's absence.
The Bishop had left Vincennes late in December, going south for his health
and visiting in St. Louis, New Orleans, and Mobile. He returned to \'in-
cennes on April 2, 1838. Godecker, Simon Brute de Remur, pp. 335-44-

""If the unbelieving depart, let him depart." I Corinthians, 7:15.

54 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

haps more clearly, if Monseigneur can dispense a marriage
between brother-in-law and sister-in-law, I am asking for such
a dispensation in the case in question. It is a question of a
previously contracted marriage, according to a nation's custom ;
the interests of a numerous family demand it. For M. Deseille
the difficulty was quite different, the man then having two
wives ; today he has put one of them aside and holds to his
sister-in-law. I am repeating myself and becoming a dotard :
if there is any way to do it, arrange the dispensation. M. De-
seille, it appears, had promised baptism in the present situation,
in which this man put aside his first wife and was faithful to
his second. It seems to me, also, that I vaguely recall that he
consulted the above-mentioned Monseigneur in my presence.
Such dispensations are granted to the Ottawa of Michigan
for pre-existing marriages.*'^ Try to understand me and if
possible grant the dispensation which will render them both
good Christians.

It is not necessary for the validity of a baptism that the
water touch three times, is it? A child moved during a bap-
tism, and I am afraid I did not moisten it three times, although
certain of moistening him at least one good time while pro-
nouncing the words. I think that suffices, but one cannot be
too sure for so necessary a sacrament, and, although the books
may tell me, I want to be more certain. I am very stupid, am
I not?

In regard to the taxes, Monseigneur owes 40 piasters for
his last year's tax because of delinquency; it would have been,
if paid on time, only 15 piasters. Coquillard had paid before
a witness but without getting a receipt. He could recover only
his 15 piasters, and the collector, who can do nothing more

"^Probably at Arbre Croche (Crooked Tree), near Harbor Springs,
Michigan. The Jesuits had a mission there which they visited occasionally
from Michilimackinac between 1741 and 1765. Father Dejean visited there
in 1824 and Father Vincent Badin in 1825. In May, 183 1, Father Frederic
Baraga arrived, and in a little over two years baptized 461 Indians. He was
succeeded by Father Saenderl (Sanderl) in 1833. Chrysostom Verwyst,
"Life and Labors of Bishop Baraga," Michigan Pioneer and Historical
Society, Collections, XXVI (1896), 534-37; Annales, VIII (1835-36), No.
XLiii, 293-96; John Gilmary Shea, History of the Catholic Church in the
United States (2 volumes. New York, 1890-92), I, 342, 343, 347, 354, 614.

TRAIL OF DEATH 55

about it today since the receipt for the delinquents is in the
hands of another, is a poor man and implored them not to act
with severity towards him, recognizing that he could be made
to pay the 40 piasters.*'^

Monseigneur tells me of another half section of M. Badin's;
he wants me to inquire about the taxes; they amount to 80
dollars today, and if they aren't paid it will be sold next year
for taxes. Send me some money, therefore — as many Indiana
notes as possible, as they do not accept anything else here at
the tax office.

I have had to buy a horse for 70 piasters, 60 in cash and
10 on credit. I have only 7 dollars left — not that I have spent
everything, but I lent 200 dollars to the chiefs departing for
Washington. If you can send me the money for the Masses"*
you commissioned me to say, it would please me. In my next
letter I shall report all my expenses, dollar for dollar, to you,
for I keep an exact account of my time and all my business.

It is as difficult to procure Indiana notes here as money
itself.

While I was with my Indians, Charron, the farmer at the
lake, sold my poor horse (M. Mueller's) for 18 dollars. The
American who bought him, after working him a few days,
brought him back, asking for a refund. Charron was unwill-
ing to give it and kept the American's note. The expenses of
the lawsuit, which lasted several days, amounted to 30 dollars,
and they have been charged to the American. Meanwhile the
horse, broken-hearted, probably, at being the cause of so much
trouble, died of grief. I am glad of it and for having been
absent the whole time.

Here is a fact which probably will interest you: Sina-
gorra,*^^ Chichipe's first catechist — a man remarkable for his

*'The meaning of this paragraph is, apparently, that the tax collector
gave the receipt to the wrong person, thus rendering Coquillard's payment in
behalf of Brute invalid and making the collector liable for the amount
plus the penalty for delay.

"Petit had said ten Masses ordered by De la Hailandiere for Father
Deseille and Father Schaeffer. See Petit's Journal, post, p. 122.

°°Perhaps this is William Sinagau, a resident of Menominee's Reserve,
who later became head chief of a band of Potawatomi at Rush Lake,
Michigan. Buechner, The Pokagons, pp. 314, 31 7-

56 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

wit, eloquence, deep faith, devotion to the good works of the
mission among his brethren — was very ill in his hunting camp
at Christmas time last year. He could not walk, being incapaci-
tated by pain, and he looked on with despair as all his neighbors
left for the chapel to celebrate the festival there. He was con-
sumed with the desire to be among them, and gloom settled
upon him. Then he made up his mind to go at any price. He
had himself put on a horse and left for the village suffering
so much that he wept. After a long, painful journey he ar-
rived, unable to walk; bent double, he dragged himself with
great difficulty on a cane to the chapel. He joined in the
prayer with his usual fervor, and then, after the prayer, he
arose, completely cured of his pains and walking without a
cane, and returned on foot. The whole village witnessed this.
It is wonderful to hear this Indian speak: his features light
up with such fire; his speech, his gesture, his face are so ex-
pressive ; he is so beloved by all the Christians and surrounded
by such universal confidence. His spirit, his discourse, and his
heart, entirely dedicated to the service of God, make him a
missionary so appropriate to his position that you could not
help loving him. With all that he has the naive and humble
simplicity of a very small child; he is in my eyes a holy and
truly lovable man.

How little savage they are at heart, these Indians, whom
the Americans, with their hearts dry as cork and their whole
thought "land and money," fail to appreciate and treat with so
much disdain and injustice.

Conforming to Monseigneur's wish, I have had myself
authorized by M. Badin of Detroit : I now have the same
powers M. Deseille himself had.''*'

Please reply to me by return mail addressed to Plymouth,
Marshall County, where I shall get your letter at the end of
this month on my way to Chichipe Outipe, where I am to be
for Ash Wednesday. I am, awaiting the honor of your reply,
M. Vicar-General,

Your entirely devoted and submissive servant,

B. Petit
Ptre. Mre.

""See ante, p. 45.

TRAIL OF DEATH 57

Yesterday I covered twenty-five miles" on horseback
through severe cold. It is strange how little I suffer from the
cold, or rather I do not suffer at all from it : I was forced to
remove my mittens because I was too warm. My health is still
excellent, though my eyes are tired by the snow, which has not
left us for nearly two months. They are tired, but not more
than others'.

In regard to the money I am asking you for, I shall tell you
that my boots are full of holes, and I should be glad to buy a
pair of them, or even shoes, but that does not mean that I am
suffering at all from the cold : I am like a prince. I have so
well got the habit of sleeping on a mat wrapped in blankets that
I have one uninterrupted sleep that way from evening to morn-
ing, and today I was completely out of my element in the
feather bed at M. Coquillard's house. One does not refresh
one's self so well that way ; it won't do.

I had about ten newly arrived German Catholics here at
Mass this morning. I had to improvise in English. How are
the gentlemen of the College and the Seminary P*^^ Is the in-
stitution prospering? My respects to all.

Mother tells me she sent a parcel; if you should receive it,
I should like you to have a pair of riding breeches and leggings
forwarded to me, if you could, addressing them to M. Fran-
cois by steamboat.

^'This is the distance from Menominee's Reserve near Plymouth to
South Bend.

"'Before the see of Vincennes was created in 1834, there was a school
there, taught by four Sisters of Charity from Nazareth, Kentucky. The
sisters were withdrawn temporarily, but returned in 1835. In 1838, the
Superiors at Nazareth recalled two of the four sisters. The other two
remained until 1838, when two sisters from Mt. St. Mary's near Emmitsburg,
Maryland, replaced them. They were more experienced, and able to carry
out Brute's plans for a boarding school, day school, and a separate free
school. Aided by funds which he collected on his trip to France and Italy in
1836, Brute set up the Catholic College of Vincennes in the fall of 1837 ; in
the fall of 1838 St. Mary's Academy and Free School was opened. Godecker,
Simon Brute de Remur, pp. 229, 236-37, 320, 341-43 ', Alerding, History of the
Catholic Church, p. 149; Bayley, Memoirs, pp. 93-94- 96; advertisements in
Vincennes Western Sun and General Advertiser, September 2, 1S37, p. 3. c. 4,
August 18, 1838, p. 3, c. 5, and following issues.

58 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

I shall send you immediately, in a box, my little Indian
family leaving for France.''^

How is Monseigneur?

Have you any nevi^s from France ?

[Addressed :] To the Very Revd. C. de la Hailandiere
Pastor of the Catholic congregation Vincennes, Knox Cty.
Indiana,

Petit to De la Hailandiere, March 25, 1838

[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDA^o]

South Bend, 25 March, 1838.
M. the Vicar-General (and dear friend),

First, I could not and cannot help laughing upon reading
the salutation of your letter to Benjamin: "Monsieur and
dear colleague." It is so serious, so dignified, so official, so
canonical that, not knowing how to answer, I wrote in all dig-
nity "M. the Vicar-General," subordinating in parentheses an
apostrophe which you deign to allow me and which your pen
ordinarily calls me when it has no distractions. . . .^^

To be serious: I received the 150 piasters safe and sound,
and it is with a painful feeling that I have to render you an
account of the tax affair which will surprise you. The lake
farm" had not paid its taxes of 1836 and 1837; here is a
detailed account of the affair:

, Taxes for 1836, due December i, 1836 $20,251
Fine for delay in payment, 50% 10.126

Increase which runs day by day, 100%
a year, dating from December i, 1836,
which makes a delinquency of i year,
3 months, and 22 days 26.68

"'Perhaps a picture.

"The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.

"This is not an ellipsis. Petit apparently used this means to indicate
a change of tone in his letter.

"Petit refers to the land on Lake St. Mary's which Father Badin pur-
chased and deeded to Brute.

TRAIL OF DEATH 59

This is the enormous amount I have had

to pay $83.05"

You told me to look into it closely ; I have been able to do
nothing in that regard but to figure it out myself on the basis
that I am communicating to you according to the instructions
I received. This is what I think of what has happened : M.
Coquillard was negligent in notifying me. The collector told
me this morning that Coquillard had come to make payment
too late, and he probably did not want to pay the penalty and
the increase; so he left the matter there. It has increased day
by day since then. He had committed himself to pay only the
current taxes and not the penalty and the increase, but he ought
to have notified us sooner. When he made this benevolent
promise, during the Bishop's visit, ^* the penalty and increase
for 1836 had already been incurred.

I do not yet know the section number of M. Badin's farm,
and consequently I do not know what there is of it. I shall
attend to it.

I expressed myself badly if you understood that the woman
whom I assured was free was leaving in spite of his wishes
the man who had been her husband ever since she had become
a Christian. He is willing to keep her if he can have two
wives — his situation for several years — but, as I told him in
order to become a Christian he must have only one, he is leav-
ing the former and keeping the other — his sister-in-law, the
mother of that numerous family for whom I asked dispensa-
tion — for his legitimate wife. As for the dispensation, I am
not of your opinion (I am ashamed to say so, as if I am
entitled to an opinion in theology) in regard to the necessity.
Many authors interpret it as a moral necessity, which I believe
I see in the interests of a numerous family. Remember it is
very difficult to find a man willing to take the maintenance
of a family like that upon himself; I believe there are five

"See the Journal, post, pp. 125, 133-34- I" his letter Petit omitted the 1837
tax, amounting to $26.00, which would bring the total to $83.05. There was
also a town clerk's fee of 25 cents which brought the total Petit paid to
$83.30 or $83.31.

''Bishop Brute visited South Bend in June, 1837- Godecker, Simon
Brute de Remur, p. 311.

60 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

children, still minors or very young, out of a family of ten ;
add to this their complete good faith and the idea of fulfill-
ment of a duty, which united them. Finally the three letters
in which I spoke to you of the situation will give Monseigneur,
I think, an exact idea of the case. We shall see his opinion; I
am waiting,

I feel in error about Lent : not knowing what prescriptions
to have, I have followed last year's : fast every day, meatless
Wednesday and Friday each week and all the Holy Week. I
find myself agreeing with M. Frangois in this : on meat days
one single meal. I have even given dispensation to the sav-
ages in regard to eating meat during Holy Week, except
Wednesday and Friday. On meatless days they eat only corn,
on Sunday meat at every meal. I should have conformed to
your ideas if I had received them sooner, but, when they came,
we were in the midst of Lent, and I have given instructions
which I was unwilling to alter because I could not do it effec-
tively and it would have caused disturbance and confusion
among my children — some doing one thing, some another.

As for this marriage which the wife of the man who dis-
appeared three years ago would like to contract : although he is
probably dead, I do not regard that as certain enough to permit
his hypothetical widow to contract a second marriage. I told
them my opinion, but I promised to obtain that of the diocese.

I do not know how to send you my little savages, my let-
ters, and my moccasins ; the roads are so bad the stages do not
run any more.

I do not know definitely whether my mission is going to
be destroyed ; there is not much to hope for and much to fear.
In Washington people are trying to frighten them and prevent
them from seeing the President." I believe, however, that they

^''A delegation of Potawatomi chiefs was in Washington by March 3,
under the care of J. T. Douglass. They returned late in the month, arriving
at Cincinnati on March 26. There is no record of their interview with
President Van Buren other than Menominee's statement "that when at
Washington last winter he heard the President say, that no white men had
any right to come upon their land until they had ceded it to the Government."
J. T. Douglass to Carey A. Harris, February 4, March 13 and 26, 1838, Indian
Office, Letters Received, Indiana and Miscellaneous ; Abel C. Pepper to
Harris, May 5, 1838, Indian Office, Letters Received, Potawatomi.

TRAIL OF DEATH 61

have seen him, introduced by a friend of Monseigneur's for
whom I endorsed, for the benefit of the chiefs, a recommen-
dation which Monseigneur had personally given me. We shall
soon know the result. I have put them under the Holy Virgin's
protection on the day of the presentation, and I intend, if they
remain, to give the name of Notre Dame of the Presentation to
the mission. Fiat voluntas tua.'"^ That is all I can say, al-
though I deeply desire that such a cup pass far from me, if
possible. I accept the bitterness of it, however, and every day
I offer it to God for them and for me.

I had the pleasure of seeing M. Frangois among the In-
dians; he was charmed with the few he saw. After the con-
fessions at the beginning of Lent nearly all of them departed
for their sugar works, which they will leave only in time for
Easter. My heart is proudly Indian, and they themselves love
me well, too. It is strange how God disposes all things through
His providence : on this trip I gave advice to the sick, grand-
mother's advice; I prescribed bread-crumb poultices, applica-
tions of soap and sugar, and I am a great doctor among them.
I took Father Francois to see them in their rush huts, and he
was very much surprised to hear me chat with them without an
interpreter, as well as sing Indian hymns during his Mass. I
am astonished myself sometimes. I have a father's yearning
for them, and I feel oppressed by a profound anguish when-
ever I think of seeing them forced to depart, perhaps without
a priest : a thousand Christians deprived of those sacraments
and that word of God which they love so much, in a country
where false ministers are already preparing their batteries un-
der the guise of religion to take possession of the money the
Indians will receive for many years yet.

My health has been spared colds this winter ; I have a slight
temperature, but I am taking pills and it is improving. The
worst of my situation is that, having one day come very fast
from Chichipe to South Bend in very severe cold without
underdrawers, I received saddle sores. Forced to return with-
out getting well, I bruised my haunches. As a result of this I
was obliged to hear confessions standing eight days in succes-

'^hy will be done.

62 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

sion, without ever sitting down with any comfort. Thank the
Lord this is better now, and this journey did not injure me
too much.^^

The day after tomorrow I depart for Turkey Creek
Prairie, forty miles in the general direction of Fort Wayne ;
I am to conduct a funeral service there and give a little ex-
planation of our holy faith. I hope my posterior parts will not
suffer too much from it.

M. Coquillard, who has just arrived from Fort Wayne, told
me that they want me there very much. There are those who
complain of M. Mueller, and they would like to tell me about
it. I feel no need or desire to interfere. M. Mueller, I trust,
with God's aid, will triumph over this dissatisfaction by his
firmness and his conduct ; may God help him ! I myself am too
young to interfere in this; I can, however, write him what I
think. Should I?

As to France, let them marry, run about, dance, die (that
is the world as I knew it when I was young and a Frenchman) ;
I scarcely bother myself about it any longer, now that I am old
and an Indian. Yet I still deeply desire that the Good Lord
will bless them and preserve the gift of the faith which is so
precious in them. May they become less guilty of the abuse
of so many favors before God.

Farewell, dear and respected friend. My homage to Mon-
seigneur and respectful greetings to all.

Entirely yours with respect and devotion,

B. Petit
Ptre. Mre.

Will you request for me from France a good ordinary
alarm watch with a double case, also the theological dictionary
by Bergier?'* My little watch is always at variance with the
sun ; I never know which will win out in the end. Nin Muckah-
taokonia Chichipe Outipe angenickaso gatamikoa tchdiai Muc-
katahokonia AutcJmkpock Kick. I, the Black Robe, called the
"duck's head," I greet all the Black Robes from the mouth to
the source (Vincennes).

"Petit left Chichipe Outipe for South Bend on February lo. He re-
turned on February 26.

"Nicholas Sylvestre Bergier (1715-1890), French theologian.

TRAIL OF DEATH 63

[Addressed:] To the Very Revd. C. de la Hailandiere
Pastor of the Catholic congregation Vincennes, (Knox Cty).
Indiana.

Petit to Bishop Brute, April i, 1838

[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDA^s]

South Bend, i April, 1838.

MONSEIGNEUR,

I conclude, from the last letter I received from M. de la
Hailandiere, that by today you are back from your journey
(may it have been good for your precious health!). That is
why I am addressing you this letter, in which my inexperience
consults you for decisions it needs to make.

I baptized an American woman married to a French Cath-
olic — that is, nonpracticing Catholic. I wanted to have him
come to confession in order to marry them ; I did not succeed,
and, when his wife told him to come to me, he said, "No."
Should I, notwithstanding his refusal, ignore it and give them
nuptial benediction for the sake of the wife, a Catholic today
and very well disposed?

Last week I took a little journey:^** I went to Leesburg,
forty miles away, to preach at the funeral of a poor Mary-
land Catholic^^ who, when dying, asked for this. His whole
family is Catholic, but for twenty-two years they have not
seen a priest ; I also found there an Irishman^- and his fam-
ily and a Frenchman, all of whom are Catholic. My coming
was known in the region, and a large and brilliant assemblage
gathered at the home of the deceased. At the appointed time
I arrived by horse and proceeded to bless the grave ; then I
betook myself to a large house, where some seats were pro-
vided. Everybody around me was Protestant except my Irish-
man and my Frenchman. I knelt, and after a brief prayer I
was much amazed to find myself speaking to them with such
ease. It was as if the voice of the deceased had called upon me

"The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.

""See Petit's Journal, post, p. 125.

*^Mr. Norris. See Petit's Journal, post, p. 125.

'^Probably Mr. Horan. See Petit's Journal, post, p. 125.

64 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

to justify the faith he had always professed: condemnation of
private interpretation, authority, the estabUshed precept of
Jesus Christ, unity of doctrine, the Hne of succession in the
apostoHc mission, the cross, images, invocation of saints, re-
mission of sins, confessions (they said M. Coquillard gets a
license every year for lOO dollars to do everything he pleases
during the year without jeopardizing his soul!), purgatory,
prayer for the dead. In the heat of my conclusion I asked the
audience to pray for the deceased, to join their prayers to
mine : was I not wrong to speak thus to Protestants ? It was
not well considered; I said it inadvertently. When I was com-
ing to a close, an old man, his temples sparsely covered with
gray hair, with an inward and remorseful expression, began to
groan, "Oh, Lord!" That made me end at once,

I saw there several savages, not of the faith, drinking and
sinning. One of them told me he did not know God and it
was indeed good to drink; he had just received a knife wound
and was naked, having only his girdle and a blanket on his
back. He made fun of me. I spoke with another, who
did not like to drink, but he was a gambler; I gave him a
shilling for tobacco and he promised me he would come to
confession at Chichipe. Some drunken Indian women came
there; I did not speak to them. You will not understand — I
myself do not know why — my heart was so sick when I saw
them act so badly. The good Lord has made me so full of pity
for them that, although I had never seen them before, when I
realized what a sad plight they were in and that they needed
only a priest and a little time to make them as good as my poor
little children, I wept bitterly for them in my soul. They have
souls, too, and redemption is for them, too. I assure you that
they understood me well although they had never heard me be-
fore. Some say I shall speak passable Indian in three months.
All I know is that I love them much, I love their language,
and I pray the good Lord to bless me as an instrument for
their salvation : that is my sole desire. May His holy will be
accomplished in me ; I am too happy when I consider my busy
life, and at the present moment I dare to hope I shall be
carrying out the intentions of His Providence.

TRAIL OF DEATH 65

On my way back I said Mass with a German family at
Goshen; there I baptized a child of this Lutheran, to whom
I believe you spoke on your journey last spring with regard
to the baptism of his children.

I have begun my Easter labors ; I shall indeed be busy.

I have the honor, Monseigneur, to offer you the homage
of the very respectful and submissive devotion of your son
and priest,

B. Petit
Ptre. Mre.

My health, Monseigneur, is very good.

No news from Washington, except that our business is
under consideration and they are attending to it. What will be
the outcome ? I wait and pray.

[Addressed :] To the Right Revd. Bishop Brute Vincennes
(Knox Cty.) Indiana

Petit to His Family, April 4, 1838*^
[Translated from Annates, XI (1838-39), No. lxv, 389-91]

My cherished home now is my Indians' village. There I
have a grand habitation built of entire logs placed one above
the other; in more than one spot we can see daylight through
the walls. My fireplace would be large enough to contain a
quarter of a cord of wood. I don't walk on rugs, but on planks
which, not being fastened, tremble underfoot like piano keys
under a musician's fingers. At night I throw a mat with two
coverlets down on them — one above, the other beneath me —
and I sleep on this poor bed as well as I should on the most
sumptuous couch in the world.

Last week I had to go to Turkey Creek to preach at the
grave of a poor Catholic who died without having seen a
priest for twenty years at least. There were only two Catholic
families in that region — all the rest were Protestant. The
gathering was large; the Methodist ministers had come there.
Obliged to preach in English, I was afraid of being nervous.
But God takes pity on us, and more than once I proved the

**The date of this letter is given in the Annales as April 4, 1838. Under
April 10, Petit's Journal mentions a "letter to France."

(£ INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

force of Jesus Christ's promise : "Take no thought how or
what ye shall speak : for it shall be given you in that same
hour what ye shall speak. "^* I knelt in a corner of a large room
filled with benches, addressed a brief prayer to God, recited an
Ave Maria; and then, having made the sign of the cross, I
spoke about an hour — completely at my ease. It was the voice
of the dead man justifying the faith he had professed in life —
condemnation of private interpretation, the divine institution
of authority, the uninterrupted mission of the Catholic Church,
unity of doctrine, and, finally, a reply to the numerous calum-
nies spread against us. The nomadic life of the missionary is
entirely designed to remove him from worldly desires. It is in
living thus — always going from place to place — that one feels
one's self only a passer-by on the earth. Never have I had more
freedom of spirit. I believe I can truly say that I wish to die,
if God wills it, without ever having felt tired of life. Amidst
these labors my health seems to become fortified. Well, per-
haps forty years of this mission, and then heaven! Perhaps
not even forty days, and then heaven ! I accept willingly one
or the other — it matters little which — provided I am in good
favor with God. . . .

I now face the sad prospect of my Indian mission's early
destruction, and it is like a dark background to the picture of
my present life. I begin, however, to feel more resigned. A
trip to Washington, with pressing protestations to the Presi-
dent, has been without effect. My poor Indians have only one
chance left.**^ Will they succeed? God knows. As for me, I
must dry their tears when they go into exile — I must destroy
the altar and the church, lay low the cross which stands on
their graves, in order to spare the sacred articles from profana-

"Matthew 10:19.

*^Petit perhaps means that the Indians might defend their claims in the
courts. John Tipton, in his report to Governor Wallace, wrote: "The
Indians were under the influence of bad counsel from different sources.
They were owing large debts to the traders, who opposed the emigration of
the Indians before their debts were paid or secured. Some were anxious to
keep them where they were, hoping to obtain, with ease, a part of the money
paid them as annuity. Lawyers, I am told, advised Me-no-mi-nee to keep
possession, and defend his claim to the reserve in our courts." No such steps
were taken. Indiana Senate Journal, 1838-39, pp. 727-2>o. See post, p. 81.

TRAIL OF DEATH 67

tion, and then I must say farewell to those whom I love and
who love me so much, never to see them again! And these
Christian souls will waste away without the aid of the sacra-
ments of which they partook with such love, and languish
under a strange sky where I, their father, probably cannot
follow them.

Ah, I shall do everything possible to keep from abandon-
ing them ! If they leave, I want to go with them at least as far
as the Jesuit missions on the Mississippi, which have not yet
become active.^" And meanwhile many of my Christians, my
children, will die without a priest to absolve them. God alone
knows all my heartaches — for three months I have been seeking
to know and do His just and merciful will in regard to all this.

Petit to Bishop Brute, May 26, 1838

[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDA87]

South Bend, 26 May, 1838.

MONSEIGNEUR,

I have gone longer than usual without giving you an ac-
count of my time, but I have been so busy celebrating Easter
with those whom my heart loves so much to call my children,
that I have not been able to find a moment to do it.

I departed for Chichipe Outipe on Tuesday of Holy Week ;
I had celebrated Easter at South Bend and Bertrand the pre-
vious weeks. From Wednesday of Holy Week until the fourth
Sunday after Easter inclusive, we heard confessions constantly
from morning until evening, hardly having time to eat. In all
that time I had respite only when I was called to visit the sick,
once on the Tippecanoe and again at South Bend, when it was
Mme. Coquillard's sister.^^ She was the first person I have
seen die. She heard and understood me until the end ; the good
Lord helped me. An impressive burial, a funeral sermon before
an audience wholly Protestant (or at least largely Protestant),
Catholic burial in the Catholic cemetery which I laid out on
your land at the lake.

"See ante, pp. 50-5 in.

"The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.
"Mrs. John A. Hendricks, a half-sister of Mme. Coquillard. Chapman,
History of St. Joseph County, p. 502.

68 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

The number of communions was 208. I cannot tell you the
number of baptisms and marriages, having left my list at
Chichipe; it was large, ^® and a good number had hearts fully
receptive to grace. I had the happiness of baptizing an Ameri-
can Baptist woman of the vicinity. After every kind of op-
position and contradiction on the part of her husband, she fi-
nally obtained an indirect consent, of which we took advantage.

On May 14 I departed with Mile, Campeau for Pokagon's.
There from the i6th until the 24th inclusive we heard confes-
sions and preached ; there I heard my first confession without
an interpreter : only one word was troublesome to understand,
and my exhortation was very well understood. I understand
almost everything now, and I myself ask the ordinary ques-
tions. The number of communions was 63, baptisms 15,®°
and marriages 5.

All these Indians, or most of them, have settled on their
own land, pay taxes, and enjoy general esteem and confidence.
I saw an American who, knowing Pokagon was departing for
Bertrand, handed him some money to pay his debts there with-
out taking a receipt. They work quite wonderfully.

The number of Catholics has increased considerably. A
German of the vicinity proposes to add his own personal sub-
scription®^ of 1,000 piasters (others say 500) to M. Coquil-
lard's generous one. A good number of Irishmen told
M. Coquillard recently that, if I came to South Bend, they
would proceed to settle in the neighborhood; that, if I went to
the Yellow River, they would settle there : for them no reason
exists for this decision other than proximity to a priest and
the Church.

Such, Monseigneur, is a brief sketch of the present condi-
tion of the immense mission confided to the care of your poor
young priest. To say we are tired would be quite easy, but the
good Lord gives us strength. When we went to Pokagon's,

"According to the Baptismal Register Petit performed twenty-seven
baptisms at Chichipe Outipe during the months of April and May. Post,

pp. 138-39.

""Eighteen baptisms and four marriages are recoraed. See post, p. 139.
"To the Church.

TRAIL OF DEATH 69

the labor of the journey brought us out of our seclusion of five
weeks, and we rested by working again.

Remember Demoiselle Campeau is 72 years old, thanks
to the Lord.

We shall take eight days' rest®^ at South Bend and then
return to celebrate the feast of the Pentecost®^ with the Indians.
We need a little rest, however, and I am invited to take it with
a Frenchman who is married to a rich Indian woman, formerly
one of my children. I shall stay there probably for several days.

Here is a case to decide : an Indian woman lived five years
with an American who was not baptized or Protestant; she
fell ill ; Mile. Campeau privately baptized her on condition that
she leave this man. She recovered and returned to him;
M. Deseille refused her admission to the sacraments and to the
subsequent ceremonies of baptism as long as she stayed with
him. Without presuming to reflect upon the opinions of those
who are better instructed than I and who have thought dif-
ferently, I do not believe this should be required of this woman
(I Cor. 7:13 : "If any woman have a husband that believeth
not and he consent to dwell with her, let her not put away her
husband"). This is all the more true because this woman has
not only not declined her duties as a Christian but even urges
him to perform them. There is one obstacle to reinstatement,
however, and that is the astonishment others would feel at it ;
but a false scandal, all things considered, should not make a
soul believe she has an illicit connection when in truth she has
not. This is my opinion : she is determined to leave him today ;
if he is unwilling to become a Christian and marry, I do not
think I have the right to impose the obligation upon him.
Quid jurisr*

There is no bis in idem^^ in the fifty per cent incurred by
the delinquency in the tax payment and the 100% interest per
year. One is for the mere fact of delinquency in tax payment ;
the other is for the greater or lesser delinquency in tax pay-
ment and the penalty incurred — two very different things.

•*He actually took only five. See his Journal, post, p. 126.
**Pentecost this year occurred on June 3.
•*What is the law?
^'Double application.

70 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

However, I have the proper receipt; if there was any error,
I could get my money back.

I am going to be obliged to employ the sheriff and the law
against an American who has cut some wood on your land at
the lake. However, I want to speak to him politely first: if
he will pay willingly, well and good ; if not, I shall use authority.
After all, we must stop the depredations. Apparently I like
lawsuits — what do you think, Monseigneur ? I thought I didn't.

I lent the savages the 200-dollar bill which you had given
me to go to Washington ; they needed it for their own journey,
and, as you had intended it to be spent for them, I thought I
would be carrying out your intention thus. If I am mistaken,
scold me ; perhaps I deserve it.

Monseigneur, it is in no wise for the purpose of objecting
to or of obstructing your decision concerning me, but this is
what I ought to submit for your consideration : the emigration
of the savages is far from having been decided upon ; even in
case the agents succeed in what they are attempting, a large
number of Christians will remain on lands they still possess ;
the affair of the treaty will be pleaded before a judge,®® and
perhaps, who knows? the mission will go on. In any case they
do not want to leave, and the government's orders are not to
use force ; so a good number will still remain scattered through-
out the country on farms they will buy. Mile. Campeau is old
and becoming tired : she speaks of returning to her beautiful
lands, for you know (and this increases the value of her de-
votion) that she is very rich. We have both got on very well,
and she likes me very much ; if I leave, she vnW leave, too. Then
how shall we give all these Christian Indians (no longer
savage : they are less so than most of these coarse American
woodsmen) the help of religion? Consider also that without
my being able to do serious work among them the good Lord
has in a few months given me knowledge of a part of their
language, the favor of making myself understood in many
ways, and a good Indian pronunciation : I read and write their
language sufficiently to be well understood and read by them,
and everybody says that before winter I shall be able to dis-
pense with an interpreter at all confessions; they themselves

""See ante, p. 66n.

TRAIL OF DEATH 71

show their astonishment at this. I, too, am very much sur-
prised that I am able to express my ideas in this language,
which, moreover, I love very much and which is very musical.
They say that in a year I shall speak good Indian ; thus I would
become, if God wills it, an Indian missionary. This is all the
more strange because in the few months I have spent here sev-
eral long intervals have occurred without my saying a single
word in Indian ; sometimes I remained an entire month at
South Bend. My temperament agrees with theirs, and remem-
ber (I must tell you everything), I am more Indian than any
of the priests I know. An old woman said to me a short time
ago, "I am sad, Father ; I think perhaps you will go away soon
to the great Black Robe and we shall see you no more." "If
my chief desires it, I must obey: I am not my own master.
But God will send you another French father in my place."
"Yes," she told me, "he would be a Frenchman, but you are
already a Potawatomi and soon will be nothing but a
Potawatomi."

There are, Monseigneur, many little things one must over-
look in them, in regard to the amenities of life, and to scorn
these amenities readily is to have seen the emptiness of the
world. A missionary entrusted with them must also under-
stand a little about business, for he is their father in everything.
The good Lord makes me feel the sweet joy of serving Him,
and sometimes my heart overflows with joy and my eyes with
sweet tears as I think of my happy fate.

I believe, Monseigneur, I ought to tell you all this, but do
not think, I beg you, that I am any the less submissive to Your
Reverence's decisions, whatever they may be.

With respect and submission, your son and priest,

B. Petit.

In regard to M. Badin's tax, I cannot pay it, not knowing
his section numbers exactly; if you can send them to me, I shall
be able to pay it. A good part of the land has not yet been
taxed, and taxes on the rest of it amount to only 3 dollars.
There is no danger in a little delay, and then I shall certainly
pay without the risk of paying for another; in such a case
there is no recourse, the money being immediately used for
schools.

72 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

I have seen the law regarding paid taxes and regarding the
bis in idem of Judge Moore^" : the law and the Judge are not
of the same opinion.

The agent who is coming to get the Indians is the son-in-
law of the Baptist Missionary, McCoy®* ; he says there are some
French priests down there. What priests can they be? — with-
out mission, without means of making money (you will know
the facts better than I). The priest might be a Frenchman
from the diocese of Bardstown. Who sent him there? In
manus Domini commendo me et nieas oves.

[Addressed :] To the Right Rd. Bishop Brute Vincennes
(Knox Cty.) Indiana

Petit to His Family, May 31, 1838

[Translated from Annates, XI (1838-39), No. xlv, 391]

I have gone longer than usual without writing to you, but
it was Easter time, and the poor missionary was burdened
with work. . . .

First, I have celebrated Easter at Bertrand in Michigan,
then at South Bend. After this I left for Chichipe Outipe,
where for five weeks I heard confession from morning to
evening without any rest other than two visits to sick people"®
forty miles distant from each other. Thence I had to bear
ministerial consolation to Chief Pokagon, sixty miles from
Chichipe Outipe, in Michigan. Perhaps you think missionaries
aro saints, but I shall admit to you that all this time I scarcely
ever could say a prayer. Confessions finished and the breviary
told, I fell asleep on my mat. Fortunately my sleep is always
like that of a child — calm, refreshing, and without interruption.
Truly — and this thought consoles me — the day's fatigue was
all for the glory of the good Lord, to whom I gave myself en-
tirely; He is good enough to accept it as a continual prayer.

"Unidentified.

^'William Poike, a brother-in-law, not a son-in-law of Isaac McCoy,
was to conduct this emigrating party. During 1824 and 1825 he had been
associated with Carey Mission and later was a teacher among the Ottawa.
McCoy, History of Baptist Indian Missions, pp. 205, 213-17, 224, 258-59.

^A sick woman at Benack's home on the Tippecanoe and Mrs. John A.
Hendricks at South Bend. See Petit's Journal, post, p. 126.

TRAIL OF DEATH 73

It would be a continual sacrifice for him who could render it
well. Yet there are still many moments when, in spite of the
weariness of soul which fatigue brings, my heart is filled with
joy and my eyes are moist with sweet tears — it is so good to
be in a world where one has nothing to do but work for God !
Thanks to Thee, my Lord !

Petit to Bishop Brute, June 20 and 23, 1838

[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDAi]

20 June, 1838, Chichipe Outipe

MONSEIGNEUR,

I am taking advantage of one of the first leisure moments
I have been able to find in a long time to inform you of the
blessings which the good Lord has bestowed upon the mission
entrusted to your child. Since Easter the number of baptisms
at Chichipe Outipe has been 83 and at Pokagon's 15.^ I gave
you the number of communions at the Chichipe Outipe mission
at Easter time ; since the feast of the Pentecost there have
been 166 here. Another thing which doubtless will surprise
you is that today, to the Indians' great satisfaction, I am hear-
ing- confessions without an interpreter, understanding their
language rather well and speaking it sufficiently to give them
advice and question them. I began at the Pentecost: I had
asked this favor of the good Lord on that great day. Mile.
Campeau's great fatigue induced me to try, and I saw that
they understood me and I understood them better than I
thought I could. The good Lord indeed helps missionaries; I
am very glad, for the idea of an interpreter is quite incongruous.

I had the happiness of easing at death a young Indian girl
who had been sick for four years, and I was much exalted by
the beautiful signs which she made with all the ardor of a saint
at the least word of mine. She understood me well; I com-
forted her in her death agony.

Since that time I have had to baptize an Indian forty miles
from here on the Eel River,^ and there too I heard confessions

*The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.
"See ante, p. 68.

*At the village of the Potawatomi chief, Louison (Weeson, Wesaw).
See Petit's Journal, post, p. 126.

74 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

al! the time I was there from morning until evening. Every-
body was surprised, including me, to hear me speak Indian.

A French lady* whose confession I heard at Christmas
thne came eighty miles to spend a day here, along with her
son and two young daughters, whom she had prepared for
their first communion. I had heard all their confessions last
Christmas at Bertrand, where they had come for the festivities.
They were much edified by the Indians, and the Indians by
them. After spending a day and a half with us, they left
weeping. The charity with which the Indians welcome Catho-
lics who come to pray with them from time to time is an edify-
ing thing. It gives me pleasure to see their fraternal affection
in Jesus Christ ; their hearts are indeed under the influence
of grace.

St. Mary of the Lake, 23 June : Upon arriving yesterday I
found your good and respected letter dated May 25. I think
you have received the one I myself wrote to you dated May 26^
and that excess of work will have excused my silence.

I felt something in my heart which announced to me the
decision you have made for me, and every day at High Mass
I prayed the good Lord to explain your decision for His glory
and our salvation. The good Lord treats me like a spoiled
child; I have been thus favored all my life. It is truly a bless-
ing to be placed in the midst of souls like these, and the ties
of the ministry are like family ties; not that there are no diffi-
culties (they have to exist everywhere), but the consolations
outweigh them.

Now to business. First : a man and a woman are living
together; the man is baptized, and his wife had been earlier.
M. Deseille told him to tell his wife to come so that they might
get married. He did not tell his wife, and she knew nothing
about it until much later ; then she said to him, "Well, let's go
and get married." "No," replied he. "I will not marry you."
Am I to consider his continued cohabitation as an implicit mar-
riage, or his silence and then his refusal to be married as a
proof of lack of consent since his baptism? "I can take an-
other wife," he reasons; "I am not married. ' As long as he

*Mme. Mouton. See Petit's Journal, post, p. 127.
°See ante, pp. 67-72.

TRAIL OF DEATH 75

was not married before a priest, he has never considered him-
self bound; there has not been, therefore, this consent which
alone can bind. I tried to reunite them, to reconcile them : it
never lasts more than a day, and a bad situation is certain if
they are married. There might be a way to consider them not
bound, I think ; they are again separated now, and neither one
desires a reunion. I think they may be considered free, the
consent of both not having coexisted. The man has already
taken another wife and lived with her a good part of the win-
ter; as soon as they returned to the mission from hunting, I
separated them.

Second: an unbeliever becomes disgusted with his wife,
puts her away, and takes his first wife's sister; both are unbe-
lievers. The first wife is afterwards baptized; he has been,
too, but the obligation of leaving his second wife, with whom
he was then living, was imposed upon him because she was his
sister-in-law. Could this be done? He was able to take her,
being an unbeliever ; could he be forced to leave her when he
became a Christian? She has a numerous family by him and
his brother, for they are doubly brothers- and sisters-in-law,
the two sisters having at the outset been the two brothers'
wives. When he was baptized, it was a long time after he had
taken his sister-in-law for a wife (I believe it was five or six
years), and he had completely given up the other. He wants
a wife, but he doesn't know what to do. No one will separate
him from the one he wants because he was once an evildoer ;
he will never take back his first wife : he cannot be forced to
do it. He had left her a long time before his baptism; he
separated from his second wife out of obedience when he was
baptized, but he would like to take her back.

You ask me if I think it proper for you to come and give
confirmation at Chichipe Outipe now. As you say, they (the
Americans) would say you were coming to prevent the savages
from departing; they would see a Catholic attempt at high
treason in it. Soon, I hope — perhaps in September — I shall
welcome you here more peaceably.

At Washington the government has given the Indians no
answer; apart from that hope, your lands are lost. But the
Indians have received the advice of people of the highest rank

76 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

in the legislature, and they are following it. Their case will
come to trial and will be heard in the near future in the Federal
Court at Indianapolis. Their lawyer declares stoutly to who-
ever will listen that the savages are sure of winning.^

The agent in charge of the emigration^ is now on the scene,
but up to the present time the savages have paid no attention
to him : they farm and build their houses under his very eyes,
driving him frantic. "They are like pillars : there is no way to
budge them from their homes," he recently said, right out in
public. When he says anything to them, the savages reduce
him to silence in short order, forcefully and spiritedly, and
they declare positively that they will not go. Some savages
came from the Mississippi and told them it was better to be
wretched here than to go down there, where one dies of hunger
and where the land produces nothing. Attempts were made to
bribe them to say it was fine : they refused the money and de-
clared they would not deceive their brothers.

As for me, this is my situation : the first individual I met
at the mission upon returning from Pokagon's was the agent.
He was on horseback and I also. "Are you the gentleman liv-
ing at the chapel?" "Yes, sir." "I am the superintendent of
Indian affairs." A nod of the head was my reply. "I shall
come to see you one of these days, I shall be here for some
time, sir."

And then the days passed ; he didn't come ; finally he came.
There was a rather large number of savages present. He sat
down on the threshold of a little house in the yard, his inter-
preter at his side ; I even think they slept there for some time.
Then they took their horses again and departed without saying
anything to anyone.

The third time he came : "Sir, may I speak to you for a
moment?" "Yes, sir." Without witnesses, seated on a block
of wood at the end of the chapel, we entered into conversation.
"Sir, am I to consider you an enemy of the government, in-
terfering with the carrying out of its policy here?" "Not in

*See ante, p. 66n, and post, p. 8i.

''William Polke. By June 28 between four and five hundred Indians
were collected near Plymouth in preparation for the emigration. Logansport
Herald, June 28, 1838, p. 3, c. i.

TRAIL OF DEATH ^^

the least." "Are you here as a lawyer or as the minister of
a religion ?" "It is true, sir, that I have studied and practiced
law, but today I am a priest and occupied solely with my min-
istry; such are the orders I have received from my Bishop, and
I conform to them. As for emigration, I have never said any-
thing for or against it, and I never shall say anything; I leave
such things alone. As for acting as a lawyer, I gave that up
a long time ago ; I shall not be one again except in case I am
personally attacked or my rights are challenged." "Sir, I have
accusations against you." "I know that, sir, and the men who
accuse me are the same men who accuse Mile. Campeau. Well,
a month ago, in the presence of the general agent,® one of them
rose and said he had witnesses to prove that Mile. Campeau
was holding them back. She defied him publicly to produce
them, and he tried to do it, but they all replied to him, 'I don't
know.' And yet they had signed the accusation. Such are the
accusations against me; you know them." "Accordingly, I
deemed it more proper to come to you directly : the gentlemanly
way you received me demanded that, sir; and from the first
moment I saw you I thought there was too much good sense
in your head for you to be the man these people describe."
"You have done well, sir; Col. Pepper was obliged to repent
having been too hasty last year with M. Deseille. I claim as
a right among gentlemen that you should come to me to obtain
the explanations which these people's accusations may render
necessary." "Sir, many innocent persons are persecuted be-
cause false reports deceive government officials. As for us,
we have no intention of embarrassing you in the exercise of
your ministry. We do not think of depriving the Indians of
it as long as they remain here." "Sir, that is a right which the
Constitution of the United States guarantees me." "Are you
an alien or a citizen?" "I am a Frenchman." "Well, then, it
is true, not being subject to the law, you cannot be punished,
but you can be ejected from Indian territory." "Only if it
were proved against me that I am at fault, and one accusation
is not enough." "That is correct, sir. I do not know, sir, why
the Indians always believe we are lying." "That is very simple,
sir. During the last few years ten or twelve men have come
'Colonel Abel C. Pepper.

78 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

who have so grossly lied to the Indians and who have posed as
agents that today the Indians naturally believe an agent is a
man paid to deceive them. For example, M. , the assist-
ant agent,^ asked me to make an announcement to the Indians
concerning the priest they v^^ere to obtain to accompany them.
I did not think I should take what he told me seriously: to
some he says one thing and to others another." "Sir, perhaps
there is a way to reconcile apparent contradictions." "Sir, that
is what he told me, and to be more convincing he named non-
existent bishops to me : this is what one of them told M. ,

and that is a third version of M, 's. I felt I could not

make an announcement on such authority." "That is true,
sir." And then he showed me some of his instructions — all the
more firm for being polite — to try to persuade them to leave.
And then came an invitation to visit him, and his surprise when
he learned that the mission's savages had a private, personal
claim on me. He pretended that their neighbors could have
sold this land. "I did not know that. . . . It is true," says he,
"that it was wrong to get their names thus," and then, "Come
to see me at my house, and I shall inform you about the whole
business." I prefer not to be informed, and I have no leisure.
After all this it was wonderful the way we politely said good-
bye. I remained there almost two weeks longer, but I did not
see him again.

The outward symptoms are these : the American invaders,
who were once proud and arrogant, have for some time been
very gentle. Some are moving away : yesterday one of them
offered to sell me his cow ; he had to go away today. They
inquire whether the savages will at least pay for their labor.
And finally our accusers were fishing in the lake the other day,
and they sent us their fish by the savages, not daring to bring
them themselves, but wishing to become reconciled. Moreover,
prayer rises to heaven, and the salvation of numerous Chris-
tians will be greatly imperiled if injustice prevails here. I have
put the Indians under the Holy Virgin's protection, and I do it
again every day. August 15'" is the day set for them to know

"Amaziah Morgan.

'"By July 26, Petit had given up hope. See his letter to Brute, post,
pp. 81-87.

TRAIL OF DEATH 79

the final decision ; on this feast of the Virgin I am hoping for
the end of their troubles.

Here I am again at the end of my paper, and I do not have
space to express to my Bishop properly the respectful homage
of his son and priest.

B. Petit

M. de la Hailandiere is good enough to tell me of a desire to
see me at Vincennes ; I have sometimes thought about this, but
I have been so busy that I hesitate to undertake a trip of 580
miles except for absolute necessity. It may be, however, that I
can do it later, about September, perhaps, to go fetch some of
my belongings. I would do it with a savage, carrying a tent,
and without great expense. Perhaps I shall not do it either;
they count the days of my absence too painfully.

I should like very much to be able to sell Tom," and with
the money I could buy a pair of oxen and a plow for the land
belonging to the Indians. It may be, however, that I should
take him along myself ; he is good and strong for labor. We
shall see later.

Could you take in a young Indian at Vincennes for the
winter? He is eighteen years old, pious as an angel, speaks,
reads, and writes English; I intend him to be a schoolmaster,
and he will do much good, but I should like very much for him
to perfect himself a little more, and work with your gentlemen.

I intended, Monseigneur, to ask you for M, Deseille's
Billuart for the collection of payments for Masses. If you
prefer to keep it for yourself, I do not absolutely insist upon
it ; still, I should like to have it.

During the next two weeks I am going to rest a little; I
need to, for I have not had a moment since Easter.

Please pray for us.

My respects to everyone, priests and laymen.

[Addressed:] To the Right Revd. Doctor Brute Catholic
Bishop of Vincennes (Knox Cty.) Indiana

"His horse, which died a few days later.

80 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Petit to His Family, July 9, 1838

[Translated from Annales, XI (1838-39), No. Lxv, 392-93]

As long as the savages stay in Indiana, I think, I shall be
their missionary. God, by means of a grace which He grants
more to their piety than to my solicitude, gave me the power
today to dispense with an interpreter for confession and ordin-
ary conversation. I am greatly astonished to hear myself speak
Indian with them. Although I have had no leisure to study
their language, they listen to me and understand me well. Ah,
I am beginning now especially, in this sudden flowering, to
perceive all the beauty of these new souls! Their attachment
for me, and mine for them, is much stronger today than ever.
But meanwhile the moment is coming when, I fear, I shall see
the mission's destruction. From time to time a ray of hope
gives my heart a passing serenity. I entrust everything, how-
ever, to God's hands — He knows best what is good for us.

I feel a singular attachment for everything which concerns
the savages. When I travel in the woods, if I see an Indian
cabin, even an abandoned camp site, I feel my heart beat with
joy. If I discover some Indians walking along my path, all my
fatigue is forgotten. And when their smiles greet me from
afar (for all, or nearly all, of them know me, and even those
who have not been baptized call me their father), I am re-
freshed as if my own family were welcoming me. When I am
on a mission among the whites, my Potawatomi worriedly
count the days of my absence, and I too consider the occasion
of my arrival at Chichipe Outipe as a feast day. What joy,
what handshakes, what blessings before and after evening
prayer! And then, when darkness comes, they no longer can
leave my wigwam — they seem to be nailed there.

Ah, if I were free, when they go to Mississippi, they
would not go without a priest ! . . .

I have had the good fortune since Easter of baptizing 102
infidels among them, and I have counted 434 communions.
Indeed there are some Protestants, too, on the road to conver-
sion, but their number is small. I have so little time and so
much to do among the savages, and my white congregations
are so far from giving me the same happiness as my poor
redskins !

TRAIL OF DEATH 81

Petit to Bishop Brute, July 26, 1838

[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDA12]

Chichipe Outipe, 26 July, 1838

MONSEIGNEUR,

First, to give you a report of the trip to Washington : it
was useless. "I do not wish to speak of it," said the President.
"Your names are on the treaty; your lands are lost," said the
Secretary of War. "But here is one of the witnesses to the
treaty who will show you how everything was a fraud." "I do
not need to be shown, and we did not need your signatures : the
great chiefs of the nation were entitled to sell your reserve."

Second, the lawyers admit that the case cannot be pleaded
before the Federal Court because the government refuses to
become a party and no jury is possible. The land is lost, and
without recourse, I believe.

Our position is still painful, today more than ever, but God
protects us. They are carrying the emigration forward, and
with a perseverance and tenacity to which a large number of
Indians will yield, although there will always remain a certain
number among the old who refuse to hear of going there. ^^
They still have some lands here and there, and later, perhaps,
we shall see what should be done.

At the council held for the emigration the first chief arose,
interrupting the savage interpreter, seized the agent's hand, and
said to him : "Look here, Father ; our lands belong to us. We
shall keep them; we do not wish to talk to you any more."^*

"^The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.

*^Abel C. Pepper, superintendent, and other emigration officials held a
council at Menominee's Reserve on July 17 and 18. Pepper warned the Indians
that their refusal to remove would be a clear violation of the treaty obligation
entered into with the President, and would oblige the use of force against
them. Pepper's speech, and a reply made for the Potawatomi by "San-
go-aw," reiterating the refusal of the chiefs to move, are printed in the
Logansport Telegraph of July 21, 1838, p. 2, c. 1-4.

"Menominee is probably referred to here, although he is not mentioned
in the account of the council given in the Logansport Telegraph, loc. cit.
McDonald (History of Marshall County, I, 21) quotes a bystander's version
of a speech made by Menominee that fits the circumstances: "Members of
the Council : The President does not know the truth. He, like me, has been
imposed upon. He does not know that your treaty is a lie, and that I never

82 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

This was taken as an insult to the President, and a report was
made asking for authorization to use force if they refused to
leave their lands. But there will be no occasion for this, as
they have no idea of resistance.

An assistant agent^^ wrote me a letter in which he held me
responsible for the Indians' conduct. I replied to him im-
mediately, I wrote to his superior, and I announced my inten-
tion of making a complaint to Washington. Lo and behold!
the day before yesterday the assistant agent came into my tent,
seven or eight miles from here^" (after having inquired whether
I was not too angry), and told me he had written on the spur
of the moment, without reflecting. I made him admit the un-
truth and impropriety of his letter, and he declared his desire
for a reconcilation with me.

Everyone seems full of consideration for me, but I know
they are full of suspicion. The assistant agent said he wanted
me to depart with the Indians : the government, everybody, will
be delighted if I do it. I should not, I tell them, have any per-
sonal objection, but I am answerable to my Bishop, and he has
few priests in an enormous diocese.

Such is our present situation ; here is my personal one : body
tired but in good health, spirit troubled, heart suffering from
anxiety and yet calm enough for complete submission. I trust

signed it. He does not know that you made my young chiefs drunk and got
their consent and pretended to get mine. He does not know that I have
refused to sell my lands and still refuse. He would not by force drive me
from my home, the graves of my tribe, and my children who have gone
to the Great Spirit, nor allow you to tell me your braves will take me, tied
like a dog, if he knew the truth. My brothers, the President is just, but he
listens to the word of the young chiefs who have lied ; and when he knows
the truth he will leave me to my own. I have not sold my lands. I will
not sell them. I have not signed any treaty, and will not sign any. I am
not going to leave my lands, and I don't want to hear anything more about
it."

The La Porte Herald, quoted in the Logansport Herald of August i6,
1838, p. 2, c. 5, attacked Menominee's position on the grounds that (i) the
lands had been granted in the first place to his band and not to him as an
individual ; (2) he was not a Potawatomi and not entitled to rank as chief ;
(3) he had consented in 1834 to sell part of the reserve at half the price
agreed upon in the treaty of 1836.

^^Probably Amaziah Morgan.

**Petit was traveling in the neighborhood at this time. See post, p. 128.

TRAIL OF DEATH 83

wholly in my all-powerful Lord. If a large number of Chris-
tians depart, I should like to be able to follow them, at least
until I can place them in the hands of another pastor. Why?
Because they depart alone, recent Christians, for the most part
hardly steadfast yet, thrust amidst Protestant corruptions
which have pulpits everywhere in the place of exile destined for
them; in a little while they will lose the fruit of M. Deseille's
very great labors. Because if our brothers in France know
they departed for exile without a priest's offering to accompany
them, they will be surprised, and the fact will be unique in the
history of missions. Because I know my presence would be
their protection during the journey, for I have learned in-
directly that the management of the Indians would be entrusted
to me, as the agents recognize that their power is as nothing
in comparison with the priest's influence ; until now they have
been driven like dogs on these journeys, and they arrived down
there broken-hearted and dispirited from mistreatment on the
way; it would be fine to see religion with maternal tenderness
protecting and consoling these new-born children, so worthy of
sympathy and so unfortunate if abandoned. Because the
diocese would lose nothing by it : I should return perhaps with-
in a year, as soon as I could place my children, my tender chil-
dren, in safe hands. Because the time will not be wasted as far
as I am concerned, since the fatigues of charity offered to God
have value through Jesus Christ. Because in the immense ter-
ritory on the left bank of the Mississippi which has been
opened to the missions it would be of great importance to have
a fully developed mission for a base, and by going I could get
advantageous concessions from the government for this settle-
ment, which may prosper greatly through His future favor.
Because my Bishop could not refuse me this without reducing
these poor children to the plight of exposed infants whom
Providence, it is true, can save but who, humanly speaking,
are completely destitute of aid. Because a good father would
not do such a thing, and my Bishop is a good father. Those
are many of the reasons for my request ; there are still many
more.

On the other hand they do not wish to depart, and the
government intends to force them to abandon only their re-

84 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

serve; they still have private lands and can settle on them.
Like others they will be suliject to and protected by the law.
But I should not like to take upon myself the responsibility
for any decision on their part. I suspect the promises to be
fulfilled on the other side of the river; the slight dependability
hitherto shown is a poor guarantee. On the other hand, dis-
persed among the whites, they will, I think, be very unhappy
for a while. But they have such an aversion to going there,
that to speak of it is to expose myself to the loss of their con-
fidence. I want always to leave them to themselves regarding
this, but, whatever their decision, religion ought if possible to
protect them. Such is my position; I wait, hope, and pray.
Here or at the Mississippi, it is absolutely the same to me; let
my Lord speak a word — that is all.

If by chance the agents write to you, please keep in mind
when replying the possibility of inquiring, before a definite de-
cision pro or con is made, about new developments, new mo-
tives. I wish to go only with the majority, and I should not
want my departure to be the reason for their decision.

Others have the satisfaction of reporting to you that, as
a result of their labors, new churches arise amidst their congre-
gations, but I, remote indeed from this happiness, will within
a few days destroy this church whence so many fervid prayers
rose to Heaven — this altar where hitherto I have so many times
received my Savior and around which I have so often seen such
a large number of these good Indians crowded together to re-
ceive their Lord.

No pre-emption for us : our improvements are anterior to
the extinction of the savages' title. The site of the mission
has been pre-empted, and on August 5 an American will take
possession of the house I occupy there." I should not like to

"The pre-emption law of June 22, 1838, governing the right of pre-
emption on the lands sold by the Indians by the treaties of 1836, denied "a
right of pre-emption to any person or persons, in consequence of any settle-
ment or improvement made before the extinguishment of the Indian title
to the land on which such settlement or improvement was made. ..."
U. S. Statutes at Large, V, 251-52. The chapel at the Yellow River had been
erected in 1835 and no pre-emption claim could be made for it. The
Potawatomi of the Yellow River reserve and at the reserve at Chechaukkose's
Village on the Tippecanoe had both granted land to the Church (ante, p.

TRAIL OF DEATH 85

see the church in their hands : they will, perhaps, make a stable
of the house of God. I think we shall destroy it, except in the
event of opposition.

At first I was troubled by your memorial to Washington^'
by which, without knowing where we stood in the case, you
interfered in its progress with a step against the spirit of neu-
trality which I observed by your order — a step likely to cast
on the Catholic clergy the suspicion (which you say exists at
Washington) of our influencing the Potawatomi to remain.
At first I thought I saw a lack of ordinary prudence in this.
Biit God can resolve all : I entrusted all to Him. At first, how-
ever, I was dismayed and unhappy, I confess.

The good Lord has taken away my horse, fine, young,
vigorous, and living freely in the woods. Having gone from
1 1 o'clock till 7 or 8 in the evening without grain, he died. I
shall try to get another, but I shall replace him with difficulty.

When you read this letter, I pray our Lord will make you
understand it in the sense He desires for His greatest glory
and my children's salvation. "To sacrifice you to the savages,
a new pardon from your family would be necessary." No,
Monseigneur, they have given me to God entirely, and for

i6), but the transfers were not recognized by the government. The Attorney
General had ruled on September 20, 1833, that the lands reserved to the
Indians were still under the original title, that the Indian occupants could not
convey them to individuals, and that no valid cession could be made by them
except to the United States. Opinions of the Attorney General of the
United States, 1789-1841, p. 1402.

^*0n June 25, Brute wrote to Commissioner Carey A. Harris, pleading
for justice to the Indians and recounting the labors of Petit and his pre-
decessors among the Indians. Brute's letter was forwarded by John Law
in a note of June 27, lauding the mission and pointing out that it had been
carried on at the expense of the Bishop, the annual allowance of $300 appro-
priated by the government for the civilization of the Indiana Indians on
April 19, 1836, having been paid only once {ante, p. 22). Harris answered
Law on August 2, 1838 : "The information, that has reached this office from
its agents shows that M. Deseille exerted himself on several occasions to dis-
suade the Indians from removing, as measures then and now believed to be
for their benefit, and more recent advices impute similar proceedings to
his successor [Father Benjamin Petit]. For this reason, and for that also
of their probably speedy emigration, it is deemed improper to continue the
allowance from the civilization fund." "Documents," Mid-America, XV,
189-91 .

86 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

them as for me it does not matter whether I am here or there.
They would not understand why I should abandon my children
thus, and if they read of this mission's destruction and the
Christians' exile in Annales de la Propagation de la Foi,^^ each
will ask with astonishment : "Just where has their priest
gone? Why are there no priests with them?" That would be
unusual, Monseigneur, in the annals of missions; the Church
has always given a consoler for the sufferings of her children.
You shall decide, Monseigneur, but I must tell you what is in
my heart : there it is. Let it all be arranged, rectified, or
changed by my Bishop's hand, which for me is God's hand.

Your benediction, Monseigneur, on us all, your Indians and
your priest, respectful and submissive in Jesus Christ and Mary,

B. Petit, Ptre. Mre.

In the last letter I received from France I was informed of
Mile. Camille's vows and F. M. Villeneuve's marriage to a
Demoiselle Pauline du Modage : I think this will be a good
Christian household.

My respects to M. de la Hailandiere, if it is not too pre-
sumptuous to give you commissions, Monseigneur, as well as
to the other gentlemen. I heard that you have had some new
ordinations and that M. de la Hailandiere had been to Chicago
(I heard this from M. Frangois) ; Chicago is not very far from
South Bend.

M. Mueller is vexed at something I am supposed to have
done in his territory. First, I did not do what he was told I did ;
second, I did not know it was his parish; I shall avoid going
there henceforth. It is all about a funeral sermon I preached
near Leesburg; I shall apologize fully and peace will be restored.

My mother, brothers, and relatives in France send you their
homage, Monseigneur, and their respects to M. de la Hailand-
iere. I would consider going to see you, but affairs are so
upset here that in the press of the moment I probably cannot.
All is for God.

"The organ of the Society of the Propagation of the Faith founded in
Lyons, in 1822, as "an endeavor to enlist the sympathy of all Catholics and
assist all missions, without regard to situation and nationality." The
Society was the chief source of support of the American missions. The
Catholic Encyclopedia, XI (191 1), 461-63.

TRAIL OF DEATH 87

What of Du Merle ? My heart thinks quite often of him ;
he was my brother in America, Monseigneur. Sometimes I
have a mind to write to him, but there is no time.

[Addressed :] To the Right Revd. Bishop Brute Vincennes
(Knox Cty.) Indiana.

Petit to Abel C. Pepper, July 31, 1838
[10 : Letters Received, Potawatomi — C]

Copy Menominies Reserve 31. July 1838,

Sir,

Agreeably to your letter dated July 28. 1838."° I made
communication to the Indians of the information you were kind
enough to give me, of the determination of the Executive of
the State, to furnish promptly a military force to protect the
preemptioners exercising their rights under the laws of con-
gress. — They have expressed unanimously and in the strongest
terms their determination of offerring no resistance. I knew
that such was their disposition, but I wanted to renew it in
communicating to them your letter. — I think now I can give
yon the assurance, that no disturbance from the Indians need
be apprehended, and that the settlers can take possession of
their preemptions peaceably, and without the assistance of a
Military force, the presence of which would only be fit to cre-
ate excitement & disorder. —

I take also this opportunity to inform you that Menominie
is very sorry for the words which escaped from his lips on the
day of the Council ; he did not know the import thereof, and is
ready to offer you an apology for it, at the next Council. — ^^

I am, Sir, Very respectfully, Your obt. Srvt

B. Petit

""This letter has not been found.

"^Petit's optimism was not justified. On August 4 he held his last service
in the chapel and dismantled it. The next day a settler took possession of
house and church, and Petit left for South Bend. On August 7 Pepper held
a council with the Indians; they apologized for bad behavior at the last
council, and Pepper had a brief hope that peace could be maintained, but
there was soon trouble between the Indians and incoming whites, insistent
on their pre-emption rights, who settled on almost every quarter section
on which the Indians lived. Emigration officials, alarmed at the explosive
situation, implored John Tipton, former Indian agent and still influential

88 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

To Col. Pepper

I will leave the reserve with Miss Campau this very week. —

Petit to John Tipton, September 3, 1838
[ISL : Tipton Papers— ALS22]

South Bend 3d. 7ber 1838
To the Honourable General Tipton

General I Received yesterday your letter dated 2d 7ber^ to
which I give to day the answer which you requested me to give
you"^ It is not the least of the world in my power to satisfy
those whom you call the dissentients, and to harmonise the
whole matter, because it is not let to my choice to go, or not to
go West. I am under the dependance of m.y Bishop and at his
disposal, as much at least as any soldier of your troops is at

with the Indians, to lend his help in persuading them to move. On August
II he attended a council near Plymouth, but was unable to break down the
opposition of the chiefs. Between August 15 and 20 a settler's cabin was
damaged and ten or twelve Indian homes were burned. Citizens of Marshall
County and Colonel Pepper urged Governor Wallace to send an armed force
to prevent violence. He visited the reserve, and on August 27 authorized
Tipton to enroll one hundred volunteers. Three days later Tipton had
assembled his forces and stationed them in five detachments surrounding the
chapel at some distance. The Indians, in council with Colonel Pepper, were
taken by surprise and were not allowed to leave or separate. Another council
was held next day, at which Menominee, Black Wolf, and Peepenawah still
declined removing. These chiefs and one other, probably Notawkah, were
placed under guard in the chapel. Journal, post, p. 128; George W. Ewing to
Tipton, August 8, 1838, Abel C. Pepper to Tipton, August 8, 1838, William
Polke to Tipton, August 8, 1838, in Tipton Papers ; Governor Wallace's
annual message, December 4, 1838, and his correspondence with Tipton and
Pepper, August 26-31, 1838, in Indiana Senate Journal, 1838-39, pp. 713-18;
Tipton to Wallace, September 18, 1838, ibid., p. 728; Tipton's General Order,
August 29, 1838, in Logansport Herald, November 8, 1838, p. 2, c. 4;
Logansport Telegraph, September 15, 1838, p. 2, c. i.

"Printed in Indiana Senate Journal, 1838-39, pp. 722-23.

"'An attack of fever had kept Petit at South Bend until this time.
Tipton, knowing the young priest's great influence with Menominee and the
other Catholic Indians, and anxious to execute the removal without violence,
appealed to him by letter to persuade "the dissentients" to go peaceably.
Indiana Senate Journal, 1838-39, p. 722. He repeated the promise of the
government to defray expenses of the emigration, give each Indian a half
section of land, and provide for their support for one year. As a further
inducement to secure Petit's aid, he promised to recommend to the President
that funds be provided for a chapel and house for Petit or any other priest
who might accompany the Indians. Petit drafted a scathing answer (the

TRAIL OF DEATH 89

your disposal ; I wrote to him for the subject of being allowed
to follow the Indians, in the case, that most of them would be
willing to emigrate; I received a full denial of my request; of
course I must not think any more of going West.

[Was I at liberty to go or not to go, though I had no per-
sonal objection, in the case the Indians would be willing to go,
it would be repugnant and hard to me to associate in any way
to the unaccountable measures lately taken for the removal of
the Indians. You had right perhaps, if duly authorised, to take
possession of the land, but to make from free men slaves, no
man can take upon himself to do so in this free country.
Those who wish to move must be moved, those who want to
remain must be left to themselves. Col. Pepper, in the name
of the president, spoke several times in that way, and he said
that by the 5th of August those who want to remain, would
be submitted to the law of the country. Of course it is against
men under the protection of the law, that you act in such a
dictatorial manner; it is impossible for me, and for many to
conceive how such events may take place in this country of
liberty. I have consecrated my whole life, my whole powers
to the good of my neighbours, but as to associate to any vio-
lence against them, even if it were at my own disposal, I cannot
find in me strength enough to do so. May God protect them,
and me. against the numerous misrepresentations which are
made, both of them and of me.]

I am sorry, General, not to be able to comply any further
with your wishes.

your most obedient Servant

B : Petit ptre Mre.

draft is in the Chancery Office, Indianapolis), but omitted in the letter that he
sent the paragraph printed here in brackets. Tipton meanwhile proceeded
as expeditiously as possible with his ugly task. By the evening of September
2 over seven hundred Indians had been rounded up by the soldiers and
enrolled. On the morning of September 4 the encampment was leveled and
the march began, with rebellious chiefs "immured" in a sort of cage that
followed the flag. Logansport Herald, October 25, 1838. For accounts of
the rounding up of the Indians, see Indiana Senate Journal, 1838-39, pp.
718 ff.; Tipton to Carey A. Harris, September 2 and 5, 1838, photostats
in Tipton Papers ; McDonald, History of Marshall County, I, 24-25, 30-33-
The emigrating party by this time numbered 859. It was estimated that only
150 Potawatomi were left in Indiana. Abel C. Pepper to Carey A. Harris,
September 6, 1838, photostat in Tipton Papers.

90 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Petit to William Polke, September 8, 1838

[10: Letters Received, Potawatomi — C]

LoGANSPORT, 8th Sept. 1838
Sir:

I have on this day received permission of the Right Rev-
erend Bishop to accompany the Indian Emigration West ;'* on
condition of you guaranteeing the performing the propositions
contained in the letter of Gen. J. Tipton addressed to me on
the 2nd instant.

I am, Sir, your most Respectful servant,

B. Petit.

Petit to His Family, September 14, 1838
[Translated from Annates, XI (1838-39), No. lxv, 393-96]

One morning^^ ... I said Mass. Then my dear church
was stripped of all its ornaments, and at the moment of my
departure I called all my children together. I spoke to them
one more time ; I wept ; my listeners sobbed. It was heart-
rending. We, the dying mission, prayed for the success of
other missions, and we sang with one accord :
In thy protection do we trust,
O Virgin, meek and mild.

The voice which intoned was stifled by sobs, and only a
few were able to finish. I left. It is sad, I assure you, for a
missionary to see such a young and vigorous work expire in
his arms. A few days afterward I learned that the Indians,
despite their peaceable disposition, had been surprised and

°'See Petit to his family, post, p. 92, and Journal, post, p. 129. Said
the Logansport Telegraph of September 8, 1838: "The Rev. Mr. Petit, who
has been with them for some time past and who has already succeeded in
teaching them some of the arts of civilization by which their condition has
been much improved, will accompany them. This gentleman, who has de-
servedly gained their esteem, and whose remaining was one of the principal
obstacles to their removing, has, by consenting to go, given them additional
proofs of his regard for their welfare, and he has also rendered himself
worthy of the notice of the government. There is already a visible change
in the feelings of the Indians, and many who were averse to going west
now express a willingness to go."

^August 4. See Petit's Journal, post, p. 128.

TRAIL OF DEATH 91

taken prisoners of war. The military force, pretending to
hold a council, assembled them and seized eight hundred. At
the same time the government invited me to accompany them
to the country destined for them, separation from their priest
being one of the reasons which kept the Indians from con-
senting to their exile. I replied that, being under my Bishop's
orders, I could not do anything without his permission. He
had refused, in order to avoid all suspicion of the ecclesias-
tical authority's connivance with the civil power's rigorous
measures.

Providence wonderfully orders all things. It willed that
Monseigneur should have to consecrate the Logansport
church.^® The ceremony was fixed for September 9, and on
the 7th the Indians were to camp a quarter of a league from
Logansport on their road to exile. One morning, September 5,
Monseigneur, returning from Chicago, entered my room at
South Bend : "My son, in an hour we depart for Logansport."
And he lavished all the consolations in the soul of a father
upon me. I was as calm as a man who is stilled by a crushing
burden. We departed.

We learned that the Indians on the way, with bayonets
prodding their backs," had a large number of sick in their
ranks — that several, crammed into baggage wagons, had al-

""A small stone church on Duret Street, built through the efforts of
Father Frangois. It remained in use until i860. Thomas B. Helm, History
of Cass County Indiana (Chicago, 1886), p. 436; Godecker, Simon Brute de
Rcmur, p. 365.

^The Logansport Telegraph (September 8, 1838, p. 2, c. i) denied this.
"It has been reported that the Indians were maltreated on their journey —
that they were forced to make long marches when it was not necessary — that
they were not suffered to get water on the road — and that the order of
Gen. Tipton was to drive them along at the point of the bayonet, if neces-
sary. — These reports, we believe are all unfounded, as they have been con-
tradicted by those who were present, and in whose word we can place implicit
confidence." According to the Journal of the emigration there was a
scarcity of water in the country, and the watering places determined the
length of the marches. "Journal of the Emigrating Party of Pottawattomie
Indians, 1838," Indiana Magazine of History, XXI (1925), 3i7-i8- The
"Journal" as printed in the Magazine, is attributed to William Polke, al-
though the entries to and including September 16 were made by Tipton.
See Indiana Senate Journal, 1838-39, p. 72"/.

92 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

ready died of heat and thirst.^^ These pieces of news were like
so many swords piercing my heart.

Finally, on the morning of the 7th, Monseigneur gave me
permission to follow the emigrants, on condition that I return
at the first order, or at the moment another missionary should
come to replace me. I went to look after my children. I did
not think at first that I could enter the camp without authori-
zation. They all came out, approaching me to receive my
blessing. The Americans, drawn up in a line, showed the
greatest astonishment. "This man," said the General,^® "has
more power here than I." I was permitted to come and go
everywhere. Smiles reappeared amidst the desolation of exile
— once more the family was together.

Sunday, September 9, Monseigneur consecrated the Lo-
gansport church. I officiated at the camp. In the afternoon
Monseigneur came there and confirmed about twenty of my
good savages.^" That day was a wonderful triumph for the

^On Sunday, September 9, physicians visited the emigrating party in
camp near Logansport and found about 300 of the 850 sick. A "kind of
Medical hospital" was erected, and all but 21, sick and attendants, took up
the march on the tenth. Five children had died by the evening of September
9. "Journal," Indiana Magazine of History, XXI, 317-18.

^Probably General Tipton. Tipton later wrote to Wallace that Petit
had "produced a very favorable change in the morals and industry of the
Indians," and that his untiring zeal in the cause of civilization would be
"eminently beneficial" to the Potawatomi in their new home. Indiana
Senate Journal, 1838-39, p. 727.

. ^"Brute sent a report of the event to the Annates which is quoted in
Godecker, Simon Brute de Remur (pp. 365-66) : "In the afternoon I myself
visited the good Indians. A crowd of people composed of Catholics and
Protestants from the city, was in attendance and no one grew tired of ad-
miring the spirit of recollection and resignation of those true Christians.
As I approached, Mr. Petit came first and knelt for the blessing, then all
received it kneeling on the road that led to the tent. Following this ceremony
they took their places very orderly and some with books and others by heart,
sang Vespers in the Ottawa language. I recited the Oration and delivered
a sermon which a young interpreter translated with great intelligence and
piety. Then they intoned the Veni Creator in Ottawa and after the first
verse I proceeded to administer the sacrament of Confirmation. The con-
firmed numbered twenty. How much did we regret that so many were de-
prived of the same grace owing to their early departure. I closed the
services by giving Benediction. Then whilst we recited the rosary in com-
mon I accompanied Mr. Petit into the tents of the sick, where one received
Extreme Unction and another received Baptism; both died that night."

TRAIL OF DEATH 93

Catholic Faith : the whole town was in camp, astonished at the
Indians and edified by their piety. The American newspapers
mentioned it, and everywhere people read with emotion of the
wonderful sight of this congregation assembled on mats before
an improvised altar under a great tree.

The next day I left to get my things at South Bend, and
here I am today making the journey of six hundred miles to
the other side of the Mississippi to establish a more durable
mission among the savages, whom I am afterwards to leave
in the hands of the Jesuit fathers. Pray much that, in this
remote quest, the good God will sustain me and not allow me
to stumble.

Petit to John Tipton, September 17, 1838
[Indiana Senate Journal, 1838-39, p. 728]

Danville, 17^/1 Sept. 1838.
To HIS Honor, General John Tipton :

General — According to our arrangements, I joined the
party of the Pottawattamies emigrating west of the Missis-
sippi, to accompany them to their new homes. I inform you
anew to day that I accede to your proposals.
Your respectful and humble servant,

B. Petit.

Petit to Bishop Rosati, September 19, 1838

[Catholic Historical Society of Indiana, Bulletin No. 2, p. 7
(December, 1927)31]

Sanduskye Camp Near Danville
19 7bre, 1838
Monseigneur :

Last year Monseigneur Brute sent me to the Pottowatomie
Indians to replace Monsieur De Seilles whose death left them
orphans ; that mission, in full vigor and growth was about to
be destroyed in Indiana by the policy of the government which
seeks to unite all the Indians on the other side of the Missis-
sippi.

"The original of this letter is in the Diocesan Archives, St. Louis,
Missouri.

94 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

As a great many of these very fervent and pious Christians
were going to emigrate at the same time, Monseigneur Brute
permitted me to accompany them to their new settlement so
that I may re-estabUsh their church and their mission; as
Vicar-General of your Diocese, he has given me temporarily
the faculties and jurisdiction which are necessary; today, Mon-
seigneur, I am asking Your Lordship to confirm these facul-
ties, if you find it convenient.''

An emigrant mission, complete in every way, (like a nu-
cleus, entirely ready for the attachment of great hopes of the
future) is worthy of the attention of Your Lordship and of
those Jesuit Fathers who are especially charged with the Indian
Missions.

I am not coming to establish a mission in the midst of the
good Indians for myself, although I am attached to them with
all the affection of my priestly heart (they are my first mis-
sion) ; I am coming solely to hold this mission together (so
that these precious souls may not be lost) until I shall be able
to place in your hands or in the hands of the Society of Jesus
this infant mission to which I would gladly consecrate my life,
if obedience, which is a happiness for a priest, did not call me
for another work on the mission for which, indeed I have a
far less natural inclination.

The limit fixed by my bishop for my return is next March.
Before that time, Monseigneur, I beg you by all that God
knows of the simplicity and the sincere piety, of the fervor
and the zeal and the good will in the hearts of your new sub-
jects to arrange to send us a priest so that these Christians,
so eager for the reception of the Sacraments which so many
others neglect, may not die of exhaustion, like abandoned chil-
dren, deprived of the heavenly nourishment in which their
souls find so many delights.

Your Lordship knows so much better than I can tell you
how important it is for the subsequent development of the In-

' The diocese of St. Louis, of which Joseph Rosati was Bishop, extended
from the southern bounds of Arkansas to a Hne drawn northward from Fort
Massac, Ilhnois, near Cairo, to the southern bounds of Canada, thence
westward to the Rocky Mountains, following them southward to the latitude
of the southern boundary of Arkansas and eastward. Rothensteiner, History
of the Archdiocese of St. Louis, I, 2.

TRAIL OF DEATH 95

dian missions not to let them disperse and perish by the aban-
donment of that Christianity fully developed which Providence
sends today into the midst of the nearby Indians.

Our trip is a harsh experience; we have much sickness ;^^
two of the Indians were buried today. Monseigneur, please
pray God to sustain us and to bless the christian resignation
of these good Indians deprived by force of their fatherland
and of all their notions of blessing, the Faith excepted.

Accept, Monseigneur, the assurance of profound respect
and of the humble submission in Jesus Christ.

Of your most respectful servant

B. Petit
ptre. mre.

P. S. The migration will likely cross the Mississippi at
Quincy and our destination is the Osage River.

Petit to Father pRANgois, September 23, 1838
[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDA3*]

32 MILES WEST OF Danville"^ 23 September, 1838
Monsieur and dear friend.

After these last few days of traveling I am indeed glad to
have this opportunity of informing you of everything concern-
ing us since I joined the emigration at Danville.

^The physicians attending the sick reported on September 18 that there
were 67 sick, 47 of whom suffered from intermittent fever, and that out of
the whole number 8 appeared dangerously ill. This was an improvement
from the thirteenth, when 106 cases of sickness had been recorded. "The
whole cotmtry through which we pass appears to be afflicted — ," reads the
"Journal" entry for September 16 ; "every town, village, and hamlet has its
invalids. ... It is worthy of remark, perhaps, that such a season for sick-
ness in this country is almost unparalleled. In the little town, adjoining
which we are encamped, containing a population of from eight hundred to
a thousand four persons died yesterday." By the evening of the nineteenth,
seventeen Indians were reported to have died since the emigration began.
"Journal," Indiana Magazine of History, XXI, 316-21.

*'The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.

^"According to the "Journal," the party camped the night of September
22 at Sidoris' Grove, having traveled forty-four miles since leaving Dan-
ville. The night of the twenty-third was spent at Pyatt's Point on the
Sangamon River, fifteen miles further on. Indiana Magazine of History,
XXI, 321-28.

96 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

A dozen have died,^" among them several Indians who were
baptized in articulo mortis; exterior alleviation was given to
the others, almost the entire band. Today we were better
treated because of a kind of authority given me which I ac-
cepted and am using for their good.

It is indeed far from my intention to find anything to
regret in Monseigneur's decision regarding me; I think I am
where I should be.

From time to time I can say Holy Mass ; soon I shall have
my tent all to myself and even be able to hear confession.

When we encamp I am entrusted with the sick and assigned
to the doctor as interpreter.^^ On the march I have general
supervision over all and decide upon whatever can be alle-
viating.

If you can obtain a few days from Monseigneur to visit
Pokagon, it would be the most deserving of your missions. I
fear they are bewildered; you would find Mousse^*^ there.
Tell him or write to him that I obtained permission to leave
his baggage at Danville, but his son did not know where he
was, and the heavy expenses of transportation made us decide
that the cost would exceed the value of the contents. He will
be paid for his oxen at the Mississippi ; I shall send him the
money.

Respects to everyone. Enclose this letter to Monseigneur,
if you please. I have seen nothing of M. Buteaux, to whom
I wanted to hand it.

' I have no more time. Adieu ; pray for me.

Your brother and servant in Jesus Christ,

B. Petit
Ptre. Mre.

^'The "Journal" records twelve deaths from the seventeenth to the eve-
ning of the twenty-third, bringing to twenty-four the total number of
deaths since the beginning of the emigration. Indiana Magazine of History,
XXI, 321-23.

^Petit was appointed an interpreter for the emigration on September 22,
and received $245 for his services. See his Journal, post, p. 131.

"Alexander Mousse, a Catholic half-breed, had married a daughter of
Pokagon. He acted as an interpreter for Father Stephen Badin and was
with Father Deseille at his death. Buechner, The Pokagons, p. 298, and
note.

TRAIL OF DEATH 97

[Addressed:] To the Revd. Mr. Francois Pastor of the
Cathohc Congregation at Logansport (Ina.)

[Endorsed by Father Frangois:] M. Petit having had an
opportunity to have this letter delivered to me, he asks me to
send it Your Reverence. My situation is very variable, some-
times good, sometimes bad. Each evening I have had to
journey all I could ; I am falling ill again. ..."

[Postmarked, Frangois to Brute, September 30, 1838.]

Petit to Bishop Brute, November 13, 1838

[Translated from Annales, XI (1838-39), No. lxv, 400-8]

Osage River, Indian Country,
November 13, 1838
Monseigneur,

According to the promise which you exacted from me at
Logansport when I received your parting benediction, I have
now to give Your Reverence an account of our long and pain-
ful journey.

The day you left for Bardstown, where the consecration
of a new bishop for our America called you,^® I started for
South Bend, where I had to get the little baggage I needed.
While I was awaiting the public stage at the hotel, a traveler
came up to me and presented me with a pencil sketch which
seemed to me a good one and which represented the confirma-
tion ceremony at the camp, the altar at the foot of the great
tree, the linen tapestries, Monseigneur, M. Mueller and me, our
young interpreter, and all the Indians, with their grave, pious
solemn demeanor. I was asked several questions about the
Indians' language, habits, and traditions.

I departed. I arrived at South Bend on the nth [Septem-
ber], about noon. At once I began preparations for traveling,
and I devoted part of the evening to hearing the confessions
of several sick people who had asked for me — among them
was the old mother of Black Wolf (Makkahtahmoway), one
of the chiefs. The poor woman had been so much frightened

'^Father Richard P. Miles was consecrated first Bishop of Nashville in
the Cathedral of Bardstown, Kentucky, on September 16, 1838. Godecker,
Simon Bruti de Remiir, p. 366.

98 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

by a discharge of musketry ordered by General Tipton when
he arrested the savages — who were in council — that she buried
herself in the woods and remained hidden there for six days
without taking nourishment. Finally she found a dead phea-
sant and ate it. She had received a terrible wound in her foot
and could no longer walk. Fortunately a savage who was
looking for his horses, having noticed something moving in
the bushes, ran in that direction and found the poor fugitive.
He put her on his horse and transported her safely to a
Frenchman's house near South Bend, where I heard her con-
fession.

The next morning I started out again for Logansport. I
intended to rejoin the emigrants at Lafayette at least, but they
marched so (juickly that I did not see my Indians again until
Danville.

They were w^alking on the right bank of the river, ^" and
the line of wagons continued on the left. I tried several times
to rent a private carriage to take my baggage and me to Dan-
ville—this was in vain. Finally I had to go as far as Perrys-
ville, where, leaving my luggage behind, I took advantage of
the kindness of a Catholic, M. Young, who offered me one of
his horses and accompanied me to Danville with some other
persons who were drawn by curiosity.

It was Sunday, September i6. I had only just arrived
when a colonel,*^ seeking a favorable place to encamp, appeared.
Soon afterward I saw my poor Christians, under a burning-
noonday sun, amidst clouds of dust, marching in a line, sur-
rounded by soldiers who were hurrying their steps. Next
came the baggage wagons, in which numerous invalids, chil-
dren, and women, too weak to walk, were crammed. They
encamped half a mile from the town, and in a short while I
went among them.

I found the camp just as you saw it, Monseigneur, at
Logansport — a scene of desolation, with sick and dying people

^'The Wabash. The expedition crossed the river at WilHamsport on
the fifteenth. Article from Terre Haute Courier reprinted in Niles'
National Register, October 6, 1838, No. 6, p. 88, c. 1-2.

"Perhaps Colonel J. R. M. Bryant, Tipton's aide-de-camp. Tipton to
Governor Wallace, September 18, 1838, in Indiana Senate Journal, 1838-39,
pp. 727-30.

TRAIL OF DEATH 99

on all sides. Nearly all the children, weakened by the heat,
had fallen into a state of complete languor and depression. I
baptized several who were newly born — happy Christians, who
with their first step passed from earthly exile to the heavenly
sojourn.

The General, to whom I introduced myself, expressed his
satisfaction at seeing me, and, with a condescension I did not
expect, he arose from his chair, which was the only one there,
and offered it to me. That night was the first I passed in
a tent.

Early the next morning they heaped the Indians into the
baggage wagons, and everybody mounted. At our departure
Judge Polke, chief conductor, came to present me with a horse
which the government had procured from an Indian for my
use along the way. At the same time the Indian approached
me and said: "My father, I give it to you, saddled and
bridled."

We departed for the next encampment, where several days'
rest was granted us. On my word the six chiefs*" who had
till now been treated as prisoners of war were released and
given the same kind of freedom which the rest of the tribe
enjoyed.

The order of march*^ was as follows : the United States
flag, carried by a dragoon; then one of the principal officers,
next the staff baggage carts, then the carriage, which during
the whole trip was kept for the use of the Indian chiefs ; then
one or two chiefs on horseback led a line of 250 or 300 horses
ridden by men, women, children in single file, after the man-
ner of savages. On the flanks of the line at equal distance
from each other were the dragoons and volunteers, hastening
the stragglers, often with severe gestures and bitter words.
After this cavalry came a file of forty baggage wagons filled
with luggage and Indians. The sick were lying in them, rudely
jolted, under a canvas which, far from protecting them from
the dust and heat, only deprived them of air, for they were as
if buried under this burning canopy — several died thus.

■""See ante, p. Sgn.

^'The procession, according to the Delphi Oracle (September 15, 1838),
was nearly three miles long.

100 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

We camped only six miles from Danville. There I had for
two successive days" the happiness of celebrating Holy Mass
among my good savage children. I administered to several
who were dying and baptized a few more infants, and, when
we quitted this camp two days later, we left behind six graves
in the shadow of the cross. The General dismissed his little
army there and himself departed from us*^ — he had announced
his intention of doing so shortly after my coming.

We soon found ourselves on the grand prairies of Illinois,
under a burning sun and without shade from one camp to
another. They are as vast as the ocean, and the eye seeks in
vain for a tree. Not a drop of water can be found there — it
was a veritable torture for our poor sick, some of whom died
each day from weakness and fatigue.

Soon we began evening prayers together again, and the
Americans, attracted by curiosity, were astonished to find so
much piety in the midst of so many trials. Our evening exer-
cises consisted of a chapter of the catechism, prayer, and the
hymn,

"In thy protection do we trust,
O Virgin, meek and mild,"
which I intoned in Indian and which was repeated by the
whole audience with a vigor which these new Christians bring
to all their religious acts.

Often throughout the entire night, around a blazing fire,
before a tent in which a solitary candle burned, fifteen or
twenty Indians would sing hymns and tell their beads. One
of their friends who had died was laid out in the tent; they
performed the last religious rites for him in this way. The
next morning the grave would be dug; the family, sad but
tearless, stayed after the general departure; the priest, attired
in his stole, recited prayers, blessed the grave, and cast the first
shovelful of earth on the rude coffin; the pit was filled and a

"The expedition reached Sandusky Point, six miles beyond Danville,
on September 17, and remained there until the twentieth. "Journal," Indiana
Magazine of History, XXI, 321.

"Tipton returned to Logansport on the twentieth, leaving fifteen of his
volunteers behind at Polke's request to keep order and guard the camp at
night. Ibid., XXI, 321 ; Tipton to Governor Wallace, September 18, 1838, in
Indiana Senate Journal, 1838-39, pp. 727-30.

TRAIL OF DEATH 101

little cross placed there. The curious inhabitants, for whom
everything in the depths of these deserts is a spectacle, moved,
despite their prejudices, by these poor yet imposing solem-
nities of the dead, would end by raising their hats, and the
smile of scorn would turn to a sort of grave and religious
astonishment.

Sunday mornings, when the lack of good water (more than
once our horses refused to drink water which we had left) or
some other motive forced us to continue the march, I was
granted a two hours' delay.*^ The Indians would attend Holy
Sacrifice, during which they astonished the ears of the spec-
tators by singing hymns, some of which — for me at least —
had a sweet harmony indeed. I preached briefly on the Gospel
of the day, recommended that they tell their beads along the
way — then I folded up my chapel, the tents were dismantled,
and everybody mounted. Ordinarily we did not travel on Sun-
day — the Mass was then preceded by the morning prayer and
the catechism, followed by the rosary. In the afternoon they
would again assemble for the catechism. Vespers were sung
in Indian, the rosary followed, then the evening prayer and
a short sermon, which once or twice I allowed myself to pro-
nounce without an interpreter — to the great delight of my
listeners.

I could not help feeling elated on the way at the attentions
of the Catholics. When we camped near a town where some
lived, they would come to see me at our encampment, invite me
to breakfast before our departure the next day, and indeed do
ail in their power to show their joy at seeing a priest. A few
days' journey from the Illinois River I was stricken with
fever. An old Frenchman came to the camp and made me
promise, by the force of his pleading, to take a few days' rest
at his home. The next morning he introduced his wife. He
had brought his carriage to take me away, but the fear of again

^On October 9, the chiefs requested that on Sundays the party remain
in camp so that devotional exercises could be held. This was complied with
on the three succeeding Sundays. On Sunday, November 4, provisions being
scarce and the journey being so nearly completed, the party moved on after
a two-hour devotional period. "Journal," Indiana Magazine of History,
XXI, 327-34.

102 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

finding myself behind the emigration and the difficulties of
rejoining it made me reply with a definite refusal.*' We had
hardly arrived at Naples, where we crossed the Illinois, than a
Protestant, married to a French Catholic woman from Vin-
cennes. learning that a sick priest was among the emigrants
stationed there for two days, came to offer me his house. ''^ I
accepted, and, thanks to the care lavished on me, my fever
was cut short.

I took the public stage at Naples and started in advance
for Quincy in order to complete my cure by a few days' rest in
that town. There I met a German priest, M. Brickwedde, and
a German congregation, who received me with a welcome hard
to imagine.*'' I was also well greeted by some American Cath-
olics and by several of the town's richest Protestants, who
offered me their hospitality.^"

When the Indians arrived at Quincy, the inhabitants, who
compared this emigration with previous ones, could not help
expressing their surprise at the modesty of our Christians, their
calmness, and their general demeanor. A Catholic lady, ac-
companied by a Protestant friend, made the sign of the cross,
symbolizing religious fraternity. Immediately the Indian
women came up to shake their hands cordially; the savages
never fail to do this when they encounter Catholics. The
Protestant lady wanted to do as much and tried the sign of
the cross, but, betrayed by her lack of practice, she could not
succeed. At once an Indian, who knew some English, went up
to her and said, "You nothing." It was true.

One day Judge Polke, our principal officer, introduced one
of his friends, a Baptist minister. I was in my tent, sur-
rounded as usual by Indians. He wanted to shake hands with

*'See Petit's Journal, post, p. 129.

'"A. M. Craft. Post, p. 129.

^"Father Augustus Florentius Brickwedde was born in Hanover in 1805,
and ordained a priest in the Cathedral of Hildesheim, September 20, 1830.
He came to St. Louis in 1837, having heard of the great need for missionaries
among the German colonists in America. Bishop Rosati sent him to Quincy
to found a German parish — said to be the first national parish in the
Mississippi Valley — where he remained until 1849. Rothensteiner, History
of the Archdiocese of St. Louis, I, 615-25.

°"See Petit's Journal, post, p. 130.

TRAIL OF DEATH 103

the Indians, and I told them to approach — that he called him-
self their friend. Then, as if he must make a sensation, this
minister, with that commanding enthusiasm in which his kind
are never lacking, cried: "Ah, they are bone of my bone,
flesh of my flesh! I truly feel here [putting his hand on his
heart] that I love humankind. Young man, may God bless
your labors among them — make them better than they are."
When he had gone, I told my Indians that he was a Protestant
minister. At this all who had shaken hands with him replied
with a grimace.

One evening I was waiting in my tent for evening-prayer
time when two young men introduced themselves to me — they
were compatriots recently arrived from France, and by the
steamboat captain's inadvertence they had been carried to In-
dependence instead of New Orleans. They were now proceed-
ing to their destination. These gentlemen spoke and understood
very little English ; this made their position difficult in this
distant land. While passing along the road, they had seen our
tents and fires. "Perhaps it is a fair," they had said to each
other, and, curious as all Frenchmen, they had come to see.
Then, very much surprised to hear some halfbreeds conversing
in French, they had spoken to them, and, learning there was
a French priest here, they had themselves brought to me. I
greeted them as well as possible. We spoke of our country;
I invited them to supper, following which they attended public
prayer with much edification. They went a little way off to
retire. They were somewhat frightened by the state of the
countryside, which was all in arms. The majority of the
Protestants in the country had resolved to exterminate or at
least expel certain sectarians called Mormons, who refused to
submit to the tax and the public charges.''^

^^As early as 183 1 the Mormons began establishing themselves in
Jackson County, Missouri. Driven out in 1833, they set up their head-
quarters in Caldwell County, and in 1837 founded a town called Far West.
Another settlement was made in Daviess County. On August 6, 1838, there
was an election-day clash between Mormons and citizens in Daviess County.
After a series of such incidents the Mormons petitioned Governor Lilburn
W. Boggs for protection, while the Missourians petitioned for their ejection
from the state. On September 15 militia were sent to the scene, suppressing
hostilities in Daviess County, but disorder had spread into Carroll County,

104 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

About half a mile from our camp my two Frenchmen
came to the edge of a prairie fire and saw a great number of
men beating the ground with sticks and running to and fro
amidst the flames to keep the fire from the fences of their
fields. They thought they were witnessing a frightful battle,
and they returned to our camp to ask if there was any safety
for them. I reassured them, explained what had frightened
them, and they left, still fearing that they would be taken for
Mormon spies, among whom there were, they said, many
French.

As for us, the next day we heard artillery and rifle shots.
We saw armed troops coming to formation from every direc-
tion, and about sixty mules — booty taken the day before from
the Mormons. We passed quietly through this theater of
fanatic battles, although at our arrival a message had come
asking that the Indians join the troops who were attacking the
Mormons. ^'^ This request was wisely rejected.

As long as we marched along the left bank of the Missis-
sippi, the heat was excessive, the weather sultry, the water bad.
On the opposite bank the temperature was cooler — sometimes
becoming even cold — and this change produced happy effects
on the health of the Indians. After arriving in Missouri, we

where the Mormons were holding the town of De Witt against a force of two
or three hundred. Because of food shortage they surrendered without battle
and removed to Far West, arriving on October 12. On October 15 a company
of one hundred men organized at Far West, went into Daviess County,
plundering and burning the town of Gallatin. On October 26 the militia were
again called out, and four days later the Mormons surrendered without battle
and agreed to leave Far West within ten days. They were permitted to
winter in Caldwell County, but had to leave the state the following spring.
They turned eastward to Nauvoo, Illinois, the scene of the next chapter of
Mormon history. Rollin J. Britton, "Early Days on Grand River and the
Mormon War," Missouri Historical Rcz'icw, XIII (1919), 112-34, 287-310,
388-98; XIV (1920), 89-110, 233-45, 459-73.

^^The "Journal" dates this incident on October 25 : "Sometime after our
encampment the Conductor was waited upon by a gentleman, who it appeared
had been delegated by the citizens of Richmond (a village near us) to request
assistance as they really anticipated an attack from the Mormons tonight.
Judge Police informed the gentleman that such a step on his part would be
entirely without the line of his duty." Indiana Magazine of History, XXI,
332.

TRAIL OF DEATH 105

had hardly any sick.°^ The Indians were permitted to hunt on
the way, and from the IlHnois River almost to the limits of
the Indian Territory they destroyed many deer, turkey cocks,
and pheasants in a magnificent hunting ground. But we had
the misfortune of finding that in the outskirts of the country
assigned to them game became scarcer and scarcer, and no
woods were seen other than little clusters on the banks of
brooks which flowed far from each other in these vast prairies.

At a day's journey from the Osage River Father Hoecken,"'*
of the Society of Jesus, came to meet us. He speaks Potawa-
tomi and Kickapoo. He announced his intention of leaving
Kickapoo country, where he has resided, to establish himself
among my Christians.

Thus, Monseigneur, your aim and mine have been achieved.
This young Christendom, in the midst of the anguish of exile
and the ravages of epidemic, has received all the aid of religion.
The sick have been anointed, the soil which covers the ashes
of the dead is consecrated, faith and the practice of religious
duties have been maintained, even in their temporal sorrows
he whom these poor people call their father has had the con-
solation of often being able to render assistance. And now,
left in the able hands of the Jesuit fathers, they need not regret
the violent blow which has torn them from us — from the coun-
try, as they say, where their fathers rest — to leave them once
more in the hands of the same priests who, more than a century
ago, established traditions so favorable to Catholicism in the
heart of these tribes. You wished, Monseigneur, only for the
glory of God and the salvation of these Christians. I looked
for nothing else. Let us hope your wishes will be fulfilled.

'"October 9 was spent in ferrying the Mississippi. One death is recorded
on the eleventh, one on the twenty-eighth, one on November 5, and two on
November 6, certainly an indication that the health of the Indians had
improved. Ibid., XXI, 327-35.

"Father Christian Hoecken was born in Upper Brabant. At this time
he was only twenty-eight years old — about the age of Petit. He had aided
Father Van Quickenborne in conducting the Kickapoo mission, but de-
spite the good work of the fathers it had not been successful, and he was
transferred to the Potawatomi on the Osage River. He died in 1851 on a
journey to the Far West. Ante, pp. 50-5 in. Rothensteincr, History of the
Archiocese of St. Louis, I, 647, 683, 687-88.

106 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Having left on September 4, we arrived November 4. The
number of Indians at our departure was about 800. Some
escaped, and about 30*^^ died — I do not think their number
exceeded 650 at their arrival.

Awaiting Your Reverence's order, which will separate me
from my children, I am, Monseigneur, with the deepest respect,

Your Reverence's priest and son in Jesus and Mary,

B. Petit

Petit to John Tipton, November 26, 1838

[ISL: Tipton Papers— photostat of ALS^^]

Potavvatomi creek, Indian Country

26th Qber 1838

To HIS HONOUR General J. Tipton member of the senate
OF U. S.

General, Owing to the encouragement you gave me, when
I was honoured with taking leave from your honour, I dare
to day take the liberty of reminding you of the engagements
you have taken towards me as a catholic missionary in behalf
of the Governement of U. S.^^ It is not that I think you may
have forgotten them, but I know it is very useful for us to call
on your Credit, for otherwise we cannot look for an imme-
diate execution of these engagements, operations, when left to
themselves, going on very slow in the department of Indian
affairs. It would then be extremely agreable to us, if you
would urge the execution in regard to building a church and
a dwelling house for the Priest.

Now, I must also apply to you that you may be kind to
recommend to the governement the propriety of an allocation
made for the support of the catholic missionary from the
Education fund — similar allocations are made for other de-
nominations, and we are here in fuller operation than any one
of them which I know of — how proper is that allocation can-
not be matter of doubt ! in this new country, a man can live

"The total number of deaths recorded in the "Journal" is 43. Indiana
Magazine of History, XXI, 317-35.

°*The original of this letter is in the Indian Office, Letters Received,
Schools.

°'See ante, pp. SS-Syn.

TRAIL OF DEATH 107

only by farming but a catholic missionary cannot be a farmer ;
and whilst his neighbour the protestant minister will work,
six days of the week, to the improvements of his farm and to
the support of his family ; the Priest will consecrate every
moment of every day to the instruction of his flock, to visiting
the sick, or to prepare himself by studying, reading and learn-
ing. If of course the catholic priest be not supported by his
flock, and who could say that these poor Indians are able to
support him, he must necessarily or live on nothing, or give up.
Of the propriety of such an allocation, it is not necessary to
speak any more, everyone understands it.

An allocation of 300 dollars per annum, had been made in
behalf of the missionary on Yellow river ; when Bishop Brute
applied to the department that the sum would be paid. It was
answered that I had been reported as opposing the action of
the Government, and that consequently nothing should be al-
lowed to me;'^ now, if you think, that I can get that money;
for you know well, from the facts, that, in all that, I have
been heavily misrepresented ; be kind to do for me what you
can; it is indeed nothing but justice, to repay me my expenses
of the last year, during which I was supported by Bishop
Brute and myself, whilst in the meanwhile funds were appro-
priated for my support. My conduct must make you know,
what were all these accusations brought against me.

I am happy to inform you, General, that I met here a
Father Jesuit^^ sent by the society, who is specially intrusted
with the care of these Indian missions; he will make his resi-
dence amongst these Indians ; the society has the intention to
put up a school, and to spare nothing for the improvement of
these good Indians; for any person who is a little acquainted
with the Jesuits, it is no doubt that they will be successful in
their mission here, as well as any where else ; their preceding
success in anything of that kind are a sure guarantee for the
future. It is in their hands that I will commit, with confi-
dence these Christians of whom God called me to be the pastor
for a while ; and it is to them and for them as my successors
that I claim the execution of the Government's engagements,

'^Ante, p. 85n.
'^''Father Hoecken.

108 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

and the allocation for the support of the priest, the promising
prospect of this mission deserves to be patronized by the Gov-
ernment. — If by any chance you could get the 300 dollars allo-
cated for the mission on Yellow river, be kind [enough to]
direct them to Bishop Brute, Vincennes.

Hoping that you will patronize these our just claims,®" I
am General, of your honour, and with a high consideration
The humble servant

B : Petit
ptre mre

Petit to Bishop Brute, November 26, 1838

[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDA^i]

Osage River, 26 November, 1838

MONSEIGNEUR,

I am sending you herewith a kind of detailed account of
our emigration; if, as you told me, you deem it proper to send
it to Les Annates de la Propagation de la Foi,^'^ correct, cut,

""Tipton forwarded Petit's letter to T. Hartley Crawford, Commissioner
of Indian Affairs, on December 29, and wrote: "I know not what grounds
there may have been to Justify the opinion given to your Dept in 1836 that
he Mr P oppose the removal of the Indians from la. [Petit was not at the
mission in 1836; it was Father Deseille.] I am hapy to inform you that
his conduct at the time aiid since I was engaged in the Emigration has been
such as to convince every one that he entered heartily into the removal and
was very usefull in reconcileing the Indians and in adminestering to the
sick & afflicted on thier Journey west, allow me therefore to urge the
subject on the consideration of the Dept ... In relation to the civilization
fund ... I suggest the propriety and the Justice of allowing four hundred
dollars pr anum ... to be expended under the direction of the Revnd
Bishop Brute of Vincennes." Tipton Papers. The Secretary of War, to
whom the matter was submitted, allowed $300 to be expended by Brute
for the Potawatomi mission, the expense of erecting a house and a chapel
to be defrayed from the amount. Six hundred dollars was allowed by
Congress for the building of new cabins in compensation for those burned at
the village on the Yellow River. John Tipton to Petit, January 25, 1839,
and T. Hartley Crawford to Tipton, March 30, 1839, Tipton Papers. Ante,
p. 88n.

"The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.

**Petit's letters of November 13 (ante, pp. 97-106) and 26 were both
entrusted to Polke for delivery. The first was published in the Annales as
suggested. Petit's Journal, post, p. 131.

TRAIL OF DEATH 109

or expand it as you please : for example, supply a brief ex-
planation of the events which led up to it, a brief description
of the confirmation at the camp*'^ (coming from you, this
would make a good introduction), then a note on the Mor-
mons, and finally whatever you think appropriate.

Among the blessings which the good Lord granted me
during the journey (I must tell you everything) were some
tests of endurance : I was taken with fever twice,** and I had
an inflammation of one eye which for more than a month
kept me from my breviary and made the celebration of the Holy
mysteries extremely painful and difficult. This inflammation
of the eyes is an almost inevitable result of the dust, sun, and
wind in the prairies; several Indians even suffered from it.
Then toward the end I came to a kind of exhaustion — without
strength, without vigor. Today, since our arrival, I have been
afflicted with fever again, and I cannot get rid of it, although
I have left my tent for a house"^ somewhat better, but even
here one is occasionally too much exposed to the wind. The
savages are going to build a hut for the Father®*' and me, near
the temporary church they have just erected;*'^ it will be more
comfortable. I was so feverish that my body was covered
with a kind of boil as large as one's thumb and in a state of
infection which tired me so much that I was not comfortable
in any position. Today the greater number of them are healed,
and I hope to be better soon. The Father, who is a doctor, is
treating me, but I am extremely weak.

How many times in the weakness of this suffering I have
thought of France and even of Vincennes! I am a gourmand
in imagination only, for here only the bare necessities are to

*'The confirmation ceremony which Brute held at the Indian camp out-
side Logansport. See ante, p. 92.

"These attacks occurred between September 25 and October 3 and
October 12 and 15. Petit's Journal, post, pp. 129-30.

'"See Petit's Journal, post, p. 131.

"■Father Hoecken.

•"A temporary chapel was immediately erected by the Indians on the
banks of Potawatomi Creek, a structure forty feet long and twenty-two
feet wide. Shanties made of wood, bark, and canvas were put up for shelters.
Rothensteiner, History of the Archdiocese of St. Louis, I, 683 ; Thomas H.
Kinsella, The History of Our Cradle Land (Kansas City, 1921), p. 227.

no INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

be had. Things will be better, I hope, and in a little while I
shall take near you, at Vincennes, the rest I need so much to
prepare myself for new labors; or (who knows?) perhaps T
shall recover my strength here, and my health will be com-
pletely restored.

I am sorry to learn, by one of your recent letters, of Messrs.
de la Hailandiere's and Vabret's bad health ; I hope they are
better now and that I shall find you all well.

As for my Indians, they are in general well and, as in the
past, full of zeal. They are the consolation of Father Hoecken,
whose mission for the last two years has been nothing but a
trial, almost devoid of consolations;^** after the thorns, he will
have the rose.

I have not received the letters you mentioned in your last;
if you have the goodness to write to me, my address is B.
Petit, Catholic Missionary at the Potawatomi Village at the
Osage River, Post Office at Westport,^^ Missouri.

Accept, Monseigneur, my respectful homage and entire
submission, and deign to pray for your child and priest,

B. Petit
Ptre. Mre.

[Addressed:] To the Right Revd. Bishop Brute Vincennes
(Knox Cty.) Indiana.

Petit to Bishop Brute, January i8, 1839

[Translated from photostat of ALS, UNDA'^"]

St. Louis, 18 January, 1839
Monseigneur,

I received your valued letter dated November 6 last only
on December 23 following. The good Lord having delivered

"'The Kickapoo mission had not been successful. Several things con-
tributed to its failure — the hostile attitude of the head chief, Pashishi, the
Indians' passion for strong drink and their general moral degradation, and
finally lack of funds and lack of co-operation on the part of the government.
Rothensteiner, History of the Archiocese of St. Louis, I, 650.

""Westport, novir Kansas City, about forty-five miles northeast of
Pottawatomie Creek.

™The original of this letter is in the Chancery Office at Indianapolis.
A somewhat altered version is printed in Annales, XI (1838-39), No. lxv,
396-97-

TRAIL OF DEATH 111

me from the fever^^ three days previously, the solemnity of a
recall addressed by his Bishop to a priest who wishes to live
only with obedience all his life, and the circumstances of
Messrs. Vabret's and de la Hailandiere's departure,^^ left no
room for doubt in either Father Hoecken or me that I should
depart as soon as possible. January 2, after part of the festivi-
ties, was the date settled upon, and I tried to prepare myself
for it as well as possible by rest and light exercise. . . .

After a horseback ride of a hundred and fifty miles I
found it impossible to continue thus on the journey : my weak-
ness was growing worse every day. I was accompanied by an
Indian, ^^ who is returning to Logansport ; he sent his horse
back, and mine was then tied behind the stage. After coming
rather painfully to Jefferson City, we sojourned there a day.
Then an open wagon, ostensibly a stage, carried us through
rain and over frightful roads to St. Louis. ^* The good Lord
permitted me to make this journey with an open sore on the
seat, another on the thigh, and a third on the leg — the re-
mainder of the numerous sores which covered my whole body
during my illness at the Osage River.

I arrived at St. Louis exhausted and suffering a great deal
from all these sores, which had not improved much during the
journey. I was received like a brother by the Jesuits, ^^ of
whom Father Hoecken had given me to understand I could not
fail to ask hospitality. I was immediately given over to the
medical treatment I urgently needed at the hands of their hos-
pital attendant, who is also a doctor. Already, after three days
of rest, I feel an improvement which Providence will, I hope,

"This was Petit's fourth attack, which lasted from December 12 to
December 20. Ante, p. 131.

■'"Father Vabret, suffering from lung trouble, had gone South for the
winter, and Brute had dispatched Father de la Hailandiere, his vicar-general,
to Europe to seek more missionaries and financial aid. Godecker, Simon
Brute de Remur, p. 370.

"Abraham Burnett. See postscript below and ante, p. I2n.

"Reached on January 15. Father John Anthony Elet to Bishop Brute,
February 15, 1839. Photostat in University of Notre Dame Archives from
original in Chancery Office, Indianapolis. Elet was president of St. Louis
University at this time.

"Petit was received and cared for by the members of the Society of
Jesus at their university in St. Louis.

112 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

augment so that I may avail myself shortly of a steamboat,
when the Wabash is open, to pay my respects to you and, by
my return at your first call, to fulfill that condition of obedi-
ence under which you permitted me to make a journey so
fruitful in blessings, with the provision that I employ well the
favors of my Lord.

The Indian who is the bearer of this letter is one of my
children ; he has showered tender attentions on me in my misery
throughout the journey. Welcomed here like a brother and
son, he will doubtless receive the same consideration from
Your Fatherhood. The horse he rides is mine ;"'^ he should
leave it at Vincennes, where he will take my old Tom, if he is
still there, to complete his journey. In case Tom is no longer
there, you will have the goodness to supply what money he
needs to buy another ; I shall reimburse you myself later.

I have been visited by Mgrs. Rosati and Loras,'' who,
knowing it was impossible for me to do them homage, did not
disdain to call upon your poor priest themselves. Tomorrow
M. Nicolet is also coming to see me in order to get informa-
tion I can give him about the Indians. I really feel shamed
by all these visits; I am consulted concerning missions, and I
shrink from the subject. I should like so much to be silent
when I fear that importance is attached to my answers.

I received your last, Monseigneur, at Westport, as I was
leaving. I recognized all the tenderness and solicitude of your
paternal goodness, which was already so well known to my
heart.

I close, thinking that I shall be restored in a fortnight, and
that, when the Wabash opens, I shall have the long-denied
happiness of receiving your benediction.

While awaiting that moment, accept, Monseigneur, the as-
surance of the respectful obedience and submission of your
priest and son in Jesus and Mary.

B. Petit
Ptre. Mre.

"See Journal, post, p. 131.

"Pierre Jean Mathias Loras, Bishop of Dubuque. The Catholic Encyclo-
pedia, V (igog), 180; Kempker, "Catholic Missionaries ... of Iowa,"
Annals of Iowa, X, 56-58.

TRAIL OF DEATH 113

Mgr. Loras will soon reply to your last letter. Mgr. Rosati
would like you to send the plan of the church at Frederick'^
which you have, or which he thinks you can procure for him.

[Addressed :] To the Right Revd. Bishop Brute Vin-
cennes (Knox Cty.) Indiana. Care of Abraham Burnett, my
Potawatomi companion and son. B. P.

"St. John's Church at Frederick, Maryland. Brute had attended consecra-
tion ceremonies there in April, 1837. Godecker, Simon Brute dc Rcmur,
pp. 308-9.

CONCLUSION

FATHER Petit did not live to see his Bishop again. Ex-
hausted by his strenuous journey and weakened by succes-
sive attacks of fever, he died at St. Louis on February lo,
1839. He was not quite twenty-nine years old. On February
18 Father Elet sent an account of his death to Bishop Brute :^

"I have absolutely no doubt that Your Reverence has re-
ceived our good Father Carroll's letter revealing the great loss
your diocese has just suffered in the person of M. Petit. It
remains for me to narrate the consoling and edifying details
of his last moments in order to lessen the pain which such a
loss must have caused your paternal heart.

''M. Petit arrived at St. Louis on January 15 (I believe),
not only exhausted but reduced by fever, which he had had
three times in four months, to a pitiable state. . . . God in
His goodness must have given him strength which his body no
longer possessed in order that he might have the consolation
of coming among his confreres here to end his days and that
we might have the happiness of showing charity toward a
worthy and lovable man and of being edified by his virtues.

"How his name suited him ! By his unalterable gentleness,
his good humor, he showed himself the Benjamin of all those
who could appreciate his good qualities ; by his modesty, his
humility, he was Petit in his own eyes, although great in the
eyes of God and of all those who understood his true greatness.
What patience, what resignation in his suffering! What lively
gratitude for those who served him in his illness! But espe-
cially, what tender piety toward the Savior's Mother!

'Father L. A. Elet to Bishop Brute, February 18, 1839, translated from
a photostat in the University of Notre Dame Archives from the original in
the Chancery Office, Indianapolis. See also L. M. Pin to Bishop Brute,
February 7 and 24, 1839, Father Mathias Loras to Bishop Brute, February
II, 1839, Father James Oliver Van de Velde to Bishop Brute, March 24,
1839, photostats in University of Notre Dame Archives from originals in
Chancery Office at Indianapolis; Bishop Brute to Father Elet, February 28,
1839, St. Louis University Archives ; Bishop Brute's sermon on Petit,
February 18, 1839, reprinted from Catholic Telegraph in Catholic Advocate,
March 23, 1839.

(114)

TRAIL OF DEATH 115

"The eve of the Purification he asked my permission to
celebrate Holy Mass the next day in honor of the Mother of
Goodness who had protected him from his earliest youth and
whom he had never ceased to love. The desire he showed was
so great that, although I felt some danger on account of his
extreme weakness, I granted his request. I therefore arranged
an altar in the room next to his, a fire was made there early
in the morning, and he said his last Mass there. . . .

"If your Reverence thinks I did wrong in acceding to his
request, impose a penance upon me and I shall promptly accept
it. M. Petit, although very weak, suffered less and slept
soundly (he had not been able to do this for many weeks)
during the nights of the 3d, 4th, and 5th, and he felt much
relieved.

"But on the 6th the symptoms of his illness were such as
to leave no room for hope

"All remedies were useless, because he was destined for
Heaven. He grew worse hourly, and on the 8th he received
the sacraments of the dying with angelic piety. Toward eve-
ning on the loth they came to tell me that his end was ap-
proaching. I hastened to him immediately, and, upon seeing
me come in, he raised his head to greet me ; with a sweet smile
upon his dying lips he nodded. I asked him if he was suffer-
ing greatly. He replied to me only by casting an expressive
look upon the crucifix which hung beside his bed. 'You mean
to say,' I responded immediately, grasping his thought, 'that
He suffered more for you?' 'Ah, yes!' was his answer. At
the same time I held the crucifix to his lips, and he kissed it
tenderly twice. Flis confessor was busy at this moment ; I
prepared him again to receive absolution, which I gave him.

"At ten o'clock in the evening I was called again: he was
in agony. I went immediately and with several others I re-
cited the prayers for the agonizing. His eyes were fixed
constantly on us, and at the conclusion he asked for water.
Retaining consciousness to the end, he quietly expired twenty
minutes before midnight, February 10, 1839.

"Following the custom of our society, I had him clothed in
full sacerdotal vestments, and he was then placed on view in
the library. On the i ith, at 5 o'clock in the evening, the whole

116 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

community assembled in the chapel to recite the office of the
dead. On the 12th all the fathers said Mass for the repose
of his soul ; the other members took part. At 9 o'clock of the
same day the service took place. All the students were assem-
bled; the temporal coadjutors, the scholastics, the fathers, the
priests of the cathedral, the two bishops, the celebrant in a
cope with two assistants in tunics went in procession with the
body, which was borne in a casket covered with black velvet
which was carried by eight students, each wearing a scarf of
mourning. I sang Mass, and Mgr. Loras, at the request of
Mgr. Rosati, gave absolution. A great number of Catholics
on horseback and in carriages accompanied the body to the
cemetery, where I blessed the grave and performed the last
rites. . . . "

Father Petit's body was brought back to St. Mary's Lake,
site of the University of Notre Dame, in 1856.

The remnants of Petit's little flock of Catholic Indians
were left in good hands. Under Father Hoecken's supervision
a church was erected at Pottawatomie Creek, and temporary
shelters of bark and canvas were put up. In March, 1839, the
tribe moved about twenty miles southward to the banks of
Sugar Creek in Linn County, Kansas, a country remote from
white settlers and offering an abundance of timber and sugar.
A large log church was erected there, and more permanent
homes were built. The arrival of new missionaries made pos-
sible the opening of a school. In 1840 more Potawatomi emi-
grants from Indiana arrived.

In 1848 all the Potawatomi in the West were gathered
together at St. Marys, about one hundred forty miles north-
west of Sugar Creek, on the northern bank of the Kansas
River. ^ Here they remained until the Civil War, when, threat-
ened by the Confederate forces and by the western Plains
Indians, they scattered north and south. At present most of
them are living on reserves in Kansas and Oklahoma.^

''See Father Hoecken's diary in Kinsella, History of Our Cradle Land,
pp. 225-36; Father M. Gailland's diary, printed in Woodstock Letters, VI
(1877), 8-18.

'In 1937 there were 2,667 Potawatomi on the reserve in Oklahoma, 1,013
on the reserve in Kansas, and 142 in Michigan. U. S. Secretary of the
Interior, /Jmiual Report, 1937, pp. 254, 255, 258.

APPENDIX

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TRAIL OF DEATH 133

NOTES

No. I. Delphi 23. — between the stage's arrival and departure I married
John Oheiran and Ellen Holland, not having had time to hear their con-
fessions as I should have liked to, I did not give them absolution and merely-
tried to move them to contrition, then married them ; as I was much pressed
for time, or rather I imagined I was more than I actually was, I proceeded
with the prayer Deus qui potestate, to the end before the benediction — Deus
Abraham — I pronounced from about sapiens ut Rebecca to ut videant ambo
& the conclusion. — I had the license and I took the declaration of 4 witnesses
that they knew no impediment. — I made out a certificate of marriage, which
I am sending by M"". Frangois of Logansport.

No. 2. This woman was very sick and could not speak; she tried, but
after great effort to pronounce a few disjointed words, she told me she
could not speak; I told her not to worry, I moved her to contrition as well
as I could, then absolution, then extreme unction. — I felt worried by the
words of absolution; fearing not to have administered it well, I conditionally
readministered it to her upon departing — si tu non es absoluta, &c. thinking
it was better to do thus than to run the risk of her dying without absolution.

No. 3. I was extremely hurried while performing this baptism, the old
Presbyterian mother came to the door and said : dinner is served, the stage
was about to depart ; so, being a little disturbed, I was not sure of my baptism,
and immediately after having pronounced the service once, I began again si
non es baptista &c. I am not even sure the condition was not merely mentally
expressed. — I did not have time to dine, and the stage departed without me, I
was obliged to run after it. the child was about six weeks old, the daughter
of the eldest son of Michael Brouillet, and MUe. Chamberlain of rochester.

No. 4. Mr Frangois paid the debts with the money that was found, —
according to the testimony of Charron and another man who attended M''
Deseilles in his illness with him, it appeared that Mr Deseilles gave him
his oxen, it also appeared that M"" Frangois paid 15 piasters on a debt on
which partial payments to be deducted from that sum had already been
received. — all that being doubtful, I think it wise to leave everything as it is
without offending anyone. Mr Muller took away a cassock, a cloak, a
coat, and two albs. —

No. 5. Mile. Campeau having asked me for a few pocket handkerchiefs,
an old used cloak, some worn stockings which she had put aside for herself.
I did not think I could refuse her these things, which were of no use and
which will be so good for the respectable missionary lady. At the same time
I took some of Mr Badin's rosaries for the savages — quite worthless.

No. 6. Taxes were owing for 1836 and 1837. the details of this account
are as follows :

134 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

1836 tax $20,251

50% penalty for delinquency 10.125

100% interest per year in our

case the interest has run i year

3 months, 22 days 26.68

1837 tax 26.

fee paid to the town clerk for receipt 0.25

Total 83.30

No. 7. I lent to David Morlin $4.00

more to the same, 100 pounds flour 4.00

more to the same, 200 pounds flour 3.00

To Joseph Morlin27 on flour .90

more [to the same] 30 pounds of flour

at $4 a hundred 1.20 paid

more to the same for flour, 100 pounds 2.00

Lent to Sissiak 3.00

to Mechganii 2.00 paid

to Mousse 10.00

to Mme. B : S.oo

to the old Noi'akouteau i.oo

to Meksabi i.oo

to the woman whose daughter died i.oo

Total 38.00 [38.10]

*'The sums lent to Joseph Morlin, Mechgami, and old Noi'akouteau are crossed out,
indicating that they had been paid back.

TRAIL OF DEATH 135

FATHER PETIT'S ENTRIES IN THE BAPTISMAL REGISTERi

[unda]

I have baptized to day theresa daughter of Mr Philip Molegan and
Mary Riley. Godfather, Patrick Molegan and Godmother Mary Cinquome.
Lake S* Mary near Southbend 25 March 1838 B : Petit ptre. rn^e.

I have baptized today Alexandre, son of M"". Gabriel Proux and Mar-
guerite Paget, born on March 17, 1837. Godfather Michel Paget and god-
mother Marianne Navarre.

Lake S*. Mary near Southbend 25 March 1838. B : Petit ptre. mre.

I have Baptised, standing as her Godfather, Mary Wallace wife of
Mr. Joseph Andre.

At the lake St. Mary Dec^re, 24, 1837 B : Petit ptre. mre.

I have Baptised, standing as her Godfather, Mathilda daughter of Mr.
Rousseau from Lisburg, 4 years old.

Turkey creek prairie 29th March 1838 B : Petit ptre ni''e.

I have baptised Marianna daughter of M^. John Wurster and of Mari-
anna Gardner, born on the 22^. March 1838.

Goshen 30th. March 1838. B : Petit p^e. mre.

I have Baptised thomas son of James Kelly and of Emmy Underwood,
born on the 9th. of april 1836. — Godfather Edward Molegan.

Lake S*. Mary 8th april 1838. B : Petit ptre. mre.

I have baptised Maria daughter of M^. John Folly and Mary Binn his
wife — Godfather Edmond Kenny.

Lake St. Mary 8th april 1838 B : Petit ptre. m^e.

I have baptised Elias son of Joseph Metzger and of Eliza Harris, 15
months old — Godfather Arbogaste Zendly.

Lake St Mary 8th april 1838 B : Petit ptre. mre.

I have baptised Rosa daughter of Mr Arbogaste Zendly and Rosa
Pinder — Godfather Joseph Metzger.

Lake St. Mary 8th april 1838. B : Petit ptre. m^e.

I have baptised theresa, daughter of Mr. Pierre Navarre and of angelique
Kichoueckouay his wife, eleven years old.

Lake St. Mary, 5th april 1838 B : Petit ptre. mre.

^Part of the entries in the Baptismal Register are in French and part in English.
In the translation and transcription Petit's style has been followed as closely as possible.

136 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

I baptised Catherine Alexandrine daughter of Mr Pierre Nadeaux and
Marie Rousseau.

Bertrand 24 Dec'^e. 1838 [1837] B : Petit ptre. mre.

This day, Dec'^'^. 24, 1838 [1837], I baptized at bertrand also, Frangois
Ashkepi — Jean baptiste Cagoneshe — Pierre Mendoca — Pierre son of Jean
Bte. Bertrand — Angelique Papshe — Joseph Nannie Keckshe — Indians from
Pocagon's village. B : Petit ptre. mre.

I have baptised to day Denys son of John MacEllen and of Mary MacPit.
Godfather Philip Molegan.

Lake S* Mary 24*11 june 1838 B : Petit ptre. tnre.

I have baptised to day thomas son of Henry Mac Nally and of Anne
MacGraham. Godfather John Cannon.

St Mary's Lake 24 june 1838 B : Petit ptre. mre.

I have baptized today Solomon timothee son of Leandre Metay and
Marianne Mouton. Godfather Joseph Bertrand, Jr.

Lake St. Mary 24 june 1838 B : Petit ptre. mre.

I baptized today Caroline Zelina daughter of Patrick Maranthile
[Marantette?] and Fanny Mouton, I viras godfather.

Lake St Mary 24 june 1838 B : Petit ptre. mre.

I have baptized to day Magdalen daughter of John Mayer and of Barbara
Redis; Godfather Jacob Mayer.

St. Mary's Lake 24 june 1838 B: Petit ptre. mre.

I have baptised to day Margaret daughter of John Guilen and of
Catharine Dougherty. Godfather James Develin.

St Mary's lake 24 june 1838 B : Petit ptre. mre.

I have baptised to day, Sophia Daughter of Mr Jacob Mayer and of
Mrs. Catharine Bab. — Godfather and Godmother Mr and Mrs. Ferdinand
Metzger.

Harris's Prairie 24 june 1838 B : Petit ptre. mre.

I have baptised to day, James Wallace 11 years old son of Mr Robert
Wallace and of Rachel Taylor ; I stood his Godfather ; and Misses Mary
Clarke his sister his Godmother.

Lake St Mary i July 1838. B : Petit ptre. mre.

I baptized to day Andrew son of Mr. Frederic Reimer and Marianne

Zindley. Godmother and Godfather Mr. Arbogaste Zindley and Mrs.
Metzger.

St Mary's Lake i July 1838. B : Petit ptre. mre.

TRAIL OF DEATH

137

Novbre.
same

I baptized to day Therese Tachouay daughter of Wabekaickaik of
Pepiah's village. Pepiah's wife was godmother.

Lake St Mary i July 1838. B : Petit ptre. rtire.

I have baptized during the month of November 1837 at the mission of
Chichipe Outipe

Novbre. 5 Marianne Neshaup daughter of Neshaup
7 Louis, son of Louison ]

Angelique daughter of NeowtonaJ "^^'""^^ °" ^^^ ^^'"^ ^^^

8. Joseph son of Tchiikouaine

9. Chariot Necouteauckah son of Wapkonia
same Joseph Tebocks son of Kissis

Pierre, son of Me Mantowa

12. Marie Ashaue daughter of Misheupuckay.

13. Marie Mjeuckouoisse daughter of Maimantouai
same Pierre son of Autackouaine)
same Pauline daugster of PekanseJ'"^^"^^ °" ^he same day

15. Jean Baptiste Senatchauen son of Ashkum

16. Jean Baptiste Wakakoushek son of Chaktossah.
19. I married Pierre Caumite and Marie Panousmockouay
19. Jean baptiste Skabego

B : Petit ptre. nire.

I have baptized during the month of December and January 1838 at the
mission at Chichipe Outipe

Dect>re_ 30 Frangois son of Mucksabay.

January 2 Marie Toppai daughter of Nautawkoushai

same Elizabeth Nashkouaibeus daughter of Wassmikeseau.

same 8 Marianne Menanckoway daughter of Oussikosse

Marie Mamiai daughter of Comosussep
same 10 Marie Pammockaway daughter of Joseph Mikeshouak and

Marie Toppai
January 10 Josette Watchickoway daughter of Mickeshouak and Toppai
same Marie Nanawknah daughter of Pitowanawbah and of

Toppai
same Frangois Shkesh son of Wishkepai

same Joseph Koossac son of Wackomuckay

same Angelique Pacco daughter of Mandjioussah.

same Josette Chockoussay daughter of Kekathemeau

same Therese Kouaimi daughter of Kotaipkene

same Magdeleine Michaiwackouay daughter of Nashkikto

16. T. Marie Namcomgockouay daughter of Minjuck
same Jean Baptiste Nackautano son of Pembetto

21. Marianne Piiwa daughter of Noneshkum

B : Petit ptre. mre.

138

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

I have baptized during the months of February and March, 1838, at
the mission of Chichipe Outipe.

February 28. Joseph Nanimimukshko son of Kawpi
same Benjamin Kakakshi son of Mishewash

March i. Antoine son of Hyacinthe Lasselle
same Jean Baptiste Clermont.

same Pierre Neschah son of Kouaitnain

2. Jean Baptiste Wackeshmen son of Nanimimuckshkuck
same Marianne Kockouaiwai daughter of Tchiikouah

4. Joseph Wassai son of Maitchuk
same Marianne Paishko daughter of Ashkum

same Angelique Outchiickouay daughter of Ashkum

same Marie Messah daughter of Wassato

same Marianne Aiah daughter of Akinotteko

March 4 Marie Gosselin, daughter of Gosselin and Messah
same Marie Genisskouay daughter of Poimshah

March 8 I married Jean Baptiste Assaschkuck and Josette Wat-
chickouay

B : Petit ptre. mre.

I baptized during the months of April, May, 1838 at the mission of
chichipe Outipe

April 16. Elizabeth daughter of Naishkicketo

17. Jean Baptiste Waibenemoit son of Comesi
Marie Wishaiweckouay daughter of Pempshia
Marie Wabenemesickouay daughter of Mashkki| married on
Francois Kiockum son of Chaptona j the same day
Marie Demoskikiague daughter of Okaitji

18. I married Etienne Benake and Anne Otawackouay
Baptized Pierre son of Commowah
Pierre Kiounem son of Nanawmi
Marie Assepockenomkouay daughter of Medjissah
I married Pierre Pamtecoche and Elizabeth Nemabem
Marie Micheketockouay wife of Mjeuckouissee
Elizabeth Annoinekay daughter of Packouchek.
Jean Baptiste Pinache son of Wa Wasso

29. Marie Tchakoussaik daughter of Matchikki
Therese Kouaiskouische daughter of Pemtackouitchek

30. Josette Jabouepkouay daughter of Sagienetche
May 4 Marie Godin daughter of Bisaillon

May 5 I married Pierre Kiounem and Angelique Kechnouckouay
May 6 I have baptized Josette daughter of Chaketo

7. Marie Mockouay daughter of Muckosse
same Marie Montchouasse daughter of Katchkomi
same Joseph Mjeuckouisse son of Kou'iknowa (married to Micheke-

tock [MS illegible])
same I married David Morlin and Josette Annecathouay [?]*!*

8. Antoine Catot son of Mikessis

same
same
same
same
same

same
same

19.

26.

TRAIL OF DEATH

139

same
same
same

same
same

Joseph Chaketo son of Chakemain

Joseph Mjeuckanah son of Aikahouah married Konetchek.
I married Andre GosseHn and Marie Messah^
9. same Pierre Catot and Marguerite P Kishnonckouay
10. Baptized Marie Niipa daughter of Matchki
13. Benjamin Pashpoho son of Wainemek | married on

Anne Kipowaikkouay daughter of Maisko ( the same day
Marie Miskoinonckouay daughter of Waimikon

B : Petit ptre. xn^^.
I baptized at Pokagon's in May 1838.
May 19. Alexis Kebaskuk son of Paiwah
same Antoine Antwaicki son of Onamouche Kouay

same Pierre Kaneki son of Shpetto

same Archange Messinagockouay daughter of Wassato

same David Joseph Sakeman son of Mijebneshwesh

23. Paul Mijewidah son of Kshejek (and married to Angiue.

Tchiikais)
same Jean Baptiste Pikouakousay son of Kshejek

same Marie Etienne Kepemissen, and Marianne Naudnonckouay

May 2S Pierre Beauti son of Mijebneshwish ~|

Agatha Psheupshickouay daughter of I "^^"^^d «" the

Minguasheckay J ^^™^ ^^^

same I married Jean Baptiste and Angelique Wabashnockouay

24. Baptized Louis, son of Taikemesmeau
same Marie Tchiagay daughter of Saackouait
same Marianne Nopmickouay daughter of Misnonsi
same Marianne Sakapinsckouay daughter of Soackouait
same Marie Outchahonne daughter of Misnonsi

25. Jean baptiste Maishkuk son of Nockay (married to Kouai

Kouaish
same Antoine Ashtaickouait son of Nemkouaitto

B : Petit ptre. mre.

I baptized in the month of June 1838 at the mission of Chichipe Outipe
on the yellow river.

June I. Jean Baptiste Wawassuck son of Kiouckem
same Alexis son of Wiskickouay

same Pierre Nibackouay son of Nantouay

2. Pierre Wabenem son of Pawppi
same Joseph son of Anssuck

same Josette Mettiah son of Quickouneau

5. Abraham Joseph Burnett son of Wijiakoupai (married the
same day to Marie demos Kikiague)
same Joseph Aikenin son of Osaomuck ) married

same Marianne Oketchi daughter of Nakomuck j the same day

same Marianne Nashkounan daughter of Maijuck

same Pierre Chaikanai son of Miasckouek

same Joseph Woabackouay son of Wabenem

140

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

same Joseph Kakekaimek son of Maiwah

June 5 Joseph Metouaishmen son of Tassouack
Marie Outackay daughter of Miguesis
Jean Baptiste M'damene son of Winnekis
Pierre Wipekonni son of Aiskopakki
Josette Kassbi daughter of Mousseau-paini
Ehzabeth Messagickouay daughter of Aiskopakki
Jean Baptiste Pappouawi son of Wainainemucksi
Louis son of Mousseau paini
same Pierre Nesswabmi son of Nantwai

AngeHque Piwaickouay daughter of Mejissah
Marie Kaiwah daughter of Mejissah
Pierre son of Aiowai
same Marie Nannecy daughter of Sucksi (Reed)

Antoine Kiockem son of Onancksi
AngeHque Migo daughter of Onancksi
Jean Baptiste Patchkeche son of Chouaka
6. AngeHque Nanantouaickouay daughter of No'iacouteau
Marianne Jishickouay daughter of Kouashkouay
Paul Kouic Kounon son of Kouic Kounon (married to Ma"e.

Nash Kounon
Louis Aiowai son of Koui Kounon (married to Josette Zumo.)
I married Jean Baptiste Wabenemet and Elizabeth Attai-
buckouay

same Joseph Jacketeau, and Wimtegoche Kouay
Marianne Kiawai daughter of K'tawane, married to Frangois

K'tawane
Josette Wishpuckouay daughter of Kapi
Marie Kipuckutt'kouay daughter of Osaoutep
same Pierre Nikeso son of Naioussai

8. Pierre Manido son of Medjissah
June 8 Marie Kiwanaiskai daughter of Wainememokousset
Marianne Ackounan daughter of Nenanko
AngeHque Suckani daughter of M'damene
Monique Ackounan daughter of Papouawi
Marie Pittanockouay daughter of Naoussai
Josette Mouaickouay daughter of Muckatah-oussi
12 Joseph Niscomso son of Patshkeche
same AngeHque Osahouiam daughter of M'damen

14 Sabien Kiwaionuck son of Mnesnonesi-
Magdeleine daughter of Piaishwah

Antoine Neshah son of Nainanteau ) married on

AngeHque Autchickouay daughter of MigoueskiC the same day

-The baptism of Sabien, Magdeleine, Antoine Neshah, AngeHque Autchickouay,
and James Nichkatunnemen and the marriage of Alexis Delisle and Magdeleine
Ducharme took place "at Louison's village, Eal River," according to Petit's marginal
note.

TRAIL OF DEATH 141

I married M"" Alexis Delisle, and Magdeleine Ducharme.
15. James Nichkatunnemen son of Kijekpouamen

18. Jean Baptiste Aiatekuchek son of Patshkeche

19. Married Louis Skinoek, and Magdeleine N'daussay.
Frangois Katate son of Muckatahaspen

20. I married Jean Baptiste Cha'iano and Therese Kitappah

same Jean Baptiste Wabekekik and Marie Autenonckouay

same Jean Baptiste Papawi, and Anne Aickouaiwait

B : Petit ptre. mre.

I have baptized to day John son of Michel Wede and of Anne Kirnen.
I stood his Godfather, and Sophia Rousseau was the Godmother. Wanekick
on the St Joseph's river. 7 July 1838 B : Petit

I have that same day baptised at the same place Mary M'chiiwah
daughter of Stouikichek, and Marguerite Osawah daughter of Mitcheko. —
Godmother Agatha Tchemonekkouay.

B : Petit ptre. mre.

I baptized during the months of July and August 1838 at the mission
of Chichipe Outipe

Marie daughter of Angeniss
July 16 Therese daughter of angelique Kiwaikoutchi and Mianneko

17 Therese Sipickouay daughter of Mucksabay
same Marie Piiwah daughter of Kawpi.

same Angelique Comisauckouaw daughter of Kawpi

23 Jean Baptiste Joubenet son of Saubetuck
Jean Baptiste Chakouteau son of Nanawmi
Elizabeth daughter of Sinagowah
Marie daughter of Kanekuck
Moyse son of Kanekuck
28 I married Joseph OKimans and Marianne VVatchki
same same Jean baptiste Joubenet and angelique Comi-

sockouay.

30 Baptized Marianne Peshiwah daughter of Namankoushkuck

31 Marianne Kakimi daughter of Sennebenem
August 3 Marie Ouiwatso daughter of Mijekanna
same Pierre Wanemack son of Pashpoho

same Angelique Pukechinonckouay daughter of Wawatso

The 5th of the month the government took possession of my house and
chapel, pre-empted by an American.

B : Petit ptre. m^e.

I have baptized today Benjamin Ferdinand son of M^ Charles Chan-
donnay and Luce Pelletier his legitimate wife. I was godfather and M^e.
Chandonnay godmother.

Lake S* Mary 23 August 1838 B : Petit ptre. nT-e.

INDIANA

HISTORICAL SOCIETY

PUBLICATIONS

VOLUME 14

NUMBER 2

BY THE

Indiana Historical Society

THE DIARIES OF
DONALD MACDONALD

1824-1826

With an Introduction by
CAROLINE DALE SNEDEKER

INDIANAPOLIS

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

1942

PREFACE

MRS. Caroline Dale Snedeker, a daughter of New Har-
mony, has found in the home of her childhood an ever
stimulating field for exploration. A long search for material
about one childhood idol. Captain Donald Macdonald, led her
at last, as she writes in her Introduction, to members of the
Macdonald family in County Carlow, Ireland. In their hands
she found the manuscript Diaries kept by Captain Macdonald
on his two journeys to the United States and to New Harmony.
Through her great interest and the generosity of Mrs. Helen
Macdonald and other members of the family, there was secured
a photostat copy of the Diaries. From this photostat, now in
the files of the Indiana State Library, the manuscript was
transcribed for publication.

Captain Macdonald's spelling, punctuation, and capitaliza-
tion have been preserved. To facilitate printing, a number of
marginal annotations have been transferred to the text. They
are enclosed in brackets. The end of each page of the original
record is indicated by an asterisk enclosed in brackets. In
other respects the transcription follows the original as faith-
fully as possible.

(147)

CONTENTS

PAGE

Introduction 151

I. Journey to America, 1824-25 159

The voyage — New York — Albany — Shaker settlement at
WatervHet — Newburgh — Fishkill — Philadelphia — Balti-
more — Washington, D. C. — stagecoach through Mary-
land and Pennsylvania — Pittsburgh — Rapp's settlement
at Economy — steamboat down the Ohio — Cincinnati —
Louisville — Rapp's settlement at Harmonic — English
settlement near Albion — departure of Rappites from
Harmonic — recruits for Owen's community — Prince-
ton — Vincennes — return to Pittsburgh — stagecoach to
Meadville, Erie, and Buffalo — Niagara Falls — boat and
stagecoach to New York — Hartford — Boston — return
to England

n. Second Journey to America, 1825-26 307

The voyage — New York — Pliiladelphia — Baltimore —
Washington, D. C. — Charlottesville — Monticello — Har-
per's Ferry — return to Washington — Pittsburgh — Econ-
omy — Cincinnati — Louisville — Owen's New Harmony
Community — steamboat down the Ohio and Mississippi
to New Orleans — Havana — Charleston — return to Eng-
land

(149)

INTRODUCTION

WHEN I was a little girl my grandmother (Mrs. David
Dale Owen) used to tell me stories. She had the very
modern and Pestalozzian point of view that a child should
never be told fairy tales. Only the scientific truth so far as it
was known to the narrator should be told to a child. Hence,
when I begged her for a story, it was always some tale of
New Harmony's early days that she related. She was ten years
old when in 1824 she was brought to New Harmony, and she
remembered vividly the pioneer days.

New Harmony was never a pioneer town in the ordinary
sense. It was inhabited by university men, writers, theorists,
humanitarians, and naturalists. They had come from London,
Edinboro', Paris, and had brought with them their scholarly
world. The town while it still had a good many log houses
had been bought outright by Robert Owen. It had large
public buildings of brick and stone, a church, a tavern, resi-
dences, all ready for the doors to be opened.

"Other towns," said my grandmother, "were founded for
gain or because the people were unsuccessful at home, but ours
was founded for an ideal — for the good of humanity."

I was very proud of this. It made me feel better than my
neighbor — aristocratic — a reaction which would have been
most undesired by Robert Owen for his little great-grand-
daughter.

The men of New Harmony became my heroes. No child
of old could have felt more inspired by King Arthur or the
Black Prince than I was by these brilliant persons. I almost
wished I could have been born in the olden time so that I
could have seen them. Many of them stayed in New Harmony
for years, long after the Social Experiment had died. They
pursued their life work, left descendants, portraits of them-
selves so that they were easily to be pictured as part of the
town.

But one of them came and went like a meteor, leaving no
descendants nor any trace. And he was my favorite, as I

(151)

152 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

think he was my grandmother's. "Young and very handsome,"'
she said he was (at least that was the impression I carried with
me), "very noble of nature and a gentleman." He was Donald
Macdonald, Lord of the Isles and Earl of Skye. "Others,"
said my grandmother, "might claim that title, but he was
really Lord of the Isles."

The name and strange title took the fancy of the little
Posey County girl. I would say it over and over. Lord of the
Isles — what isles and how many? It sounded as though he
ruled all the islands of the seven seas. And Earl of Skye.
Of course my grandmother told me that this did not mean the
sky and was even spelled in a different way. But somehow
the arch of the azure was in it as I said the word.

As I grew older I read accounts of this Donald Macdonald
in Robert Dale Owen's book, Threading my Way. Macdonald
had come over in the same ship with Robert Ow^en and Robert
Dale Owen when they came to take possession of New Har-
mony in the autumn of 1825. Robert Dale Owen's anecdotes
were witty and romantic. In the same ship were Manuel
Garcia and his family, sailing to America to found the opera
in New York. The opera singers sometimes gave concerts on
the deck when the weather was good. The voyage took six
weeks. Plenty of tiine for the young people to grow well
acquainted. Plenty of time for Macdonald to fall in love with
the charming Maria Garcia. She was very young, a beautiful
singer even then and destined to become famous all over
Europe. Her father was cruel to her, making her work
terribly hard all through the voyage, correcting and abusing
her in public so that at one time the beautiful Maria fainted
in Robert's arms. And the Captain told Garcia that if he were
not more gentle with his family he would put him in irons in
the hold. Robert said that Macdonald was completely in love
with the abused heroine and wished to marry her, but the cruel
father, true to the romantic type, refused.

In spite of the fame that came to her, Robert felt that
Maria Garcia's life would have been much happier had she
married the fine young man Macdonald rather than Count
Malibran, who treated her as badly as did her father.

The Owen party arrived at New York, where they met
all the important folk of the city. But among those who called

MACDONALD DIARIES 153

upon them was a man clothed completely in green. His name
was Page. "I am the page of Nature," he announced. "I wear
her livery, as you see." He had long manuscripts which he
wished to read aloud, full of wild theories. The Owen party
discovered to their chagrin that they, with their New System
of Perfect Living, were being compared with him. He called
upon Macdonald at the City Hotel, aired his theories, and
pirouetted in his light green clothes. Macdonald afterward
said ruefully, ''Are we all crazy, do you think, Robert?"

This was the last I could gather about Macdonald for some
years. Then, during the repairing of a house in New Har-
mony, the diary of William Owen was discovered between the
walls.

This diary was full of references to Macdonald, for he
seemed to have been William's special companion during the
earlier voyage of 1824-25 when Robert Owen's party were
coming out to view New Harmony for the first time and per-
haps to buy it. William tells the events great and small, day
by day. He describes the voyage down the Ohio. Once while
the steamboat was laid up for the night the two young men
went ashore in Kentucky to join a frolic of the woodsmen. An
enormous pile of brush had been gathered, astonishing to the
eyes of the two young Scotsmen. This brush was set against
a magnificent tree and then lighted. William and Macdonald
had never seen such a conflagration. When the great tree
succumbed and fell, a shout of joy went up from the whole
party. William Owen and Macdonald from tree-starved Scot-
land must have thought it a terrible waste, but they enjoyed
the spectacle.

The Owen party made their long journey, arrived at
Harmony, visited the Rappites, bought the town and thirty
thousand surrounding acres. Then Owen went back to Scot-
land, leaving the nineteen-year-old William in charge. Mac-
donald joined Owen at New York and went back to Scotland.

By this time Donald Macdonald had grown clearer in my
mind. I was so charmed with him that I put him into both
the books which I wrote about New Harmony. I studied about
the Isle of Skye everything that I could find in the encyclo-
pedia, so as to understand Macdonald better. I came across a
description of Duntulm, the ancestral Macdonald castle. I

154 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

came to be in love with the Isle of Skye, which seemed as far
distant as Madagascar and as magical as the lost Atlantis.

When in 1929 I went for the first time to Europe, 1 carried
with me the hope that I might see the Isle of Skye. It was
hardly a hope, for I saw no way to get there — my party was
not going to the Isle and surely I could not travel to so remote
a place alone — but a wish harbored as long and as intensely as
this one has a curious way of being fulfilled.

Into our hotel in Geneva one day came a party of Scots to
meet with some of their kin just arrived from China. Very
happily they met. and gaily and excitedly they chatted in
the lobby.

My friends said, "If you are so anxious to go to Skye,
why don't you ask those Scottish people about it. They ought
to know."

I approached a lady on the edge of the circle and timidly
asked if she knew of any way that one could go to the Isle of
Skye. I shall never forget the intense blue of her eyes as she
looked up at me and said. "Why do you ask me about my
beloved home?"

"Because all my life I have wanted to go there," I an-
swered.

"Do you hear this?" She turned to her friends. "This
lady has always loved Skye and wants to go there."

Immediately she was enthusiastic about helping me.

"I will see that you get a wee roomy. Skye will be crowded
in July, but I will see that you get a wee roomy. And you must
meet my friends, so they will show you the real Skye."

Thus it was, that a few weeks later I was traveling across
the Highlands from Inverness to Kyle of Lochalsch. From
there I took a boat on the Minch. It w^as the strangest feeling
of unreality — of sailing into a dream. Here was that Isle that
had been a dream in my mind almost ever since I could re-
member. But now the basalt mountains soared from the tide
into the clouds. Oh, far more beautiful and terrifying than
any imagination of them ! Skye never did become anything
but magic to me. Did I not see a fairy lake tinged blue because
"the lady fairies wash their dresses in it?" Did I not see the
groove in the rocky shore where the viking ships had been drawn
up? Did I not see Dunvegan Castle, where one of the McCleods

MACDONALD DIARIES 155

had married a fairy? Here was the bridge where she had said
goodbye to him ; here was the fairy flag she had given him ;
and the babies in that castle were still sung to sleep with the
old Gaelic tune the fairy mother had sung.

But when I asked for my Macdonald, they laughed me to
scorn. I must know that everyone in northern Skye was named
Donald Macdonald except a few Ronald Macdonalds and An-
gus Macdonalds. The Lord of the Isles had never gone to
America, neither now nor a hundred years ago.

Just as I was giving up, a kind Skye lady suggested that I
write to a certain Captain Alan Macdonald who lived on the
far flung Cape of Waternish and who was very wise in the
history of Skye.

This I did, but I came away feeling that T had been on a
very delectable fool's errand.

Some time after I reached home I received a ten-page
letter from Alan Macdonald telling me that he was unable to
find my Macdonald. A few weeks later I received a twenty-
page letter telling me that he had found him.

The only clue that I had been able to give Captain Mac-
donald was that in the i86o's two men had visited Harmony
who were sons of Macdonald. Their father, an old man now,
and living in London, had said that when they came to Amer-
ica they must surely visit New Harmony. They gave their
names and their rank in the Indian Army. From this the
clever genealogist-soldier of Skye had found the name and
rank of my Macdonald. This Macdonald had never been of
Skye, and, alas, was never the Lord of the Isles. He had lived
in Edinboro'. He was Captain Donald Macdonald of the
Royal Engineers, was appointed ensign on September 12,
1808; lieutenant, on June 24, 1809; captain, on October 20,
18 1 3. He was placed on half pay on September 28, 1824
(this coincides with the time when he started out on the jour-
ney with Robert Owen). He was in receipt of half pay until
the time of his death in October, 1872 — at the age of eighty-
one years.

Macdonald was born on September 2, 1791. near Preston-
pans. He served in the ill-conducted expedition to the Island
of Walcheren in 1809, under the Earl of Chatham. It was one
of the most disastrous military failures recorded in the history

156 INDIANA FilSTORICAL SOCIETY

of Great Britain. The object was to take Antwerp and weaken
the French infkience in Belgium, but much precious time was
wasted in the reduction of Fhishing and in the meantime the
French garrison was considerably reinforced while the British
were carried off in hundreds by a malignant marsh fever and
ague. The original idea of capturing Antwerp had to be aban-
doned, but it was thought advisable to retain possession of
Walcheren in order to compel the French to maintain a large
force in Belgium and thus weaken their power elsewhere.
Accordingly, fifteen thousand men were left for that purpose.
But the epidemic continued its ravages and those who survived
had to be withdrawn quickly, many of them with their consti-
tutions shattered. About seven thousand soldiers perished.
Alacdonald also served in the defense of Cadiz.

"Donald Macdonald R. E. was married to Lady Ramsey
Maule, by whom he had six sons."

T have quoted from my Skye informant at length because
these are all the facts I have about Donald Alacdonald.^ They
are enough to make a fairly clear picture. He was only eighteen
at the time he went through the dreadful fighting at Wal-
cheren. We do not know whether he was of the number held
there, but if he were, he evidently did not suffer tragically
from the epidemic, for there is no indication of ill health any-
where in the diaries. Indeed he seems to have endured a great
deal as a traveler. He twice walked the fifteen miles from
Mount Vernon to New Harmony in preference to riding the
baggage wagons, remarking that the trip reminded him of sol-
diers on the march. He was thirty-three at the time of the
first journey.

His diaries record two journeys to New Harmony, one in
1824-25 and one in 1825-26. He writes in a clear fine English

'Alacdonald supplies a little additional information in a letter of Feb-
ruary 16, 1826, to the Editors of the New Harmony Gazette (I, 173-74)-
While stationed in Edinburgh in i8ji he became interested in Robert
Owen's theories and in the work that he had done at New Lanark. He
associated himself with a small group called "The Practical Society" — out
of this came the Orbiston Community in Lanarkshire — and began work
among the families of mechanics and laborers. How he and Robert Owen
met does not appear, but some months later he "accompanied Mr. Owen
when he visited Ireland."' This was in the autumn of 1822. Macdonald
was afterward on military duty in Ireland "for nearly two years." — Ed.

MACDONALD DIARIES 157

Style — not too fine to be vivid. The diaries are on 122 folded
sheets of beautiful old paper, running in a narrow cohimn down
the sheet, with room on the left-hand side for dates and
notes. They are written in a readable hand — with the old-
fashioned long letter S — hard to decipher only where a newly
sharpened quill pen makes the script faint and hairlike.

For long periods the record misses scarcely a day. It
mentions the thermometer, the weather at sea, the kind of soil
and the livableness of the country through which the party
traveled. It describes in particular every move of Robert
Owen, every argument on shipboard (and there were heated
ones!), every call in New York. There is a vivid picture of
that busy little city — not well paved and somewhat countrified.
Prominent people called at the hotel to see them ; they returned
the calls, evidently afoot.

The party took a boat on the Hudson and voyaged to Al-
bany, much annoyed by the sparks and cinders which showered
the deck. Macdonald was never, however, a complaining trav-
eler : he was too much interested in the new country and the
establishing of the New System. At Albany the Owenites met
De Witt Clinton; near Trenton, Joseph Bonaparte, at whose
villa they stayed; at Boston, the elder Adams; at Washington,
Adams the president. They dined with each, and INIacdonald
left a good description of each. Later he described the aged
Thomas Jefferson. The party stayed all night at Monticello
because Jefferson did not think it safe for them to return after
dark over the mountain roads. In the early morning Mac-
donald walked on the heights and later he described what he
had seen.

During the first part of the journey the group traveled an
astonishing amount by water. One realizes that New York is
on an island, that Philadelphia is a seaport. Then came the
Ohio and the wilderness, the Rappite Harmonic, which they
examine with meticulous care. The most emotional entry in
the diaries covers the departure of the Rappites from their home.
They had built the town, they had lived there for ten years,
and they were leaving it forever. Weeping, praying, singing
choruses, the band playing appropriate music, they waved a
final goodbye from the steamboat as they disappeared down
the Wabash. "I never in mv life returned home after parting

158 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

with friends, with so sad a feehng as that melancholy after-
noon," says the poor young man of his return to the tavern
through the deserted town.

Then comes the year-later second journey — the long voy-
age and the second arrival at New York. Macdonald's account
is a companion piece to Robert Dale Owen's Threading my
Way. Macdonald called twice upon the Garcias but there is no
indication in the diary that he was in love with the young
Spanish singer. To be sure, at Washington he bought some
Spanish books and determined to study Spanish because it
was, "next to English . . . the most important language in
the New World." One might suspect a different motive.

The party arrived the second time at New Harmony, and
Macdonald put into his diary a brief description of the stormy
founding of the Community — the daily meetings and argu-
ments, the forming of one Community after another to try to
promote peace. Macdonald was not in accord with all the pro-
visions of the Constitution that was finally adopted, and at last
severed his connection with the Owenites. "I left Harmony
on the 4^1^ March," he says simply, ''at w^hich time a proposi-
tion was under discussion to request Mr. Owen to become sole
manager for some time. . . . "

There was no word of criticism, not one note of the chagrin
and regret which he must have experienced after having started
out so hopefully as a follower of the New System, and after
having spent almost two years in its service. That is what I
call a loyal gentleman.

, The remainder of the diary is, if anything, more vivid than
the early part. The journey down the Mississippi in flood is
well and scientifically described. Macdonald went to New
Orleans, Havana, Charleston, and thence by ship home, finish-
ing his story with a poem to a hawk w^hich had alighted on
deck off the Scilly Isles.

So Donald Macdonald disappears from our view, though
his own family in Ireland doubtless have many more recol-
lections of him and of his long life of eighty-one years. I still
think it remarkable, since he left no trace in New Harmony,
that I should have discovered his diaries in County Carlow,
Ireland, through the kindness of Captain Macdonald of Skye.

Caroline Dale Snedeker

JOURNEY TO AMERICA. 1824-25

AT SEVEN o'clock oti the morning of the 2"^ October we
sailed from Liverpool for New York in the New York,
a ship of 520 tons, Captn. Maxwell. The wind was
high & against us when we came off Holyhead, and we beat
about with the Isle of Mann to leward of us.

The wind still contrary. We continued tacking in the
same situation.

The weather calm and to the east of south which enabled
us to lay our course down the Irish channel with little
wind. This evening some conversation relative to education
took place between the passengers & M^". Owen, in which
the latter supported the position that under a natural system
of tuition by sensible signs children in masses would at 10
years of age possess more useful knowledge than young
men at present do, on coming from college.

Early this morning we passed the Tuscan light on a small
island off the county of Wexford, laying our course. After
breakfast a long discussion took place relative to the nature
of Ml". Owen's system. [*] The conversation was carried on
principally by M^. Flower, D"". Strachan, M"". Roy, &
Mr. Wolsey. Light winds. —

Light winds from the south & rain. We lay a great part
of this evening & night without wind from 20 to 30 miles
south of Cape Clear. Conversing relative to the effect of
circumstances in forming the opinions & habits of society was
the general subject of conversation. Whist, Picket, & chess
the amusements ; and reading German on Mi". Hamilton's
plan, a partial occupation of two of the passengers.

Becalmed this morning to the southward of Cape
Clear. A northwesterly breeze sprung up this evening.

Westerly winds. MJ". Owen explained the views which
he had relative to the best social arrangements, to unite the
advantages of a private and public education, of private
families in the country and in towns, and the employment
of agriculture united with manufactures. The union of

(159)

1824
October 2nd
Saturday-

Sunday yd
4th

5'^
(5th contd.)

Wednesday 6^^.

Thursday 7th.
Friday 8th.

loO

IXDI.AXA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Saturday 9th.

Sunday jo''^.

Monday ii'^.

Monday ii'l^.
Continued

Tuesday 12''^.

from 600 to 2000 persons, he [*] considered capable of
effecting this arrangement. He added that while individual
l)roperty & private interests were made the groundwork of
social institution, mankind could never attain the degree of
improvement which would arise from a union of interests, by
which means the greatest aljundance would be quickly
produced & by which practices the way would be opened
easily to give good dispositions, good habits and a great
extent of knowledge to every human being. D>". Stewart
objected that Mann was naturally corrupt & had fallen from
original goodness. This brought on a discussion relative to
the cause of Sin, which ended in D^. Stewart maintaining that
Deity was omnipotent, good & wise, and yet that Man made
himself bad. This night was squally with the wind ahead.

A fine morning, wind westerly. After breakfast
Mr. Owen stated that the first public infant schools were com-
menced four or five [*] years back in London in consequence
of his coming before the Public with the New Views. —

All". Flower showed a ground plan of his colony between
the Great & Little Wabash rivers. D^. Strachan showed the
surveys of the School lands in Upper Canada. These lands
are given as a fund for the parish schools, & are divided into
portions of 200 acres, accompanied by the surveyor's notes,
who is allowed to draw for a certain number of lots in
payment of his labour. This evening the wind came
round to the North.

The wind northerly & the sea running high, in consequence
of which divine service as proposed by D^s. Stew^ard &
Strachan, could not be performed. \Ye kept our course
westerly going from 9 to 1 1 knots an hour.

Wind moderate from North east. After breakfast,
Mr. Owen shewed the ground plans & elevations of the
community residences proposed by him. He gave some
papers which explain some of his views. — We passed this
morning the ship Dorset going east. This afternoon we
spoke another ship bound to Liverpool ['^] This afternoon
at 6 o'clock we had prayers by Dr. Stewart, who proposed
to have them every morning at 8 o'clock & every evening
at 6 o'clock.

The wind easterly and fresh We kept our course

MACDONALD DIARIES 161

west, going from 8 to lo knots an hour. Our ship rolled
a great deal in consequence of the wind being aft & without
any side wind to steady it. The inconvenience attending
this motion during the time of meals was overcome in a
great measure by the table & benches being fastened to the
floor, and two long boxes with holes in them for glasses
being fixed along the middle of the table, thus securing the
dishes between them & leaving room outside for the plates.
The duty on board the ship was carried on by watches of
four hours each, bells at both ends of the ship being struck
every half hour. We breakfasted daily at 1/2 past 8, lunch-
eoned at 12, dined at 4 & drank tea at 7 o'clock. Our
passengers were M^. Flower a settler on the Wabash river,
and his neice Miss Ronalds, a M^s. Blackburn from Leeds
going [*] to her husband in New York, the Rev^. Doctors
Stewart & Strachan from Canada, of the established
church, ]\Ir. Peterson a Danish gentleman residing at
Charleston, Mr. Davis, M^. Brown, Mf. Wolsey. & M^. Mal-
lard, gentlemen apparently merchants, Mf, Roy a Virginian
Proprietor M^. Day & his nephew M^. Fergusson, New York
Merchants, M^. Owen & his son, & myself. — I induced
Di". Strachan to learn German on the Hamiltonian plan, and
daily gave him a lesson in translating the testament from
that language into English. I daily took one from
Wm. Owen in a book of German Fables. Miss Ronalds
who knew something of the language begged to join the
class, as well as D^". Strachan ultimately. M^. Owen read
Mr, Hodgson's tour through the United States & Captain
Halls voyage to South America. We lived remarkably well
on board, the Captain having a large stock of live animals,
a [*] cow to give us milk, and good wines.

This morning after prayers D^". Stewart commenced an \Veclnesday 13^!'.
argument with Mr. Owen on responsibility & Man's power
to change his own beliefs which was continued for a couple
of hours after breakfast. M^. Owen maintained that he
was compelled to belief as circumstances made him.
Dr. Stewart, in which he was joined by Dr. Strachan, held
that he could choose his belief. The argument terminated
by Dr. Stewart agreeing to support Mr. Owen's plans to
remove bad circumstances & introduce good ones to influ-

162 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

cnce Human Nature, as far as they were consistent with his
own opinions.— The wind came to the southward this evening.

Thursday i4»h. This morning the wind freshened up and after noon blew

a fresh gale in squalls from the South East. It fell calm in
the evening and suddenly sprung up from the north. This
morning after breakfast D^. Stewart read extracts from the
printed papers [*] relative to Mr. Owen's first pubUc
meetings in London, Mr. Owen having given several copies
to the passengers, and a variety of comments were made
relative to the bold declarations therein contained concerning
the irrationality & universal error of Social arrangements.
Dr. Strachan strenuously contended from Man's free agency
& responsibility, on the grounds that though he did not
create the motives of his own actions yet that he had the
power to investigate them and choose among many.

Friday 15th. This morning fine with a pleasant side wind from the

north. At Breakfast Dr. Strachan opposed Mr. Owen's
opinions on the ground of their tendency to destroy con-
science which he maintained to be an innate principle of
right & wrong, while Mr. Owen contended that in practice
no two nations had the same conscience & that every human

(Friday 15^^. being could be given a conscience quite [*] at variance with

Ocf Cont<i) his neighbour's. Dr. Stewart read a quotation in manuscript

to explain that conscience resulted from a sincere & judicious
mind being enlightened. The general opinion to which the
company appeared to come was that Conscience was in the
outset of life instinctive but that this instinct might be so
misled in early training as to render it difficult to decide as
to the direction or manner in which its uninstructed nature
would lead us. It fell calm this evening & in the course of
the night a breeze sprung up from the S. E.

Saturday i6th. The wind changed this forenoon to the northward with

heavy rain. A long conversation ensued after breakfast on
the question of Free Will. Dr. Stewart opposed Mr. Owen's
views because he believes Man to be a Free Agent. Mr. Owen
endeavoured to contrast the opinions originating from such
a belief. He observed that [*] it appeared extremely
inconsistent to think that an Almighty, wise & beneficent
God, who was omniscient & foresaw all things, should make
a being who could at any time be a free agent and independ--

MACDONALD DIARIES

163

ent of him. D^. Stewart thought the ideas not at all incon-
sistent, but did not see how that position tended to elucidate
his system. M^. Owen maintained that it did, as the
banishment of all rewards & punishments was a necessary
part of his practice ; and he held that it shewed how absurd
it was to believe that an omniscient & wise & good Deity,
should create beings to punishment & misery, foreseeing as
he did, before their birth what they would do all the days
of their lives. D^. Strachan still objected to M^. Owen's
principles, but approved of his system of communities, which
he thought in no way connected with them. This afternoon
it blew hard from the N. West, and split the fore & main
sails. The Night was windy. [*]

This morning fine but the wind directly against us from Sunday 17th.
the West. At Breakfast D^. Stewart stated that on one
voyage which he made, there were on board another
clerg}'man & a quaker, and while crossing the Fishing Banks
a question arose whether it was proper to fish on a Sunday.
He and the quaker were in support of the propriety of
it, while the Captain of the vessel & the other clergyman
were against it. He added that he & his friend brought
their opponents round, principally by the argument that
fish were frequently beneficial to the crew of a ship from
the W. Indies. At one o'clock Divine service was per-
formed in the Cabin, all the crew attending. The greater
part of the evening was spent by the passengers in read-
ing & conversation.

This morning the wind was blowing steadily from the Monday i8^h.
S. westward. After breakfast the conversation was renewed
relative to Mr. Owen's denial of Man's Free agency.
Dr. Stewart asked [*] a variety of questions tending to
elucidate his opinions, and it appeared that Mi". Owen
considered every thing in existence to be as good as it
could be at present, if God were all wise, good & omnipotent.
[Mr. Flower remarked that if every thing were perfect,
there could be no motive to induce any one to strive for a
change. M^". Owen replied that the state of things had a
progress from infancy to manhood like the growth of the
human being. The proof of things being at present in the
best possible state was their producing the perception of a

164 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

beneficial change, which was likewise a sufficient motive
to produce a change.] D^. Stewart was surprised at his not
alKnving the existence of Sin; M"". Owen allowed much to
be that men wished to alter and he contended that his
practice alone would effect the change. Dr. Stewart rose &
maintained he could keep his eyes open or shut them.
M''. Owen said he could not shut them. The Doctor shut
his eyes & it then became evident that the cause of his
shutting his eyes did not evince his free will, but arose from
external impressions. D^. Strachan held that such opinions
& arguments destroyed all reasoning & the foundations of
right & wrong. Mr. Owen replied that we should never
(Monday iS'''. understand & know [^=] the motives & causes of human
C^ntd.) actions or how in practice to remove the evils we felt & com-

plained of, if we did not perceive that Man was necessarily
compelled to think feel & act as he did, and adopted the
practice towards human nature which such perception would
suggest. The evening was passed at cards & chess, & read-
ing. I finished Hodgson's Tour through the U. States &
began Capt". Hall's voyage to Chili. We were all this
day on the Banks & passed one Brig.
Iiiesday ic/h. jj^jg j^-,orning the wind came from the Northward and

we kept our course over the Bank with a light wind. We
saw a Brig at a distance. After breakfast conversing on
the subject of the advantages of Union, M"". Flower
expressed a fear that mankind would not be contented in
pommunities. It was remarked that Pride of Heart made
men restless, & that this was in consequence of a belief in
individual merit — [*] The Duke of Wellington who had
risen higher in distinction than any one of his day was
restless, and more subject to discontent than persons who
had remained in obscurity. Mr. Flower did not consider
him a distinguished man beyond the limits of a military
view, and thought that his permitting in silence the treaty
of Paris, which secured the lives of the supporters of
Bounaparte, to be violated in the execution of IMarshall Ney
would be a blot on his character sufficient to obscure his
excellencies in the eyes of the admirers of social liberty & se-
curity. No man of sense or prudence would ever trust his
life or fortune to the word of a man who in the face of the

MACDONALD DIARIES 165

world had once so glaringly broken it. — After breakfast the
Captain was sorting the Bags of letters for the U. States —
During tea this evening some remarks were made relative
to smuggling in the United States, and it appeared to be
the opinion [*] of some of the company that it is carried
to a less extent in North America & considered more dis-
repatable than in Great Britain, ^^''hile we must acknowledge
that it is wrong & prejudicial to the tranquility & morals of
society to transgress the laws of a country, yet we may
question the wisdom of any laws which are found at all
times at variance with apparently very general & innocent
inclinations. There is not a country a Traveller returns
from with a commodity either prohibited or oppressed by
a high duty, which is not badly governed when a free
exchange of productions is prevented. This afternoon being
calm, fishing lines were let down in above 30 fathoms
water, & in less than 5 minutes some fine & large cod were
caught. The night was squally and rainy, wind southerly
with lightening. For a few seconds previous to a heavy
shower a bright ignis fatuus like [*] a lanthorn appeared at
the end of the Main Top Gallant yard to lighten our darkness.

This morning the wind was northerly blowing a pleasant Wednesday 20th.
breeze with flying clouds. The conversation at breakfast
related to Sir John Malcolm's account of Central India, by
which it appeared that the Hindoos experienced many
advantages from living in villages united in many respects
as if each village were but one family. M"". Flower censured
the establishment of the Holy Alliance. Dfs. Stewart &
Strachan & M^. Owen considered that it had its good effect
in causing security in the mean time while the population of
Europe had time to study the subject of liberty and learn
to understand its nature \^•ith which they were not yet
sufficiently acquainted in order to be able to apply the
theory in practice. — [*]

In the afternoon it fell calm and so continued until early on
the morning of Thursday 2ist.

when a S.E. wind gradually arose till it blew us along at the
rate of 8 or 9 knots an hour. After breakfast Mr. Owen
read to the company an extract of M^. Thompson's work on
the Distribution of Wealth in which he explains the System

166

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Thursday 21 st.
Contd )

Friday 22"d.

Saturday 2y^
Latitude
40 '-22'
Longitude
60 & a half.

(Saturday 2y^.
Contd.)

Sunday 24'h.

of Union in Communities. I read some of Capt". Hall's
account of Lima, and remarked that the custom of the
Ladies drawing a black hood over the head, face shoulders
& arms, when they went abroad was exactly similar to that
of the Tarifa Ladies on the shores of the Straits of Gibral-
tar. — This custom seems thus to be traced to the Moors, but
why it should only remain in one town in the Old Country
& be carried to but one city & that the Capital of the New,
is not so easily accounted for. [*] This evening the wind
came round again to the West. —

A westerly wind prevaild the whole of this day. In the
evening during a conversation on the expences of govern-
ment Dr. Strachan maintained that the U. States were fully
as expensively governed as the British Dominions. This
subject was continued after breakfast on the following day,
when M^. Owen took occasion to refer to his plan presented
to a Committee of the House of Commons for employing
and educating the Irish labouring classes. In reply to some
remarks from D"". Stewart with respect to the little progress
he had as yet made, he stated that the Higher ranks & rich
were opposed from seeing the great changes which it would
lead to & not being equally sensible of the benefits they
themselves would reap. Then, said the Doctor, America is
your place and we will support you as far as our principles
will lead us. This day the wind was [*] blowing steadily
& briskly from the West. About 1 1 oclock a. m. we were
in the Gulf stream, the sea water being at 74 degrees of
temperature ; we therefore tacked & stood to the N. West, to
get out of the Gulf stream which runs eastward. The day
was warm & fine though the clouds looked stormy. In the
afternoon a sudden thunder storm with violent squalls
came on from the N. West and a hard cold [wind]
continued blowing all night.

About 10 o'clock this morning the wind encreased & con-
tinued blowing with very great violence for some hours. The
sea ran extremely high & was frequently carried in clouds
along the surface by the squalls. The ship lay too under
a storm stay sail and close reefed fore sail, and drifted
considerably to leeward though few seas were shipped. Many
of the passengers remained in the round house occasionally

MACDONALD DIARIES 167

going out on deck to admire the movements of the troubled
elements. D^s. Stewart & Strachan performed [*] Divine
service in the cabin to the Passengers, & D^. Strachan
preached on contentment. In the evening the wind
moderated & took down the sea at the same time. During
the day many of the little dark feathered birds followed
in the wake of the ship. I observed that they frequently
resisted the violence of the storm by resting for a second or
two on the surface of the water in the hollow seas. Our ship
proved an excellent sea boat, riding easily on the waves and
with comparatively slight motion rising over their curl-
ing & foaming tops.

This morning the wind shifted to the N. N. West, and Monday 25^11.
the [ship] was tacked & stood nearly west. The temperature
of the sea was found to be 66°. In the course of conversa-
tion at & after breakfast, the Captain mentioned that the
sea serpent was believed to exist, for [*] two clergymen & (Monday 25^*1.
several respectable persons had given their affidavits of ^°"* -^
having seen it. Light winds this evening.

The wind continued northerly all this day. In the Tuesday 26th.
evening it being calm we had a little dance upon deck, the
cook of the ship, styled Doctor, was our musician. After
tea American Politics were the subject of conversation.
Some of the Passengers contended that it was injudicious
in the President to assume in his last Message to Congress
that the Nations of the Western Continents would not suffer
any European interference in their proceedings. To this
it was replied that it rather seemed a fine manly step as
First ruler of the Oldest Independent Power to speak
openly, to express his real sentiments derived from the most
extensive information and to nourish [*] liberal sentiments (Tuesday 26th.
in place of those which characterise the governments of Contd)
Europe. By such plain proceedings he would lead the way
to a close union between all the Nations of the two
Americas, and it did not seem absurd to declare that the
United States, Mexico. Columbia, Peru, Chili and Beunos
Ayres, would not in future consider any portion of those
continents subject to colonization by European Powers as
formerly. — About midnight we were going 9 knots an hour
before a southerlv wind. —

168 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Wednesday -'7'*'- The wind increased this morning and we some times

advanced at the rate of 12 knots. The temperature of the
atmosphere was 66°. The ship rolled so much that we

( Wednesday J8ti'. shipped seas on both sides. In the Ladies' cabin a sofa [*]

|.'7tiii Confi) ^,pQj^ which two ladies and two gentlemen were sitting, gave
way, upset a table, breaking it in pieces and throwing the
ladies & gentlemen violently to the ground. In the evening
it calmed, and the wind gradually went round to the North.

'riuirsday -vS'''. This morning was beautiful, and during the forenoon

a wind sprung up from the South West, which enabled us
to steer our course nearly. Our latitude was 40°-55' and
longitude 66°-3o'. — After breakfast a religious discussion
was commenced by D"". Stewart, and he on his own
offer read to me two chapters from the works of
Bishop [MS blank], being the introduction to a treatise
upon the Truth of the Bible and intended to shew that if
a candid inquirer after l'-^] Truth were not convinced of
the authenticity of the Old & New Testaments by the amount
of Evidence in its support, no proof of any historical facts
could ever be handed down. M^, Owen replied to the Doctor
that the Bishop seemed unacquainted with Human Nature,
which could not help believing the strongest evidence ; that
failing conviction, the individual evidently had not sufficient
evidence before his mind. He continued that Young Persons
were all over the world taught every variety of doctrine, and
when grown up were in a state of mind which unfitted them
' for judging equally from the same evidence. Hence he
argued the inconsistency of resting so much upon the J\lerit

(Thursday 28^''. ^f belief, as [*] that depended upon early instruction and
the force of evidence. The Doctors did not see the justness
of this reasoning. I remarked to Di". Stewart that the truth
of Histories of Natural events might be estimated by the
amount of evidence ; but that those which related miracles,
mysteries, & supernatural concerns, would not be rendered
the more credible from the encrease of similar evidence. Of
course the natural events of those histories would in
proportion to the quantum of good evidence be more
authentic, but the supernatural occurences and statements
would always require supernatural evidence for every person
in every age, as well as explanation. . Failing such evidence

MACDONALD DIARIES 169

belief would be a sort of infatuation of which some minds

are more susceptible than others. [*] M*", Owen observed (Thursday 28th.

that he considered the value of discussion to be for the contd.)

purpose of acquiring information & for improvement ; he

held the Bible to contain the most valuable practical precepts,

and he was always desirous that every one should be left in

full enjoyment of his conscientious opinions while all united

to carry into effect the parts in which all were agreed. He

rather wished to bring into notice & examination a new

combination of advantageous practices, than to continue the

worn out method of contesting points of Faith. The Doctors

cordially agreed with him. M"", Owen shew'ed a tartan dress

such as the boys at New Lanark wear. Dr. Stewart

questioned the advantage of very little [*] dress, upon (Thursday 28^^

which a discussion took place that shewed persons lightly cont^)

clad from infancy to be much healthier, stronger & less

susceptible of cold. Mf. Owen remarked that hitherto

Society had never investigated in a practical manner, the

questions what are the best food, clothing, and domestic

arrangements. D^", Strachan exclaimed that this was going

too far, and becoming rather too practical. — The wind

came round this evening to the N. West.

This morning the wind was easterly and the weather '^^^^^y ■^^'•
fine. Df. Stewart returned Alf. Owen the copy of his son's
outline of the Instruction given in the Lanark schools, and
observed upon the passages where it was stated that the
children had no emulation & were only taught what they
could understand, that many things must be taught them
before their minds [*] could estimate them, and that it ^^^^^y 3o*'-
was too nice a distinction to say that children would be
emulous advancing in knowledge in company of their
comrades and not out stripping them. M^. Owen replied
that we should state in a clear manner facts which the minds
of children would percieve like ourselves though they could
not further explain them : and that the fact at New Lanark
was, that children being instructed from the first without
praising or blaming, rewarding or punishing them, but
merely by kind behaviour and caressing them all; had no
emulation to surpass their comrades, but only an active
desire to acquire information & by mutual aid a communica-

170

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

tion of ideas to keep together, the quick & clever delighting
(Friday 20ti-. to assist the dull & slow.— [*] After breakfast Mr. Owen
cont«i.) shewed a tartan dress such as the girls at New Lanark

wear. It was made to come lower down the legs than that
for the boys. The Doctors were much pleased with it, and
wished to have the pattern. In the evening we had a dance
in the Ladies Cabin.
Saturday 30'^. This morning we were standing West by south with

a N. westerly wind. The day was dry & cold, and the
atmosphere extremely clear. We spoke a small vessel from
the State of Maine bound to Charleston. Long. 7i°-45'
Lat. 39.25. — After breakfast there was a short discussion
on the subject of baptism, in which M^. Flower argued that
it was at no age required for the children of Christians, as
they are born in the spirit, whereas in the early age of
(Saturday 30^^'- Christianity & in the [*] Heathen nations, a public solemn
contd.) ceremony was necessary to separate and permanently fix the

condition of the converted. — In the evening we had a
dance, which proved good exercise, agreeable in the cold
frosty feel of the air, and particularly amusing, it being
somewhat difficult to dance in a ship in motion. Conversing
with Mr. Brown I found that he had travelled a good
deal. He informed me that there is very little difficulty in
getting into Society in the U. States, as the Americans are
extremely glad to meet with foreigners. He travelled
through Ohio & Kentucky in the middle of winter, and
though it was very cold and from the snow being on the
(Saturday 3otii. • ground a bad time to see the country, he found [*] no
contd) difficulty in getting along. In Ohio you can always find

good fare and a night's lodging every 5 or 10 miles & at
a moderate expense. Lexington the capital of Kentucky
is situated in one of the most beautiful & fertile parts of the
States, and there he said he visited some time and found a
great deal of agreeable & polished Society. In Charleston
the best Society is considered the most refined of the whole
of the Union. In Washington he recommended our being
at the Inauguration of the New President on the 4th. March,
and a few days before in order to attend some of the
debates. During the sitting of Congress, members bring
up their families, live [in] large hotels and keep much

MACDONALD DIARIES

171

company. Batchelors [*] live in boarding houses, where (Saturday 30^^.
are sometimes to be met a dozen of the cleverest members Contd.)
of Congress & judges from the distant States. — M^. Brown's
father is a rich merchant in Providence in the State of
Rhode Island. — M*". Roy a Virginian gentleman was
describing to me the state of society in his state. General
Washington, Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Madison, & a few others, he
described as having fine estates and living in a superior
manner. At Salem there is a interesting Moravian Estab-
lishment. — Mr. Day a New York Merchant described to me
the direction of the ranges of the Alleghany & Blue moun-
tains, the latter being a smaller ridge running parallel to the
former on the Eastern side from the Northern limits of
N. Carolina up into the States of New York [*] Vermont & (Saturday 30*.
New Hampshire being cut through by several rivers, rising ^"^
in the Alleghany, & running through the intervening
valleys. These abrupt openings and valleys he described
as rich and romantic.

This morning the wind was N. West, the air mild & Sunday 31st.
clear, and the clouds having a character peculiar to this side
of the Atlantic. M^. Owen believed the distance seen, to
be perceptibly greater than he had observed at home. At
one o'clock we had Divine service in the cabin. D^". Stewart
preached a sermon with much feeling & earnestness. The
afternoon was extremely calm & the atmosphere mild & clear.
From the deck of a vessel at sea the eye of an observer is
elevated from 10 to 15 ft. above the water, and from the
medium height [*] of 12 1/2 ft. he can in calm weather see (Sunday 31st.
about 4 3/4 miles every way; but In rough weather this contd.)
extent is shortened by the elevation of the waves hiding the
horizon. On land we are apt to imagine that when mariners
are out of sight of land they see around them an immense
expanse of ocean, whereas the view is limited to a circle
whose diameter rarely exceeds 10 miles when no vessel is
in sight. — Conversing with Mr. Roy, he mentioned the name
of an old gentleman of the name of Divers residing near
Richmond, who keeps the best establishment in the State of
Virginia. He mentioned that the Judges of the Supreme
court are for the most part simple & unassuming men ;
Chief Judge Marshall frequently travelling on horseback by

172

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

(Sunday 31*1.
Cont<3.)

Monday
Nov^ IS*.

(Sunday 31^'- himself with saddlebags. Passing an inn on the [*] road-
cont<i.) ^ij^^ tjig hostler called to him Well Master Marshal wont

you alight & take refreshment. He stopt his horse and
asking a few familiar questions added, I believe Jack I must
make haste on to my destination. After dinner M^. Flower
t-ntered into discussion relative to the principles & views of
the English Radicals, and argued that since the time of their
disturbances the government had adopted many of their
propositions. It is true that there were many changes
required & improvements to be made, which the radicals
could in many respects trace out as well as their oponents,
but the feeling with which they advocated them, and the
manner in which they proposed to effect them, tended to
disgust the most enlightened & amiable characters; for it
is the most difficult & injurious method to reform by
censuring, abusing and punishing [*] one's opponents.

This morning the wind was N. West. Bottom was
found with 40 fathoms. In the course of the afternoon
Mr. Wolsey read to me part of a German tale called Mimili.
In the evening we danced & played at chess. The wind
continued from the same quarter, and the night was
beautifully calm. During the last two or three days we had
several small birds & two owls at different times about the
ship. The lead was often heaved, & at night w^e were in 20
fathoms and 60 miles to the southward of Sandy Hook,
Tuesday 2»^. This morning we were favored with a gentle southerly

breeze & stood for Port N. N. W by compass, expecting
(Tuesday 2^^ 'soon in the day to behold land. This [*] was the topic of
^<^^^'^-) conversation at breakfast, and the sensations experienced

when coming in sight of New York. Some of the passengers
well acquainted with that place, compared its bay to that of
Naples, and spoke of the animating thoughts which the first
sight of the New World, the nursery of independence would
naturally give rise to ; while others recurred to the historical
events of the ancient kingdoms of the world, in which the
first principles of every science Religious, Moral & Political,
came into being, and where the first heroes, legislators,
philosophers, and artists were born, — in short where were to
be found the oldest remains & records of w-hatever we most
admire & value. After breakfast D^. Stewart called the

MACDONALD DIARIES 173

attention of the gentlemen Passengers ( 14 in number) [*] to (Tuesday 2nd.
the consideration of a remuneration to the Steward, & ^°"* -^
Cook & their assistants. It was decided that Mr. Day should
be requested to be treasurer, and receive 30s. from each, &
divide the whole thus, 13-4 to Stewart, 6-8 to his asst., 6-8 to
Cook, 3-4 to his do. It was further agreed to give the
Captain a dinner at the City Hotel, the day after our landing
at 5 o'clock, Mr. Owen in the chair & Mr. Roy vice Presi-
dent. A committee of three consisting of M"". Brown,
Davis & Mallard, were chosen to order the dinner. — The
two reverend clergymen to invite the Captain. — The weather
was extremely mild, and the sea quite smooth. While we
glided through the water with imperceptible motion at the
rate of from 7 to 9 knots an hour, we came in sight of four
or five vessels. About 11 o'clock we saw land from the
deck, a long low streak [*] of wooded land on the western Tuesday 2nd
horizon. While we were rising the land the passengers ^*^"* •
stood on deck observing the coast we were approaching,
which proved to be the woodlands and never sink point near
the lighthouse at Sandy Hook. These shores are covered
with fir trees, at this season, looking brown, and resembles
the views of the scenery of the islands in the South Seas as
pictured in the works published by Emigrants. Mr. Owen
looked with delight upon the New World considering it the
field for great improvements in Society; & Mr. Flower
viewed it as the nursery of independence. I could not
wander far in the delightful regions of fancy; for my
recollections of its history always led me to the expectation
of seeing, Society much as I had seen at home; habits,
dress, language, & customs, nearly the same in the Union as
in Great Britain. — About two o'clock being in sight of
Sandy-hook lighthouse, signal was hoisted for a pilot who
came on board about four o'clock. From him we got two
New York Papers, giving an [*] account of General Tuesday 2»d
La Fayette's visit to the tomb of Washington, and a report contd.
of Bolivar's having gained a victory over Canterac. The
election of governor of the State of New York was going
on, and the last day tomorrow. The yellow fever had been
severe at Charleston & Savannah. — Soon after the pilot
came on board the wind came to the N. West, and we were

174

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Wednesday 3"^-

( Wednesday 3'"<1
cont<*.)

Thursday 4**'.

(Thursday 4*''
cottt<l. )

obliged to anchor in the mouth of the channel. Four of the
passengers determined to go up to town in the Pilot
boat. New York is 20 miles above the Hook. The Captain
sent his Papers by the boat. — We learnt that the Diamond
merchant ship which had left Liverpool with us, had not
arrived; nor the Packet which sailed the w^ek before. — At
night it blew very hard. —

This morning the wind was blowing hard from the same
(luarter, directly in our teeth. — About 12 o'clock the tide
being favoralile the ship was got [*] under weigh and we
passed the Hook, and after several tacks passed the
shoals & anchored on the western side of New York Bay
opposite to Fort La Fayette. The evening was extremely
clear & fine though cold, the shores were covered with pine
wood, and a few small houses ; the land looked rather
poor, consisting of ridges of low hills.

About 6 o'clock this morning we were again under
way. The morning was calm and clear, the thermometer
standing at 31 after the Sun had risen far above the
horizon. A gentle breeze aided the flood tide, and carried
us up the bay. On our right lay Staten Island, a low hilly
isle covered with firs. We had the quarantine ground &
Hospital pointed out to us ; as likewise a square stone house
on the projecting point, belonging to the Vice President. It
stood in a bleak situation w'ithout trees, and inclosed within
a a formal w^all. Further on [*] lay a small island with a
fort upon it. To our right was Long Island and governor's
Isle with a square fort upon it. As we approached the City
we beheld the Battery, a public walk so called, extending
across the point of land which divides the Bay, and separates
the Hudson from East river. Numerous vessels lay along
the wharfs, of all sizes & descriptions, and steam & harbor-
boats were crossing & re-crossing from the city to Long
Island. The shores of this Island immediately opposite to
the City are hilly, and in order to prevent a bombardment
during the last war a line of defence inclosing the hills was
constructed at which the population worked. We were along
the wharf about 9 o'clock. As soon as the ship was
fixed, we landed and proceeded to the City hotel. The town
at this hour was in considerable bustle. The streets are

MACDONALD DIARIES 175

rather narrow, and the houses of red brick with very high

roofs, though of small dimensions. We next went to the

custom house a new building [*] or at least one which they (Thursday 4*1'.

were enlarging. Two statements of the articles composing '^^"td.)

our baggage, with a form of oath were made out, which

we signed & swore to, and then received an order to land

them. The Building appeared small & of plain materials ; and

all the persons in it seemed as though they were of the same

rank. Business seemed to go on quietly & civilly. Our

concerns were finished there in about an hour, and at the

cost of 75 cents each. — We then returned to the ship, opened

our trunks which w^ere slightly looked over & passed, and

thence brought them in carts to the Inn. One box belonging

to Mr. Owen, containing a few books relative to his

views, and some drawings were stopped. [*]

Mr. Owen went to the custom house & got an order to (Thursday 4A
have the box sent to the Public Store, where he attended and ^°^'- ^^'^***)
after a great deal of trouble & delay, got it passed upon
payment of a few shillings duty upon the books. — Orders
had been given for the Dinner to be given to our Captain
at the Hotel at 5 o'clock ; Previous to which we looked over
some papers & a pamphlet, which had been given to
Mr. Owen in the custom house, by a Quaker Dr. president
of a small society established for the purpose of forming
Communities. The President invited Mr. Owen to one of
their meetings at 8 o'clock in the Evening, and promised to
call for him. While passing his baggage out of the ship, a
Mr. Page introduced himself to Mr. Owen and gave him [*]
some papers, respecting rules for a community & his petition
to Congress for lands to establish it on. — After reading
these papers, we walked to the Battery, a fine shady walk
overlooking the Bay, and along Greenwich Street. I
remarked that no one put Mr. before his name on his
door. The houses look clean outside, and being built of red
brick very smart; but the street pavement is irregular & not
properly swept. There is a decidedly smart, quick man-
ner & appearance among the people, and the females
particularly. — Our dinner was well served, by quick waiters,
though they were not what we should at home consider neat
in their dress. The dishes contained every sort of game. &

176 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

fine venison but being all put on the table at once overloaded
it and were cold before they could be tasted. Our party
was very sociable, [*] but I left it at 8 o'clock with
Mr. Owen, his son & Mr. Flower, to accompany the
President of the commonwealth Society as they call
themselves to their meeting room in a private house, where
we found about a dozen middle aged persons almost all
(juakers. A short conversation took place in which Mr. Owen
was informed that they had formed themselves into a society
for the purpose of establishing themselves in communities
when their funds might permit. Mr, Owen asked whether
any of the leading people favored them. The President
replied that on the contrary, they discountenanced the idea
of communities, and one of his friends had written a long
letter against them. He added that Mr. Jefferson favored
them in a confined manner, as the Harmonists, Mora-
vians, &c, but opposed the idea as a state proceeding.
Mr. Flower stated that he had visited New Lanark & been
much delighted, and that Mr. Owen was on his way [*] to
visit the back settlements. Mr, Owen hoped that on his
return, he should be able to give them more precise & useful
information. We then wished them success & returned
to our Inn.
Friday 5^. Nov''. We went at 1/2 past 8 to breakfast at Griscomb's a
quaker, in Grand street, who had been visiting Mr. Owen's &
published some account of it in a work entitled a year in
, Europe. We walked along Broad Way. The weather had
quite changed from a cold frosty N. West wind to a South
Easterly warm breeze with rain. There are trees here &
there along the street & some large handsome houses, and
two fine churches which give a pleasing appearance to this
part of the City. — At Griscombs we met Harvey the son
of a Limerick Quaker, & Collins brother of a quakeress
who interests herself much about schools. Miss Griscomb
(Fnday 5th. was frank in her manner, & intelligent. — [*] After breakfast

Nov^ contd.) an elderly quaker came in, and we set out with him to see
some of the schools. The first was a large building
belonging to the Female Association which educates
about 600 poor girls at an annual cost of from $1500
to $1800. The children were very clean & seemed to be

MACDONALD DIARIES

177

kindly treated. In the upper room we found a large school
of boys of colour belonging to the Manumission Society
established 25 years back. The teacher said that he thought
he found the darker the colour of the skin, the cleverer the
children. Among them we remarked some with straight
black hair. These we were told were of N. American
Indian Parents. — They went through their lessons in
accounts & geography with great quickness. From thence
we went to one of the Schools belonging to the New York
Association. This consisted of two floors 90 ft. by 45 ; the
upper for boys & [*] the lower for girls. There are seven (Friday 5*.
of these free schools in this city. The children are all taught Novf. contd.)
geography. — On our way from this school we passed a large
building three stories high, which IM"". Griscomb informed
us the Society of Friends were erecting for a school in
which he was to take an active part as teacher. — It was
settled that about 11 o'clock tomorrow Mf. Owen was to
meet a dozen of the Intelligent & Philanthropic gentlemen
of the city, at the Infirmary. — We then returned to the
Hotel, & after looking over some of his letters of Intro-
duction Mr. Owen went out with M^. Griscomb to deliver
them. — He received two letters from Hunter the American
Indian, stating that he was confined at Philadelphia by ill
health, and was longing to see him. William Owen wrote
to say that we hoped to be with him in three or four
days. Our dinner [*] yesterday cost $5 — 14 cents each.
Mr. Owen called on Mf. Ludlow in Warren S*. and
Mr. Charles King Editor of the New York Evening Post
and son of Rufus King who was once ambassador in
England. From thence he went and saw Judge Irvine at
the City Hall. — We dined at three o'clock at the Table
D'Hote where from 50 to 80 persons, principally merchants,
sat down to a good dinner provided with a variety of
game. After dinner we called on M"". Flower at a Boarding
House near the hotel. He had arranged to set off the next
morning at 6 oclock in the Steam boat for Philadelphia. We
met a M^. Sampson there. On our return at 6 o'clock we
found tea on the table. After tea M^. Owen wrote to
Hunter & Df. Price's father, & William Owen & myself
went to the theatre. The house is of moderate size, and

(Friday 5*.
Novf. contd')

178

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

plainly fitted up. The majority of the company of players
(Friday 5th are English. The performance was indifferent [*] and as

Nov. contd.) ji^g house was almost empty we had but little opportunity of
observing the inhabitants of the City who are in the habit of
frequenting theatres. At the city hotel supper is on the
table from 9 to 1 1 o'clock.
(Saturday 6*^. Breakfast is on the table every morning from 8 till 10. A

^'ov^) bell rings half an hour before and at 8 o'clock. After

breakfast we went to Mr. Day's counting house to change
our money which I shall describe hereafter. We were
introduced to his Partner, and told to have our English
letters ready by nine on Monday morning. We met
Mr. Brown & Wolsey, & engaged to go to what is called a
Game dinner, at which is served every sort of American
game, at Syke's. Between 10 & 1 1 we went to Mr. Bayard &
Co. with Mr. Peterson. Mr. Owen had a letter for
Saturday 6th. ^[^ — ^^ j j o'clock we went to the City Hospital where [*]
'^•^"^''- in the governor's room Mr. Owen shewed his Plans

and gave a short statement of his views to Judge Irvine,
Dr. Hosack, Mr. Charles King, Mr. Dwight, Mr. Morse, and
friends Eddy, Griscom, Collins, and another old man. Friend
Thomas Eddey questioned relative to religious instruction
to orphans, & Mr. Dwight relative to the state of religion
at New Lanark. — Dr. Hosack who is President of the
College of Medicine, invited Mr. Owen and his son & myself
to his literary society which meets from 7 till 10 every
Saturday evening. — Mr. Morse is Editor of the New York
Observer, and Mr. Dwight has a paper at Boston. — On our
return we were much pleased with the fineness of the
day, lively scenery, and smart females, in Broad Way. Many
old Dutch customs still subsist, and I remarked a great deal
of Spanish costume. — We next called at the custom house,
(Saturday 6th and sat for a few minutes with Mr. Ferguson [*] of the
contd) Naval branch of the Establishment. He is a pleasing

middle-aged man, and seemed interested with Mr. Owen. —
We called again on Mr. Ludlow, but missed him, as he had
called at the Hotel while we were out. We then went to the
City Hall, as Mr. Owen had a letter for Judge Edwards, but
he was out of town. We met Judge Irvine who politely
shewed us the building built of grey marble brought down

MACDONALD DIARIES 179

Hudson river. The large room was covered with Portraits
of the Mayors of the City, and several Military & Naval
officers who had distinguished themselves during the late
war. I remarked one of General Jackson. The fringes of
the window hangings were ornamented with Eagles & stars.
Another chamber was the City Council room, handsomely
and conveniently arranged. There we saw four fine por-
traits of Washington, Clinton, Hamilton & Clay. [This
Clinton was a revoluy general & uncle of the present
De Wit Clinton.] Washington's countenance displayed
mildness & intelligence. From the top of the building [*] we
had a good view of the City. To the South lies the
bay; East, the Sound & Long Island, West, The North or
Hudson's river with its wooded & rocky banks ; — and
North, an extent of low country. The town looked well, and
the church spires handsome. I remarked a horizontal
windmill & was informed that there are 3 or 4 in the
City. As we w^ere rather late, we gave up going to
Syke's & at 3 dined at the Table d'Hote. After dinner the
general conversation seemed to be about the Elections. — Be-
tween four & five a M^. Woodridge from a Deaf & Dumb
Institution at Hartford called with a letter to Mr. Owen
from Mr. Goodridge. He stated he was proceeding to
Europe to visit the various Establishments for Education
previous to continuing his labours in some new works on
that subject which he is publishing. He gave M"". Owen
a copy of his work. [He afterwards sent Mr. Ow^n an
Atlas & a work on geography. Mr. Owen gave him names
of persons to call upon in England. He sailed in the
Liverpool packet on the 8th.] Mr. Dufief the teacher of
french [*] on a new system called. He had been at Saturday 6th.
New Lanark. He said that he thought Mr. Owen would contd.
find the Americans difficult to regulate or confine to any
system, as they were fond of roving, and might be called
a migratory race. At five o'clock a Mr. Houston called &
took Mr. Owen to see Dr. Mitchell a very scientific & singu-
lar character. — A Mr. Grut who had kept a store in the
State of Ohio called & gave us a long account of New
Harmony where [he] had often been. — Between 8 & 9
o'clock we went to Dr. Hosack's soiree, where we met

180

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Mrs. Rush wife of Df. Rush of Philadelphia the brother
of the Envoy, his sons & daughters and about twenty of the
principal people of New York. M^. Owen at their request
sent for his Plans & gave some [*] explanation of
them. Several questions were put to him by a Mr. Colden
one of this State's Public men, relative to the ambition &
restlessness of Man; Df. Hosack asked laughing whether
Mr. Owen did not intend to do away with his Profession.
Among the company were the Rev^. Mf. W'ainwright.
Dr. Harris, Professor Griscomb, & other Professors of the
College. I was received with much attention as I was
acquainted with Captain Sabine R. A who staid in this town
for some time. The Party broke up at lo o'clock.

Before Breakfast we began some letters to go by the
Packet. [Mr. Baldwin & Mr. Bird a lawyer married to a
french woman whom he has left in France, took us after
Breakfast through the house, into the Ball & concert
rooms, and to the top of the house, whence we had an
extensive view.] At ten o'clock Mr. Day & Mr. Ludlow
called. Mr. Owen went to Trinity church with Mr. Ludlow,
and W. Owen and [*] myself accompanied Mr. Day to
Grace church, considered the most fashionable in New York.
I remarked that the congregation were very attentive, but
I did not observe much fashion. — There are no clerks seated
under the public as in England. — In the service a few
alterations have been made. 'Those who' is put as a
correction for Them that' ; Selections are placed before the
Psalms of the day; and Prayers are read for the President
of the U. States, & sick persons & persons travelling by
sea. — After church we left our cards at Dr. Hosack's, and
Jeremiah Thompson's. The latter is one of the Owners of
the Liverpool Packets. — We dined at the Hotel ordinary, and
wrote letters in the [*] afternoon & evening. A Mr. Todd
from Lanark and some others called. — Mr. Owen went to
tea at Mr. Thomas's, where he met IMrs. Thomas, Judge &
Mrs. Ogden who have property on the North river on the
borders of Canada, and General Moore. He had an
agreeable & interesting evening.

This morning we finished our letters. I wrote to my
uncle, Aunt Annie. Wn\ Crawford, my mother, Mr. Keni-

MACDONALD DIARIES 181

mis & to Skene, a little after 9 o'clock we called at
Mr. Ogden & Day's counting house, and went down to the
east end of the battery to see the steam boat start at 10
o'clock to take the letter bags and passengers on board the
Packet which was laying too in the bay. — A bell rings to
give notice & the steam boat starts precisely at 10 oclock. — We
thence [*] went to Pearl Street & saw Mf. Marsh a Monday S^\
merchant for whom M^. Owen had a letter. We called <=o"t^-
likewise at the New York Bank, where Mr. Owen had 5
minutes conversation with M^. Wilkes (descended from the
famous Wilkes) cashier of the bank. He called by desire
of Hunter M^. Wilkes is a tall, stout, intelligent looking
elderly man. We then went to the British consul's
(Buchanan) Office in Nassau St. near the custom house. He
had called upon M^, Owen the day after his arrival. He told
Mr. Owen that it was not customary for British consuls to
make the i^t. call, but as for some years he had entertained
the highest opinion of him & of the utility & benevolence of
his views, he considered it the duty of every man who wished
to benefit [*] his fellow creatures to step forward to receive Monday 8*^.
him. He engaged us to dine with him tomorrow at four cont^.
o'clock. Thence we went to M^. Ludlow office where he
met Mr. Thomas. We then returned to the Hotel, and went
thence to Dr. Hosacks who shewed us his Library and the
portraits of some of their patriots. Mr. Owen gave
Miss Hosack for Mrs. Rush his letter to her husband. We
then called at Mr. Thomas's 80 Chamber Street, where we
saw Mrs. Thomas to whom the Lanark children's dresses
had been sent. She seems a very intelligent [person] : We
called on General Moore, a short good humoured old
gentleman, thence we went to Grand S*. & saw Miss Griscom.
We were then puzzled finding the house of Mr. Hunter
of Hunter's Island in [*] Broadway. He had not yet come
to town. [We met Judge (MS blank) & Dr. Mitchell in
the street. The Judge is a shrewd looking man. Dr. Mitchell
is a fat jovial fellow, and expressed great interest in
Mr. Owen's plans. He begged to be remem^ to Mr. Clin-
ton, & to tell him to give his attention to the new views.] At
1/4 past one we called at Dr. Mc Vicar's at the Columbia
College. As Mr. Owen decided to go up to Albany for a

182

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

day to see De Wit Clinton, W"i. Owen returned to the
Hotel to write to Hunter at Philadelphia to say that he
should not reach that place for 3 or 4 days. The boat goes
out at 2 o'clock. D"". M^Vicar took us into a class room
where Professor Kent was giving his introductory lecture
on law, in which he gave a brief review of the U. States
Constitution. — After the lecture Mr. Owen was introduced
to several of the Professors. I was introduced to the
Professor of Mathematics. We saw the library and were
introduced to the Librarian. The library is at present of
small extent. Dr. M^Vicar invited us to his house for [*]
tomorrow evening — .1 then returned to the hotel for
Wi". & we dined at Jeremiah Thomsons where we met
Mr. Marshall, Mr. Clibborne, Young Harvey, Professor
Griscom & some others. [It was at Mr. Marshall's house.]
After dinner Mr. Thompson made a few objections to
Mr. Owen's plan on the grounds of independence, liberty to
pursue schemes of improvement, and having a stimulus for
exertion. Mr. Owen engaged to go w-ith him between 8 & 9
tomorrow morning to see Mr. Hall's school, some way out
of town. — On our return to the hotel, Mr. Owen found a
note from Mr. Ludlow inclosing letters to friends in
Philadelphia & elsewhere. Mr. Grut brought letters for
Harmony & we conversed about the western settlement &
Mr. Owens plans. Mr. Owen went out to tea at
Dr. McNiven [*] Mr. Houston, Editor of the Minerva &
[MS blank], called in. He had been Editor of the
Statesman, & was 2 years confined in Newgate for publishing
his opinions. He brought a letter of intro" for Mr. Clinton.
Judge Ogden & his nephew called. He came to offer his
nephew's services to shew us the city. At supper he came in
again with some friends, and had a long chat with
Mr. Owen. He seems disposed to wish Mr. Owen settled
in his neighbourhood, or to sell his lands. —

After breakfast Mr. Owen went to Jeremiah Thompson's
while Wm. Owen & myself remained to write our Jour-
nals. — While we were writing a gentleman called who said
that as he under stood Mr. Owen wished to purchase land, he
came to offer to sell him some. He was recommended to
call when Mr. Owen was in. [*] Judge Edwards called to

MACDONALD DIARIES 183

acknowledge the receipt of a letter of introduction. He
remained till Mr. Owen returned with Mr. Marshall. He is
a very intelligent middle aged man, and seemed to have
many of Mr. Owen's opinions. He hoped to see us on our
return. — Mr. Owen had been with Mr. Marshall to
Mr. Hall's school. Mr. Hall is a very intelligent person, and
adopts the system of tuition by sensible signs. Mr. Owen
took his plans to Mr. Marshall's house, where he shewed
them to him, to Mr. Hall & J. Thompson. When he had
finished the latter said 'Now I begin to see my way.'
Mr. Owen returned with Mr. Hall whom he left with W"^. to
converse on the subject & talk about Fellenberg's & Pesta-
lozzi's school, and went with me to Col. Willot's to call upon
Mr. & Mrs. De Wi[n]t. — Mrs. Dewi[n]t is sister to a
Mr. Smith who is attached to Mr. Rush's Embassy in
London. She is also grand daughter [*] of the late
President Adams. Col. Willots lives in a distant part of
the town near the East River. We found Mr. Dewint a
clean agreeable person, and the Col. an old officer
above 80 years old. He was full of the extraordinary
changes which he had witnessed during his lifetime in
New York, and said that he expected mail coaches would
in 40 or 50 years cross the whole continent of America. — On
our way back we called at Mr. Hunter of Hunter's Island
in Broad Way. He had gone out for the purpose of calling
upon Mr. Owen. We then went to Dr. Blacheley, the
gentleman with whom we went the first evening of our
arrival, to his society of commonwealth. The Doctor keeps
an apothecary's Shop at 467 Greenwich St. — He shewed us
Mr. Jefferson's letter to him in 1822, approving of com-
munities individually, but disapproving of them for a
State, as he thought we should always have brambles & thorns
among mankind, and not expect to have all men vines and
olives. [*] We went at four o'clock to dine at the British
consul's Buchanan. There we met Mr. Manners, consul
at Boston & related to the English Archbishop, and his
daughter, and Mrs. Buchanan & a large family. Mr. Buchanan
is an Irishman a strong head & enthusiastic heart. He is full
of religious feeling. The young ladies were much interested
with the description of Lanark schools. Mr. Buchanan has

184 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

some plans for civilizing the Indians. Mr. Manners is a
pleasing man. At 8 o'clock we went to Dr. Mc Vicar's
where we met a few ladies & some of the Professors.
Dr. Hosack's son told me that on Hunter's return from
Europe, he was not so much at his ease in society as before
he crossed the Atlantic. He had the peculiar habit of the
Indians of never keeping his eyes fixed, but wandering with
them from object to object. Mr. Owen conversed for some
time with some of the gentlemen. On our return the Driver
of the Coach required Seven Dollars [*] for his fare. — At
the hotel supper, I had a long conversation with a Col M^Leod
who said he was a descendant from Macleod of Macleod. He
knew Macleod of Colbecks.
Wednesday loth ^^ Breakfast Mr. Baldwin & Mr. Griswold recommended

us to proceed to Albany by the morning steam boat at lo,
instead of the 5 o'clock p. m. boat. We therefore packed
up a change of dress, and started by the 10 o'clock boat. Just
before we set out, Jacob Harvey called & gave Mr, Owen
a letter to Mr, Clinton, and expressed his regret that his friend
Mr. Muller was not to set out till the evening boat. He gave
me the following list of the dinner party at J. Thompson's
on the 8th, jerh Thompson, Benj" Marshall, John Griscom,
Joshua Clibborn, Joseph Walker, Samuel Thompson, Jonas
Marshall, David Crowther, John Grimshaw, Jacob Harvey. —
We had 70 or 80 persons on board the Steam boat. The
front cabin was for gentlemen, the after one for ladies. The
fare to Albany 3 dollars including dinner and tea. This
(Wednesday was the opposition boat set up last summer. The original [*]

lotii contd) company was Leviston & Fulton who had a monopoly

granted by the State. Those gentlemen who wished to dine
with the ladies had to apply to the captain for tickets. The
rest without distinction occupied the deck & fore cabin.
Every body appeared disposed to be accommodating, and
although there were rich and poor, yet little inconvenience
was experienced. There was a stove in each of the cabins
which with the heat of the Engine & smell of the oil, produced
a hot & close air and disagreeable smell. As there were
few ladies on board, one half of their cabin was shut out by
folding doors, and in this part we got quiet and very
clean & comfortable births at night. — The day was very

MACDONALD DIARIES 185

clear & fine, and the weather mild. A great number of
vessels were under weigh, and several sloops beating up
the river. The whole day excepting about 1/4 of an hour
we were upon deck, passing forward & aft & from side to
side admiring the scenery. Both banks of the Hudson
river [*] are well wooded. The left bank consists of round
hills and undulating lands, thickly covered with country
houses & farms for several miles. We saw the opening of
the river which makes the island of Van Hatten on which
New York stands. The right bank is for several miles up
the river high & rocky with a vertical stratification, In some
places from 5 to 600 ft. high crowned with pines. [The
rocks are called the Pallisadoes] In places the river opens
to the breadth of 4 or 5 miles. At West Point it is
about 3/4 of a mile wide with a high ridge of mountains
on either side through which it seems to have forced its
way. Some of the highest & most remarkable points have
peculiar names. — On an elevated flat where the river makes
an elbow, stands the Military academy and a number of
houses of persons attached to this department of the
government. On a lofty point above stands a castle, over-
looking [*] the academy, and commanding both up & down
the river. It was here that during the revolutionary war
a chain was drawn across the river, which British men of
war sailed up to & cut through. During the last war, this
castle was nearly lost by treachery. The scenery through
these highlands was magnificent. Though none of the hills
could be above 15 or 1800 f*. high, yet their forms were
fine and their descents abrupt. Covered with native forests
they seemed at times so to shut in the magnificent river we
were gliding over at the rate of 10 miles an hour, that
we were puzzled to guess in which direction we should pass
through them. Every here & there a sudden turn would
open to our view a long reach of the river, displaying a
landscape difficult to exceed any where in beautiful com-
bination, Mountains, wood, meadow or water. On some
of the rocky banks, were mills, farms, and the [*] houses
of wood cutters. — Our boat was abundantly supplied with
pine wood, and at night, the sparks might be seen flying off
in great quantities. The awning over the boat was drilled

186

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

contd.)

Thursday ii*''.

with holes burnt through by the sparks of wood falHng upon
it. This might be remedied by putting some composition
upon it. There is a great advantage in burning wood as it
is so free from smoke and dust. In the evening we came
to Newburg on the right bank. A straggHng place built
chiefly of wood, about 60 miles above New York. The
river is here about 2 miles wide. Opposite is Fishkill, where
Mr. Dewint resides. After the night set in we could see
but little, but the banks did not appear very high, — They
were well wooded. — The boat landed and took in passengers
at several places. This was done without stopping the
steam. A small boat was lowered, and a rope fastened to
(Wednesday lot''. jt was let [*] out sufficiently to allow it to reach the landing
place, while at the same time it was drawn forward. When
it stopped, rope was continued to be let out from the steam
boat till the fresh passengers had got into it, and then the
whole was drawn up to the vessel. We retired to our
births about 10 o'clock.

At 4 o'clock this morning we reached the landing place
at Albany. Here the river is not above 1/2 a mile wide, and
the channel in the center very narrow. It sometimes happens
that thick fogs come on, & on such occasions vessels are
obliged to come to anchor. The land on both sides of the
river slopes gradually down to the water's edge, with forests
of oak & yellow & white pine mixed. A great part of the
land has been cleared and presents a great quantity of
cultivated Country. About 1/2 past 5 a bell was rung to
rouse the passengers [*] and at 6 o'clock a second one for
those going in the coach up to the Canal which crosses the
country to Lake Erie. The difference of level between the
Hudson river at Albany & the waters of Lake Erie
is 662 ft. This Canal was executed by the State of
New York, at the instigation of Mr. Clinton. — We landed
and went to the Eagle Hotel where we were accommodated
in a fine large bedroom. Here we found an ordinary well
arranged and attended by 40 or 50 persons, at which we
breakfasted at Eight — After breakfast Mr. Owen went out
to call on Mr. Clinton while W^ & myself remained to write
our journal. In 1/2 an hour he returned to take a coach to
visit the Shakers establishment of Watervliet near Niskayuna.

MACDONALD DIARIES 187

He had seen M^. Clinton and engaged to be with him to-
morrow at lo o'clock. — The coaches have rounded tops. & the
sides [*] are made of leather to roll up in hot weather. This
construction, however, renders them cold in winter. Albany
is the capital & seat of the government of the State of
New York, is a large town, originally a dutch settlement, built
in a very irregular straggling manner along the right bank
of the river on the side of the hill. The streets are extremely
muddy and the pavement very bad. Much business appeared
to be doing. On the northern skirts of the town stands the
house of Major General the Hon'^'e Stephen Van Rensselaer,
called Patron, proprietor of a large extent of country, and
the last of the entail. The Shakers of Watervliet rent their
lands from him at 8 bushells of wheat for every lOO acres.
We called upon him and were shewn into a very good house
kept remarkably clean. He is a tall thin [*] old gentleman
remarkably polite & polished in his manners. He talked of
the state of the country, and his desire to improve it, and
presented M^. Owen with 3 books of a geological & agri-
cultural survey of Rensselaer county & the land adjoining
the Canal. He engaged us to dinner tomorrow be-
tween 3 & 4 o'clock. He spoke of a cotton mill in the
neighbourhood, which he said from some mismanagement
was not thriving, while those in some other states were
showing a dividend of from 20 to 30 per cent. — From the
Patron's house we ascended in a south westerly direction, a
sandy road through an oak & pine wood over a ridge of
small hills. From this road we could see the vale of the
Hudson and a part of the town of Albany which we were
leaving; and before us lay in the distance the Catskill
Mountains near which we had passed in the night, bounding
an extensive [*] vale covered with wood, looking beautiful (Thursday nth
with its varied tints and evergreen timber. The day was contd. )
mild & clear, while scattered clouds cast picturesque shades
over the extended landscape. We soon got into a bad road
through the wood, and as the coach could not go fast on
account of the stumps of trees, we got out and walked. The
fences are simple consisting of pallisades laid one upon the
other, the ends being supported on two stakes fixed in the
ground & crossed near the top. Each length forms the

188 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

face of a zigzag thus W W W . In the wood we passed a
farm with some dozen acres cleared around it. — The
Establishment of Shakers at Watervliet contains near one
hundred persons, nearly equally divided into males and
females. It is situated on a flattish piece of land. The
houses though neatly built and looking very clean, are [*] not
arranged in any regular form. Some are made of wood &
some of brick. We drove up to one of the houses, and
were received at the door by a respectable elderly female
dressed in a brown coloured dress. Mr, Clinton had given
Mr. Owen a letter of introduction to the Society, which he
delivered and was led into a small neat room, with small
woolen carpets on the floor, the walls white, the wood work
stained a brownish red colour & the chairs of stained
wood, the seats of them of strips of ash wood, and the
window blinds of a blue stuff. The room was warmed by
a neat stove made for boiling, & washing. It was manu-
factured in Albany. To ventilate the room there was an
opening in the wall near the floor. We sat and conversed
some minutes with this sister who had a chair with the feet
so made as to rock back & forward. An old decent looking
man dress [ed] in drab-coloured coat & wai[s]tcoat & brick
coloured trowsers came in & sat conversing with us while
the female handed round a pleasant sweet liquor made [*]
with honey [called methylin]. — The male then conducted
us into the building where the workshops were. The first a
.small room was for carpenters & joiners work. The room
was warmed by a stove. Here we found one man making
whips. He appeared intelligent and cheerful. In the next
room we found some coopers' work. Above was a shoe-
maker's shop, a turner's room, & a taylor's shop. In one
room we remained some time. They shewed us some silver
pens made by them, and some white clay pipes and tubes
made of wood. We shewed them our silver pens which they
appeared very curious to examine, and sent for one of their
brethren skilled in that branch of work. They made us a
present of half a dozen pipes and three tubes. In the taylors
room we found two boys whom they had received into their
Society to educate in their principles. A seafaring gentleman
joined our party, and we went into their [*] blacksmith's

MACDONALD DIARIES ' 189

shop which was fitted up neatly for their purposes. While
in the shop a brother came to say that dinner was waiting.
We then went to another building larger than those we had
been in. We were shewn into a small neat room where a
clean table had been covered with a nice dinner of beefsteaks,
boiled beef, pork & vegetables, sweets, apples, apple tarts,
squash, softbread, good cheese & butter, & excellent cider. On
a side table was a large bason of warm water and a towel
to wash before dinner. We were served by two elderly
sisters who were neatly dressed with light striped brown
handkerchiefs & brown petticoats. They seemed most
anxious to make every thing agreeable to us. After dinner
they conducted us through their kitchen, dining room
scullery, pantry, & bedrooms. Every thing was remarkably
neatly arranged & well contrived. On one side of a gallery
were the sleeping rooms of the females and on the other
those of the [*] males. The floors were well made, kept (Thursday ii<
extremely clean, and covered with small woolen carpets. The '^°"* -^
beds in which two sleep were very neat & all of their own
manufacture. They informed us that they never quarrelled
though they sometimes differed. They took it in turns to
cook & serve the rest for about a month, half a dozen
females at a time. They found it very pleasant work. We
saw two good looking young women, who said that they
were extremely happy, and had been there since they were
children. — We took our leave of the six simple & good
natured cooks, and accompanied two of the males into
another building, where we found six females weaving.
Three of them were rather elderly, and the other three
young. They told us that they wove all that was required
for their own family and [*] gave away a good deal.
Mr. Owen described to them that he had some plans for
communities of from 500 to 2000. They remarked that if
they went on encreasing by taking children in and educating
them, or by receiving grown up persons into their com-
munity, as fast as they had done of late; they should soon
have as great a number as he proposed. They appeared
much interested with the subject, and became open & easy
in their manners, displaying a mildness, amiability & good
sense, which was extremely agreeable. We then went to a

190 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

small tannery where two were at work. They said that it
was a healthy occupation. To our enquiries how they
regulated the different occupations, and whether some did
not dislike the dirty or most toilsome occupations, they said
that some had a choice of trades, but that many were quite
indifferent in that respect. [They informed us that some of
them were always travelling to see their friends & that the
society furnished willingly the funds required for these
journies.] We saw the Piggery, and some [*] of the finest
swine we had ever seen, weighing 4 or 5 cwts. They feed
them on mashed Indian corn fomented from 24 to 40 hours
before feeding. We went next to the thrashing machine, the
house for keeping their corn dry, the cider presses, and the
school house, over which in a loft they keep seeds, which
are their principal object of trafic. Lindley Murray's
Exercises, is one of the books I saw there; but all the
children were out. They told us that they make very little
for sale, being chiefly occupied in working for themselves.
From the school we went through the wash-house, laun-
dry, & cellar where we saw a good supply of cider. All The
linen appeared very good & substantial. We then returned
to the first house, purchased two silver pens, a whip, and an
octavo vol. containing the [*] history of their sect, and
took our leave of three or four of the males and two females
who had assembled together there, and gave them our
Cards, — M"". Owen telling them they should hear more of
,him. & that he would if possible send them some of his
publications to read. They mentioned that there were
about 16 of their Societies in America, and we told them
we intended to visit their brethren in the western states. We
asked one of them how they got clothes when they wanted
any? whether they went into the tailor's shop and asked
for them? He replied that last year they wanted to give
him so much, that at length he would take no more, as he
could not wear out what he had. — They said that no one
(Thursday nth worked more than he was well able and [*] willing to do, and
^°"*'*^ that if anyone were unwell they had one of their family a

very skilful doctor. Several of their jnembers they said,
were out at their farms at some distance ; and they added
that we should see much more at one of their societies at

MACDONALD DIARIES 191

Lebanon 30 miles off if we went there. [Such articles as
they did not produce themselves & could get from their
Society at New Lebanon (which is 25 miles from them & was
established in 1787) they procured by exchange of produce
on the principle of equal quantities of labour ; By which
means money and bargaining were dispensed with.] On our
return to Albany we walked up to the State House, where
we were very politely shewn the chamber of representatives &
the senate's room. The rooms were handsome. A Portrait
of Washington ornamented the former, and one of
Ml". Jefferson the latter. We were likewise shewn the
library, a small collection in a small room ; but here we were
told any person might come and read from morning till
night. [*] They are building a large brick theater, and
there is a large academy near the State house. We drank
tea & supped at the Ordinary. Several representatives & one
or two Senators were there, besides travellers & persons
having business during the session. They were quite
engrossed with electioneering topics of conversation. — We
found both the landlord & attendants very attentive to us.

Temperature at 1/2 past 7 this morning outside our Friday 12th.
bed room window — 25° — After breakfast Mr. Owen called
upon the governor of the State with a letter of introduction.
He was invited by him to dinner tomorrow, which he
declined, intending to leave Albany in the morning. We
then called at 10 o'clock on Mr. Clinton in Pearl Street. He
is a tall, stout, benevolent [*] looking man about sixty. We
left Mr. Owen with him, and walked along the banks of the
canal to the second lock. The canal is 40 ft. wide, the
masonry of the locks is of lime stone well put together. The
vale of the Hudson is very beautiful, and the day being
fine we enjoyed our walk. Soon after our return the Patron
called. — A little before 2 o'clock we went to the State
House. Mr. Owen had a letter of introduction to two
members, Mr. Crolius & Mr. Wheaton. We were admitted
into the Chamber of Representatives, where we heard some
debating relative to the choice of electors. At 3 o'clock
they adjourned. — We dined at the Patrons, where we met
his wife, son and daughter, Mr. Clinton and three other
gentlemen. Mr. Clinton gave Mr. Owen letters of intro-

192

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Saturday I3<^.

(Saturday 13*''.
cont*i)

duction to Gen'. Jackson & Mr. Jefferson. He retired
early in the evening. M^. Owen shewed his plans and gave
some explanations. A young [*] gentleman made a variety
of trif fling objections. — [One of the company told me that
he was in England for nine years & educated at Harrow.
Lord Byron was his school fellow.] Mr. Rensselear told me
that he spent 2 years (15 & 16) in Scotland & was well
acquainted with Douglas of Thilly Whilley. — The members
whom we heard speak in the Chamber of Representatives
were Messrs. Flag, Crolius, Wheaton, Waterman, Living-
ston, & Mullet. They seemed plain men and spoke straight
forward. Mr. Crolius told us that he had been a member of
all the chambers since he was 26 years old. He is a man
of between 50 & 60.

[The thermometer at the same time & place this morn-
ing 22°.] At breakfast a Mr, Hammond claimed acquaint-
ance with Owen & thanked him for kind attentions to him
three years ago when he was at New Lanark. He is of one
of the best families in New York. He gave Mr. Owen a
letter of introduction then. A quarter before 10 we left
Albany in the Kent Steam boat belonging to the original
line of Fulton & Livingston. It was excellent in its
accommodations, much larger than the Hudson, and without
the least unpleasant smell. A [*] smaller boat took us three
miles down the river to the Steam boat, as it drew too much
water to come up to the town. The Hudson started just
after us. As it is not nearly so large it kept close to us
at starting, but when the river became wider & deeper we
left it behind. The landing & embarking persons at the
several places of call, were performed without stopping the
Steam boat, in a clean & expeditious manner by a small
boat & ropes to let out & pull in. The latter was easily done
by a wheel turned by the great Engine. Mr. Owen was
introduced to a Mr. Bird of Philadelphia, a gentleman of
some property who was proposing to purchase some lands
in the neighbourhood of the Hudson & settle there. He had
some conversation with Mr. Owen & expressed a wish to
join him. We met two of the gentlemen of our party when
we came up the river. [*] They had been for the two days
visiting the aqueduct a few miles from Albany, which

MACDONALD DIARIES 193

conveys the canal over the river. One of them Mf. Hill
said he was cashier of the bank at Hoboken ferry opposite
to New York, and invited us to visit him. [He recommended
us to get Professor Everett's Oration delivered before
La Fayette. Mr. Clinton recommended us to get 'The Ohio
Navigator' at Pitsburgh.] I conversed with a Mf. Gardner
who expressed a hope that when we went more East he
should see us. He spoke of some thriving Salt works, seemed
rejoiced that Alt'. Clinton had gained the election, and
seemed to enter warmly into the idea of better educating
society. There were above loo passengers, much more
respectable than the party we had coming up. We
dined & drank tea in the ladies' cabin, where every thing
was neatly & conveniently & abundantly provided. The
party seemed to behave with very good manners. The
scenery which we lost in the night coming up, we now saw
by day. The banks in general are not [*] high, nor the
soil very good. Timber of various sorts grows on them,
and several neat & pretty country houses vary and enliven
the scenery of the banks. There are some houses of
considerable size, and large grounds around them, built on
picturesque sites ; particularly on the east bank. Passing
Catskill we had a good view of the Catskill Mountains
about lo or 12 miles west. On or near the top of one of
the peaks a summer tavern was built two years ago, which
is resorted to in the heat of summer. In winter it is shut
up, as no one then attempts to live in so cold a situation.
These mountains are covered with wood, and the view from
them is very extensive & beautiful. Their height is from 2
to 3000 ft. — Nearly opposite the landing place to go to
Catskill, on the east bank, are the houses of the Livingston
family. [*] We landed at Newburg 1/4 before 8 in the
evening. The waiter of the Orange Hotel was on
M^. De Winnt's information waiting to conduct us to the
hotel, the best in the place, & belonging to Mr. DeWint. This
was, before the canal was made, a great port for shipments
of produce from the western counties of this state. Since
the opening of the canal, this business has gone into that
new channel & all is at a stand at Newburg. The population
is about 3,100. The whole of this day was beautifully

194 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

clear; the air cold. — While on our way in the Steam boat
I read Mr. Clinton's small pamphlet, which he had given
Mr. Owen to shew his view of Education. It is a discourse
which he delivered at a literary Society, and is merely a
strong and earnest recommendation of searching after
Sunday m**. knowledge. [*] After breakfast we crossed the river in the
N**^— horse (team) boat; and found Mr. & Mrs. Dewint just

setting out to Church. A Mr. Dewint was with them. The
church was about half a mile from the house and of the
Reformed Dutch, very similar to the Presbeterian form of
worship. The preacher, a young man of considerable
talents, preached a very strong Calvinistic doctrine, and
informed his hearers that every thing was to be by faith & not
by observation. The congregation were very respectable
in appearance, & many came in gigs and light spring
waggons. There might be between lOO & 200 present. After
church we accompanied Mr. Dewint to Fishkill Creek [Kill
in Dutch means creek], under the highlands to see
Mr. Schank's Cotton & Woolen Factories at Matteawan. It
being Sunday no one was at work, but a young man [*] at
the place shewed us through the building. Then we took
a short walk by a Mr. Nevill's who joined our party and
returned with [us] to Mr. Dewint's to dinner where we met
another gentleman. The land round this neighbourhood
is for the most part cultivated, and the timber cut down.
There are many orchards. The locust & willow are fine
trees, but the latter preserves her leaves long after the frost
strips other trees. The highlands, however, are still for
the most part covered with pine & some other forest wood,
though much has been cut so as to render the trees small. The
view from Mr. Dewint's is very fine, commanding the
river, the opening in the highlands, leading to West point, and
the town of Newburgh. A small point of land of 40 acres
in size projecting out into the river, having a good house
built upon it & surrounded by a belt of trees, forms a very
picturesque object in the foreground. — Mr. Dewint is
about 40 years old, a plain man, but active and intelligent.
Mrs. Dewint is a pleasing, amiable lady, grand daughter of
President Adams. They have five girls. — Her brother is
attached to the Embassy in England. — The Principles of the

MACDONALD DIARIES

195

Adams' family has always been to allow of no private or
family connexions to influence their public conduct. After
dinner Mr. Owen shewed his plans to them, and to
Mr, Schank & another gentleman who came in. They were
extremely pleased. We all retired to bed before lo o'clock.

After breakfast, we went in Mr. Dewint's spring Monday 15th.
waggon, which commonly carries 4 persons, to M^. Schank's
manufactory. There we were shewn the whole establishment
from the foundery & the workshops to the weaving. The
females appeared extremely clean, well dressed and well
behaved. He employs above 100 persons, [*] who reside in
very neat w^ooden houses near to the factory. There is
a store where a great variety of articles are kept for the
convenience of the population. We bought worsted mittens
for our use during our western tour. Mi". Schank's partner
Mr. Lennard accompanied us, and we experienced every
attention from those gentlemen. They are endeavouring to
introduce every improvement in their machinery, and their
workmen frequently make improvements themselves. The
cotton & wool which they use is American & very good. Upon
the whole it appears to be a thriving establishment. The
day was too rainy to ascend the hill, from the top of which
in clear weather the prospect must be beautiful; a road has
been made up and a pole erected on the best point for
commanding an extensive prospect. — We had a [*] pleasant (Monday 15th
dinner party & conversation with the Dewints, and eat most °^ " *^°" ^
excellent venison. They appeared very much interested for
Mr. Owen's success in his plans. — Mr. Lennard while
walking through the works told me, that when Mr. Schank's
returned home the last evening, he kept him up till
between 12 & i o'clock giving a delightful account of
Mr. Owen's plans. He told me when I expressed how much
I was pleased with the good appearance of their work
people, that when a girl did not shew a disposition to be
clean & neat in her dress they turned her off. — It is very
right to attend to these points ; but I must here remark
that Mr. Lennard betrayed by this speech his want of
acquaintance with the method of forming good characters
among his [*] people, as well as of Mr. Owen's views on
this subject. [Mr. Lennard informed me that they cover

196 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

their houses with shingles of white pine which will last
above 20 years, instead of slates. They pay about 3 dollars
a square.] Between five and six we took leave of our kind
friends with mutual good wishes & hopes of meeting next
year, and crossed in a sail boat in 6 or 7 minutes to
Newl)urgh. where we waited till half past 8 o'clock & then
went out in a large boat, as soon as the distant light of the
Steam boat appeared, and were safely put on board the
Chancellor Livingston Steam boat of the Old Line, a fine
vessel, nearly equal to the Kent. — We found it full, and
could only obtain the smallest & worst births in the fore
cabin. — [We had intended to visit West Point Academy but
the weather being bad, rainy & the wind against us. we were
obliged to forego this pleasure, but I hope we shall hereafter
visit it. The States government are desirous of supporting
such establishments in order to have officers acquainted
with military duties in case of a future war. Besides a
variety of useful studies, the cadets are annually marched
away from the Academy for several days, and encamped.
They likewise, I understand, reconnoitre the country & take
elevations &c of the mountains.] We met Mi". Clinton on
board who appeared very friendly & introduced M^. Owen
to a Col. Sullivan from the banks of the Ohio. I met on
board L*. Bolton of the Royal Engineers a brother officer
Tuesday i6th. with whom I had served in France — [*] We had an
agreeable conversation for above an hour about our profes-
sion & old acquaintances. We were routed about 6 o'clock
by a bell for landing the Steam boat having reached the
North quai between four & five o'clock. We got bed
rooms & a sitting room at the City Hotel and wrote letters
for the Packet which sailed at 10 o'clock. There were
letters for Mr. Owen which had come under cover to
Jerh. Thompson & the other Proprietors of the Packet. One
contained a letter for me from M^s. Kemmis. I wrote a short
one to acknowledge its receipt, and one to Mi". Mason. A
little before ten I took them to M^. Ogden & Day's counting
house. They were very happy to see us. The morning was
extremely warm and rainy. Mr. Schank his brother, & his
son in law, called, and w^ere very polite. The brother
appeared extremely desirous of knowing Mr. Owen's

MACDONALD DIARIES 197

plan. Ml". Schank had brought cloth to shew for the

premium, [*] and his brother engaged to call upon

Ml". Owen & take him tomorrow to see the exhibition before

the public day. They expressed a hope that the deceptive

system of sales by auction of merchandise would soon be

abolished in this City. — Judge Ogden afterwards called &

gave Mr. Owen a paper & plan, descriptive of his property

near lake Erie & on the Saint Lawrence. He expressed his

wish to see us there next summer. He then took us down

and introduced us to Mr., Mrs. & Miss Waddington, who

have hired appartments in this hotel for the winter.

Mrs. Waddington is the Judge's sister. They have a

beautiful country seat 12 miles from the city. Mrs. W. said

that on our return she should feel most happy to introduce

us to Mr. Wilkes' family, the most agreeable she thought

in New York. Mr. Jeffries the Editor of the [*] Edinburgh (Tuesday i6tii

Review married Mr. Wilkes' daughter. When in New York ^^"^'^^

he disappointed the great expectations which he had raised,

as he shewed much ignorance of the world and often repeated

at one house what he heard of persons at another, thus

creating himself many enemies. Mrs. Waddington gave us

a general invitation to call in upon them when we pleased. A

portly quaker called upon Mr. Owen to offer some lands in

the Ohio for sale. I called at the British consul's office, but

he had returned home in consequence of the news of a

daughter's ill health. I asked at the Albion news office for

Mr. Houston, and met Mr. Manners who informed me that

he would set off tomorrow, on his return to Boston. The

Albion Editor said he Believed Mr. Houston & Mr. Coleman

wrote for the Evening Post ; and that the latter wrote

his articles [*] in the singular number, & the former

in the plural. Mr. Owen called upon Mr. Bayard & engaged

to dine there tomorrow at five o'clock. We dined at the

Ordinary: and after dinner called on Jerh. Thompson, who

received us in a friendly manner. We then drank tea with

Mr. & Mrs. Thomas, where we met Mr. Ludlow. Mr. Thomas

is to sail for Orleans tomorrow morning. From Mr. Thomas's

we accompanied Mr. Ludlow to Mr. Ogden's, brother of the

Judge. He is a merchant. Miss Ogden a fine young person

left us to go to an evening party. The Judge's lady came

198

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Wednesday ly^^.

(Wednesday 17th,
Nov contd)

in. She is a large animated & warmhearted person. She
has a large family and is much interested with the description
of the New Lanark schools. She gave me a [*] long
account of the manner in which they entertained the British
officers, who during the war crossed with flags from Upper
Canada to their island in the river S*. Lawrence between lake
Erie & the Fall of Niagara. We returned home about 9 o'clock.
After breakfast Mr. Owen went with his son to call on
Ml". Griscom where he met M^. Eddey, and had an interesting
discussion. I walked with my brother officer L*. Bolton
to a hair dresser's, and to look at some views of the Hudson
river. The price of each is 5 dollars, an excessive price. I
purchased Professor Everett's Oration delivered at the
Phi Beta Kappa Society, and a copy of the i^t. Introductory
work on English reading called 'The New York Reader' by
a [*] teacher of the name of Murray. I had seen it in the
Shakers' school, and much admired the simple & natural
progression of intelligible and progressive sentences. This
I made up in a parcel for my sister M^s. Bridges & entrusted
it to my brother officer. — On our return to the hotel M^. Day
called, and Mr. Buchanan the B. Consul, the latter to express
his wish to read to Mr. Owen a paper on the subject of
civilizing the Indians, which he did not wish to put to press
or sent to Mr. Clinton till he had the advice of a person of
his experience. Mr. Mallard called, and I had an amusing
conversation with him & my brother officer, relative to
giving me a certificate of sanity. The [*] latter was in
Ireland when I accompanied Mr. Owen there, and heard that
I had gone mad; the former said that one could not pass
a whole month at sea in the same ship without discovering
a person's madness, were he insane. — Jacob Harvey called &
gave me his address. — Mr. Owen on his way back, called at
Dr. Hosack's where he met De Witt Clinton. They were
extremely glad to see him, & gave him several letters of
introduction. Mr. Owen afterwards went to Mr. Buchanan's
office, and heard that gentleman read a manuscript on the
subject of civilizing the Indians, the outlines of which he
highly approved of. I called with William Owen on
Mr. Abram Ogden, & left the pattern dresses of the Lanark
school children for the familv to see. At one o'clock

MACDONALD DIARIES 199

Mr. Schank's [*] brother called and conducted us to the
Artillery store where they were arranging the lower floor,
with a variety of goods of American manufacture for the
examination by a committee tomorrow. This is the second
year of this exhibition, which has been instituted by a
society of persons for the purpose of stimulating domestic
industry & home manufactures. In consequence of the
failure of funds, the plan had nearly fallen to the ground
this year as no prizes could be afforded ; but it was settled
that certificates would answer the same purpose without
the expense. We were shewn several pieces of very good
black, blue, grey & olive cloth, umbrellas almost the first
of American manufacture, and having a good likeness of
La Fayette on the handle, glass, straw bonnets, hats, [*] and
printed silks — All a very promising display. We were
introduced to several of the Principal manufacturers, and
afterwards taken through the Armoury for 10,000 stand of
Arms on the floor above. The American musket appears to
be better finished than the British, and instead of having
the barrel fastened with pins to the stock, has 3 iron bands
with springs to keep them in their places. [We saw
Mr. Wilkens M^. Schencks son in law at the store. He is
to be one of our party tomorrow to set out for Philadelphia
at II o'clock.] On our return we called at D"". Mc. Nevan's.
He is Professor of chemistry, we found him in his study. He
shewed us his class room. He is a short stout, middle
aged, sprightly intelligent person, highly favorable to
Mr. Owen's views. We afterwards left our cards at
Dr. M^Vicar's. — On our way back to the Hotel, we overtook
two Shakers from New Lebanon. They had heard of
Mr. Owen's visit to Liskeyuna, and guessed they were [*]
talking to himself. They were very open & independent in
manner, were friendly in their expressions, & hoped to see
him at their establishment. They had heard of New Lanark
and expressed a wish to see it. At 5 o'clock we went to dine
at Mr. Bayard's in Greenwich near the State Prison. We
met the Spanish general Carlos de Alvear, from Buenos
Ayres. He is son of the general of that name, married
to an English lady, who resided at La Tola, while the British
troops were in Cadiz & that place. Mr. Owen had a

200 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

discussion with him relative to his plans. The general was
born in one of the Reductions in Paraguay, while his father
was employed as commissioner settling their limits. He
says that they still go on, though the Jesuits have been
abolished, and now have the advantage of receiving the
knowledge which is getting among them from Europe. The
(Wednesday ijti'. general described them as [*] being in comfortable circum-
Xov^ contd) stances, though without possession much knowledge of the

improvements in European Arts; he added that they were
all equal, without any of them being either masters or
servants. He got a list of Mr. Owen's several publica-
tions, for which he said he should write to England. We
likewise met a Mr. Ogden a brother of the Judge &
of Mr. Abram Ogden, and his son Abram who gave me
a letter of introduction to a friend of his at Philadelphia,
a Mr. William M Meredith Esq. — Mr. Clibborn & his lady &
a french gentleman. — On our return Mr. Owen found a letter
from Mr Hunter of Hunter's Island inviting him there.
[The hackney coaches are made to open all round in warm
weather, and to shut in with leather sides in winter. They
are kept in good order. Many of the drivers are Irishmen.]
Thursday i8th. While we were packing up this morning, Judge Ogden

^°^'^- called. He gave Mr. Owen a letter of introduction to

Mr. Munro, the present President, and expressed a strong
desire to see us next spring at his country house. Just before
we came away, I met [*] Lt. Cookson of the Artillery on
his way to England on leave of Absence. — We left New
York at 1 1 o'clock from the north end of the Battery in
a Steam boat for New Brunswick. The boat was not very
large nor very full of passengers. Mr. Ludlow accompanied
us on board and introduced us to M^. and Mrs. Loyd & her
Mother, who were on their way from Boston to Philadelphia.
Mr. Loyd is an elderly gentleman ; he is a senator ; his lady
appeared a very agreeable intelligent person. Mr. Schenck &
several ladies came on board with the new married couple
Mr. & Mrs. Wilkens. Our course lay past Staten Island
through a narrow channel called the Kills, and thense up a
small, winding river to New Brunswick. The day was
cold, but extremely clear & fine. The country on both sides
was nearly flat. In some parts extensive flat meadows,

MACDONALD DIARIES 201

which grew a long grass, of which they make hay which is
left on the ground until a hard frost enables them to cut
it away. Cattle are very fond of its salt flavour, In other
parts woods every here & there cleared away for small
fields & little farmhouses. [*] Along the banks were
sometimes to be seen small country houses, with a few
weeping willows & poplars around them. Occasionally we
stopped at a village or landing place to take in or let out
passengers. We passed 3 or 4 steam boats going to New
York. At Brunswick we landed at 4 o'clock, and got into
4 horse-stages which were waiting, and immediately set off
on the road to Trenton, which lies on the left bank of the
Delaware and six or eight & twenty miles from Brunswick.
[As the stage could not carry all our baggage, a great part
of it was left to be sent in the baggage waggon which they
informed us would cross to Trenton the same evening.] The
latter place [Brunswick] we could not well see, as we did not
go quite up to the town ; but it seems a small, busy town. The
road lay for the most part through oak woods, here & there
cleared away for farm houses & a few fields. The soil did
not appear very rich; the road was badly made & deep in
a red sand. About half way we changed horses, & passed
through a village of the name of Princeton, where there is
an Academy, and a Theological Seminary. — A little before 9
o'clock we passed through Trenton in the dark, and put up
at the Ferry Hotel near the river Delaware. Here we
had a good supper & beds.

At five o'clock we went in the stage across the [*] bridge Friday igt
at Trenton & about 8 or 10 miles down the right bank of ^o\''\
the river to where the Philadelphia Steam boat was waiting
for us. The river is not deep enough to admit of large
steam boats going up to Trenton, except at high water. We
got under way at 7 o'clock, and reached Philadelphia at
half past 10 o'clock. [The stages are not well made, the
leathern sides let in the wind, the springs are bad, and as
they have benches in the middle without any back to
them, & carry 9 inside, they may be fairly called uncomfort-
able vehicles.] The country on both sides of the river was
flat, but appeared to be of a better soil, and was more
cleared and cultivated. It had the appearance of having

202 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

been longer settled. The country houses, farms, & villages
along the banks of the river, resembled Dutch settlements.
Many of them, though small, were neat; & I should think
that the whole scenery would be pleasing in the verdure of
spring. A few miles below Trenton Joseph Bounaparte, the
exking of Spain, whom the Spaniards called Pepe Botillas,
has purchased a nice place where he lives retired from the
world, enjoying the society of a few friends. A passenger
on board the Steam boat, informed me that he was much
(Friday iQ^K beloved & respected by the country [*] people in his
Nov. contd.) neighbourhood and constantly employed a great many
workmen. When he arrived first at Philadelphia he heard
that some poor people had a most beautiful daughter. He
offered the mother 10,000 dollars for her daughter, which
was accepted, and she now lives with him. We breakfasted
on board the Steam boat on our way down the river; the
mother and her second daughter (a pretty young woman)
were among the company. A passenger asked the captain,
how much he thought the fat lady weighed ; the ready reply
was 10,000. — The distance down is about 30 miles; halfway
we stopped at a pretty village called Bristol. One of the
villas on the river side was pointed out to me as the residence
of Mr. Cooper the leading American Actor. Nearly opposite
to Bristol is the village of Burlington. The river widens
considerably at Philadelphia and the sides appear marshy.
Here it may be three quarters of a mile wide with a
steamboat ferry across to Camden, a small village on the
Delaware side. Wooden quais line the river side, and the
water is so deep that [*] large vessels lay close to them. The
warehouses are of brick — Two large & lofty ones with a
large house beyond them, and two fine large ships abreast
of the quai, were pointed out to us as belonging to
Mr. Stephen Girard the banker, and richest ready money
man in the U. States. We saw only two church spires and
one unfinished top to a Lutheran place of worship. Lower
down the river we saw a large building, the covering we were
told of a seventy four, building on so large a scale as to be
fit to carry 140 guns. Several vessels lay along the sides
of the quais. and we saw others on the stocks. — We landed

MACDONALD DIARIES 203

without difficulty and a black porter with a badge on his
hat, took our things on a wheel barrow to South Third
Street, to the Mansion house Hotel, Chester Bailey to whom
notice had been given by post the day before. The streets
are all at right angles, have good brick footways on each
side, and occasionally a few trees. The houses are irregularly
built, but appear neat & clean. The street pavement, is
bad, and we made a remark on our way to the hotel that
they are bad paviours in this country, as far as we had
seen. [*] In a boarding house No. 89 South third Street
we saw Hunter. He is short, rather sallow complexioned,
and not stout. This appearance might be the consequence
of a severe inflamation of the lungs from which he is but
just recovering. He gave me much the idea of an officer
of the Navy. He was delighted to see M^. Owen & gave
us all a hearty welcome. While sitting with him he
introduced a friend of his Mf [MS blank], who expressed
a great desire to visit Mr. Owen's place, which he hoped to
succeed in doing, as he was to sail for Liverpool in a
Philadelphia packet (one of which sail once a month)
tomorrow. This is not so good a point for packets to sail
from as New York, as it is 150 miles from the sea. We
dined with M^. Flower & Miss Ronald's at the Boarding
house in South Fourth Street where they lodge. The
rooms & company & fare were good ; the dinner was
between two & three, and we left the table before 1/2
past 3. A Mj". Elliot, a member of the senate, who has
a suite of appartments in the house, was at table, and [*]
conversed for some time with Mi". Owen. W"^. Owen
walked out to view the town with a Mr. Black a lodger
there, and I returned to the hotel. Mi". Owen afterwards
went to drink tea there, and to be introduced to M^^. Elliot. —
Mr. Flower shewed M^. Owen a letter he had received from
his son, informing him that Mf. Rapp had received two
offers to buy his place, which he would certainly accept,
unless M"". Owen before the end of Dec^. decided to take it
himself. M^". Flower urged Mr. Owen to hasten his Journey
west. Hunter told us that his plan was, if strong enough
in ten days, to take a passage by sea to New Orleans, where

204

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

C Friday I9«l'.
Nov. confl)

Saturday 20*^.
Nov.

his baggage was, where he had many friends, and where
he likewise had business to transact, and thence sail up the
Mississippi. & join us at Harmonie. The voyage to New
Orleans he calculated would take 15 days, & that up the
river 10 or 12. — Coming here from New York, we paid
each 2 1/2 dollars passage, 75 cents, dinner, one dollar,
supper & bed, & 1/2 a dollar breakfast. The voyage up to
Albany cost 3 dollars each, [*] including every thing, and
the same coming down. So great is the opposition at this
moment, that one of the Steam boats takes passengers 45
miles for 12 1/2 cents — 6 i/2d. About 8 o'clock M^ Owen
came home with a Mr. Pachston, a boarder in the same
house with Mr. Flower, who introduced himself to Mr. Owen
& offered to do any thing in his power for him while he
remained in Philadelphia. — Mr. Owen met a Mr. Vaughan
for whom he had introductions, who engaged us to be at
the Atheneum this evening. This is an institution set on
foot within a few years for the purpose of enabling strangers
to become acquainted with the society of the place.

We breakfasted at half past 8 at the ordinary where
there were about two dozen persons. After breakfast I
wrote a long letter to my aunt Lewis [ ?], which with others
from Mr. Owen & his son we took on board the Steam
boat, which was to go down the river to the Algonquil
Packet which is bound for Liverpool. Mr. Hunter's
friend Mr. Haggarty whom we met with him yesterday
took charge of our letters as he was going to England
by that Packet. While we were writing several visitors
called. [*] Dr. Rush, — Mr. Gilpin brother of a quaker who
has a paper manufactory at Brandyway near Wilmington 30
miles down the river, and who expressed a great desire to
see Mr. Owen's plans introduced, & Mr. Hunter, with two
or three friends. Dr. Rush engaged us to dine with him
on Monday. Between 12 & i o'clock Mr, Owen went out
to deliver his letters, & W"\ & myself went in a coach with
Mr. Flower & Miss Ronalds to see the water works which
supply the whole city. While waiting for them at a shop

MACDONALD DIARIES

205

door, we got the coachman to explain to us in a few words
the plan of the streets thus

Market St. is the center street having in its middle a covered
market place for all sorts of articles. This arrangement
seems to be well managed, and the supply of every thing
abundant [*] Beef I was told was about 9 cents & mut-
ton 5 cents per lb of the best quality. Parallel to Market
Street run streets from the Delaware to the Schuylkill, having
for the most part names of trees. At right angles to Market
Street and across it runs Broad St. The crossing is meant to
be the center of the city. Parallel to Broad S*. run other
streets. The outer ones are called Front Street next comes
2nd. St., y^. St. & so on up to the center, and have the
addition of North or South as they run north or south of
Market St. The streets are of a moderate width with brick
foot ways on both sides. The houses are chiefly of brick
with marble or granite steps. There are in a few places
squares inclosed by palings & planted. The Bank is con-

206 • INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

sidered a fine building. The distance from the Mansion
house hotel to the Water works which are by the side of the
Schuylkill river is about a mile & a half. — The streets
though laid out nearly to reach them, are not yet built. The
river is damed up, and three water wheels having about
a 1 20 horse power force a supply of water up to a reservoir
100 feet above the level of the river. A continuation of
the building is already prepared to receive 3 other wheels
when a greater supply shall be found necessary. The
contrivance is extremely simple. The large wheel turns an
arm which works a piston which forces 42 barrels of water
per minute into the reservoir, through [*] metal pipes, and
from thence it is conducted into the city through wooden
ones. But I was told that metal ones would soon be intro-
duced all the way. From the height of the reservoir we
could command an extended view of the banks of the
Schuylkill river which are prettily wooded, & adorned with
a few country seats ; and we saw a great portion of the
city. The outskirts appear scattered & the ground much
broken with sand pits, quarries, and holes. The soil is of
a sandy & reddish earth. & the stone a soft granite. The
trees do not grow to a great height, & the soil appears
poor. At 3 o'clock we dined with M^. Hunter at the boarding
house where he lodges. We met about a dozen gentlemen
there. A D^. Warren argued that Physiologically man was
not so far the creature of circumstances, that a Chinese
child could be made completely an Indian, were he in the
earliest stage of life remove [d] from the one situation into
the other. After dinner Mr. Owen went to settle with
Mr. Flower about setting off for Baltimore & Washington
on Tuesday the 23i"d. We drank tea at 6 o'clock at the
Ordinary, and after tea a Mr. [MS blank] called on
Mr. Owen to ask him to his house or to see Mr. Say at
the Academy of Natural Science. He seemed a man of
(Saturday 20th. business, expressed a great conviction in [*] the goodness
Nov. contd) of Mr. Owen's plan & mentioned some working people whom

he could depend upon as men of integrity and advocates of
the plan. — At 8 o'clock we called at Mr. Hunter's & went
with two gentlemen to the Atheneum, where Mr. Vaughan
introduced us to a large circle of scientific men. Mr. Owen

MACDONALD DIARIES 207

had some conversation with several who were favorable to
his views. D^. Brown Professor of Medicine at Lexington
college in the State of Kentucky, invited us strongly to visit
that place, where he said they were anxious to introduce
improvements in education. He wished to have been able to
travel west with us, but having been absent in Europe, he
was obliged to proceed home in haste, & could not wait to
accompany us. I was introduced to D^. Bigsby of the
British Medical Department of Canada. He had known
Skene & several of the Engineers in Canada. He was very
polite & offered us his services. I was introduced to several
U. States officers & conversed with them. Major Long, the
author of travels in the States was there, and conversed with
me for a short time relative to the state of the country.

Immediately after breakfast M"". Spackman, on whom Sunday 2rst.
Mr Owen called yesterday, & for whom he had a letter of Novr.
credit from the House of Rathbone, called and engaged us
to breakfast [*] with him tomorrow at 8 o'clock. M^. Hunter
called with a friend & two other gentlemen, one of whom
took Mr. Owen in his carriage 3 miles out of the City to
Madame Fretage's the celebrated teacher. [One of the
gentlemen was Mr. Kuhn; another was Mr, Vaughan; a
third Mr. Cresson.] Mr. Bird called and engaged us to
dinner at 1/2 past one. At 10 o'clock I went with Wm. Owen
to the Quaker's meeting in Arch S*. where we saw a very
large congregation. Many persons, both male & female,
were dressed in the fashions of the day. Two females & one
male speaker addressed the meeting for a short time in a
very slow uninteresting style. We came out about 1/2 past
eleven, and walked along several of the streets. The
Pensylvanian hospital is a conspicuous building, having a
bronze statue of Penn in the court in front of it. The
United States Bank built of Marble is a very handsome
building In Chesnut Street there are several good buildings
and well built rows of houses. As the ground on which the
city is built is nearly level, you may see the country beyond
each extremity of almost every street from almost any [*]
part of it, and at the crossings of the streets you see the
four cardinal points as through the small end of a spy
glass. This effect, though striking, is not agreeable ; and

208

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Monday 22"<3.
Nov^

(Monday 22"^.
Nov'^. cont<^)

as there is no variety, it becomes tiresome walking through
the streets, which have neither very large nor magnificent
houses to attract & please the eye, nor a sufficient width to
give to their length & regularity a noble appearance. When
we returned to the hotel, Mf. Beckett, a gentlemanly
person, called to offer his services. He is a partner of
Mr. Davis, & married to a sister of Mr, Kuhn. Another
gentleman also called. At 1/2 past one we went to Mr. Bird's
to dinner where we met Mr. Neff of Savannah who invited
us to visit him. He mentioned a Captain Gordon, son of
Sir Willoughby Gordon & Captain in the guards being there
and visiting a great deal. Mr. Bird returned to the hotel
with us, and sat [*] some time in conversation with
Mr, Owen relative to the terms on which capital would be
borrowed & associations formed on his plans as he wished
to become a shareholder. We then called on Mr. Warder &
Dr. Chapman, both of whom were out. We returned, sat
in conversation with Hunter till six o'clock, and then went
to drink tea with Mr. Longstreth, where we met a large
party of Friends, to whom Mr, Owen gave an outline of his
views. [Among the Party were Messrs. Spackman, & Wilson,
Redwood Fisher, Miss Fisher, Mrs. Fisher, Dr. Morton, &
Eli K Price.] We returned to Mr. Hunter's between 9 & 10
o'clock where we met a Col. Clarke to whom Mr. Owen
shewed his drawings and who wished him every success, and
added that he would himself be an active co-operator.
Eli Price shewed us the way home, and engaged to go with
me to see the line of Battle ship that is on the stocks.

This morning we breakfasted with Mr. Spackman &
met Mrs. Spackman, [*] the son, Mr. Wilson his partner, &
Mr. Flower. Mr. Owen drew money from him. After
breakfast we called on Mrs. Hume the wife of Mr. Hume
who knew Mr. Owen in England, & who wishes to embark
£ 30 in his plan. W"^. Owen & myself returned to the
hotel, where Captn Maxwell, & Messrs. Cresson & Price,
called. Also a gentleman from the Franklin Institute to
ask Mr. Owen to attend there this Evening and give a
lecture. Mr. Owen engaged to go there between 7 & 8
o'clock and meet, the gentlemen, but said he could not give
any public lecture on the subject, before he have waited upon

MACDONALD DIARIES 209

the members of government. He would however, be most
happy to be introduced to the gentlemen so kindly inviting
him, and in conversation explain any [*] point of his plan
they wished to have explained. Another gentleman called
to request M*". Owen would attend the meeting of several
persons who had formed themselves into a sort of society
for the purpose of promoting his plan of association, and
give them some information on the subject. M^. Owen
regretted that his short stay & numerous engagements would
put it out of his power to attend their meeting; but he
observed that, as he had engaged to be at the Franklin
Institute this evening, some of the gentlemen of this society
might be able to attend there. M"^. Owen went out in a
coach with M^. Cresson to see the Water works & pay some
visits & I accompanied by Mr. Eli Price called for
Mr, Vaughan at the Athenaeum, which is in one end of
the Building called the Museum, in one chamber of which
the [*] Declaration of Independence was signed in 1776. In
the Athenaeum we met Mr. Paxton who put my name down
in the books, which would enable me to go there & read the
papers & make use of the library. Mf. Paxton then
accompanied us to the Academy of Natural Science & intro-
duced me to Mr. Say the librarian. He is a Naturalist and
is at present publishing a work on the subject. We then
went to Mr. Meredith's and I left my card & Mr. Ogden's
letter as he was out. On our return to the Hotel, we
found Mr. Owen & several gentlemen looking at his plans &
discussing his views. The gentlemen were, Messrs Turner
Camac, Washington Smith, Thomas Say, Mr. Le Seur,
Redwood Fisher, Jon*. W. Condy, Eli K Price. — The
National Bank which I passed through this morning, has
a very handsome front. It is built of marble brought from
the neighbourhood. — We went at 3 o'clock to dine with
Dr. Rush. Mrs. Rush is a handsome, & very pleasing
person. There was a large party. Among the number were
Mr. [*] Meridith & his son, Mr. Kuhn, & Mr. Beckett. [Also
Mrs. Rush's father, Ridgway, & two brothers of Dr. Rush.]
The table was extremely well served. At 6 o'clock we
went & drank tea with a Mr. Fortin (a black) and his
family. He had a large sail manufactory & had made an

210 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

independence. Such is the prejudice against his colour that
his family are not visited. They appeared interesting
people. The daughters are fine girls & all the children seem
well educated. M^. Owen went for the purpose of being
introduced by Mr. Flower to M^. Granville the Haytian
Agent employed to invite Free Blacks to remove to
St. Domingo. About 2000 were shipped off a short time
since, but as it is strongly reported that a French Fleet has
been seen & that an attack is to be made on the Island, the
blacks suspect that they will be made soldiers ; therefore
they are at present not so well inclined as might be expected
to go & settle there. Mr. Granville was in Buonaparte's
army & served several campaigns in Germany &c He seems
an intilligent, active person. At half past 7 o'clock we met
(Monday 22nd some gentlemen at the [*] hotel who escorted us to the
Novr. contd) Institute. There we found a lecture room crowded w^ith

respectable persons. One of the Professors opened the
proceedings by stating that the gentleman who was to lecture
that evening was unexpectedly absent, but that M"". Ow^en
had kindly agreed at their request to give them a short
outline of his views & plan. Mr. Owen then addressed the
meeting, & regretted that he was so little prepared to give
any public exposition exposition of his plans, as it had been
his intention to confine all his communications to conversation
with his friends till he had visited the most interesting
portions of the States. He therefore trusted that the gentle-
men present would be satisfied with the short & imperfect
outline which he should attempt to give them. He then
stated his view of human nature, the influence of circum-
stances over it, the sort of associations which he wished to
have established; and [*] in reply to a few questions gave
a brief statement of his own experience & practice, and of
the system of education adopted at New Lanark. The
company applauded him on his concluding these statements,
& broke up between 8 & 9 o'clock. Mr. W. Meridith then
took Wm. Owen & myself to a Soiree at Mrs. Marloe's. This
lady sees the most fashionable company at her house every
Monday evening throughout the year. The company was
very genteel & agreeable, and the drawing rooms were
handsome & convenient. Mr. Meredith & Lt. Page of the

MACDONALD DIARIES 211

Navy, were very attentive to us. They introduced me to
several young ladies ; — Misses Hamilton, the daughter of a
rich Charleston Merchant, & about to be married, Miss Wil-
son, Griffith, two Misses Golovin, Elwin, Seaton who told me
she was to set out for Baltimore tomorrow in the Steam boat,
and the daughter in law of the British consul Robertson. —

Mr Owen breakfasted [*] with Mr. Mathew Carey the Tuesday 23rd,
bookseller, and afterwards called on Messrs. Longstreth, ^'ov".
Stackman, Fisher, the British consul Robertson, Beckett
where he was introduced to his father in law Mr. Kyle, &
Mr. Walsh the Editor of the National Gazette, to whom he
gave a copy of Thompson work on the Distribution of
Wealth. Our bill came to 40 1/2 $ We embarked on board
the Steam boat at midday. Our Party now consisted of
Mr. Flower & Miss Ronald's, Mr. Hunter & ourselves. We
met on board Dr. Mease, Mr. & Mrs. Everett, Mr. and
Mrs. Fickler, Miss Seaton and two other young ladies.
Mr. Everett is brother to the professor, was Envoy in
Holland, & has travelled much in Europe. The river widens
rapidly as you descend, the country is low on both sides but
seems to be well cultivated. At the southern extremity of
the city is the Navy Yard, where we saw two ships building,
and several small vessels lying. The ships were within large
and well built wooden [*] coverings. I had wished to see
these vessels before I left Philadelphia, but was informed
that strict orders had been issued not to admit Foreigners
into the Navy yard. Nine miles down the [we] passed a
redoubt on the right bank of the river, a wooden fort built
on piles in the middle and a sandy elevation on the left
bank where the Hessians were defeated in 1778. The
redoubts were attacked by British men of war during the
Revolution. Dr. Mease left us at a landing place a short
distance below this point. We landed at a small place called
New Castle about 1/4 after 5, and crossed in 8 4 horse
coaches to French town 16 miles, where we again embarked
on board a steam boat at i /2 past 8 o'clock on the Chesapeake
river. [A short distance below French town stand the ruins
of some public stores, burnt in 18 14 by the British.] The
country through which we passed was low, & in some places
cultivated; but as we passed through it in the dark we had

212 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

(Tuesday 2y<i. „ot an opportunity of observing it. As soon [*] as we
Nov. contd) ^^.g,.g ^jj Qj^ board, tea was served, after which the ladies

retired into their cabin, and the Captain drew tickets with
numbers on them, allotting the births to the passengers. [Our
passage &c cost about $7 each.]
Wednesday 24^^ About 3 o'clock we arrived at Baltimore, and between

Nov^ 5^7 o'clock we landed & went to the Indian Queen Hotel,

kept by Mr. Barnam. We had some difficulty in finding
accommodation as the city was filled with persons attending
the Annual Cattle Shew, and as the Marquis La Fayette
was expected the next day from Washington, for whose
reception a wooden painted arch way had been erected at
the end of the principal street, with the following inscription,
Washington Welcome our Friend La Fayette
1776 1824

After breakfast M^. Tiernan called on M^. Owen and said
that his friend in Philadelphia had written to him to say that
Mr. Owen was to be in Baltimore that day. M"". Owen gave
him a letter he had for him, and he then accompanied
Mr. Owen to call & [*] deliver letters to General Harper
from Mr. Thomas, & to Mr. Meredith councillor at law from
Judge Ogden* [*& letters to Messrs. Gwynn, Robinson, &
Maher]. — He likewise called on Mr. Murphy editor of the
American, and was introduced in the street to Mr. Robert
Oliver a rich & benevolent gentleman. At General Harper's
Mr. Owen saw Miss Seaton who resides with him. The
General is son in law to Charles Carroll who, besides
Messrs. Jefferson & Adams, is the only one living of those
who signed the declaration of independence. Col. Harvey
who was on the Duke of Wellington's staff married a
granddaughter of Mr. Carroll. [Mr. Neil an American
lawyer in London gave the letters to Messrs. Murphy.
Gwynn, Maher & Robinson] Mr. Gwynn is Editor of the
Federal Gazette. Mr. Owen was introduced to Mr. Raymond
and bought of him for 4 1/2 $ his treatise in 2 vols on
Political Economy. Shortly after M^. Owen's return to the
Hotel General Harper, accompanied by his son, called &
invited us all to drink tea with him. We then drove 4 miles
into the country to the Cattle Shew, which was in a field
near a farm house & inclosed by Palings. We paid a dollar

MACDONALD DIARIES 213

each, the ladies & Mr. Owen [*] excepted, for admittance,
but as almost all the cattle had been removed the day before
we saw but little. We were however introduced to
Mr. Somerville one of the stewards, and Mr. Owen was
invited to dine with the meeting,* [the next day to meet
La Fayette upon which occasion General Harper was to
deliver an Oration.] but he declined as he w^as anxious
to proceed to Washington. The day was very warm and
dusty, the thermometer stood about 70° in the shade. We
paid 2$ for a hackney coach to take 4 out & bring them
back. The subburbs of the city appeared irregular, the
ground being broken up by brick kilns & streets laid out
where only here & there a small house had yet been built.
The road was rough & irregular at the sides, & deep with
sand & gravel. The country was only cultivated in places,
being for the most part covered with wood, principally
oak, but not of any great size on account of the poverty of
the soil. — We dined at 2 o'clock at the Ordinary where
there were probably 50 persons. After dinner we went to
the Exchange, a large & handsome building, where our
names had been entered by General Harper & where we read
the [*] newspapers. On our return, Mr. Tiernan called &
introduced a Mr. Shepperd. W"^. Owen and myself walked
out to look at the town & inspect the Catholic Church &
Unitarian chapel. It was too late in the evening to see the
inside of these buildings. We could however remark that
the Unitarian chapel had both an elegance & lightness of
appearance, which were altogether wanting to the large,
square, & solid mass of building erected by the Catholics.
The two churches were close to one another. Over the
Unitarian was the inscription in Greek, T lead to God,' ; on
each face of the Catholic was a verse from the Bible. That
face which looked towards the Unitarian chapel had the
following verse,

'As for us we preach Christ Crucified, to the Jews a
'stumbling block, to the Greeks foolishness.' A short
distance from these churches stands a white marble Trojan
column, to the memory of Washington, on the top of which
his statue is to be placed. In another part [*] of the city ( Wednesday 24ti».
stands a small monument to the memory of some of the Nov.)

214 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

citizens killed in the year 1814 when the British attacked
the place. The city of Baltimore stands on the side of a
small rising ground & over looks in some parts the harbour.
On a small and elevated neck of land stands a battery &
signal post. The principal street & some others are large, and
a considerable deal of business seemed to be doing. As the
summers here are extremely hot, the frame work re(iuired
for awnings stood across the footway in front of most of
the large houses. We remarked that the inhabitants looked
pale & not healthy. This might in a great measure be
occasioned by the pernicious practice of overheating their
rooms. — In the evening Mr. Owen received a note from
Mr. Meredith inclosing three letters of introduction to
persons in the West country, which he acknowledged.
Afterwards he went to tea at General Harpers. I wrote [*]
to Mr. Gadsby at Washington to secure lodgings for
tomorrow, & having a bad cold retired early to bed. —
Thursday 25th. Mr. Owen engaged one of the regular stages with 4

^'^'^'"- horses, & carrying 9 inside, to take our party of 7 persons &

baggage, to Washington for $28. We set out between
9 & 10 o'clock, changed horses three times, and arrived
at Washington 38 miles by 1/4 past 7. We stopped on the
road at a place called Harris' hut and Mr. Owen, his
son & myself walked about a mile off the road through the
wood to a newly erected cotton manufactory [called Savage
Factory] belonging to Mr. Amos Williams to whom
Mr. Owen had a letter. Mr. Williams has about a mile
square of land, for which he paid at the rate of 1 1 dollars
per acre. The woods contain fine oak & beech besides
other wood, and a large stream runs through it. He has
within 2 1/2 years built a large factory and several houses
for the workpeople, and he is busy now making a mill &
some [*] other buildings. He spins, weaves & bleaches. We
returned to the road by a footpath along the beautiful banks
of the stream. The day was remarkably fine. The
thermometer was in the shade at 70°. The road lay through
woods here & there opened & cleared. The country was
varied considerably by hills, and a few farms. The soil
was sandy & gravelly. Mr. Williams said that with the most
imperfect tillage without any manure, the land would yield

MACDONALD DIARIES 215

above 20 bushels of wheat per acre. We stopped & dined
at a farm by the road side called [MS blank] [dinner 75
cents each.] M"". Flower, Miss Ronalds and M^. Hunter, put
up at the Indian Queen, and we went on to Mr. Gadsby's
at Washington.

After breakfasting at the Ordinary where we met half Friday 26th.
a dozen gentlemen, M^. Owen took a hackney coach, at the ^^'^'^^
rate of 5$ for the day & called on Mr. Quincy Adam's the
secretary of state, where he was introduced to Dr. Watkins
and engaged to be with Mr. [*] Adams again tomorrow
at 10 o'clock. He then went to the President's who was
engaged with the secretary of the Navy, & appointed to
see Mr. Owen tomorrow at 11 o'clock. From thence he
went to Mr. Crawford, Mr. Calhoun the secretary of
•war, & Mr. Tayloe. Afterwards we accompanied him to
Mr, Addington the British Charge d'Affaires & left our
cards. [Mr. Owen then called on the Attorney General
Wurt, and had a long & interesting conversation with
him.] While Mr. Owen was paying the above visits, I went
with Wm. Owen, called for Mr. Flower, Miss Ronalds &
Mr. Hunter, and went with them to view the Capitol, the
interior of which many workmen are still busily employed
upon. The building is a solid, lofty Edifice of stone, having
a large dome in the center, and two wings also with domes.
Here are the President's rooms, the chambers of the senate &
Representatives, the library, the several committee rooms, and
a magnificent circular Hall in the center ; around which are to
be placed historical paintings, descriptive of the [*] most in- (Friday 26th.
teresting events in the American history, such as the Declara- ^^v. com )
tion of Independence. In one gallery we remarked columns of
a new order of architecture formed from the Indian corn,
which had a very chaste appearance. Also fine pillars of
a polished marble resembling the pudding stone. The
Capitol stands on an elevated spot at one extremity of a wide
street at present planted with rows of poplars, and about
a mile long. At the other extremity of this street is the
President's house, a fine white stone palace placed between
two double buildings of brick in which are the public
offices. The President's Palace overlooks the Potomack
which is between one & two miles wide, and the long wooden

216 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

bridge over it. The city is marked out on rather a flattish
country. The soil is a mixture of sand gravel & clay. The
houses which have already been built are of brick, & many
small & of wood. As the scale on which the city has been
planned is very extensive and as every one seems to
have [*] built at any point which suited him, the present
appearance of the city is extremely irregular & broken. The
surrounding country does not rise high. The cultivation of
the land does not appear good. There is very little wood
in the immediate neighbourhood of the city. What there
is appears stunted. On the distant lands, & on some hills
on the southern side of the Potomack there are woods, but
as at this season they look brown & bare, the panoramic
prospect is uninteresting. At some distance down the
river & on the opposite side, smoke marked out to us the
situation of Alexandria. We dined at the Ordinary. Im-
mediately after dinner we called on M^. Flower, and went
with Miss Ronald's to see the wooden bridge which is nearly
a mile from the avenue. It is a mile & a quarter long &
between 30 & 40 feet wide. It is built with large & strong
timbers & oaken planks in a substantial manner with [*]
drawbridges for the passage of vessels. There is extremely
little trade in this place. A space of ten miles square in
a central situation was ceded for the purposes of govern-
ment, & called the District of Columbia, but it is neither
a good soil nor a situation where a large city would be likely
to grow. — The influence & expences of the government are
producing some activity in the place, & the people are building
rapidly in various parts of this new capital. On our return
to tea with M^. Flower, D^. Watkins & his son called. After
tea Mr, Owen called on M^. Reynolds* [senator for the State
of Tennessee] a friend of Di". Price, & engaged to breakfast
tomorrow with him ; and on General Wingate whom he did
not find at home. The thermometer stood in the shade this
morning between 10 & 11 o'clock at 56°. The day was
calm, but cloudy. About 7 oclock in the evening it began
to rain, and we had for a short time a heavy shower.
Saturday 27th. This morning the thermometer was at 9 o'clock 66° in

^°^'^- the shade. It was calm & cloudy, but [*] between 9 & 10 it

cleared up. and a hot sun burst upon us. M^. Owen went

MACDONALD DIARIES 217

out to breakfast with M^". Reynolds. W^. Owen & myself

remained at the hotel to write letters. I wrote to M^s. Bridges.

About 12 o'clock we went out. In front of the Presidents

house we met Mf. Owen. He had been with Mr. Quincy

Adams, and at 1 1 o'clock with the President, whom he said

was a plain & intelligent man. He observed to Mr. Owen

that this country gave more scope for improvements of every

sort than any other. — 'M^. Owen called at the Attorney

General's office, & introduced us to him. He is a tall,

stout & middle aged person, very affable in manner.

Mr. Owen remained with him while W"i. & myself walked

to the Indian Queen hotel (Brown's) to bring Hunter to

visit the Chocktaw & Chickasaw chiefs who are at present

in Washington having come to transact business with the

President. Hunter was not well enough to come out. We

therefore returned to M^. Owen, called with him on

Mr. Reynolds who went & introduced us to the Chiefs.

There were three or four elderly men of the red Indian

race. They had strong features & expressive countenances,

but were quite in masquerade [*] being dressed in an (Saturday 27^^.

awkward & shabby European costume. The principal ^ °^^' ^'^"'^ :^

person was about 50 years old. He called himself General

Pushamattaha. There were three or four other persons

present ; two of whom they told us were Chocktaws educated

in English schools. They looked very much like sunburnt

Americans. We walked round the circle, shook hands with

them all & then took our seats. The General made a sort

of speech which the interpreter explained to be a welcome

to us. Mr. Owen then told them that he had come 3000

miles from home, that many of his countrymen wished well

to their fellow creatures the Indians, and were anxious to

promote a general peace among the several tribes, that their

race might not be extinguished, as they had learnt to admire

many points of their character. He added that he hoped

before his return to Europe to make known to the Public a

way of bringing children up & reforming Society, so that

all persons might be trained to have whatever is good both

in the Indian & European characters, and to be without [*]

all that is bad in them. One of the chiefs replied that they

liked extremely his talk, that they were now so surrounded by

218 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the civilized people, that they knew they could not long
remain in existence if they did not acquire the best parts of
their knowledge & habits; that he had thought for some
time in the manner that M^. Owen had been speaking. & he
was glad now to get a little more information in that
direction. He added that they had sent several of their
children to different parts of the U. States to learn the
useful arts, & he pointed to the two young men as proofs
that Red Indians could be brought up to appear like the
White people. — They all appeared pleased, though their
manners are silent, reserved & serious. The principal chief
had on a sort of blue uniform with two large gold epaulettes,
another was dressed in blue with a large cloak over his
dress, made of a Stuart tartan, and a third had on a large
blue greatcoat with capes. It is to be regretted that the
Indians should in the first instance, acquire their first
knowledge [*] of the white people from the rudest of this
people, and deform themselves by attempting to wear a
costume for which their habits are unfitted, which in no way
becomes them, and of which they see the worst patterns for
imitation. — The interpreter was a white proprietor of many
hundred head of oxen horses & hogs. He said that he had
resided 40 years in their neighbourhood, and much preferred
their honesty, sincerity friendship & behaviour, to those of
the white settlers. — We met Major Smith & one or two
other gentlemen settlers from their neighbourhood with
them. The Major appeared, an open hearted active minded
man; he very cordially hoped w^e would call & see him-
self. — As we were coming out Miss Ronalds, Mi". Flower &
Hunter, arrived to pay them a visit. Hunter afterwards told
me that he had an agreeable chat with them, though it was
by means of the interpreter, as he could not speak a word
of their language. They told him that they had been much
pleased with Mr. Owen. Hunter [*] said that he had felt
quite uneasy to set out on his journey west ever since his
conversation with them ; that it had produced an anxious
feeling in his breast, 'Which,' said he. turning to the inter-
preter, 'You I am sure can well understand.' He added
that he had never felt so pleasantly at home as with them,
since he left his own people. — We then called on General

MACDONALD DIARIES 219

Wingate ; he was not at home but we were admitted by-
Mrs. VVingate, the wife of his brother. Here we met her
mother and a young lady, and two elderly gentlemen. While
we were there, M^s. Adams & two daughters came in.
Mrs. Adams is a thin, formal person. The daughters are
unaffected girls. One of them said that it was a novelty
and a very agreeable one in their country, to see English
travellers visiting America. M^s. Wingate remarked that
the few who had hitherto visited them had very unfairly
spoken of them. — Mrs. Wingate is a stout, lively and
pleasant person. On coming away she expressed a hope of
seeing us often on our return to \\'^ashington, and added
that she should receive me [*] quite in a clannish manner. (Saturday 27th.
We had been speaking of the Scotch Highlanders & Burns ^^'^''- ^^^^ )
the poet, whose poetry seemed to accord with her feelings
as much as with those of some highland Ladies. — [The
party were General & Mrs. Dearborne & their daughter
Mrs. Wingate and Mr. Wingate.] We returned to the hotel
where we dined at the table d'hote. After dinner we
went & called on Dr. Watkins. [& called on Mr. Wallenstein
who was not at home.] I left Mr. Owen there & went with
Wm. Owen to the Marine Barracks, a mile east of the
capitol to call on Mr. Richard T. Achmutz for whom I had
a letter from young Abram Ogden. He was dining with
the Colonel. I therefore left the letter & my card & returned
for Mr. Owen; with whom we called at Williamson's hotel
on Mr. & Mrs. Tichnor, & Mr. & Mrs. Everett & Miss Emma.
They are very agreeable & interesting people. They go
from this to Monticello, Mr. Jefferson's. Mr. Tichnor gave
us all a pressing invitation to visit him at Boston. We then
went to Mr. Tayloe's. Mr. Owen went in and found a
pleasing old gentleman & his family. We returned to tea
at the hotel. [Jules de Wallenstein secretary to the Russian
Legation Mr. Addington, the British charge Mr. Wingate,
W^rn. Ruggles, & Dr. Stoughton, called today. — ] [We met
Mr. Wallenstein with Mr. Tichnor & his party, & were
introduced to him.] At 7 o'clock Mr. Owen went to
Mr. Calhoun's evening party. He [*] returned about
10 o'clock, having spent the evening in a tete a tete with
Mr. Calhoun, whom he considers a man of considerable

220

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

genius and extensive speculator into the progress of events.
Sunday 2S«h. Xhg Stage to the west left this City at 3 o'clock this

Nov^ morning. As another would not start before Tuesday, it

was determined that we should hire hackney coaches to take
us in two days to Hagers Town where we should get into
the line of road from Baltimore to Wheeling, & find stages
to take us forward. Having a quantity of baggage with
us, we found it necessary to hire three coaches; the rate of
charge was 6$ a day for each, including every thing, and
calculating on two days going and two days for the return
of the coaches. While w^e were preparing to set out
U. Achmutz of the Marines, for whom I last night left a
letter, called and expressed his wash to shew us Washington
& its environs on our return. He appeared a genteel
young [*] officer. — About half past one o'clock we started
from the City, leaving a portion of our baggage in
M"*. Gadsby's care. A short distance from the city we
ascended the heights to the west of the subburbs called
Georgestown, from whence we had an extensive view of
the city, its environs and the course eastward of the
Potomack. The view was strikingly picturesque. Thence
we passed through a moderately cultivated country by an
indifferent road through Rockville to Clarksburgh distant 27
miles, where we arrived at half past 8 o'clock. The latter
part of the road was more hilly and deep, and the quantity
of cleared & cultivated became less & less. From some of
the rising grounds we had extensive views of hills and dales
of tolerable soil, mostly sandy & gravelly, and covered with
wood. The scene was pleasingly varied by farms on the
sides of the hills. The inn at Clarksburgh is a small [*]
farm. We had a good supper & good though plain beds.
Monday 29th. The day beginning to break a little after six o'clock, we

Nov^ again started, and passing through some hilly & woody

country by a bad road over the South or Blue ridge, we
reached Fredericktown 15 miles distant between 10 & 11
o'clock. The air was mild, but it was cloudy, and we had
a slight mizzling rain. Some of the points of view were
extremely picturesque. Fredericktown appears a thriving
little place, and being on the Baltimore high road, carries
on a good deal of business. At Talbots inn we had a good

MACDONALD DIARIES 221

breakfast and were well served. Between 12 & one we
continued our route b}' the high road to Hagers town,
crossed the north Ridge from which we had several exten-
sive views of hills & vallies covered with wood, and reached
Hagers town 2^ miles a little before 1 1 o'clock at night. — We
stopt 12 miles before we reached Hagers town at a small
village called Boonsboro, where we had supper. At Hagers
town we drove to the Stage Office Hotel, where [*] we (Monday 29th.
learnt that the only conveyance by which we could continue Nov. contd)
our journey, was the accommodation line stage, which was
to set out at 4 o'clock in the morning. This line of stages
had been established to run by the National road from
Baltimore to Wheeling, and stated to be for the purpose of
giving travellers more rest & taking more baggage than the
mail coach. We however found that by slow driving they
got every evening so late to the end of the day's journey
as to afford us very little time for rest before the hour of
starting the next morning. Another high road west runs
from Philadelphia through Chambersburgh & Bedford to
Pittsburg. The distance from Hagerstown to this line of
road we found to be between 20 & 30 miles of a cross
road, and that no stages or coaches could be obtained to take
us across. We therefore settled to proceed by the Wheeling
Stage in the morning; fare 9$ each to Little Washington
where we proposed to cross to Pittsburg. The national road
has been [*] made at the expence of the whole state. 25,000$
were voted by Congress last session for its repair. —

We were called at half past 3 o'clock, we dressed without Tuesday 30th
washing, and started in the stage. Our party consisted of Nov.
ourselves, 7 in number, and 3 other passengers. The
carriage was a four wheel spring waggon having a wooden
top and leathern sides & back, made to roll up in fine
weather. It contained a back seat, 3 benches & a drivers
seat, made to carry 3 passengers each; and was drawn by
four horses. This sort of vehicle is of Dutch construction.
The horses were of Dutch breed. We travelled by a newly
repaired road through a hilly & woody country, very little
settled except in a few places by the road side. [Our road
lay for some miles along the left bank of the Potomack, the
vale of which is extremely rich and picturesque ; broken &

222 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

high banks & hilly sides covered with fine timber. The
river is not loo yards wide & very shallow.] We breakfasted
at Handcock about ii o'clock 2J miles. It is a small
place, but we were well served. We crossed a high ridge
of mountain by a good winding road. This ridge is called
sideling hill. On the western side of it the vale is deep &
covered with wood. We next crossed another similar ridge
called Town hill. From the sides & top of both these [*]
ridges the scenery is wild and beautiful. The wood is thick
and the timber of large dimensions, consisting of several
varieties of oak, of sycamores, hiccories, sugar trees, a few
beaches and elms, persimmons, chesnut & walnut trees. Some
pines & cedars were scattered here & there through the
woods, giving a pleasing variety to the brown & red
appearance which they assume at this season of the year. — As
the road was continually ascending & descending steep hills,
and as besides being a heavy load in the Stage, we usually
went 15 or 16 miles without changing horses, our rate of
travelling hardly exceeding 3 miles an hour.* [*The morning
fog cleared off and we had warm & cloudless day to brighten
our prospect & animate the surrounding scenery.] Hunter &
myself enjoyed walking over these well covered hills, and
often stood admiring the beautiful scenery entirely the work
of Nature's hand. Accustomed as he had been to the
Indian's life amidst the luxuriance of natural vegetation, and
far removed from the artificial arrangements and habits of
our white brethren, [*] and taught as I had been among
the highlands of my native country to admire their sublime
but simple beauties ; our sentiments mutually accorded, and
we felt no want of farms & the uncouth habitations, archi-
tecture & habits of what is vaguely styled civilization to
stiffen the charming landscape, or check our flow of
spirits. [On the side of these hills, Hunter pointed out to
me a variety of plants & named the trees. He pulled up
some of the sprouts of the sassefras tree by the roots, of
which we got some tea made which had a high & delightful
flavour. He pointed out the American wild tea-plant with
its red berry. We met a stage going east with some of the
Senators in it, who called out to us & made enquiries how
the election was going on. — ] We reached the dining place

MACDONALD DIARIES 223

between 5 & 6 o'clock. As it was so late we both dined &
supped at M^'. Slicer's farm, and by moonlight crossed
Nicholas mountain to Cumberland, a flourishing small
town 66 miles from Hagers Town, lying in a Deep and
picturesque valley. We got in a little before 1 1 o'clock. The
inn was very comfortable considering the remote situation
of the place, and the steepness of the mountain communica-
tion to it. It being night time, we saw too little of the place
to be able to describe it. — One advantage of the inns in this
country is [*] that, owing to an abundant supply of fuel, (Tuesday 30* .
several rooms have large fires constantly burning in them; so
that a traveller arriving at any hour or in any weather, finds
himself at once in a snug place for warming & drying himself.
Besides this, provisions being likewise every where in
profusion, his hunger and thirst are readily & quickly satisfied.

Here we changed our spring waggon for a nine inside Wednesday i^t
coach with leathern sides to roll up, & carrying one or two ^^^'^
on the drivers seat outside. The coach was small for our
number, now consisting of only two gentlemen besides seven
selves ; Mr. Beebee of the State of New York, and Mr. Kurd
of Danville Kentucky. We started at 6 o'clock. The road
lay sometimes along deep hollows thickly filled with lofty
trees. Again it ascended steeps & crossed ridges of hills,
thus rendering our progress slow though extremely varied
and romantic. Hunter & myself soon got down from our
coach and walked in front. The morning was foggy, so
that we could not see above a hundred yards in [*] any
direction. We overtook a waggon with some men women &
children on foot, all emigrating from the east to the state
of Ohio. It is the practice with these emigrants to remain
till the crops are ripening on their farms, then sell every
thing as it stands and cross the mountains to the West, with
the hopes of a larger and better establishment in a new
country. The few families we overtook on our way, were
rather late in their movements. We learnt from them that
the crops this season had been good. We found them plain
and friendly in their manners, and quite as ready to answer
any questions as to put them. Our breakfast place was at
the small scattered village of Alleghany at the bottom of
the western descent of Savage Mountain, and 14 miles

224 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

distant. As the road had been a constant succession of high
hills & deep vales, Hunter & myself easily reached this
halting place at lo o'clock, a few minutes before the Stage.
The Inn was a small farm house, but we were immediately
served with a good breakfast of coffee, & tea, made [*] from
the sassefras root which Hunter had got during our walk,
wheat bread & rye bread, broiled chickens, preserved pears &
apricots, wild honey, venison steaks & sausages. — The
scenery was now somewhat changed. The country was
flatter and covered with forests of lofty pines, many of
which were from 130 to 150 feet at least high. — Our
weather continued bright, & warm. — Every day we had met
droves of hogs, driving from the West to the Eastern
markets. Some droves consisted of 500 or 600 hogs ; divided
into 3 or 4 bodies. They travelled at the rate of from 8 to
10 miles a day. Some would be 50 days on their journey.
Their food was Indian corn, which they procured at the small
farms & halting places by the road side. The wholesome
food of the forest & the Indian corn, render the hog's flesh
much sweeter & delicate than the English feeding, and not
being over loaded to an unnatural & unhealthy degree with
fat, they displayed a vigour & intelligence, whidi we rarely
remark among them in England or Ireland. — After travelling
the [*] rest of the day, through the same sort of country, we
came a little before sun set to the descent into an extensive
vale covered with forest of various sorts of trees. In a deep
hollow & built on the small river Youghiogeny, stands the
small town of Smithfield. Here we drove up to an Inn at
the door of which was standing General Jackson's carriage.
The general at the moment of our arrival was at the door
of the inn surrounded by almost 20 of the people. He is an
elderly healthy looking, thin person, with a high forehead,
grey hair and stern but pleasing expressive countenance. [He
was dressed in a plain blue surtout] Mr. Owen introduced
himself & us to him, as having a letter of introduction from
Mr. Clinton to the general. He travelled in his own
carriage with his wife, another general & his wife, & a
Mr. Donaldson & his wife. — Mr. Beebee was acquainted
with the latter gentleman, & therefore learnt from him that
the general had 101, Adams 58, & both Crawford & Clay

:«l

MACDONALD DIARIES 225

much less. — We had a very good dinner, and a [*] variety (Wednesday is*.
of well cooked dishes. We proceeded over a steep ridge of ^^"^^ *^°"* -^
hills, called Sugar loaf mountain, across a romantic vale, and
over the Laurel ridge to Union town, where the Stage usually
stops for the night. — Having, however started two hours
later in the morning than the usual time, and having on
account of the load, come at a slow rate we did not reach
Union till between ii & 12 at night. It was agreed by all
of us to proceed without resting. The baggage was therefore
removed into a stage, similar to the one which brought us
from Hagers town to Cumberland, and taking a little
tea & refreshment we prepared to continue our journey. The
Laurel ridge is one of the highest. The ascent from the
east is about a mile, but the western descent is about three
miles. It is thickly covered with woods. The glen by the
sides of which the road wound down the mountain were
wild, deep, precipitate & rocky. The country to the west
of this ridge, though broken by ridges of hills & much
wooded, yet is comparatively flat, cleared and cultivated. —
The greater number of the inhabitants have the appearance
& habits of the Dutch to a great degree, the original settlers
having come [from] Holland & the northern parts of
Europe. Dutch farms are distinguishable by their [*] ex-
tensive & well kept barns, but the cultivation generally
appeared imperfect and very incomplete. —

At one oclock in the morning we again set out by the Thursday 2nd.
light of a clear starry night & bright moon. The country ^^'^•
through which we now passed was not so hilly or woody, and
appeared better inhabited. About 1/2 past 4 we reached
Brownsville 12 miles distant, on the banks of the Mononga-
hela. A scattered village. Here we had to rest our selves
in but a poor inn on chairs till 7 o'clock, the breakfast hour
for the stage. They gave us a very good breakfast after
which we crossed the ferry in the stage and continued on our
journey over small hills & vales, generally cleared, and
tolerably cultivated. A great part of the population of this
part of the country is of Dutch extraction, as appears from
the appearance of the people, and [*] their farms. The
land is of a richer soil than that among the highlands
through which we passed ; or at least from cultivation

226 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

appeared so, to our hasty & superficial observation. We
reached Washington before 2 o'clock. It is 22 miles from
Brownsville & 229 from Washington City. The town is of
middle size & contains 4 or 5000 inhabitants. It appears
at a distance rather black & uninviting, as the scenery around
is bare, and as many of the houses are built of wood, which
being unpainted, become in a short time of a dark colour.
We parted from our two travelling companions with unusual
regret, good wishes, and mutual invitations, and after dinner
they continued on by the same stage to Wheeling. — The
description of the ways of an inn in this part of the
country [*] I must reserve for my leisure moments. — We
soon retired to bed, slept some hours, rose to tea and again
retired to rest, till we were called at 4 o'clock for the
Pittsburg mail stage. I must remark that in the evening-
while I was shaving, a stage company arrived & were shewn
into the same room. One of the party was a young female,
daughter of a general whose name I cannot now call to
mind. While I in my shirt was shaving in front of a pier
glass, she stood behind me arranging her hair, while in
another part of the room W*". Owen was washing himself.
Friday 3'^. We left Washington between 5 & 6 o'clock in the mail

^^^- stage for Pittsburgh. Our own party & baggage filled the

stage. The night had been rainy, the road in consequence
(Friday 3rd. was very slippy. The country [*] through which we passed

Dec. contd ) was very hilly, but more inhabited and of a richer soil. The

road from Washington to Pittsburgh, is not yet completed
as a high road, therefore we proceeded slowly, though we
had strong horses & a good driver. The distance is 25
miles. We stopped half way to change horses and break-
fast. We reached Pittsburgh about 1/2 past 2 o'clock.
[Mr. Flower & Miss Ronalds went to Mr. Davis's hotel on
the river bank. The rest of the party came to Darlington's
in front of the stage hotel, Mr. Stewart's.] This town is
situated on a point of land between the two rivers Alleghany
& Monongahela, over both of which there are wooden
covered bridges. The left bank of the Monongahela, is a
steep cliff, and contains near the surface large veins of
excellent coal, good lime stone & free stone. The town is
enveloped in smoke, looks dirty, and the inhabitants do not

MACDONALD DIARIES 227

seem to enjoy either a healthy or comfortable [*] existence.
For a mile & a half before we reached the bridge of the
Monongahela to cross over, the road became very deep & dirty
in consequence of the constant passage of the coal carts, and
all the houses appeared poor & miserable. We saw four
large well painted steam boats lying by the side of the
town. The bridge is 1/4 of a mile long. The timbers &
planks to sustain its weight, and support the roof, are
formed into arches tied by iron cramps, and strengthened
by iron bars. — We were too late for the public dinner which
is at one o'clock, but we were soon provided with a good
one ; after which we went out with M^. Owen who wished to
lose no time in delivering two letters from Mr. Clinton to
Mr. Ross & Mr. Baldwin lawyers of this town, and two other
letters to Mr. Mc.Donald & Mr. Forward [*] Ukewise
lawyers. We only found Mr. Baldwin at home. We
remained & drank tea with him & his wife. He is a great
friend to protection of industry, and union of exertion. He
has been a member of congress, and exerted himself much to
promote the industry of the states. [Mr. Baldwin informed
Mr. Owen that Mr. Rapp was in Pittsburgh ; he sent to
inquire for him, he was out ; but Mr. Baldwin said he would
introduce him to Mr. Owen the next day.] On our return
Mr. Owen went with Mr. Speakman to call on Mr. Bakewell
a Unitarian and glass manufacturer. — During his absence
Mr. Mc.Donald called.

Mr. Owen went to breakfast with Mr. Bakewell, after Saturday 4th,
which he returned to the inn with Mr. Rapp. Mr. Ross called ^*^'^-
and Mr. Sutton a friend of Mr. Rapp. It was then settled
that we should set out to visit Mr. Rapp's new settlement,
called Economy, between 12 & one o'clock. Mr. Owen
went in Mr. Rapp's carriage. Hunter & myself [*] rode
on Mr. Rapp's and Mr. Baldwin's horses, W"i. Owen
went with Mr. Sutton in his gig, and a hired coach took
Mrs. Sutton, Miss Ronalds & Mr. Flower. We crossed from
the town to the right bank of the Alleghany & Ohio by a
covered wooden bridge 400 yards long, similar to the one
by which we entered Pittsburgh. The day was clear &
frosty. Our road, a narrow cross road, lay along the right
bank of the Ohio. We descended about 18 miles a very

228 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

picturesque vale, the ground on each side rising in hills,
covered with wood. There were many woody islands in the
river and here and there the banks spread out into flats of rich
land, some of which had been cleared & cultivated. Almost
every house passed had a sign to mark it as a tavern for
travellers. Hunter and myself stopped at one of them. The
(Saturday 41''. interior was dirty and [*] poor. We walked into a room
Dec'-, coiitd) where the master of the house sat shoe making. We called

for some cider & had a little conversation with him. He
was a jocular politician & had his hits at the governments of
the world. He spoke very severely of the British government
using the Savage Indians to attack the inhabitants of the
U. States. This he styled a barbarous proceeding. One of
his sons had gone down the river to take possession of some
lots of land on the Arkansas river which he had purchased
from American soldiers. — As the road was very bad we did
not reach M»". Rapp's new settlement Economy till dark. It
lies on a flat of some hundred acres on the right bank of
the Ohio. He purchased it last spring, and immediately
moved up to it with about 100 of his [*] people. It was
covered with wood. He therefore encamped them on the
ground, cut down part of the timber & commenced building
a new town. This he laid off in streets. The houses are
two stories high & stand a considerable distance apart
from one another. When we arrived we were shewn into
Mr. Rapp's house which is much like the rest, though he
njay as their Patriarch have some conveniences that are
not general among them all. We were introduced to his
daughter, two or three other females who waited upon
us, and to Mf. Baker who seems to act as his steward or
secretary and interpreter. They were all decent both in
dress and manners ; but both plainer & less characterized by
mildness than the Shakers. Several old & young men came
in after supper and were introduced to us. Mr. Rapp [*]
conversed with Mr. Owen on the subject of forming human
character, and seemed to have in many respects entertained
similar opinions. He spoke of his having set mankind an
example of the advantages of union in creating abundance
with easy labour. & of practically teaching friendship to
society. He said that he held the doctrine that mind or

MACDONALD DIARIES 229

spirit could not be without matter or body, and observed that

by refining upon the subject, mankind had lost the substance

while grasping the shadow, and omitted to live in harmony

on earth while they looked forward to such a state in

heaven. Mr. Owen shewed his plans, and the party were

much pleased with them. Mi". Rapp said that M^". Owen

should have come a little sooner, before so much had been

done. Mr, Owen replied that the present buildings would serve

the people to live in while they were erecting [*] others on

the new plan; and that if they wished to do a good to

the world they might, as soon as one establishment was

built, advantageously dispose of it to the public who

would, he was sure, immediately become anxious to purchase

it, and then go on building others. No observations of

consequence were made by any of the Harmonists; they

appeared quite respectful & submissive, and by their manner

shewed to us that M^'. Rapp is quite their ruler & guide. —

About lo o'clock we retired. Hunter & myself went to one

of the houses in front of M"". Rapp's. As every thing was

of recent erection, we were accommodated but in a temporary

manner in a room with four beds, one of which was occupied

by the driver of the hired coach, who seemed a decent well

disposed young man. Before we went to bed I had some

conversation with one of the people who told me that [*] the (Saturday 4th.

Society were removing from New Harmony because it was ^^^r. contd)

too warm in summer. Another said that he really could not

tell why they changed their place of residence.

We breakfasted at 8 o'clock, after which a horn & a key Sunday sth.
bugle summoned us to church in a large room, the upper Dec'",
floor of the house facing M^. Rapp's. At one end sat the
females, at the other the males, and in the middle Mr. Rapp.
The service consisted of two chapters in verse sung as
Psalms by the whole congregation in good german style ; and
a lecture from M^". Rapp on a few verses read out of the
bible. When he finished his comments on a verse, he would
turn & ask. It is true, do you understand? To which the
older ones would reply, we believe ; it is true. The subject of
the chapters sung by them, was about union & friendship, as
well as that of his lecture. He [*] gave W^. Owen a
copy of the book, which is a compilation of such senti-

230 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

ments, extracted from different authors, or composed by
himself. — M"". Rapp speaking afterwards of his discourse,
observed that he would be ashamed to read a written discourse
on a subject worthy of his attention & consideration. The
people appeared to be from the age of i6 or 17 to
between 40 & 50. Some of the men might be still older &
younger but not much. M"". Rapp is a stout healthy active
old man of (^ly. He has a steady determined manner, but
very little of that amiable mildness, which a patriarchal life
and benevolent principles might be expected to produce. The
people appear steady, sober, good humoured & plain in their
manners. Their character & expression of countenance is
german. They do not appear very lively or intelligent ; but
of [*] this a stranger cannot after one day's acquaintance, be
expected to form a just estimate. The bugler played some
german airs in good style, and several of the men who could
talk english came round me & seemed much disposed to be
friendly and communicative. The women retired to their
houses as soon as they came out of church, & we could only
see one or two at a door or window. From living out of
the world's society, they seemed little acquainted or interested
with its affairs. Some of them remarked to me that they
had to labour & had therefore no time to go abroad or think
of other things, and when I observed that by union they
produced articles so easily as quickly to have their wants
abundantly supplied ; they replied that they did not work
hard, but were always working at their leisure & just as they
liked it. I heard them talking of the Election of a President
of the U. States, and remarked [*] to them, that under
their way of life there could be no use for a president. "Oh,
"but the honor of it!" said some, "and," continued others,
"the world could not do without a head ruler, king or
"president." I did not reply to these remarks, it being
evident that the System of their association was to have a
ruling Father, to instruct all the members to reverence & obey
him, and to teach them that this mode of government must
be the best, and the only one which could last for any length
of time. Mr. Owen had some conversation relative to the
nature of Man & the new views which he took of it and of
the proper arrangement of society. Though M>". Rapp

MACDONALD DIARIES 231

seemed to assent to them, yet there was evidently a difference

in his view of the subject; and as the interpreting a new

subject is extremely difficult, M^. Baker expressed a wish

that Mr. Owen's Ideas should be written down & correctly

[*] translated into German. M^. Owen then gave him his (Sunday 5th.

papers No. i & 2. We were served with a good dinner Dec. contd)

between 11 & 12 o'clock, and then returned to Pittsburgh,

which we reached about 5 o'clock. A little snow had fallen

in the night. The day was cloudy and it was freezing

sharply. On the way we passed an unfinished Steam boat

belonging to the Harmonists which they were towing up to

Pittsburgh for the purpose of completing. It is expected

that their new settlement will be so far advanced as to

accommodate the whole of the Society next spring, when the

rest will move up to it in their own steamboat. — Mr. Owen

asked Mr. Rapp why they changed their abode. He replied

in rather a way to avoid the question, that this was their

third settlement, that they had completed a good town

and cleared & well cultivated a large tract of land which

they [*] had found in a state of nature, that they had less

now to do at New Harmony, wanted a new situation to work

upon, and he added half smiling. That it had been foretold

to him that he should remove to this last settlement & die

here. — It would however appear from general report that

the Society, has found New Harmony unhealthy as well as

subject to heat & confined air : arising from flat land, rich

vegetation & stagnant waters ; But of this subject hereafter.

In the evening M^. Bakewell & his son, M^. Baldwin, and

Mr. Sutton, called & had a long conversation with

Mr. Owen. — Mr. Baldwin gave Mr. Owen a printed copy

of his speeches in congress & the report of a committee on

trade and restrictions on commerce. Mr. Sutton informed

me that Mr. Baldwin was in congress, but finding that he

could make no impression on the house, he had for the last 2

years declined being returned member. Mr. Sutton is

himself [*] a candidate & gave me his printed letter

recommending himself. — Mr. Rapp has been 20 years in this

country. He brought but a small capital with him & from

3 to 500 people very poor. His first settlement was above

Pittsburgh. He sunk all his capital, & the merchants with

232 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

whom he had transacted business, refused to give him
credit. ]\I>'. Sutton, however, who was at that time in great
business, advanced him such articles as he had occasion
for. The Society soon began to flourish, and in lo years
time were enabled to purchase the Property of New Harmony
on the Wabash river. This they have now possessed for lo
years, and have become so rich that they have been able,
besides rendering New Harmony a complete town fitted
for 800 persons (their actual number) to purchase their
new property near Pittsburgh and build another town upon
it. We were likewise informed that M"". Rapp had lately
lodged 150,000$ in the Pittsburg bank, and it seemed to be
the impression among [*] those w^ho had some knowledge
of their proceedings, that in a very few years they would be
the richest association in the U. States & wealthy enough
to buy a whole state. — Mf. Speakman in the course of the
evening brought a friend in to tell ISh'. Owen that from his
personal knowdedge New Harmony and its neighbourhood
were unhealthy, and that members of the Society had been
heard to say soon after their arrival there that they would, as
soon as their funds should permit, remove to another
situation. M^'. Speakman intended to start back to Phila-
delphia the next morning. A Baker of the name of M^Nevin
called in to see M^. Owen & wish him success. He gave him a
manuscript and asked him to peruse it at his leisure. — About
3 years ago a debating society was established in this town.
One of the questions debated was whether the Scriptures
were the Word of God. There were many speakers on both
sides of the question, and the subject sufficiently interested
(Sunday 5th the [*] clergy to induce them to send some of their

Deer, contd) dependents to defend their cause. M^Nevin & another

person spoke against the Scriptures and drew a strong party
with them. As these men w^ere w^ll considered for their
morality & general character, it was judged necessary to
stop their tide of success by prosecuting them on an old law
of Pensylvania, made w'hile it w'as a colony & not since
repealed, which sentenced to fine & imprisonment for
speaking against the W^ord of God. McNevin's companion
was tried first, found guilty & sentenced to pay a fine
of 5$ & the costs. By this time the whole proceeding became

MACDONALD DIARIES 233

so unpopular, that the judge desired to terminate the
proceedings as quickly as possible. He discovered that the
law was confined to extempore harangues, and as M^Nevin
had written his discourse & then read it, the judge directed
the jury to clear him of the charge. The prisoner therefore
declined delivering a long defence which he had prepared ;
but the jury brought him in so far guilty as to enable them
to sentence him to pay costs. M^Nevin was so irritated [*]
at this manoeuvre that he refused to pay them, and went
to prison. The business was soon hushed up, and he was
set at liberty.

A little before ten o'clock we left Pittsburg in the Monday 6th.
Pennsylvania steam boat, drawing 3 1/2 feet of water. Dec''.
There were other boats ready to go down the river, but as
the rise of water had been but inconsiderable they could not
set out. [As the night had been frosty, and as the waters of
the Alleghany and Monongahela, did not appear to be
rising, a general apprehension seemed to be entertained that
the Ohio would be stopped with ice in a day or two, & that
the other boats would find it difficult to get down the river
for some time. — ] M^. Sutton & M"*. Bakewell were on the
river side to take leave of us. Mr. Bake well's second son
went in the same steam boat as far as Maysville. The owner
of the boat, Mr. Hart, was on board. The Captain's name
was Cunningham. We had from 20 to 30 cabin passengers,
and 10 or a dozen deck ones. As the boat was of a small
size we were much crowded, and although it was snowing &
freezing the whole day, the cabin was disagreeably close &
heated. The table was cleanly served and amply provided.
Among the passengers were a Mr. Turner & ]\Ir. Wilson, both
tradesmen [*] and great friends to the System of United
Interests and Education without reward or punishment.
Mr. Wilson left us at Wheeling. He came in the same boat
for the purpose of conversing with Mr. Owen. Mr. Turner
had for some time belonged to a set of about 30 families in
Pittsburg who wished to join an Association, but had not
yet been able to understand how to set about such a new
arrangement. He had in his charge an Irish lady who
was going to join her friends who are established in
Cincinnati. A Mr. & Airs. Drake & a young man, all

234

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Tuesday 7**".
Dec^

(Tuesday 7^^.
EKrc"". contd)

comedians, were likewise cabin passengers. Our rate of
going was from 8 to 9 miles an hour, but as the river was
shallow in several places, and as we had frequently to pass
through narrow channels between islands which were much
obstructed by logs and by sunken trees whose tops just
reached the surface of the water, the force of the steam
was often diminished so as to enable the helmsman to steer
clear of them. In the course [*] of our voyage down we
passed three steamboats, two of which were aground & the
third had come to anchor for want of water. In the evening
we passed Steubenville, yi, miles, where some passengers
landed ; and at night we reached Wheeling, 96 miles ; Here
we remained till the moon rose, and then continued our
course. The next morning, 6 or 7 miles above Marietta, we
passed a steam boat aground [(The Congress)]. — She had
left Wheeling on Friday last & was full of passengers, none
of whom would our Captain take on board although they
very much wished it. We passed Marietta, 183 miles, soon
after breakfast. It seemed to be a flourishing little
place, and rapidly encreasing. The banks of the river were
every where hilly & woody with flat and rich land forming
the vale through which it flowed. During the spring
floods, the river always rises above 20 feet higher than it is
in the autumn months. Sometimes its rise exceeds [*] 30
feet, when many farms & buildings on the water's edge are
much injured. The marks of the height to which the waters
sometimes reach, were visible on the banks, bark of the
trees and the bare roots of the varieties of trees which
thickly covered the river's banks. — [This evening Mj". Drake
played on the violin & accompanied his friend who sang
several songs. About 1 1 o'clock at night we over took a
float, or barge, in which were M^. Alexander Drake & his
wife & children. Miss Drake, and one or two of their
company. They had been tired of w^aiting for the rise of
the river, & had started 9 days before us in this float. Taking
this party on board occasioned quite a theatrical bustle.]
[This afternoon we passed the Courier steam boat aground
in the narrow channel at Amberson's Island, 227 miles. — ]
Wood was taken in at Wheeling. We carried about six
cords at a time. A cord is 8 feet long & 4 feet wide & high.

MACDONALD DIARIES 235

The price of a cord was from i 1/4$ to i 1/2$. This Wednesday 8*.
morning just before breakfast we ran along side a boat ^^'^'
fastened to the river side, loaded with wood, and took the
wood on board in a quarter of an hour. While this was
doing, some of the passengers landed and went into the log
house near the edge of the bank. Here we found the females
of a neat family, a mother & 2 daughters, in a large clean
room containing three beds. They were easy & simple in
their manners and very obliging. A large fire was blaz-
ing, & a pretty young woman sat knitting by the side of
it. A few acres of land were cleared around this dwelling,
and the whole was encircled to the river's side by a forest
of high trees. They [*] said that they were comfortable, but
that it was a lonely dwelling, far from society & bad roads
to all their neighbours. — A little before sunset we arrived at
Maysville, situated at the mouth of Limestone Creek, 441
miles. Here M>". Drake's party quitted us, as they were
to proceed thence the next morning to Frankfort through
Lexington. — Mr. Drake, the father, emigrated to this
country from England 14 years ago. He now owns four
theatres, those of Lexington, Frankfort, Louisville and
Cincinnati. The eldest son's wife is cousin to the famous
little actress Clara Fisher. The second son's wife we were
told, was the best actress in the United States. They told
us that in Lexington is to be found the genteelest society in
the Western States, in Frankfort pleasant retirement; but
in Louisville abundance of gay & agreeable society. Balls
they said were constantly given, as well as good concerts,
there being several clever performers. Among the number
they mentioned a Spanish violin player, whom they
recommended us strongly to visit. Maysville is a thriving
town, beautifully situated on fertile land above the reach
of the [*] river floods, & inclosed by picturesque hills
covered with a fine forest of lofty timber. I had purchased
the Ohio & Mississippi Navigator, a small volume which
gives the distances, directions for the navigation of the
rivers, and describes the places situated on their banks. It
cost me a dollar and proved extremely well worth its cost. At
Maysville we took several passengers on board, & a
carriage & a couple of horses. Among the new arrivals

236 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

were two Professors belonging to Nashville on the
Cumberland river in Kentucky [D^s. Chase & Lindsay &
their wives & children]. They had waited for 4 weeks at
Wheeling in constant expectation of the rising of the
river. At length when the frost came on, they became
alarmed at the prospect of both the land & water carriage
being stopped up, and set out by land. The[y] found the
Ohio road bad & with difficulty reached the river again
at West Union, where they crossed by the horse ferry boat
to Maysville. There are several horse ferry boats on the
river wherever towais are situated. — [very little snow had
fallen in this part of the country. Though the whole of this
day was cloudy, yet it was not freezing.] When the moon
rose we again set out.
Thursday 9th. A little before day-break we reached Cincinnati. 514

^^^^- miles which is generally [*] considered the most flourishing

& best situated tow^n on the west of the Alleghany mountains.
As soon as it was day, we walked through several of the
streets, which are well built, wide & drawn at right angles,
having a main street, broad-way, cross streets numbered
from the river inland, a market-place & town house, — In
this town there is a high, circular artificial mound of
earth, one of many which are supposed to have been the
work of the original inhabitants of this country, before the
time of the Indians who have not been known to construct
any of these elevations. Their use seems to have been for
the burial of their dead. — Twenty one years ago the spot
on which Cincinnati stands w'as a forest. It is now inhabited
by 13,000 persons. — We left this place about 1 1 o'clock. The
morning was remarkably fine & the air mild. No snow was
on the ground. The hills in many parts rose from the margin
of the water, wdiich flowed slowly on at the rate of about 2
miles an hour, reflecting on its smooth surface its w^oody
banks. We met a fine steam boat, Mexico, going up the
(Thursday 9*^ river. We stopped twice to [*] take in wood. We landed
cont ) ^^^ visited the people it belonged to. They resided in small

log houses, which looked lonely and poor. They complained
of sickness, fever & ague, occasioned by the cold mists rising
from the river. One family resident here about 5 years, was
not at all contented with its lot. The Mother said that the

MACDONALD DIARIES 237

year after their arrival they would have returned to the
State of New York from which they came; but she had
thought herself too old to move about. They thanked us
for landing to see them, for they seldom had visitors. The
eldest daughter was asked if she never went to merry
meetings in the neighbourhood. She replied that there were
some occasionally, but that they were far off and very
difficult to get to as the roads were so bad. We wished
to have some milk & some apples, but though they offered
to give us some we refused to take them as they had but
a small stock for themselves. Thus in a country rich in
natural advantages, single families live in low circumstances,
and enjoy none of those comforts which they would so easily
secure to themselves, were they to [*] settle together in
larger numbers having a common interest, and bringing the
arts to their aid and intelligent & experienced managers to
organize their associations. [Upon leaving Pittsburg the
river passes between the States of Ohio & Indiana & Illinois
on the right bank, and Pensylvania, Virginia & Kentucky, on
the left bank.] In the course of the evening several of the
deck passengers were joined by some of the cabin ones, and
spent three or four hours singing merry songs. All the
females sang in turn, and though no elegance of manner
was shewn & no charming melody heard, yet natural good
fellowship and a friendly desire to please, made the time
pass away in a very social & agreeable manner. [The
weather was temperate. In the course of the evening it
became cloudy & began to rain. The rain though gentle
continued all night.]

About 4 o'clock this morning we arrived at Louisville, Friday loth.
and at daybreak landed and went to Mr. Allen's hotel called Dec"".
Washington Hall. This is a large house and appears well
kept. As it was a rainy morning M^. Allen sent a carriage
down to the quai to bring the ladies up to his house. Hunter
having business at Shippingport, took a carriage and went
there direct. After breakfast Mf. Owen went out to deliver
letters. He then went in a carriage to Shippingport, distant
2 miles and at the bottom of the Falls over which the Ohio
passes [*] from Louisville to Shippingport. When the
waters are high the steam boats can descend the Rapids ; but

238 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

at this time they could not be passed. At Shipping-port,
Mr. Owen found a steamboat, the Favorite, which he was
told would start on Sunday next. All the births were
taken. — However it is probable that in a day or two after
the water is high enough for one to set out, that others
which are there, will be ready to set out. M^. Owen was
informed that births had been taken in the Favorite by the
English travelling M Ps, and that they were at present lodged
at Union Hall hotel in Louisville. — We sat down about 50 to
breakfast. At dinner there were about the same number.
However we dined in the ladies' dining room with the
two professors ; but this is not usual, & therefore not
agreeable. — Mf. Turner introduced his partner Mr. Reader.
We dined in the ladies dining room with Mrs. Allan, wife
of the Master of the Hotel, some of her female friends, and
with Drs. Lindsay & Chase & their ladies. It is not customary
for gentlemen to dine in the ladies room, unless they are
married or belong to a ladies' party. After dinner we had a
short walk in the town, but as it was wet we soon returned. I
had some conversation [*] with a Mr. Hogan, a merchant
who had been in Mexico relative to the affairs of Spanish
America. He thought that their physical force would protect
them, but he considered the mass of the people to be very
degraded in mind & feelings, though in many instances a
goodlooking race. The Mexican government at present is a
Military despotism, but it is introducing schools & en-
deavouring to educate the people, while the Priesthood are
greatly averse to such a proceeding and to a great degree
render all their efforts of no avail. — After tea Mr. Owen
shewed and explained his Plans to the two Professors & their
ladies, who were much pleased and expressed a great wish to
see Mr. Owen successful in convincing the public of the
utility of his plans and in inducing them to promote the
same. In the evening I had a conversation with a gentleman
who gave me the following return of the several States of
the Union, the number of votes which each had, and the
State of the poles of the four candidates for the next
presidentship (see the accompanying printed return)
Saturday nth. j^^^^^ breakfast I [*] went with Mr. Flower to call at

Union Hall Hotel upon the four M P's. They had, however,

Dec^

MACDONALD DIARIES 239

gone out to the country to dine at Judge Ormsby's, 12 miles (Saturday nth.
from town. I then went and took a walk round the town ^^^"^^ contd)
with Wi". Owen. Louisville contains about 4000 inhabitants.
It is the resort of a great many strangers employed on
commercial business. There was a considerable bustle of
business going on. The town stands on a bank of sand
around which there is every appearance that the waters of
the Ohio passed before they formed their present passage
over the rapids. The principal street runs parallel to the
river, leading in one direction to Lexington & in the other
to Shippingport which is about 21/2 miles distant, being
a small dirty village by the river side just below the rapids. It
is here that the larger steamboats lay which trade down the
Ohio & Mississippi. At the back of the town of Louisville
and extending into the woods, are several large brick houses
and farms. [At half a mile from the town there are ponds
extending to the distance of 18 miles, which render the
place unhealthy. ] Beyond these and in the woods the ground
is low & wet. There are built or building in the town, a
public hospital, episcopal baptist methodist & presbiterian
churches, and a market place. Some of the streets are
paved, & have several large houses ; others are merely
marked out by palings and a few [*] scattered small houses
of wood. All the people appeared to be men of business &
tradesmen. This town being in the slave state of Kentucky,
we every where saw a great many black slaves. [Mf. Owen
called on a M^". Jacobs who has a good brick house at the
back of the town; he also wrote part of a short outline of
the principles & practices which he proposes. In the evening
he went to a gentleman's party Mf. Nielson's with M^. Thorn,
where he met Mf. Dennison & La Broche. There was nothing
done but card playing which M^. Owen did not join in.] This
being the rainy season, the place seemed muddy & uncomfort-
able, but as the soil is sandy, the rain soon sinks in. We
understood that much dissipation prevails here, drinking &
gambling &c. This mode of life is one great source of ill
health. On the opposite side of the river which is nearly
a mile wide, stands the small place called Jeffersonville in
Indiana, from which there is a cross road through the woods
to Vincennes, distant 107 miles, and thence on to St. Louis

240 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

on the Missouri. A 4 horse stage travels this road once
a week. It takes 4 days between Louisville & Vincennes. I
was told that the land on the Indiana side is not so rich or
valuable as on the Kentucky side of the river. At a distance
we could observe some rising lands in Indiana. — After
dinner we walked over some meadow land by the side of the
river between Louisville & Shippingport. We met Hunter
who pointed out to us the Honey Locust tree, covered with
strong prickles. It bears a long pod containing a substance
something resembling honey. He likewise shewed us a small
silk plant, bearing pods containing a substance of a silky
nature. This plant he had seen more in the interior growing
to a considerable size & covering a large extent of land. — In
the evening [*] I accompanied Hunter on board the Favorite
steamboat. I then learnt that she would not start till Monday
morning. Hackney coaches are in readiness all day long to
take passengers down to Shippingport. The fare is 25 cents
each. [This day was fine, & mild. The thermometer was
about 60° in the shade.]
Sunday 12th. After breakfast Mr. Owen shewed his plans to a General

^^^'^- Brackenridge & Mr. Allan the Master of the house. They

much admired them. While Mr. Owen called upon
Mr. Dennison & the other M P's, W™. Owen & myself
went to the Presbiterian church, where we heard M^. Chase
preach. There were about one hundred of the congregation
present. They were plain, decently dressed people. The
day was rainy. A mist gathered over the river & for a short
time extended a little into the town. The temperature
was 61°. In the evening the rain fell heavy. I wrote to
my uncle Lewis [ ?] — We inclosed our letters to Jeremiah
Thompson New York & paid the postage 25 cents for a
single letter, as I was informed that a foreign letter, although
the postage should be paid, would not be shipped unless
sent to some agent at a sea port, or the packet happened
to have a bag at the General Post office.
Monday 13th. After breakfast we sent our baggage in a cart & went in

a stage down to Shippingport, and embarked on board the
Favorite. Captn Shelcross. This boat had been built
more [*] for freight than passengers, their being only
births for 4 ladies and 16 gentlemen. These had all been

MACDONALD DIARIES 241

taken for several clays, and such a cargo of goods & sheep
had been taken on board that the vessel was nearly upset. We
did not get under weigh till about one o'clock. The day
was very fine and the scenery, though not hilly, appeared
extremely well. In consecjuence of the number of passengers
the dinner was quite a scramble. We had pleasant conversa-
tions with the English Travellers on board, and with a
variety of Americans who were descending the river on
business. D*". Chase & his wife were on board. There
was likewise a Passenger who had some slaves whom he
was taking to Market for sale. These poor beings did not
at first appear in a very good humour, but afterwards they
seemed to recover themselves, and I could not distinguish
between them & some others who were employed on board
as part of the crew. It is singular to a person with a
reflecting mind, to be for the first time in the midst of
fellow creatures, only differing from himself in colour & and
a character degraded by [*] unnatural treatment from (Monday i3ti»
birth, to see them treated like beasts going to market, and Dec. contd)
to hear them as well as their masters and mistresses talking
of one another's value, who had bought and sold them & the
prices given. However the dealers in such goods may be
admitted into & fitted for civilized society, there can be no
doubt that their feelings must be greatly impaired, and and
their minds deranged by such barbarous and irrational
customs. At sunset we stopped to take in wood. We landed
on the Kentucky side, but only found one poor log house
and a poor family. They told us that sometimes when the
water rose very high, it passed over their land, and that
they had once seen a boat float in at the front door & out
at the back door of their house. — As the night was dark
we lay at this place till the moon got us. — As everything
was in confusion on board we got no tea, and only a
scrambling supper. After the births were occupied, beds
were made on the floor in a very imperfect manner for the
rest of the passengers, amounting in number to 19 persons.
I lay [*] with Hunter & W"^. Owen on a bag of feathers,
with my cloak over me. — We descended this day only about
25 miles, our vessel being so heavily laden that she made
but slow progress.

242 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Tuesday 14*''. About 3 o'clock we were again in motion. During our

^^cf. g^gy^ the water wheels had been cut to suit the depth of

water draw-n by our boat : this facilitated our motion so that
we went much quicker than the preceding day. The day
was extremely fine. The river was wider, the current very
little, and the banks nearly flat & covered with wood. [We
passed a pretty looking settlement on the right bank.] Very
little land on either side had been cleared. We ran about 150
miles & stopped at sunset on the Kentucky side to take in
wood. There several of us, Hunter, W"^. Owen, Mr. Stanley,
Mr. Dennison, Mr. Wortley & myself, amused ourselves till
one o'clock in the morning making large bonfires in the
woods. We set fire to 3 large trees, and burnt one down.
We then roasted some beef steaks at the fires & drank
porter. The cottager on whose ground we were staid with
us, and amused himself much seeing [*] us clearing his
land for him.
Wednesday 15th. About 4 o'clock the boat again set off. After a bright

^^^- starlight & frosty night, the sun rose with great brilliancy.

We proceeded at the rate of six or seven miles through the
water, besides the current of the river which varied from
one to two or three miles an hour; but generally very
slow. The land on either side was low, and the river widened
in some places to half a mile. About 10 o'clock we passed
the* [*a neat settlement called Owensburg & soon after
the] mouth of the Green river which is a quiet stream, having
a large & long course into the interior of Kentucky — o[owe
passed some rich land on the left bank called the Walnut
ridge, & afterwards] stopped between 2 & 3 hours at a small
settlement on the right bank in Indiana called Evansville,
where some barrels of pork were shipped, & one or two
passengers taken on board. While this was doing we walked
about the place. It stands at a bend of the river on the edge
of the bank, which is higher here than any where in the
immediate neighbourhood and a little above the level of
the highest rises of the river. The view of the river is
pleasing, but on the whole the place has a dull and [*] un-
interesting appearance. The greater part of the settlement
consists of log houses, built in an irregular manner. There
are only a few hundred yards of land cleared in the rear

MACDONALD DIARIES 243

of the houses, beyond which a thick forest shuts out the

flat view. [Evansville is 2"/ or 28 miles from Harmonie by

a tolerable horse road through the woods.] Eight miles

lower down the river we passed another settlement of less

extent on the left bank, and soon after sunset came too close

to the right bank below Mount Vernon settlement, which

is of the same character as Evansville, only of a more recent

date & smaller. All these settlements we were told were

advancing but slowly, & we observed a silence & dullness

about them which seemed to confirm such an opinion. The

distance by water to Mount Vernon from Louisville is

nearly 300 miles, the river making several considerable

bends to all points of the compass ; — The fall of the river

is very little, therefore its current is slow. As the land

through which it winds is low & of a loose sandy clay, the

river washes the banks away, spreads wide forms a great

many islands, and has but an inconsiderable depth during

the low water. [*] It is then necessary that vessels drawing (Wednesday 15th.

6 or 8 feet w^ater should be careful to keep the deepest channel Dec-", contd)

and steer across the river where it bends. — We had supper

when we landed and were moderately put up at the inn.

About seven o'clock we rose breakfasted, and set out in Thursday the
two four horse waggons for Harmonie. As the waggons i6th. Dec.
travelled slowly Mr. Albers & myself walked forward. The
road lay through the forest. It crossed over a few trifling
risings and then continued flat, sandy & muddy. Occasionally
we passed log houses with a few acres cleared around them.
The inhabitants replied to our questions in a friendly
manner; but living so much out of the world several
appeared shy & without animation. We crossed a creek
between 20 & 30 feet wide called Big creek, and after
walking two miles further we reached Springfield, a small
settlement surrounded by the forest. This is the county
Town. It is 8 1/2 miles from Mount Vernon & 7 1/2 from
Harmonie. The County is called Posie. It is 400 sq. miles
in extent. It consists of a square brick building for the
courthouse, [*] which stands in the center of a small square
of detached wooden buildings. One of these is an Inn kept
by a german of the name of Schnee. Here we ordered
dinner & waited for two hours expecting our party's

244 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

arrival ; but they had taken a road to the left, which did not
pass through Springfield; It was a mile shorter, though a
much worse road. — While we were waiting Mf. Stewart
a lawyer came in & conversed with us. He told us that the
people of the county were dissatisfied at Springfield being
made the county town. Some wished it to be Harmonic,
others M. Vernon. It is likely to be as it is, while so much
disagreement prevails relative to the proper place for it. On
learning that our friends had taken the other road we
dined. Mi'. Schnee proposed accompanying us to Harmonie
on horseback, and taking turns to ride & walk. We gladly
accepted his company. From Springfield the road was a
little better. The timber in the forest was tall but not
enormously thick. We remarked large vines covering many
of the largest trees, stretching from the ground 40 or 50 feet to
the first branch on which they are fastened ; thus shewing that
these [*] trees & vines must have grown up together. The
forest was composed of varieties of oaks, of beeches, tulip
trees, white & black walnuts, [Dog-wood & ash] & mulberry.
The number of dead leaves & decayed trees made the soil
of a fat nature. We saw a great number of little birds, wood
peckers, some parroquets, and several covies of very tame
partridges. Mr. Schnee told us that wild turkies & geese,
opossums, racoons & deer, were in abundance, and that two
fine venison hams would cost about half a dollar. Rattle
snakes are common, but no one has the least fear of
them ; they always give warning by their rattles, and then
children are very fond of running after them to kill them
which is easily done as they cannot move away fast and as
a blow from a small stick kills them. M''. Schnee said that
the climate is not very unhealthy, but that they are subject
to agues. The winter is not extremely cold nor the summer
oppressively hot. They have mosquitoes in the summer
time, but do not mind them much. — We met a person on
horseback who we learnt was Major General Wilson, the
mail contractor, himself carrying the mail as he was going
round his district making some new regulations. Halfway
from Springfield to Harmonie we came upon the Harmonie
grounds, good soil & waving land. In one or two places
the land had been cleared and log houses built. These farms

MACDONALD DIARIES 245

had been let to the country people, who [*] paid grain
rents — ten bushels an acre of Indian corn, and one third of
the crops of wheat. About one mile from Harmonie, we
opened upon the cleared lands, consisting of good sheep-walks
over roling ground & knolls. These lands are about an
hundred feet higher than the flat alluvial soil on the river
side on which the town of Harmonie is situated. From
this elevation we looked north west down upon the flat land
half a mile wide. About 3octo acres of land is cleared
around the village. In the back ground lay the Wabash
river about lOO yards wide, backed by the forest on its right
bank, & lost in the forests above & below the village. On
the side of the hills were the vineyards; & to the left of the
road down to the village, lay meadows, orchards and a neatly
designed labyrinth. The village stood about a couple of
hundred yards nearer to us than the river on rather a more
elevated bottom, the space between being subject to inunda-
tion for a few weeks during the height of the floods in
March. This ground however is cultivated after the waters
run off & yield a fine produce. The ground on the right
and between the village & the hills was divided into corn
fields. The village consisted of four streets running towards
the river, & six crossing [*] these. In the middle was an (Thursday i6th.
open space in which stood a wooden church with a Dec^. contd)
steeple, and close to it a large new^ brick church, which I
afterwards learnt was built to replace the old one which was
not large enough. In various streets stood large & small
brick habitations, but the majority of the houses were either
log houses or small wooden ones. At the back of the houses
were gardens, all divided by wooden palings. The village
had a dark appearance, occasioned by unpainted wood
exposed to the air becoming of a dusky slate colour ; but
the red bricks formed an agreeable contrast. To a traveller
just emerging from a forest where little or no improvement
has taken place, and remembering the many days he has
spent in wandering through a thinly peopled & badly
cultivated country, the view from these hilly pastures down
upon a rich plain, flourishing village, and picturesque river
winding through a magnificent forest, is highly gratifying.
Then are his [*] eyes opened to the benefits attending the

246 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

union of numbers, and he hastens on with desire to enjoy
the society of beings who, having made so great an
improvement, he expects must be of a superior order. En-
tering the village we overtook two teams, and saluted the
drivers, who appeared plain, simple, hard working men. The
horses were small but handsome. The Inn is a large plain
built wooden house, standing on one side of the open
space. Near it is a large brick house belonging to Mr. Rapp,
and another which is a public store or shop where all articles
are for sale. Here the country people from a distance round
come to deal, but they must pay ready money for every
thing. On the front of the Inn is painted Private Enter-
tainment, which enables the landlord to enforce a regulation
to turn out all irregular or drunken persons. Our party
had arrived at 2 o'clock & dined, & when we reached the
Inn we found that M^". Owen & his son had gone out with
Mr. Frederick Rapp. I followed them & was introduced to
Mr. Rapp who is a tall, rawboned, sallow complexioned,
serious & plain german. He wore a small [*] crowned
hat with a large brim over long brown hair, and a loose
grey surtout. He took us up to the top of his father's
house, from which we had a good view of the village. [The
village is about 600 yards long & between 400 & 500 yards
wide.] We then returned to the inn for the rest of the
evening. — We had tea & supper between 6 & 7 o'clock at
which were two or three persons from the country, who
Ayere stopping at the inn for the night. Among the number
was Mr, Stewart from Springfield.
Fnday i;th. [Temperature this morning 54°. It rained hard all

night. The wind was easterly. It continued cloudy all
day.] After breakfast we accompanied Mr. Rapp to visit
the two churches, and ascended to the top of the new one from
which we had a still better view of the village. [Mr. F Rapp
informed us that the band of the village sometimes assembled
on the top of the church to play to the village.] Adjoining
to Mr. Rapp's house is a garden in which the old gentleman
takes great pleasure to work. In the center is a small mound
of petrefactions made at a spring on the Harmonic Property.

Drcr.

MACDONALD DIARIES 247

In the yard is a large lime stone slab, bearing the im-
pression of two naked feet and an irregular square drawn
seemingly by the point of a stick. This slab was found on
the banks of the Missouri not far from
St. Louis by M^. Frederick Rapp who sent
a boat for it. He conjectures that at some
distant period while the materials of it were
in a soft state, an Indian [*] might have
stood there and drew the line marking the
irregular shape. These materials must have
afterwards been petrefied by some natural
process. The portion on which the impres-
sions are was cut off. — Adjoining to the gar-
den is a moveable greenhouse, made to pull
during the frosty weather over some fine orange & lemon
shrubs. Behind this is a lofty brick granary built in the ger-
nian fashion, to keep the grain cool. There is another of wood
at one corner of the village, near which are three wooden
buildings, one a large barn, & thrashing machine moved
by 8 horses, another a cotton and woolen manufactory & dying
house, with a steam engine, and the third a cotton mill, worked
by an inclined circular plane moved by a horse & an ox. Under
the new church are two cellars for wine, cider & beer. Over
the church & under the roof is a large room, where the
population may meet when they give great entertainments ; but
the building is not yet finished. We afterwards went through
the granaries, the store, the barn & manufactories, and some
of the dwelling houses. The store is divided into several
rooms well arranged. The manufactories are small and do
not contain many of the late improvements in machinery. The
work people [*] do not seem very expert at their work. The (Friday 17th.
larger dwelling houses are of brick. Galleries run through ^^^"^ ^°"^ ^
the center of them. The Women's appartments, opening
one into the other, are on one side and the men's on the
other. Stoves stand in the middle of the rooms. The people
keep their rooms too warm and close, which evidently gives
them a pale & unhealthy appearance. At eleven o'clock we
found them all going home to dinner. The soil on which
the village stands is sandy. The streets had not been made

248 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

with much attention, and the rain water lay in several
places, but soon sank into the ground. — At one o'clock we
dined with M'". F. Rapp. His neice was at table. She is a
young and pleasing person. The dinner was good. We
drank some red & white wine made in the village. It was
of a pleasant quality. We likewise tasted cider & beer made
here; both very good. After dinner M"". Rapp's neice played
on the piano, and sang some german airs accompanied by
three of the females who were sent for. — We then walked
through the blacksmith's & coopers' shops, the cow houses,
and looked into the deer yard. We saw some fine cattle and
a beautiful elk. [*] In the cotton manufactory we remained
some time, & M^". Owen shewed them a few alterations in
their manner of working which they ought to make. While
we were there the females from two rooms lo in numbers,
assembled and sung us some german songs on the subject
of friendship, composed & harmonized by themselves. It
was pleasing & well done, but too much in a melancholy
dull style, & without sufficient animation. — This evening
Mr. George Flower arrived from Albion to meet his father.
[This evening we had wind & rain from the South West.]
Saturday iS^h. [Thermometer this morning 30°. About 8 o'clock this

^^^'^- morning Mi". Ronald's arrived. He came to the ferry last

night, but the weather being stormy & the night dark, the
ferry man could not venture across with him.] After
breakfast we walked with Mr. Rapp to the labyrinth &
yineyards, which were well laid out. From some of the
knolls where the vines were trained, we had a good view
of the village. The vineyards are fenced in. On our return
we visited the hatter's shop, the shoemaker's, the tannery,
and a room where the females were making clothes. All
appeared actively employed. Between 11 & 12 o'clock,
Ml". Rapp having some business with his people, we walked
down to the ferry, where we found 3 or 4 flats lying, and
one lately made by the Harmonites. In these flats they send
their produce to the market at New Orleans. — At 12 o'clock
Mr. Rapp dined with [*] us at the Inn. After dinner he
supplied us with horses, and we rode with him four miles
to a corn mill, which they have erected on a small passage of
the Wabash which separates a large flat, & forms a short

MACDONALD DIARIES 249

cut where the river makes a considerable bend. They have
built a strong & large wooden mill close to a dam which
the[y] have thrown entirely across this cut. There is water
all the year to turn this mill which grinds for a great many
of their neighbours. At the back of the mill the ground
rises from one to two hundred feet, and the bank contains
good free stone. From the mill we rode through the forest
nearly to the Springfield road, and found a good many parts
of the higher ground in the woods level and well situated
as sites for villages. We returned between 3 & 4 o'clock. This
day was cold, cloudy & frosty. In the morning & forenoon
there was a good deal of wind, which frequently blew a
good deal of sand along the street roads. In the evening
the wind decreased.

[In the night it froze a little. This morning the temper- Sunday 19th.
ature was 26°. Weather cloudy.] At nine o'clock the church Dec".
bell called the Population to Divine Service. It was an
interesting sight to see the males & females [*] coming in
strings to the church from the different parts of the village.
The men dress in a plain blue, brown frock coat or
surtout, trowsers & shoes ; the females wear white caps,
checked neck handkerchiefs, cloth gowns, and checked
aprons. They all had a stouter & healthier appearance this
morning than when we saw them at their work. There
were a good many young persons among them, and we
understood that they had several children who remained at
home. The men in general had strong and coarse features.
They all wore long loose hair. The females occupied half
the church, the males the other half. Mr. Frederick Rapp
sat at an elevated desk and gave out the psalms and
preached. His sermon was about friendship, working for
one another, having common property, and the approaching
millenium, which would be brought about by these & such
like practices & method of life. There was a mildness &
amiable expression of countenance in the whole congregation
which was extremely pleasing. Several of both the males &
females were good looking strong & healthy, and a very
general contentment seemed to prevail among them. The
service lasted about an hour & a half. [There were about
500 persons present.] We dined between 11 & 12 o'clock.

250

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

(Sunday I9*'».
Dec. cont<l)

From Monday
20th. Dec. to
Monday 27th,
Decf.

Between 12 & i o'clock. The village band [*] consisting
of 8 or 10 wind instruments, assembled in front of
Mr. Rapp's house, played one or two slow movements and
then preceded us into the church. — We were followed by
about 300 of the inhabitants, mostly of the younger part
of the population. We remained there between one & two
hours, which time was devoted to music & singing psalms.
The males and females are formed into sections of 8 or
10. They are in the habit of assembling together for the
purpose of practising singing. The verses which they
select, they themselves arrange, to music and sing in
parts. Mr. Rapp called out 8 or ten sections to sing, after
which the females retired. We then quitted the church
followed by the males. There was an afternoon service
similar to the morning one, which we did not attend. The
afternoon which was very fine, clear & frosty, was spent
by us in walking and riding. At six o'clock we drank tea
at Ml". Rapp's, after which about a dozen of the young
men & women came in and the rest of the evening was
occupied with music. Mt". Rapp's neice Miss Gertrude Rapp
played the piano, D^". Millar an elderly person who was
formerly physician & surgeon to the Society & who now
is schoolmaster, played the violin, two of the men played [*]
flutes, and the women sang. A variety of music was
performed. The Canadian Boat Song, All's well. Away
with Melancholy, were sung out of compliment to our
party. We retired about nine o'clock.

(About half past 10 o'clock on Monday 20th. ins*.
Mr. Ronalds, Miss Ronalds, W»". Owen & myself set out
on horseback for M"". Flower's place near Albion Town in
Edwards County in the State of Illinois; leaving Mr. Owen
to inspect more fully and at his leisure the Harmony Estate,
and to shew & explain his plans to Mr. Frederick Rapp.
Wm. Owen & myself left our Portmanteaus to come in a cart
with Mr. Owen's baggage when he should set out, and only
brought a change of linen in our pockets. The day though
frosty was beautifully fine. We crossed the Wabash by
the ferry, which is kept by an American, and passed through
a thick wood filled with canes with a green leaf upon
them, across a flat island to Fox's Creek which we

MACDONALD DIARIES 251

forded. In the time of floods this island, except in the
center is overflowed & the creek cannot be forded. The
part of the island which is not subject to be overflowed
belongs to the Harmonites. The road is merely a track
cut through the forest, and in consequence of its flatness
and of the richness of the soil, is deep & bad. The frost
had however hardened [*] the ground & rendered it tolerable
riding. In these cane bottoms the wolves take shelter. They
have destroyed many of the sheep belonging to the Har-
monites. After crossing Fox's Creek we ascended an
undulating country, almost entirely covered with oak
timber. After riding from 20 to 25 miles from Harmonie
we opened upon the English Prairie, an open space of about
4000 acres of good land covered with long wild grass, with
a few scattered clumps of trees & surrounded by the
forest. The scene had the appearance of a fine and
extensive Park. Here & there on the skirts of the woods
we could perceive the habitations of English settlers from
whom this prairie derives its name. Prairie is the name
which the French settlers who in the course of the past
century established themselves at New Orleans Vincennes,
St. Louis & the surrounding country, gave to these open
tracts of country, and it has from usage been adopted into
the English language. The cause of their formation seems
yet to be a question, though it be generally considered that
fierce fires so thoroughly destroyed the roots of the trees as
to prevent any regrowth of timber. Towards the close of
the year and during the Indian summer when [*] the long
prairie grass is both dry & dead, frequent fires take
place. Some are accidental, but most of them are done
designedly by the inhabitants who take advantage of a wind
blowing from their premises to fire the grass, and send
the danger in a different direction. For the fire is so rapid
when the wind is high, that it flies over the land at a horse's
speed, frequently destroying the fences & farm yards on
the borders of the forest to which its course is directed.
When any such danger is apprehended, the farmer towards
whose property the fire is advancing, will if time permit, call
in the assistance of his neighbours, pull down fences attempt
to beat out the flames, or light a fire near to his own

252

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

From
Monday
20ti». Dec.
to Do.
27th.

premises & direct its course to meet the other fire. The
destruction by these fires of fences & hay & corn stacks is
so common & timber & food so plentiful in this country, that
the natives talk of them with apparent unconcern. Riding
with a party to view the country we passed a farmer & his
little boy toiling away with long shovels, beating out a fire,
and after looking on for a few minutes continued our ride
without any further notice. — About 1/2 past four we [*]
reached M^. Flower's Place, situated on the northern skirt of
the English Prairie, & about a mile south of the settlement
.cont''. town of Albion. In the year 18 16 M^. George Flower &
Mr. Birkbeck came over to America for the purpose of
fixing upon an eligible settlement. In the course of the
following year they visited this place, and being struck with
the beauty of the scene, its similarity to England, & the
facility of cultivating a large tract of good land already
cleared of timber, they purchased several thousand acres both
of prairie & woodland which they divided. M"". Birkbeck
afterwards called his place Wanbro. His house is two miles
^from Albion which was fixed upon by M^. Flower and some
who came from England with him as a convenient situation
for a town. The surrounding trees were cut down to build
temporary log houses, after which a few brick & stone &
frame houses were commenced. The place is as yet very
inconsiderable, consisting of only a few houses scattered
on each side of the road. It is about 40 miles south of
Vincennes. A horse post passes through this place once
a week to Shawneetown which stands on the low land on the
banks of the Ohio near the place where it is joined [*] by
the Wabash. Mi". Flower has built himself an English
cottage, adjoining to which is a large log house, and
offices & farm yard, where his eldest son M"". George Flower
lives. Several acres of land have been enclosed with wooden
fences, & cultivated about their houses. Their gardens
abound with peach trees, which they informed us yield a
profusion of the finest peaches. This place in summer time
must be extremely beautiful. At the back & to the right & left
of these houses a forest of oaks raises its lofty head, and
in front a rich and extensive prairie which is gradually
coming into cultivation is spread out. The limits of the

MACDONALD DIARIES 253

prairie are lost in the distant woods, clumps of trees decorate
its surface, wild deer roam over it, and the cattle & sheep
of the farm herd upon it. Half a mile off in different
directions, reside Mf. Pickering & Mr. Ronalds, married
to two of Mr. Flower's daughters. Al^. Ronalds is building
a tannery. — We were received by M^. Flower & all his
family with the utmost hospitality. W*". Owen lodged in
his house, and I at M"". George Flower's. We had numerous
discussions relative to M"". Owen's views & plans, and I
derived much information therefrom. The activity of mind
displayed by all the party, aided by their experience acquired
by settling in a new [*] country where each often has almost
every duty and business to perform, tended to throw much
light upon enquiries into the nature of Society and the most
beneficial mode of associating & cooperating together. The
advantage of the Union of many families for the purpose of
mutually assisting one another & at the same time properly
dividing & apportioning the various employments, seemed
to be well understood, and the want of such an agreement
and arrangement forcibly felt by them ; but the habits of the
Old Country & the difficulties attending novel & extensive
arrangements had hitherto prevented the accomplishment of
such an enterprise. The next morning, (Tuesday) we
walked about the farm, and into the Prairie, and called at
several houses. We observed several elevated spots on
which villages might be built, and we conversed with some
of the farmers on the advantages of Union as the way to
produce abundance, and encrease of comfort, and secure an
education for their children. On Wednesday we walked
to Albion, and I gave letters which had been entrusted to
Mr. Owen, to D"". Spring and Mr. Birkett. Dr. Spring is a
young medical gentleman who has I learnt ["''] received a good
education and is getting into good practice here, — Mr. Birkett
is a settler from the West Indies. There is another Doctor liv-
ing in Albion, Dr. Pugsley. We likewise saw Mr. W"\ Orange
who keeps the Washington Tavern, Mr. Wood who keeps a
Tavern belonging to Mr. Birkett who lives in the house,
Mr. Lewis, a merchant emigrated from London & now living
retired here in a small house with his wife & family, and
Mr. Johnston a blacksmith (late a stone mason). As he is

From
Monday
2otii Dec.
to Do.
27th

254 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

one of the justices he is called Squire Johnstone. — We
looked into a corn mill turned by an inclined circular plane
worked by oxen, belonging to M^. Flower; and we saw
a machine with saws for separating the cotton from the
seed. — We called on M^. Pickering, whose wife had a day
or two before our arrival been confined. M^. Pickering is
the son of a Yorkshire farmer. He was a land surveyor
in England, came out single. & is now a married man with
a family & a farmer. — We likewise called on M^. Ronalds,
who lives in a small cottage near his unfinished tannery. He
has some patent for tanning. He officiates in turns with
Mr, Lewis as clergyman on Sundays, and his congregation
meet in a room in Albion. M^^. Ronalds was in delicate
health, being in a fair way to increase her family. — The
next day (Wednesday) we rode out with [*] Mr. Flower,
Mr. George Flower, Mr. Ronalds & his sister, Mr. Birkett,
►contd. Dr Spring & Mr. W^. Orange with some greyhounds, to
have a deer hunt. We passed a field of cotton, of which
I gathered a sample. It grows on a small bush in pods which
contain the cotton, and which open when ripe. Crossing the
prairie to the East we put up two which soon escaped into
the woods. We then called on Mr. & Mrs. Daniel Orange
who have a farm on the east side of the prairie, and were
introduced to Mrs. Jolly — .From Mr. Orange's we crossed
through a belt of wood into a small prairie called French
Creek Prairie. The grass had been burnt, and we were
obliged to return without seeing any deer in it. In the
wood we came upon an opossum. It is a small animal, with
short legs, having a body about 18 inches long, gray
hair, long snout & tail, & large mouth. It laid down and
pretended to be dead. The back woodsmen have the expres-
sion that a person is opossuming when he is shamming. — As
we again crossed the English Prairie we put up 3 or 4 more
deer. They bounded over the long grass displaying their
white bushy tails, & were soon in the woods. We turned
southward along the prairie and soon found as many more,
which in like manner went off into the woods. As [*] the
grass in this wood had not been burnt, the greyhounds did
not once get sight of the deer, and we found it fatiguing
work riding through it. Our horses were hardv, and

MACDONALD DIARIES 255

displayed more intelligence than I had remarked among
horses in England. Here they are little groomed, have to lie
out a great deal, and often have to feed themselves. The day
was very fine, and the thermometer above temperate in the
shade. In the evening I played at chess with M"". Ronalds.
On Friday we walked to Albion, and saw the school kept
by Mr. Warangton. It is in a small room where he teaches
reading writing & arithmetic to about 30 boys & girls. — A
County Hall is building in Albion. The brick walls & the
roof are finished. We afterwards took the road to
Wanbro, and called at Mr. Browns. He is a shoe maker &
weaver. His wife is a fine looking woman. They have
a large family. They received us in a very friendly
manner & we w^ere introduced to their two oldest daughters,
both fine young women. Mr. George Flower invited himself
and family to drink tea with them on Tuesday next. They
hoped that we would be of the party. M^. Owen arrived
about sunset. Mr. Fred. Rapp had delayed his visit till
Monday, [*] as he could not be from home Xmas day &
Sunday.— Friday evenings are set apart by Mr. Flower and
his friends for music. — The party assembled consisted of
Mr. & Mrs. Lewis, Mr. & Mrs. Orange & Mrs. jolly, Mr. Cave,
Mr. & Mrs. Carter, Dr. Spring & Mr. Flower's family. In
consequence of Mrs. Pickering's confinement the best per-
former on the piano w'as absent, but we had a violin violin-
cello, flute, & several good voices. Mr. Lewis & his wife
sang very prettily together. Mrs. Carter also sang some
pretty songs. Mr. Carter is a trader ; he trades sometimes
with the Indians. I learnt from him that not long since
a party of Miami and Kickapoo Indians were hunting in
this neighbourhood. It was also said that they were painted
for war, and intended going down the river to Tennessee
in the spring to fight the Little Osage Tribe, whose lands
they wished to occupy. Some few years ago a large party
five young men of one of these tribes went down the river
in canoes for the same purpose. They stopped at Harmonic
had refreshment of corn and water, & continued their
journey. They were defeated and all destroyed. — We felt
anxious to gain some information where this hunting was
at presint, but could not obtain any certain [*] informa-

256

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

From
Monday
2cih Dec',
to Do. 27*
Dec.

i>cont<l.

tion. — In the course of the evening we discovered a fire in
the southern part of the prairie but as the night was calm
it did not blaze very much. — The next morning (Saturday
Xmas day) Mr. Flower having prevailed on Mr. Owen to
have a meeting to explain his Plans, a notice was written
advertising it for the next day at 1/2 past one in Albion. I
rode with Mf. George Flower, and left it in Albion. Thence
we rode into the East prairie, about two miles distant, called
at the Distillery & gave notice, and then went to Mr. Woods
farm. Mr. Wood is a farmer from Nottinghamshire. His
family live with him. His eldest son is married to the
daughter of Mr. Flower's housekeeper. They belonged in
England to a society of free thinkers^ We had some
conversation relative to the advantages of associating in
community, which they said that they had wished for a long
time. The father said that in England the people could not
so soon understand the advantages of such a plan, because
they had never, like his family, had the experience of
beginning the world in a new country ; and the son remarked
that he wished to live in such a society — as he was convinced
it would be the happiest life that could be led by man-
kind. — In [*] the evening Mr. Owen had a long argument
with Mr. Flower and Mr. Ronalds relative to the consistency
of his Principles, their connexion with a religious belief, &
the distinctions between right & wrong, virtue & vice.

Sunday morning we went to meeting held in a room in
Albion, where about 2 dozen persons were present. The
day was remarkably clear, calm and temperate. A little
before 2 o'clock so many persons collected that it was judged
necessary to have Mr. Owen's meeting in the open air.
Benches were brought out of the houses, & when these were
filled numbers sat on the logs of trees which lay on the
grass. The meeting consisted of about 200 persons, the
great majority of whom were English settlers. Many
who are methodists did not attend. There were very few
Americans present. The company formed into a ring &
Mr. Owen stood in the center and spoke to them for about
2 1/2 hours. All were extremely attentive and both
interested and pleased. Husbands brought their wives &
daughters, and many infant children were to be seen in their

MACDONALD DIARIES 257

mothers arms, as they could not be left alone at home. [*]
Mr. Owen commenced by congratulating himself at being
surrounded by so many speaking his own language & brought
up as he had been, & so far from his own home. He then
stated the principles of Human Nature that Man's character
consists of & is formed first by the Power that creates him &
2"dly. by the circumstances in which he is placed after
birth. Thence he traced the effect of charity, kindness &
benevolence, and the absence of the angry passions. — He
told them that such alone was pure religion, and that they
might be certain it did not exist wherever anger, ill will, and
uncharitable conduct was found. Heo [^called their attention
to the necessity of placing themselves in the best and excluding
the worst circumstances, — ] commented on the advantages
of Union, and spoke of those principles alone being able to
produce it. He shewed his plans & read the rules & regulations
for a community as drawn out & adopted by the British &
Foreign Philanthropic Society, formed in London four years
ago. About sunset the meeting broke up quietly & in high
good humour. Several persons spoke of his views & plans
as l^eing highly satisfactory. — In the evening M«". Owen
shewed his plans to M^. Pickering at M*". Flower's.

On Monday morning Mf. Owen rode out to call upon
some families in the neighbourhood [*] and I remained at
home and wrote my journal. The weather was calm & tem-
perate, but cloudy. Between 3 & 4 oclock M^. Fred. Rapp
& his neice Gertrude Rapp arrived. About 5 o'clock the
following party set down to dinner at M"". George Flower's,
Mr. & Mrs. Birkett, Mr. & Mrs. Carter, Mr. & Mrs. Cave,
Mr. & Mrs. Lewis, Mrs. Jolly, Mr. & Mrs. Orange, Miss Rapp,
Miss Ross, Miss Ronalds, Mr. Rapp, Dr. Spring Mr. Flower's
Family & ourselves. After dinner an interesting discussion
took place relative to Mr. Owen's doctrine of Man's non
responsibility. Mr. Flower, Mr. Ronalds & ^[r. Pickering,
contended that Man was a subject for merit & demerit, of
praise & blame, and of reward & punishment; and they
supported their opinion by connecting it with religion, the
Christian dispensation of a belief in a God in a resurrection,
a heaven & hell, & future rewards & punishments, and by
endeavouring to shew that Mr. Owen's statement of the

258

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Tuesday 28^^
Decf.

(Tuesday 28th.
Dec'', contd)

Formation of Human character and his Exposition of the
influence of circumstances over human nature, were in
contradiction to such creed. M"". Owen repHed that he was
not aware how his statement that the child was created by
a power over which he had no controul [*] could be
considered as a denial of a Supreme Being; his endeavour
to draw public attention to the consideration of the influence
of circumstances over the child after birth, was no denial
of a Resurrection; and his wish to do away with all human
artificial rewards & punishments, was no interference with
the future state of man after this life, or with those natural
punishments which necessarily follow ignorance & bad
habits, and those natural rewards which ensue from
knowledge & good habits. The discussion was carried on
till past 10 o'clock. Mr. & Mrs. Lewis, & Mr. & Mrs. Carter,
sang some extremely pretty songs ; after which the Party
broke up. — Mr. Rapp remarked that he agreed with
Mr, Flower in his arguments; Mr. Lewis & Mr. Carter
were very favorable to Mr. Owen's views, and Mr. Birkett
declared that he would not have missed being present at
the discussion for 500 dollars. [In the afternoon the
glass was 54°.]

This morning the glass was at 48° with foggy & rainy
weather. Mr. Owen passed the greater part of the day in
business with Mr. Rapp. I sat with Miss Ronalds, Miss
Rapp, & Mr. Pickering & Mr. Ronalds. These gentlemen
earnestly opposed the system of Mr. Owen with religious
objections. Mr. John Wood came in to see Mr. Owen. He
expressed how much he was in favour of his Plan, remarked
that when in England, he had laboured hard but never
acquired an independence and a place that he could call his
own, and that now though he had property of [*] his own
and little labour, he found himself more dependent than
ever. The present system, he said, was man against man ; if
he gained today, it was his neighbour's loss, and if his
neighbour gained tomorrow, it was at his expense. He
would do anything, he added, as far as he was concerned
to bring the plan of community into practice. Mr. Owen
agreed to have some conversation tomorrow evening after
dusk on the subject, with Mr. Wood & 6 or 8 of his

MACDONALD DIARIES 259

friends, if they felt disposed to come & spend the evening at
Mr. Flower's. Mrs. Pickering being very unwell, Mr. &
Mrs. Flower went & passed the night at her house. — In the
course of the evening Mr. Carter & Mr. Lewis came from
Albion as deputies to request Mr. Owen to hold another
meeting, as many persons both of Albion & Wanbro wished
to discuss with him the merits of his plan. They shewed
a paper containing a dozen & a half of signatures, offering
to become members of a community. Among the number
I observed the names of Messrs. Birbeck (son) Birket,
Johnston, Lewis, Orange, Spring & Carter. Mr. Owen
appointed one o'clock on Thursday at Albion, for the
meeting. He shewed and explained the drawings of his
plan to Messrs. Carter, Lewis & Ronalds. I had some
conversation [*] with Miss Gertrude, who is pretty, mild,
amiable, and extremely pleasing. She sang a few little
german songs in an unaffected manner, & was a fine
specimen in her own manners, how charming, simple,
innocent & interesting a character a Harmonic life is
capable of producing.

Fog & Rain. Ther. 50°. Mr. Rapp & his neice set off Wednesday 29th
after breakfast for Harmonic, Mr. Owen having engaged "

either to go over there on Friday or Saturday, or meet him
on Monday at Vincennes for the purpose of visiting the
Shaker establishment at Bussora. Mr. Owen occupied
himself looking over his papers. In the course of the day
the post arrived at Albion from Vincennes, bringing a
variety of newspapers for Mr. Flower. These engaged
our attention during the evening. One of them contained
the Presidents Message, in which he spoke of civilizing
the Indians. It struck us that should Mr. Owen purchase
Harmonic, he would be a good agent for that purpose
between the U. States & the Tribes, and the establishment
of Harmonic a place of interest & attraction to them. [A
Farmer of the name of Michels called on Mr. Owen. He is
a Methodist, but very desirous of becoming a member of a
community. He is an industrious man.] Mr. Owen talked
to Wm. and myself about our remaining at Harmonic to
make ourselves acquainted with the several operations carried
on in the village, while he proceeded to Washington.

260 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Thursday 30**'. This (lay was calm & cloudy, without rain. Ther^.

Dccf. ranged between 40° & 50''. About one o'clock [*] we went

up to Albion. Before two o'clock about 70 persons had
assembled in a room in the Brick Tavern. Among the
number were several from Wanbro; half a dozen respectable
looking females; about two dozen hard working looking
farmers & inechanics ; several young persons and 5 or 6 black
men & women. They shewed by their appearance the
irregular habits of life followed by them, but with the
exception of a noisy drunken man who came in for a few
minutes, they behaved with great attention and propriety.
M^. Owen shewed them his plans, and mentioned that his
object in visiting Harmonic had been to see whether that
place would serve as a temporary residence for an association
of persons while they were acquiring the habits and infor-
mation requisite for persons entering an establishment of the
construction he had been shewing them. He continued, that
he had found a great many advantages at Harmonic, and
considered that any population removing to that situation
would immediately find themselves in a superior situation.
The report of the unhealthiness of Harmonic was incor-
rect. Before the land was cleared the inhabitants were
sickly. The sickness diminished as they cleared the land ; and
out of 800 persons 5 died in 1822 & 2 only in 1823. He
mentioned that from his experience, he found it better
to [*] manage a population without praise or blame, reward
or punishment. He said that he intended that the utmost
toleration of opinion should prevail in associations formed
upon his principles ; for he could not conceive a more
irrational proceeding or greater injustice, that [sic] to be
angry with or censure any person for his opinions, or prevent
him having the fullest & f reeest exercise of worship according
to his Belief. He said that it had occurred to him that
morning, that were he to purchase Harmonic, an association
of persons might rent it of him, and he could make all the
arrangements and direct their proceedings till every thing
should be well understood & went on in its regular course.
To questions as to the method to be adopted by persons
having houses, lands & stock around Albion, who might be
disposed to join him, he replied that he had been considering

MACDONALD DIARIES 261

the difficulty stated, and that he had been thinking that
cotton might be grown on the dry lands, & that the wet
ground might be turned into grass land. Mr. Owen concluded
by saying that they might reflect upon all these matters ; that
he intended to return again to Harmonic, and further
examine that concern; that if they thought they could form
themselves into an association upon any other plan, he would
be most happy to [*] give them every assistance in his (Thursday 3otiv
power. — After the meeting broke up, several persons ^^^''- contd)
remained for some time conversing together on the subject.
We dined at Mrs. Wattle's. Her husband Judge Wattle
was absent on law duty. While M^. Clinton was Governor
of the State of New York & in high public estimation
Judge Wattle was likewise in consideration in the east. Upon
the change of Politics which put Mf. Clinton out of office,
and some failures at the same time by which Judge Wattle
lost considerable sums of money; the Judge determined to
retire into the Western States, and ultimately fixed his
residence at Albion, where he has built a small house. The
dinner was cooked & served by M^s. Wattle, Miss Ross, &
Mrs. Lewis. We had most of the persons present \^ho
were at M^". George Flower's. We returned home early in the
evening, and found Mi". Warangton, the schoolmaster, waiting
to converse with M^". Owen as to the improved method of
managing his school. M^. Warangton allowed that he thought
Man's character to be formed for him, & approved of a
system of tuition without praise or blame, reward or punish-
ment, but he involved the question in the discussion of
whether blame must not necessarily be attached to the Deity
for all the bad actions of men, if we relieved them of
blame, and went on to contend that such a consequence
proved that man must be a free agent, and that it [*] would
be inconsistent not to praise & blame, reward & punish. The
discussion was carried on for at least two hours. —

This day was calm but cloudy. We sent our portmanteaus Friday 31st.
by Mr. Benton's cart, which was going on business to Har- Dec^.
monie. We started on horseback about 10 o'clock. We
travelled at an easy trot through the prairie & oak forest,
called the barrens, came into the Shawnee town road 8 miles
south of the village of Bon pas ; soon left this road & crossed

262 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

to the left over the Fox Creek, which was very low ; crossed
Fox island which owing to the wet weather was very
muddy; and passing the Wabash ferry, reached Harmonie
about 3 o'clock. — Mr, Fred. Rapp spent the evening with
us. He brought a bottle of red wine for us to taste, made
from the wild grapes. It had been 5 years in bottle, at first
fermented & sickened very much, & was a long time before it
cleared. It had a sweet, & sharp aromatic flavour, & reminded
me of the common sort of vin de moulin, made in the South
of France. He said that he had tried pruning the wild
vines, but that they ceased to bear grapes when pruned. — In
the course of our day's ride I saw 2 wild deer, and 3
turkey buzzards.
Saturday !«<. This morning the wind which [*] had been southerly

January 1825. £qj. ^^^ |^g^ week came round to the north of West. It
threatened snow, but the glass standing about 33°. the cold
kept it off. — The wind was sharp & the day cloudy & dry. —
After breakfast M^. Owen went out with Mi". Rapp &
W™. Owen & myself went with M"". George Flower to see
the Harmonite sheep. There are 3 flocks of merinoes, the
whole number, including rams, wethers, ewes & lambs,
amounting to between 800 & 900. M^". Rapp proposed to
leave 700. We found the flocks in three fold houses, which
appeared to be well kept and of a convenient size. — Mr. Flower
took samples of the wool of two of the rams, which proved
to be very fine wool. In winter time the sheep always sleep
in the houses, but in summer they lay out and shepherds sleep
out with them to protect them from the wolves. — For this
purpose they have covered carts. — When we returned to the
inn, Mr. Ronalds arrived from Albion, having set out early
in the morning in the expectation of meeting his sister on
her way home. We dined at midday, and between one & two
Mr. & Miss Ronalds & Mr. G. Flower left us for Albion.
Mr. Owen again went out with Mr. Rapp & W»". & myself
walked upon the hills a mile from the village towards the
mill. These [*] hills are at least 200 feet high, descending
abruptly to the cut which runs to the mill. [From the
highest point of these hills the prospect is extensive &
beautiful. A few judicious openings would present many
picturesque views of the winding river ; and a little taste

MACDONALD DIARIES 263

in leaving here & there small clumps of trees when the land
is cleared, and planting a few artificial shrubs evergreens &
bushy trees would much augment the richness of the
scenery.] The small island on the other side of the cut is
flat, & flooded in the rainy season, & covered with trees
of large size, which retain the mark several feet up of the
river water. Through the trees we could see some large
stacks or barns in the middle of the island, belonging to
the Harmonites. The banks of the river are very picturesque
in this part, and with some management there might be
made many extremely beautiful walks & rides. We returned
at the back & west of the orchards which are large & shut
in by good palings. The town & these orchards stand on
a kind of second flat. Between them & the river is a lower
one, which the river inundates in the flooding season. This
lower flat is a rich soil and will, I have no doubt, ultimately
be secured by embankments from the inundation. In the
evening the wind went down & it began to freeze. — Mf. Owen
spent some part of the evening with Mr. Rapp, occupied
about the business of settling for the purchase of Harmonie.
Our landlord Mr. Eckensberger shewed me a good toned
german violoncello which he played [*] at the musical (Saturday i**.
meetings of the Society. In the course of conversation he J^"^- ^5 contd)
told me that he came from the mountains of Suabia. That
he & several others of the surrounding country of Wurtem-
burg, were of a peculiar religious opinion, not merely
forms & words; that M^". Rapp was their preacher, & that
they used to assemble together for the purpose of carrying
on their peculiar mode of worship. The clergy at length
got them fined every time they met together. In consequence
of this they determined to emigrate to America. Their
neighbours, considering them to be the most orderly, in-
dustrious, & honest people in the country, were much averse
to this step ; but they finally succeeding in carrying their
project of removal into execution. When they purchased
the Estate of Harmonie & removed from the neighbourhood
of Pittsburg, they hoped to be joined by a great number
of their countrymen, & therefore took a much greater extent
of land than they immediately required. Two years back
finding that few joined their association, they sent some

264

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

to the old country to try & [*] obtain an accession to their
members. Their missionaries however proved unsuccessful
& returned about this time twelve months. Soon after they
resolved to sell this property, & purchase a smaller one in
Pennsylvania nearer to that part of the country which is
peopled by germans.
Sunday 2nd At 7 oclock this morning the glass was at 22°. The day

Jaiiv 1825. ^yjjj; calm & beautifully clear. The sun shone brilliantly. At

nine o'clock the Population went into church. As they passed
our window they looked remarkably respectable & orderly;
their dress very plain & old-fashioned, but clean & decently
put on. W^i. went to church, while Mf. Owen & myself
remained at home. M'". Owen had in the morning received
a letter from Mr. Rapp, relative to their discussions last
night, and containing his terms. — After church M^. Owen
received another note from Mi". Rapp to inform him that he
had received notice of the arrival of goods at Shawneetown,
that in consequence he intended to send a keel boat down
tomorrow, & that other business would prevent [*] him
going to Vincennes. M^. Owen therefore determined to go
to Shawneetown, & a person was dispatched on horseback
with a letter to M'". George Flower, as that gentleman had
arranged to meet M^. Owen at Vincennes. After dinner
we went to the nursery garden which was full of apple
trees. There were also two small patches of apple trees in
an orchard. These were neatly bound round with straw to
preserve them from the rabbits. We afterwards walked
along the bank of the cutoff, turned up the hills on our
left, crossed along by the vineyards, and returned soon after
four o'clock to the town. Mf. Schnee from Springfield
came in and had a long conversation with Mr. Owen. He
has been a woolen manufacturer, and seemed disposed to
join an association & take part in the direction of that
branch of business.
Monday 3'd. During breakfast a M^. Clarke from the neighbourhood

Jany. of the Illinois River arrived. He brought a letter of

introduction to Mr. Owen from Mr. Birkbeck. He had
formerly been a farmer near Rye in Kent, had been 12 years
in America, traded with the Indians, been to the Rocky
Mountains in pursue of furs, and wintered with his

MACDONALD DIARIES 265

companions under those mountains. We had [*] con-
siderable conversation with him relative to the manners &
customs of the Indians, the new system of society, and the
rapid progress of the settling in the Western States. He
spoke much of the superior fertility of the western country,
and said that during the last fall 300 families had settled
in his neighbourhood. After dinner he set out on his road
east. Mr. George Flower arrived from Albion. Having
made a final agreement with M"". Fred. Rapp for the
purchase of Harmonic, M"". Owen sent his baggage down
to the keelboat, and having taken leave of the Harmonites
we embarked about 3 o'clock. The afternoon was calm & clear
but cold. We had six rowers, a cook and a captain. Mr. Rapp
had sent provisions, blankets & buffaloe skins on board for
our use. The cargo was light, consisting only of a few
barrels of flour. There was a stove and benches in the
after part, and altogether we were tolerably well off. We
occasionally rowed, and sometimes the Captain played on
the key bugle or the crew sung glees. The river was low
for the season of the year, & the current, which sometimes
ran between 2 & ^ miles an hour & at other times not above
one, [*] was rapidly falling. When rowing, the boat would (Monday 3^^
often go from 3 to 4 miles an hour. In the most shallow Jan^ cont*')
parts of the channel, the water was from 3 to 5 feet deep ; but
we often had above two fathoms. The night was beautifully
illuminated by a full moon. The sides of the river are
flat, the soil rich & covered with large timber. The cotton
wood is very abundant, in consequence of this ground being
subject to be flooded in the Spring. The river winds very
much, & has several islands in it.

This day was cloudless. Though the morning was Tuesday 4^^-
frosty & cold, yet the rising sun gradually warmed the air Jany.
and produced an agreeable temperature. Before we reached
the mouth of the Wabash we passed the mouth of the little
Wabash. We saw several Turkey buzzards and some smaller
birds, flocks of wild geese & ducks, but we did not get near
enough to shoot any. Some of the river bends are cut off
by narrow channels forming islands. Some of these channels
may be navigated during high water & in the day time.
One [*] of them saves 18 miles of distance. We entered

266 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the Ohio opposite an Island belonging to the State of
Kentucky, called Wabash Island. The river Wabash may
be about 400 yards wide at its mouth; below the Wabash
island the Ohio may be from 600 to 800 yards broad. At
low water their depth where they meet may be 3 fathoms ; at
the height of flood from 7 to 9 fathoms. We arrived at
Shawneetown about half after 3 o'clock. From the mouth
of the Wabash Harmonie may be 65 miles, & Shawneetown
10 miles distant. This place stands on the edge of the right
bank of the Ohio. It consists of two straggling streets. The
wood is cut down for about 1/4 of a mile every way round
the town which contains about 150 houses, including log,
frame & brick buildings. The latter description of house is
confined to a very small number. The foundations of the
brick houses are built from 2 to 4 feet above the ground, &
those of the wooden buildings are raised on logs, by way of
protection from the spring inundation, which generally
floods the whole town. We put up at the Columbian Inn, at
the sign of Washington's Head, painted by Mi". Harding
of Kentucky [*] who went to England last spring, and took
a good likeness of Mr. Owen in London. — M^. Rawlings, the
proprietor was very attentive. This is the best house in the
town. All the latest papers are to be seen here. — Mr. Rapp
has a store here ; his agent is Mr. Caldwell, a very respectable
man. He is land agent for the United States. — Shawneetown
was first settled as the nearest port on the Ohio, from the
salt spring which are about 10 miles inland. There is a post
weekly between this place & Harmonie. The distance is 12
miles to the ferry on the Wabash, and 24 miles from thence
through Springfield. We supped at 6 o'clock and spent the
evening reading the papers & in conversation with the people
of the place. We slept in a room with two other persons.
Wednesday 5^^. Early this morning the Indiana steamboat, arrived here

■^^"^' from Louisville. It & the Congress had been engaged to take

a cargo & some of the Harmonie people up to Economy. The
captain, Mr. Clarke, put a person on shore at Mount Vernon,
to cross over & give notice at Harmonie that he would be
at the mouth of the Wabash in waiting for them, and called
at Shawneetown to take on board several articles from the
store. In the course of the forenoon Mr. Owen conversed

MACDONALD DIARIES 267

with some of the people, among the number D^. Reid, & sub-
scribed for the [*] Shawneetown Gazette, 3 dollars per
annum, published every Saturday. About mid-day we
embarked on board the steamboat, which took the keelboat
alongside. As there was no pilot on board acquainted with
the navigation of the Wabash, we only went 2 miles
up the river & anchored on the river side. [The weather
calm & clear.] In the evening the crew of the Harmonic
boat sang to the company in the cabin, consisting of
Captn. & Mi-s. Clarke, M", Fitch from New Albany. & our-
selves. I wrote to my uncle.

We spent the whole of this day waiting for the Thursday 6*^.
Harmonites. During dinner M*". Rawlings the master of Janx
the Shawneetown Inn. We amused ourselves part of the
time making fires in the wood. About 4 o'clock 3 flat
boats arrived with a cargo from Harmonic & the notice
that M"". Rapp & the party would meet the steamboat at
Mount Vernon. In the evening I wrote to Skene, and gave
my letters to M^. Owen to forward from Washington.
Between 10 & 11 o'clock at Night every thing being on
board, we set off up the river Ohio leaving the Harmonic
boats to return up the Wabash. On our way one of the
fire men fell over board, his foot slipping on the icy deck
as he stopped for wood. He slid so far out as to escape
the wheel which only grazed the skin off one of his knees.
The engine was immediately stopped & a row boat sent after
him. As he swam in the water he kept halloeing out to
give notice where he was. At this moment the Magnet
steamboat overtook us [*] coming up the river, and it was (Thursday 6^^.
with difficulty that he swam out of her way. At length he ^^^^ *^°"^**)
was safely got on board. One of the passengers mentioned
that he was standing near the wheel of a steamboat when
a man fell over the bows, and coming under the wheel
between two of the flappers was safely picked up with
the water & pitched upon the deck again without further
injury than being almost drowned with water.

About 4 o'clock this morning we arrived at Mount Friday 7th.
Vernon. M^. Rapp & his party who had been waiting at night ^^"^
in Mr. James's inn, immediately came on board. M^". Schnee
from Springfield had accompanied them. Wm. Owen &

268

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Saturday S^^
Jany

Sunday 9<h,
Jany

myself took leave of Mr. Owen & landed. — We breakfasted
at the inn with M^. Rawlings, J\Ir. Schnee, two or three
other persons, and the sheriff of this county and a young
man taken up for murder, whom he was conveying prisoner
to the state of Tennessee. After breakfast we rode to
Harmonic on two of M"". Rapp's horses, by the lower road
which is a mile shorter, better for horses, but not so good
for carriages as the Springfield road, on account of the
hills & creeks. — As I did not find myself very well, I rested
the rest of the day. The afternoon was cloudy but
calm & not cold. [*]

This day was calm, cloudy & mild weather. After
breakfast we called and saw M's. Rapp and her grand
daughter jMiss Gertrude, & then returned to the inn to write
our Journals. We dined between 12 & one o'clock. After
dinner Mr. Schnee & his wife came in. In the course of
conversation I learnt that there are 52 counties in this
state, and 5 Judges. The circuit in which this county
(Posey) is, contains nine counties. The Judges have 700$
a year, & are elected for 5 years.' The Judge of this circuit
is Goodlet. A Gazette is published every week at Evansville.
In the afternoon we took a long walk into the wood.

This morning the glass was at 34°. & the weather calm
and cloudy. As M^. Rapp was from home, the Harmonians
had no church. W"\ Owen & myself drew out an altered
form of notice relative to the persons & the terms on which
they would be admitted as members of the New Society.
After dinner we walked into the woods. On our return we
found a large party which had arrived from Princetown,
consisting of General Evans & his lady, General Lely [Neely]
Postmaster & his lady, Mr. Brown tavern keeper, M"". Hall
lawyer, Mr. Arbuthnot saddler, and another gentleman. The
ladies, as is customary, occupied the private [*] sitting room
and the gentlemen the public room. We spent the evening
in conversation with them. They seemed much pleased with
Mr. Owen's plans, and remarked that the country round
were delighted at the change which was about to take place
in this settlement. Mr. Hall made several enquires relative
to the plan about to be adopted, which induced me to enter

'The term of the judges was seven years. — Ed.

MACDONALD DIARIES 269

fully upon the subject with them. They expressed their
concurrence with me in the opinions I expressed relative to the
nature of Man & the system of cooperation. Mr. Arbuthnot
said that he had been much taken with the subject, and
should not wonder if upon a satisfactory communication
with M^'. Owen he should join the Society with his wife &
family. General Evans expressed himself much to the same
purpose. M"". Brown wished us to write to M"". Owen that
he might use his influence with the postmaster General to
have the mail carried between this place & Princetown in a
stage instead of on horseback as at present. General Evans
conversed with me a considerable time about the Indian
Tribes. He said that he settled in this country about 9 years
ago, when it was covered with Indians, that he had constant
intercourse with them, learnt enough of their language to
have a little conversation with them, and that he discovered
much to admire in them. When he had [*] occasion to go
away from home for a few days, he would go to some
neighbouring camp where he had Indian acquaintance, tell
them he wished them to protect his house & family while
he was away ; & two or three of the men & squaws would
remove & build their hut close to his house, remaining there
as a guard of safety till his return. He added that he never
was so safe as when surrounded by Indians. Sometimes
his horses would get loose & stray away into the woods. He
would acquaint the Indians of it, & 2 or 3 young men would
start off, & never return till they caught them. This service
he repaid with corn or whisky. When a party of them
began drinking, one would always take their arms & put
them on one side and keep himself sober as a guard over
the others. Afterwards if any quarrelled they would run
for their arms, but finding them set apart & a sober com-
panion in charge, they would cease their dispute, being above
contention by blows or wrestling. Sometimes they would
borrow from him, or trade with him for rifles or other
articles which he had purchased for the purpose of bartering
with them. If they could not pay at the time, [*] they (Sunday 9^^.
would promise to return & pay him on a certain day. If they J^"^ contd)
had procured their furs before the appointed time, & returned
to their camps they would not come to him till the day they

270 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

had named; but he never was once deceived by any of
them. He then gave me some description & account of
Tecumseh. This Indian chief was a fine figure of a man,
and a wonderful clever & well informed person for a natural
Indian. When he had his interview with General Harrison
Governor of the state, the general first invited his own
company & friends to be seated, after which he told the
interpreter to say to Tecumseh that his Father wished to
have a friendly meeting with him & invited him to be
seated. He used the term father in imitation of the Indians
who style the President of the U. States their great Father.
Tecumseh who had been much huffed that he himself had
not been looked upon as the greatest person in company
and given a chair before the General's friends, replied
indignantly "You, my Father! No. The Sun is my Father.
"The Earth is my Mother, and I will repose myself upon
"her lap," and seating himself upon the ground, was imitated
by all his followers.
Monday loth This morning was beautifully [*] clear. The glass

J*"*" stood at 22°. When the sun rose the day became pleasantly

warm in the sun. The Princetown party conversed much
about Mr. Owen's new system. General Evans described
to me the way the State of Indiana is divided into Dis-
tricts & Ranges. A base line was fixed running East & west
nearly through the middle of the State, and a meridian line
on the eastern extremity. Another meridian line was marked
off every 6 miles west, and other lines every 6 miles
'north & south of the base line, were marked off parallel to
that line. Thus each District contains 36 square miles or
sections as they are called, containing 640 acres, and is
described as being the i^t 2nd or y^ &c district, north or
south of the base line, and in the i^t 2nd or 3rd &c West range.
Engineers were appointed by government to survey these
lines, as well as the lines dividing the sections, at the rate
of $3 a day. They measured straight through the woods, and
at the angles marked 4 convenient trees, & specified upon
them the distance & the direction by compass to the exact
spot where they drove in a picket to mark the point where
the lines crossed. — The unsold lands are called congress
lands. There is a land office in every county for the sale

MACDONALD DIARIES 271

of lands/ [*] The government price is one and a quarter
dollar an acre, and the smallest lot is i/8th of a section
or 80 acres, amounting to ioOv$. The Eastern Mail leaves
Princetown every Thursday morning. There are 2 senators
and 3 representatives in congress for the State of Indiana.
Mr. Jacob Call residing in Vincennes is one. They receive
3 dollars a day during the sitting of congress, and this is
continued 20 days before & after. Their letters go free of
any weight. The members of this State's Legislature
receive 2$ a day. Every proprietor is taxed for the repair
of roads ; but no one can be taxed more than 4 days
labour, the tax upon a quarter section of land. General Evans
wrote a letter to Mr. Call the member, introducing Mr. Owen
to him ; this letter we put under another cover together with
letters to Mr. Owen & a copy of the notice. In the afternoon
we visited some of the farmyards & stables, & cotton
manufactory, & walked about three miles up the river bank. In
the evening we went to the church, where about 10 of the
band of the Harmonians played some marches & waltzes to
us. Wm. Owen received a note from Mr. George Flower
mentioning that Mr. Mcintosh who lives at the falls of the
Wabash below Vincennes was desirous of becoming [*] a
member of the Society, and he added that a disagreement had
lately taken place in Vincennes between several f rench families
& their priest, & that as these families were going to remove,
he thought about 30 of them would join the Society. — This
information we gave in our letters to Mr. Owen.

This day was beautifully fine & clear. At 7 o'clock Tuesday nth.
in the morning the therr. stood at 24° but the sun soon ^^'^'
made the day agreeably warm. After breakfast I looked at
two horses, one a large grey barb belonging to General Evans
for 100$, the other a Black well made little horse for 45$.
Mr. Baker at the Harmonite store looked at one for us, a
young bay horse out of condition for 55$. I understood
that an excellent hack ought not to cost above 40$, though
the price had been higher 4 years ago. — The Princetown
party left us with many invitations to visit them ; and

^Macdonald was in error. Land offices were widely scattered over
the state, at Vincennes, Jeffersonville, Brookville, Crawfordsville, and
Fort Wayne. — En.

272 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Mr. Carter, & Mr & Mrs. Birkett arrived from Albion. We
shewed our notice to them, and Hkewise to a blacksmith
trader from Wheeling. They approved much of it. — After
dinner we went to visit the wooden granary, and the
mill, cotton & woolen Manufactours & dye house, all turned
(Tuesday ii^h by a steam Engine [*] In the evening I gave Mr. Baker, the
Jany contd) storekeeper, the notice to read. A Mr. Alexander Stuart from

Perthshire called with a letter from Mr. George Flower. He
is settled 15 miles west of Wanborough. He is a farrier &
veterinary surgeon by trade, & wished to have a copy of
Mr. Owen's proposals.
Wednesday 12^^. A beautifully clear & calm morning. Therr. 24°. The

J^"''- sun rose brilliantly. I omitted to mention that in the course

of conversation on Sunday evening General Evans described
the state of French Society at Vincennes when he first
arrived there 9 years ago. There were there then many
very respectable, intelligent french families in good circum-
stances. They carried on business enough to make them
comfortable and keep up an active intercourse with the
inhabitants of S^. Louis & the other french settlements. o
[c>they kept the settlement in a pretty & flourishing state.
Their houses were neat, and the grounds around them well
cultivated & dressed up with flower gardens.] On Sundays
he would see them coming in crowds from mass and hastening
to the race course where they would amuse themselves all
day, & in the evening have dances & balls. The first ball
he was at he was made acquainted with one of their customs
by having the trick played upon himself. While standing
in conversation with a gentleman [*] at one end of the
ball-room, a lady came up entered into conversation with
him & before he was aware of it sewed a ticket on the lappet
of his coat. This was a signal that he was engaged to give
the next ball & be the king of it. His friend then informed
him that he must choose his queen from among the ladies
in the room,-"^ [-^in the same manner, by fastening the
ticket, when unobserved, on the sleeve of one of them, then]
presenting his hand to her, kissing her cheek (not her mouth
which would be an offence) and dancing with her. This
he performed, gave his ball which cost him above 60$ (as
it was customary to pay for a new ball-dress for his queen)

MACDONALD DIARIES 273

and afterwards was considered a member of their society
and admitted to all their amusements. Latterly however he
observed that many of the principal families had gone away
and the majority of the remaining settlers were poor & less
industrious. Princetown is 26 or 28 miles from this, and
Vincennes 22 or 24 from thence. After dinner we rode
two of Mr. Rapp's horses 8 miles into the woods to see an
oil mill and a saw mill separated from one another about
a quarter of a mile. & built on a small creek which was
dammed up to give sufficient falls of water. They were
not at work. Thence we rode a couple [*] of miles through
the wood on the Princetown side to a small prairie about 100
yards long & a field & cowherd's shed by the river side. Here
they send their cattle & young horses in the spring to get
young grass. No one was at either of the mills, & the
hostler who rode with us told us that it was very seldom
that any thing was touched or taken away. On our return
we found two Shakers from Bussora at the Tavern, and
had some conversation with them. They were dressed in
grey frock coats & chocolate coloured trowsers. Their
manners were plain and their behaviour quiet & unassuming.
One of them had lived at Waterfliet, and appeared well
pleased at learning that we had been there. Their number
at Bussora is between 40 & 50. There are altogether in the
states 13 societies consisting of about 4000 persons. They
only trade with the public enough to supply themselves
with the articles of consumption which they cannot produce
at home. They feed silkworms from the leaves of the
wild mulberry, and make silks. One of them shewed me
a black silk handkerchief of their own making, which he
was wearing round his neck. It was strong and well
made. Some of [*] the longer established societies, he
said, made silks of a very superior description. They use
coffee made from rye, which they are very fond of. They
are going to try to grow the tea plant which they have been
assured is likely to thrive in this country. Bussora is 18
miles by the road but only 12 miles directly north up the
Wabash from Vincennes. They think the vine will thrive
particularly well, as it is the natural & abundant production
in every part of the woods around them. The warm

274 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

sun & the cold nights & sharp frosts sometimes injure & kill

the S. West sides of the apple & peach trees. They make

a great deal of cider, which they consider the best beverage.

When going to travel on horseback in cold weather they take

a draught of cider with ginger in it, which warms the whole

body. The names of the Shakers were Meecham & M^Leland.

Thursday J3*^ [Weather cloudy & damp.] After breakfast we rode

Jan^- over to Albion to see the Flowers. We were accompanied

the greater part of the way by M^. Steele who lives in

(Thursday I i*'' Albion. M>". Flower [*] was confined with the gout;

Jany contd) jyjrs. Pickering still seriously ill in bed; & Mrs. Ronalds just

brought to bed of a girl.
Friday Mt**. The early part of the morning was rainy, & the whole

Jany- of the day cloudy, but not cold. — Judge Wattles called in

the afternoon, and had some conversation about Mr. Owen's
plan. He expressed himself very favorable to it, and said
that he thought if Mr. Owen made it well understood in the
Eastern States, that a great many of the best Mechanics
would join him at once. M^. Brissenden a farmer & friend
of Mr. John Wood called ; he seemed very desirous of
joining the Society, but spoke of some small cash debts
which he & his friend had, which they must settle before
they could leave their property and bring their stock into
the Society. In the evening we received a joint letter from
the two, asking several questions relative to the arrangements
of the association, which we answered by telling them that
Mr. Owen would answer them on his return. [Mr. George
Flower told us that Mr. Mcintosh seemed disposed to join
the Society, that his property on the falls of the Wabash
would hereafter be very valuable ; and that the french families
who were thinking of removing from Vincennes, were
talking of settling on the land between the Ohio & Wabash
rivers, & near the mouth of the latter.]
Saturday 15*^ The morning was fine, & though there was a little

^^^^ breeze & flying clouds from the south, the day was

mild, & like spring weather. After breakfast we called
at Mr. Ronalds, Judge Wattles & Mrs. Carters & returned
to Harmony. — On our way we [*] met Mr, & Mrs. Birket &
Mr. Carter, returning to Albion. As we came out of
Judge Wattles' house we met Dr. Pugsley who introduced

MACDONALD DIARIES

275

Tuesday 18*^.

himself & said he intended riding over to Harmonie
tomorrow. We found the two Shakers still at Harmonie.

In the night it froze, but at seven o'clock the morning Sunday i6ti».
was beautiful, without a cloud & the theri". at 34°. & rising Janv
fast. The wind was blowing a pleasant breeze from the
west by south. The Shakers left very early. After dinner
we walked to the bank of the Wabash below the cut off.
From these ridges we had a fine view of the river. On our
return we found D^. Pugsley, & jVIf. Hall & Mr. Clarke from
Albion. We sat in conversation with them all the evening.

After breakfast we walked south through the woods to the Monday 17^^.
banks of the Wabash below the cut off. The three English
visitors were very much pleased with the scenery. We returned
by the cut off mill. We spent the evening in discussion.

After Breakfast we [*] went with the English visitors
to see the oilmill & saw mill. There were two men at work
at each. After dinner we went to see the Distillery, the
Steam Engine, the Thrashing machine and Piggery.

This day the 3 English returned to Albion. After dinner Wednesday 19th.
we went through the Turner's shop, Tanyard, soap boiler's,
Washhouse & hat manufactory. [This evening a letter came
from Richd. Brenchley tailor in Albion offering to join.]

We rode to Springfield & thence went to M^. Phillips Thursday 20th.
schoolmaster & land surveyor. The school is a poor one. The
children looked rather pale & not healthy. He himself was
sickly. We dined at Springfield with M"". Schnee &
Mr. Stewart. After dinner we saw a Hatter who resides
there & is disposed to join the Society at Harmonie. He
is not in good health. On our return in the evening we
found two English settlers arrived from the Hornbrook
settlement 10 miles from Evansville & 28 miles from
hence. Their names Mr. Saunders Hornbrook who had a
Woolen Manufactory near Plymouth & emigrated to this
country about 6 years ago; & Mr. Medloe who had a
farm in Hampshire & came over at the same time. They
conversed [*] in a way to shew that they would be willing to
join the Society here, if Mr. Owen's terms should suit their
views. — [This evening two letters arrived for & one from
Mr. Owen. The latter dated Louisville the 9th inst.] The
weather has been fine & dry all this week, & the nights frosty.

276

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Friday 2ist.

(Tuesday 25th.
Jany contd)

A beautiful morning, ther'". 23° at 7 o'clock.

On Saturday we sent of f a letter to Hunter by a Traveller
going to New Orleans. On Monday we took some measure-
ments of the Town. On Tuesday we rode through the Cut Off
Island with M^. Richard one of the store keepers. Various
parts are above the flood mark. Some of them are cleared
& log houses built for cattle. We saw a good many
feeding. & some colts. There is a small prairie on which
there is good grass. M'". Richard believes that there is
something in the nature of the ground which prevents the
growth of wood. The island is about 6 miles long & from
two to three wide. We met one of the farmers; he said
that there were too deer in the island. We saw a few at
a great distance. The wild turkies are abundant. People
from the boats going up & down, are in the habit of
landing [*] and shooting a great many. They take dogs
with them, who stand at the foot of the trees barking while
the shooter takes a deliberate aim from behind a neighbouring
trees. The turkies are too intent looking down at the dogs
to observe him. The island is a rich soil and the timber
upon it large & thick. We saw a great number of very
large buckhorn trees. —

On Wednesday we wrote letters. I wrote Mi's. Kemmis
& Mr. Hamilton. In the afternoon some American gentlemen
called to inquire about M"". Owen's plan ; from Evansville
a Ml". Crockwell, baker & grocer ; from Cynthiana a farmer,
& another person : & a M^". Morris Tavern keeper from
Carmi Illinois, wishing to rent the Harmonic tavern.

On Thursday Mi". Jaques & his son in law M^. Rankins,
[Likewise a ^l^. Mathew from beyond Bon pas.] conversed
with us, & invited us to visit them 9 miles on the Prince
town road. In the afternoon we rode 3 miles south to a
sawmill, on a creek which runs down to the river opposite
to Denis' ferry. The creek has enough water, but the dam
was broken down last flood. The situation is pleasant & the
buildings new. It would not [*] be much trouble to repair
the dam, & set the mill again at work. It is a mile from
the \Vabash. \Ve thence rode down to the river. The
Ferryman lives on the other side, on a tract of rich land
belonging to this property. On this side there is a small

MACDONALD DIARIES 277

farm. In the course of our ride we passed 2 old farms, out

of which the people had been bought. — A great part of our

time we passed in visiting the town, measuring many

places, looking at the manufactories, workshops & empty

houses, and making a rough plan as a memorandum, till the

complete one made by M^. Pickering last fall shall arrive. In

the evenings we observed the stars and had astronomical

conversations with Miss Gertrude & D^. Millar. The

weather continued remarkably clear & fine. A little frost at

night & a warm sun in the day. No wind, & only now & then

a small thin cloud. — The ther^". in the morning ranged from

16°, 18°, 22° & 24" to 29°, 30^ ^f & 41° for the Friday 28th.

last week. — [*] Janx

Ml". Lewis from x\Ibion arrived. We visited some of Saturday 29th.
the workshops, & continued taking notes for our rough Jany-
sketch. On Sunday M"". Clarke's two sons arrived. We saw
in the Shawnee town Paper a letter stating that M^. Owen's
'New View of Society' was in the New York Press. We
therefore sat down to write a statement of the Principles &
Practice for insertion in that Paper, thinking that the subject Sunday 30**1.
was misunderstood & that a letter relative to it would be
well received. This day our letters went off. — The Post
arrives here from Princetown every thursday forenoon & goes
on to Shawneetown, which it again leaves on Saturday &
passes through this place early on Sunday morning, the
distance from Shawneetown being from 35 to 40 miles.
There are two or three roads; one by Rood's ferry & across
Fox Island into the Vincennes road ; another to Denis' Ferry
3 miles down the Wabash ; and a third by Springfield & across
the Wabash 5 miles above its mouth. The latter is the post
road. The first has 6 miles of bad road through a part of
Fox Island & a creek to cross ; and the second has a marsh
to cross. — We got D^". Miller to print a hundred copies of
the Notice which we had drawn out. and we [*] gave some
to the neighbours who called to enquire about Mr. Owen. — A
M''. Owens from Bloomington, Monroe County in this
State, about 50 miles south of Indianapolis & 130 north of
this, arrived; he came for the purpose of making enquiries
concerning the Harmonie flocks & the management of
sheep, & likewise to hear something of M*". Owen's

278

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

]st. Feby.
Tuesday

Wednesday 2"^
Feby

Friday 4*^.
Feby

Plan. — Mr. Lewis went back to Albion & returned on
Tuesday i^t. Febx. for the purpose of making himself
acquainted with the process of making candles & boiling
soap, which business he proposed to follow in Mr. Owen's
Establishment. — We had long conversations with Mr. Owens
& excited so much interest in his mind relative to the New
System that he requested to copy the Letter to the Editor of
the Shawneetown Paper, promising to have it printed in the
Paper published in his town. — The two Young Clarke's after
visiting the different manufactories &c in the Town re-
turned; and likewise Mr. Lewis. We sent by Mr. Lewis
copies of the Notice to Mr. Flower & to Mr. Birbeck. A
Mr. Maguire, settled on the Princeton road, called. He
wished to join Mr. Owen. Li the afternoon we saw [*] him
drunk. We read in the Baltimore American Farmer a notice
relative to an Italian gentleman wishing to be engaged to
manage vineyards. We therefore wrote to the Editor to beg
he would direct him to apply to Mr. Owen. I had a long
discussion with Dr Smith about Mr. Owen's Plan. [The
weather for some days had been clear & frosty.]

[About 5 o'clock this morning, the thermometer being
down at 6°., about 80 of the men turned out with clubs &
hoes, and knocked off all the corn stalks standing on from
60 to 80 acres of land, before breakfast. They chose this
hour as the stalks are very brittle during a hard frost & be-
fore sunrise ; & shewed by this method the power of Union.
After the above process the stalks are left to rot on the
ground if any crop be in it already; otherwise they are
sometimes cut in two or three pieces & plowed in, or they are
harrowed together & burnt. We went out and for some time
joined in the work.] We set out after breakfast for
Princeton on two of Mr. Rapp's horses with a pair of saddle
bags & with Kentucky leggins, which consist of pieces of
cloth passed twice round the leg from the heel to a few
inches above the knee & tied with garters. They are very
convenient. We had Mr. Owens as a travelling companion. — ■
The weather was dry but cold & cloudy. The road was
through well timbered lands for above 10 miles, & several
small settlements. It was rough & ran over the ends of
small ridges which lose themselves on the flats near the

MACDONALD DIARIES 279

course of the Wabash. The road afterwards went for some
miles over the sandy barrens where the timl^er was extremely
stunted, & consisted of a dwarf black oak. — The last 8 or
ten miles of the road [*] to Princeton passed through a
roling country of rich land thickly timbered. [We overtook
a brother of Gen^. Evans on the road, who accompanied us
into the Town.] We reached Princeton distant 28 miles,
between 4 & 5 o'clock, and put up at Mr. Brown's Tavern,
which is at present kept by M^". Daniels. Here we again met
Gen's. Evans & Neily, Mr. Arbuthnot, & Mr. Hall. — We
were attended to as well as the house could afford, but had
to sleep in the .same bed, while Mr. Owens occupied another
in the same room.

Princeton stands on an open level place. The land Saturday 5th.
around is rich & well wooded. The town is scattered ; it ^^*'^-
has a sort of a square in the middle with a courthouse &
small jail ; the former built of brick. Many of the houses
are frame built, & some of them painted. There may be
from 150 to 200 families in this settlement. — [Mr. Owens
left us this morning for Vincennes.] After breakfast
we walked with Mr. Brown & Genl Evans & called on
Mr. Phillips an Englishman who has been settled on some
lands adjoining to the town for 6 years. His farm house
is built upon a hill overlooking the town. He has cleared a
large quantity of ground & brought it into a good state of
cultivation. In Great Britain he was a considerable Mail
coach proprietor & well known. He left off business on
account of the bad state of his health, travelled through the
United States, and [*] at length taking a fancy to this spot
fixed himself here. He says that he was very much imposed
upon & had many difficulties to contend against. We called
on Mr. Hall who was in his law office, & on I\Ir. Arbuthnot
who was in his saddler's shop. We conversed with several
of the inhabitants relative to Mr. Owen's Plans, & drank tea
at Gen' Evans where we were introduced to Mrs. Evans &
three of his sisters. — It was in Princeton that Mr. Birbeck
remained with his family for several months after he first
came to this country, and here he wrote his pamphlet on
Emigration. He spent a good deal of ready money & lost
a season by his unwillingness to adopt the American system

280 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

of farming in those resi^ects which were best fitted for this
soil & cHmate, and in the postage money which he was
continually paying. His two daughters made themselves
disliked by the females here. —
Sunday 6th. After breakfast we set out for Vinceimes, Mi". Phillips

^^^^ accompanying us. We were overtaken by Genl Evans who

accompanied us through a thick wood & rich land to the
other side of the Patoka river to a settlement called Columbia
which was first established with the idea that it would be
made a county town; but that not [*] being the case it had
declined. It has now only two or three families in it. [In
the course of the ride Genl Evans expressed to me his good
opinion of M*". Owen's plan, & said that he should make
haste to return from Virginia whither he was about to go on
business, in order to see M^. Owen. Should he be able to
make an agreement w^ith him, he would be happy to join
the Society.] The Patoka is a small stream not above 40 feet
wide ; it has however a long winding course, swells in rainy
weather, and enters the Wabash river a short distance below
the mouth of the White river. & a little lower down than
Mount Carmel on the right bank of the Wabash. — We
crossed a bridge & proceeded by Major Rob's farm to the
White river which is nearly as broad as the Wabash, & is
navigable for boats a great distance inland. There are two
ferries; we took the upper one. which is 12 miles from
Princeton. The river was very low, caused by the long dry
weather. The banks are sandy. — The river makes a bend
between the two ferries, so that on the north side the distance
from one to the other is not above a mile ; so we were
told. — Ml'. Dick a Scotch farmer, has a property here, his
house is near the lower ferry. — Both sides of this river are
flooded on the rising of the waters. We travelled the rest
of the way to Vincennes through small black oak & a sandy
soil. The Evansville coach which arrived last evening at
(Sunday 6tii. Princeton, [*] overtook us at a settlement where we stopt

cont ) £qj. ^ £g^ minutes. It is a covered two horse spring waggon.

It runs once a week between Vincennes & Evansville. It
takes two days to go the distance which is 23 & 27 = 50
miles; — fare 3 1/2 dollars. We reached Vincennes between
3 & 4 o'clock, & put up at M's. Jones, a tolerable tavern for

MACDONALD DIARIES 281

this country. The town is a scattered place standing on the
left bank of the Wabash, and surrounded on the other sides
by a prairie of small extent, which resembles in some manner
an English race course. The houses are for the most part
small frame buildings ; but there are a few brick houses. The
gardens are inclosed by palings, but they do not appear
neat. [The population we understood to be from 300 to 400
families. The opposite side of the river is woody & low
for some distance back. The prairie behind the town is
subject in part to inundation during the high stages of the
river floods.] This tow'n was settled more than a century
ago by a colony of Canadian French of a poor and illiterate
description. They used to carry on an active trade with the
native Indians, who inhabited in great numbers all the
surrounding country. By their conciliatory manners they
contrived always to live on good terms with them, and
latterly when the Americans w'ere at war with the Indians &
wished to buy their lands or drive them west, their friendly
behaviour to the Indians [*] served to produce a coldness
on the part of the Americans, which has prevented them
mixing together. Within the last few years several french
families have moved away ; some into the woods & others
to St. Louis, Kascaskia & other French settlements on the
Mississippi & Alissouri & in the western territories. We
remarked a number of houses out of repair, or shut
up. — Before supper we called on M^". Hay, the agent for
Mr. Rapp. He was not at home, but we found M's. Hay &
Mrs. Elston, wife of an Englishman, who has a situation
in the land office here. We then walked to the end of the
town, v.here we saw some flat & keel boats building. They
are intended to carry down produce to the Orleans market
as soon as the waters rise. A "Si^. Massey a gentleman from
the north of England settled here joined us. Two of the
boats belonged to him. One he was building on a new
construction, to carry cattle below & grain above. He
intended to go down himself. Air. Phillips said that he
went down in company with Gen'. Neily one season, but
that the fatigue of it was so great & the chance of selling
produce to such advantage as to defray all expences so
uncertain [*] that he Avould never embark again on another

282

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Monday 7^^.
Feby.

(Monday 7th.
Feby contd.)

similar expedition. The boats sometimes cost 100$ build-
ing, & when sold after discharging the cargo frequently fetch
no more than 5$. There is no water power at Vincennes.
This want has in some degree been supplied by a steam & an
ox mill. Some years back a bank was set up here. While it
was in credit, business was alive in the place & the town
l^egan to improve; but it failed & since that period things
have been on the decline. M"". Hay called just before
supper & asked us to his house in the evening. There we
met Judge Blackford who is Judge of this district including
Posey County. He is an agreeable & well-informed man. He
boards at M^s. Jones'. We also met Mf. Elston. They were
all desirous of hearing about M^. Owen. — This day was very
fine & mild. In the evening however it became cloudy, and
at night a warm S. W. wind brought rain.

After breakfast we called on M^". Hay and saw the
Harmony store which is in a large room of his house which
is one of the best in the town & stands at the corner of the
two principal streets, and close to the Illinois Ferry. The
room opens into the street & seems to be much resorted
to. Mr. Hay walked through part of the [*] town with, and
called on D^. MacName who has a good brick house, one of
the best, if not the best in the place. — Mf. Phillips took his
leave of us, & set off in the rain for Princetown. We walked
with M*". Massey to the Receiver's office in a large brick
building. The principal room is made a Public Library. As
it was a day of meeting for the Shareholders, we met & were
introduced to several persons. Among the number were
Mr. Baddolet Head of the Land office, a frenchman, & father
in law to M^. Caldwell at Shawneetown ; — M^. Harrison, son
of General Harrison & receiver, & librarian ; Judge Blackford,
President of the Library Directors ; D^ . Kuykendall ; M"". Scott
Presbiterian minister ; & some others whose names we did
not hear distinctly. Several resolutions were passed relative
to buying new books, exchanging others & selling old ones,
and relative to subscribers in debt & reducing the annual
subscription from 2$ down to one. This last proposal was
rejected. — This business occupied two or three hours, &
proved the poverty of the inhabitants. — In the [*] course
of the afternoon we wrote a letter to iM^. Owen & inclosed

MACDONALD DIARIES 283

one of the Notices. The Post from Louisville arrives
Tuesday morning about lo o'clock, & sets out again about
mid-day. The calculation is that letters reach Washington
City in 14 or 15 days, & thence to Vincennes in 17 or 18
days. — We drank tea at M^, Hay's where we met a widow lady
of the name of Smith, and the Misses MacName & Kuykendall
two fine girls. — A great want in the free States is attendance
for all domestic purposes ; and persons in good circumstances
have either to do the duties of the house entirely themselves,
or procure the uncertain help of free blacks. This must be
the case in a state of society, where families live separately
and uphold the practice of equality. — Surely if Equality be
a good principle of society, the proper practice to be followed
in a country where it prevails is to unite in associations, in
each of which all the children should be educated together
in the best manner, & taught in early life to wait upon the
old, with the prospect of being waited [*] upon in their
turn when they were advanced in years. — Without such a
regular proceeding the many disadvantages of rudeness,
folly. & discomfort, will be sure to follow from uncultivated
minds, irregular habits & want of system in performing the
various duties of social life. [Wind S. West.]

[The day was mild & cloudy when we set out. After Tuesdaj 8^^.
midday it began to rain & continued the rest of the day & all ^^^^•
night. Wind N. E.] After taking leave of our friends we
set out for M«". W"^. Mcintosh's. We were accompanied for
a few miles by M^. Hay & Mi". Elston. We rode down the
left bank of the Wabash through a prairie & passed a small
settlement of French families, situated on the more elevated
part, as a great portion of the prairie is subject to inunda-
tion. We then entered the forest & passed over a rich
bottom. We had intended to keep the Shawneetown
road & cross the river at Vallees ferry, but missed the road
to the right & continued down the low ground passing over
a creek & between some ponds till we reached a small rapid
in the river and a small settlement on both sides of the
river. On the right bank stood a mill belonging to a
Ml". Beedel. Thinking this to be the ferry we ought to cross
at, we hailed the boat, which in a few minutes passed us
over to the other side. Had [*] we continued three miles

284 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

further we should have reached the Grand rapids where we
could have got across & soon reached our destination. We
asked the ferryman the way to Mr. Mcintosh's. He directed
up the hill about two miles along the road to Vincennes
which we should have taken had we crossed where we
intended. The ground over which we travelled is covered
by water in the flood season to the depth of several feet. — At
length we reached a small squared loghouse at which an
little elderly man was standing. We asked him if he were
M"". M<^Intosh ; he said he was, invited us to dismount &
hoped we would stop the night with him. As soon as
we were in his house, we discovered that we were with a
Mr. John Mcintosh, & not the gentleman we intended to
visit. We mentioned our error but expressed our thanks
for his hospitable reception. His wife gave us a good
dinner of eggs, ham & cornbread & tea, and we passed the
evening talking with him & his son, relative to M^. Owen's
plan & concerning Scotland and the American revolution
in which the old man was concerned. About 9 o'clock he
gave us prayers & read a chapter from the Bible recommend-
ing a community of goods. [*] We sung a psalm in favor of
Union, and in his prayer he remembered it likewise, praying
that communities might be established. — He told us that he
was a Baptist, but wished to live on a liberal footing with all
men. He also observed that [he] was a turner, & could
make as good spinning wheels as any man, and while his
'Woman' spun & worked in the house, they could easily
ea'rn a comfortable support for themselves. The son was
married & lived in an adjoining house. The old man & his
wife slept in a bed in one corner of the room, & W"i. Owen &
myself in another. The rain fell heavily during the night.
Wednesday 9th After breakfast we set out for M^. W^. Mcintosh's. The

Feby old man rode part of the way to shew us the road & then

took his leave after giving us very pointed directions. [We
passed a farm belonging to M^. Kean, & stopped to wish
Iiim good day.] Our road lay along the ends of the
ridges, just above the flat ground on the right bank of the
Wabash. After riding four or five miles we came to
Palmyra, a settlement on a bank by the river side. It was
a county seat, but as this was removed the place declined, and

MACDONALD DIARIES 285

at length only one family remained in it. jMr. Wm. Mcintosh

afterwards alluded to this, & remarked that changes of this

sort were sometimes made through the influence of interested

persons, and [*] thus much capital was wasted in roads & (Wednesday g^K

other puljlic works. — From Palmyra we crossed two creeks, ^^^^ cont'i.)

one by a bridge & the other by a ford. In consequence of the

heavy rain these creeks were full of water ; & we were much

wet crossing the ford. We were much puzzled to find the

footpath which turned off to the left after crossing the ford.

The road which we had come thus far, led across a prairie

to Bon Pas. — At length we found a track which led us up to

Mr. Simon's farm, where we received directions & thence

crossed down to the river side and found M"". Mcintosh's

house on a little rising bank close to a small descent in the

channel of the river, which is called the Grand Rapids. The

rising of a few feet of water renders this place navigal^le

for flat & keel boats, and the house during the height of

the flood becomes isolated. M>'. Mcintosh received us

kindly, and as the following day proved very rainy detained

us at his house. He has a black housekeeper by whom he Thursday loth.

has several children. His partiality for the Blacks procures

the assistance of one who comes from Mount Carmel distant

two miles. His house is a frame building containing two

rooms. There are some small out buildings. He has very

little land [*] cleared or cultivated around his house which

is shut in on all sides by the forest except next the river the

opposite bank of which, however is thickly covered with wood

and a very low bottom. — In consequence of M^. IMcIntosh's

connection with this black female, his character is lost among

the Americans, and he lives quite retired from all society.

Our time was passed in conversation. He spoke of the

fall of the value of land & his embarrassments therefrom : of

the advantageous situation he resided upon for the site of

a mill, & his want of capital; of his Hfe while he resided

at Vincennes. He was a Major & public treasurer under

General Harrison, and had much intercourse with the

French & Indians. He came from Inverness, held a British

commission in Canada, resigned it as he could not live on

his pay. He gave us an account of the proceedings of the

Americans in purchasing & getting possession of the lands

286 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

of the Indians, and the wars which had taken place. On this
subject he had a misunderstanding with General Harrison &
resigned his public office. He intended, he said, if his mind
should ever be in a state for it, to [*] write some account
of these matters & place them in a more correct point of view
than as they appeared in General Harrison's life. He seemed
very fond of his children. His little son had been subject
to ague fits for two years. Mr. Mcintosh frequently spoke
of his intention of sending his children to Mi". Owen's
Society; but we said nothing on the subject as we did not
know how far it would be wise, in the first instance so
decidedly to oppose the feelings of the American People. We
slept together in one bed, in a room in which M^. Mcintosh
slept with one or two of his children. In the evenings the
Black man & his housekeeper sat in the same room
with & occasionally joined in the conversation. We observed
that a bed & bedclothes were brought into the sitting room. I
suppose that in consequence of our occupying one of their
beds, they were obliged to make up beds in the sitting room.
Friday ii^K This morning the wind was to the west of South, and

^"^- the weather appeared to be clearing up. After breakfast we

set out to return to Harmony. M*". Mcintosh accompanied
us as far as Mount Carmel, two miles from his house. This
settlement contains between 20 & 30 families. It was settled
about 6 years ago. It stands on a high ridge of rich soil
on the right bank of the Wabash, opposite to [*] the
mouths of the White river and Patoka creek which run
very near to each other before they fall into the Wabash. We
called on Mf . Stewart who keeps a small store. He rode down
to the river side with us and his son-in-law ferried us across
to the left bank & landed us just below the Patoka. They
were preparing boats to set out for the Orleans market. With
the late rain the river had risen already between two & three
feet, and it was expected to continue rising as all the
creeks & tributary streams were full of Water. Mount
Carmel is considered a healthy place. It has one doctor.
Dr. Smith, resident in it. When the place is more settled,
cleared out & arranged, it will be a pleasant situation. It is
18 miles from Albion. Our ferryman went a few hundred
yards through the Cane Brake to put us into a foot path

MACDONALD DIARIES 287

which he directed us to follow south for some miles. The

land was flat, rich & thickly wooded. The little foot

path wound along the side of a bayou for four or five

miles, when we came to a small settlement on a rising

bank. Here we received further directions for crossing

some creeks & a long slash & following a cow-path to the left

hand. The road was extremely bad & difficult to find. The

slash, as it is called in the language of the country, is a swamp

made by [*] a creek running into a flat bottom, quitting (Friday ri*i>.

its banks, spreading right and left & losing itself on the ^^^^- co"**)

low ground. At length, after travelling 7 or 8 miles, we

got out of this low ground and reached Judge Montgomery's

where we got further directions, & proceeded by cross roads

over a roling country till we came upon the sandy barrens

which we crossed on our way to Princeton. We made

several enquiries at the settlements by which we passed, to

keep us on the right road, and always met with great civility

from the inhabitants. All these settlements are of one

description ; small frame or log houses with small out

buildings of the same sort, irregularly built : a few acres of the

forest cleared around them; irregular fences inclosing the

fields, and a general appearance of careless habits, discomfort

& poverty. Most of the people appear thin & pale, and where

settled on the flat grounds, subject to cold fever & ague. — Ten

or twelve miles further on we came into the Princeton road

north of the Bridge over Black Creek. We found the road

very muddy & bad. It is ten miles from this creek to

Harmony where we arrived a little after 7 o'clock in the

evening. The delay in getting across the river, the badness

of the roads, and our having to turn off frequently to

different settlements to enquire our way, made this day's

ride long & fatiguing — Our horses were very tired. It is

necessary [*] when one stops to ask the way, to remain

a few minutes after receiving directions, to converse with

the people & in return for their information give them some

of the news of the day and say where you are from, & where

going. The curiosity of the people seems very natural. & it

is very proper to do one's best to gratify it, when it is

considered that they live scattered over an extensive country.

having but little society & rarely meeting strangers. On our

Fcby.

288 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

arrival we found that Mr. F. Rapp had returned home
the day after our departure. He had been in Pittsburg with
Mr. Owen w'ho had a pubhc meeting there on the 22"d. It
was very fully attended, but he did not hear the result of
it, as he was obliged to leave the place soon after it
opened. — \Ve had taken about 20 of the Notices, all which we
gave away to different persons in the course of our Journey.
From Friday iitJ» This week we spent in looking about us, talking with the
to Friday 18* . people of the country who came in, and associating a little
with the Harmonites. Among the enquirers were, M"". Server
a farmer from Springfield, M"". Rankin a farmer on the
Evansville road, M^". Gamble, M^". W^". Downey joiner by
trade, 12 miles on the Cynthiana road, & M^. Thos. Anderson,
tailor, 6 miles on the same road. — We bought a horse for
60 dollars of a M^. Stallion. M^. Fred. Rapp was com-
missioned [*] by M^. Owen to rent out the outlying fields
for the present year as probably he would not have people
to attend to the whole of the farm this season. Thursday
17th was kept by the Harmonites in commemoration of their
Union on the 15th of Feby 1805, 20 years, & nearly 11 years
here. At daybreak the band played on the square ; at 9
o'clock they went to church; at a little after 12 they dined
together in a large room over the church ; at 3 o'clock
they had Divine service again : at 6 o'clock they supped
together, after which they had service till past 9 o'clock. [A
Mr. Marshall & his daughter called on their way from Shaw-
neetown to Vincennes] No strangers were admitted. [While
they were engaged in their festival I kept the Tavern.] When
they came from the afternoon service they proceeded in two
bodies, men & women, headed by their band of music having
their psalm books in their hands, playing & singing to the front
of Mf. Rapp's house where they remained a few minutes &
then dispersed to their several homes till supper time. —

Mr. Rapp gave us a ground plan of Harmony copied
from Mr. Pickering's by the young man who assisted him.
M"". John Ayres a miller called with a recommendation
from Ml". Hall as a miller. We engaged to write to him
on the subject. — M^. Wm. Orange came over from Albion. —
Mr. Rapp spoke to us about recommending a Post Master in
place of Dr. Smith. We were of opinion that M^. Schnee

MAGDONALD DIARIES 289

should be recommended in the mean time. The security

is two persons, each in 1000$; the benefit is 50 p. c on

Papers. [*] 30 p. c on letters, & letters not weighing above

1/2 an ounce free. — The weather was very clear & temperate

all this week. Wednesday evening there was some heavy

rain. — The glass in the mornings ranged from 30'' to

above 40° & in the day it was generally a very agreeable

temperature. Everybody was saying that the weather was

too warm for this season, and that no one remembered

so fine a winter as the present one.— Our time was passed Feby & March

from Feby till April, getting information at Harmonic, * ^P"*

conversing with the neighbours, and sometimes pruning

trees. Dr. ]\liller was printing a small pamphlet for Mr. Rapp

relative to the Harmonite system. As it was a translation

from the German, we assisted him in correcting both the

language & the press. — The Harmonic Steamboat called

the Wm. Penn, came up the Wabash. & the Ploughboy,

and took several of the Harmonians away, & much of their

baggage & stores. It was an interesting sight to see them

taking leave of one another. Miss Wright & her sister

came here for a day on their way down the river to join

La Fayette who is coming up the river in a steam boat in a

few weeks. They have lived 5 years with him. They visited

the English settlement, & Miss Ronalds went down the

river with them [*] to see New^ Orleans. — George Flower April

came here and staid two or three days, to get information

relative to the farms & stock. Mr. Rapp rented out several

of the outlying fields, as Mr. Owen's delay in returning

at this season of the year would put it out of the power

of the Society to farm the whole. The river rose slowly

and only partially overflowed the banks. The Spring has

been warm, but it has been called rather wet.

As Mr. Rapp wished to transact some business at Sunday 3rd April
Vincennes & Shakertown. I rode to keep him company ; we
reached Vincennes by 1/2 past 7 this evening, having taken
the long ferry of two miles down the river. The distance
from hence to Vincennes is 52 or 53 miles.

I saw Mr. & Mrs. Hay. Judge Blackford, Major Hurst. 4''' Monday
Judge Porter, Mr. Wm. Mcintosh, Mr. & Mrs. Elston.
Mr. Baddolet, Dr. Mrs. 5. Miss McName. As the court

290

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Apiil 5^**
Tuesday

Otb Wednesday.

7th Thursday
8tl> Friday
9*h Saturday
9th April
Saturday

was sitting, I went in to see what was doing, & heard a
charge brought against some young men for gambling [*]
but it was not admitted in consequence of some informality.
In the afternoon we rode to Shakertown, 20 miles north
of Vincennes, about a mile from the left bank of the
Wabash, near Busseron creek, and on some rising ground
surrounded by a prairie. The place looks tolerably neat, but
it is said to be rather unhealthy, as a pond of water is close
to it. Several of the young men have been leaving this
society lately. It does not appear very active or regular in its
labour. It is not conducted either in a clever or enterprising
manner. The number is said to be under 200, & composed
for the most part of women & old men. They entertained
us very hospitably, & would not receive payment. The next
morning we walked through some of their houses, but did
not see their system of worship. — Mr. Rapp had some
conversation relative to private affairs, after which one
of the Brethren, George Miller wrote [^ic] 8 miles with us to
two farms [*] belonging to the Harmonite Society, which
they had taken for debts, & on which two families which had
lived with the Harmonies now reside. We remained there
about an hour, & after parting with our Shaker friend, we
rode through the woods & some muddy roads to Vincennes,
where we arrived between 7 and 8 o'clock at night.

I called and saw M"". Rogers who keeps the Globe
tavern, he gave me certificates of his character, & said he was
ready to join M^. Owen at a day's notice. I likewise called with
Mr. Mcintosh on a Mr. Baker who wishes to join. — In the
evening there was a ball at Mrs. Jones, where about 15 couple
danced. I met Mrs. Clarke & her sister Mrs. Armstrong.
Mrs. Tibbs her cousin remained in New Albany.

We rode to Princeton

We returned to Harmony.

Mr, Schnee and his family, his son-in-law Mr. Todd
and family, Mr. Gaston & family [*] and Mr. Haleman
and family, had come to live in Harmony while we were
absent. I was busy through the day arranging with them
in their houses, and for cutting bark. — This evening one
male & 3 female shakers arrived in a spring waggon. — On
my return from my journey I found an order which I have

MACDONALD DIARIES 291

preserved, from the Sergeant of the MiHtia Company of this
district, ordering attendance at Muster at Springfield. —

This day I wrote some Articles of Association, and Sunday 10*^
shewed them to Mr. Schnee. In the afternoon I walked with ^P^''
him Mr. Todd & a neighbour through the Orchard. The
weather has been dry, fine & warm for some days and the ther-
mometer ranging in the shade from 70° to 80° [Mr. Clarke
of Illinois brought a letter from Mr. Owen dated 27th Feby.]

This morning W^ Owen was in the store taking an In- Monday nth.
ventory. I fixed for M^. Haleman, AI^. Gaston, Mr. Schnee's ^P"'
son & some hands for barking. I also attended at the Dye
house and saw the articles to be left by the Dyer. Mr. Schnee
went & received over the Cut off Mill & Island. I got
bier for the party barking in the woods. — After dinner
I went out [*] to the farm with Mr. Rapp to see their method (Monday nth.
of planting corn. — Four boys or lads carried poles with ^^"^ continued)
small flags which they placed four & 1/2 feet apart then
followed four ploughs forming furrows in the direction
these marks. These furrows crossed other furrows which
had been made the day before. Thus squares of 4 1/2 feet
were formed by the crossing of the furrows. A female
with a small basket on her arm. full of corn grains, walked
a long each furrow dropping 4 or 5 grains in a square at
each crossing furrow. Behind her came another with a hoe
to cover them over. Two girls went before with pumkin
seeds of which they dropped 2 or 3 grains at every third
crossing. Fred. Rapp, took off his coat & walked along with
them, sometimes conversing — sometimes dropping corn. I
took off my coat, got a basket and went in my own furrow.
We sometimes worked fast & when a few furrows in
advance assisted our neighbours. At four o'clock we sat
down under a shady tree, had some bread, butter, cheese,
apples & beer, and a song in chorus, and continued work
till near sun set. This method makes the business of corn
planting really a party of pleasure, and is a very expeditious
process. — American females have great aversion to working
out of doors. This prejudice must [*] arise from bad
management & over work at injudicious times ; for unless
with females in the family way or who have young children,
no system of business can be so well arranged or prove of

292 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

more advantage for health, good spirits & improvement than
the one which contrives that both males & females should
have regular & moderate occupation & exercise at least twice
a day out of doors. Fresh air is good for the constitution &
enlivens the spirits; while sitting continually in doors, or
working in confined space & air, is of no benefit either to
mind or body. It is indeed both debilitating & graceless ; and
all who wish to become delightful companions to their
neighbours, will choose to have a fair proportion of employ-
ment in one another's company out of doors.

Mr. Owen arrived on the 13*11 inst. w^ith M^. Roe &
Mr. Watson, members of the New Jerusalem Church and
deputies from a society in Cincinnati which is forming for
the purpose of establishing a conmiunity. a Mr. Bourne from
Baltimore who had been undersecretary to the Embassy at
Paris, and a german gentleman who brought an introduction
[*] to Mr. Rapp. The sister of the latter is married to the
VVurtemburg minister at Washington. This traveller was
in the Wurtemburg army, went to the grecian war, & at
length came to wander in the Woods of Western America.
Mr. Owen saw several neighbours who engaged to join. He
stated that many were coming from the East. A meeting
was appointed for Wednesday the 2ot^>. ins*, in the Harmony
New Church, and we sent notices to the English settlements
at Albion, & Wanbro; to Shawneetown. & Carmi, in
Illinois, and to Springfield, Mount Vernon, Cynthiana,
Evansville, Princeton, and Vincennes in this State.
At the meeting on the 20th. from 600 to 800 persons
assembled, and Mr. Owen occupied between two & three
hours after midday delivering his discourse. A Com-
mittee was nominated to commence on the following
Monday 25th. inst. The Cincinnati gentlemen left us on
the 17th. to return home. —

Sunday 24th. April.
Some families arrived from Cincinnati. Among the num-
ber [*] were Mr. Jennings, Laurence, & Kellogg. These
gentlemen were put on the Committee. Mr. Jennings had
refused a good living & church from the Universalists, in
order to establish himself in a Community on the New
System. Mr. Laurence had a good business as blacksmith.

MACDONALD DIARIES 293

They reported that numerous other famiHes were coming-. In
the course of the week the Committee made many arrange-
ments. A Constitution for the Preliminary Society was
made out, & I rode over to Evansville & got it printed. On
the way I had to swim my horse over a creek & cross
in a canoe. The Harmonian steam boat got aground
off Shawneetown which delayed the departure of the
Harmonians. While at Iwansville I saw one boat load
pass up. Finally the William Penn reached Harmonie on
the morning of the 5th. May. By two o'clock every thing
being on board, the remainder of the Harmonians assembled
at M'' Rapp's house, the females sang some farewell [*] (Thursday stii.
hymns & the band played several tunes in front of the ^^^y ^825)
house. All the families that had come into town as
M"". Owen's settlers had collected round. About 3 o'clock
the Party proceeded towards the river side singing & playing
music. At the end of the town they stopped, turned round &
sung a farewell hymn and blessing to the Settlement, and
afterwards continued on to the boat. Before embarking
Ml'. Owen caught the opportunity to express aloud his great
sense of their integrity, strict justice & kindness, and said
that in all the course of his experience he had never met
with so honest and affectionate [*] a body of people. He
was so much affected during his address that he could
sometimes hardly speak. The whole scene was truly
interesting and appeared to make great impression upon the
persons assembled. All the men & women shook hands with
the company around, & then went on board. A gun was fired &
the steam boat got under way. As she went down the
stream both parties continued for some time waving hats &
handkerchiefs, while the band played a march. I never in
my life returned home after parting with friends, with so
sad a feeling as that (to me) melancholy afternoon.

[Mr. Jennings & M^. Laurence & Mr. Upjohn took a
passage on board the boat for the purpose of bringing back
with them their friends from Cincinnati. — ] [*] While I
was away at Evansville the two Miss Wrights & Miss Ronalds
arrived from New Orleans. They had parted from General
La Fayette who had gone to St. Louis. & were to meet him
again at Louisville about the middle of the month. — Several

i825

294 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Other gentlemen & families were daily joining from the
neighbourhood and from the East. Five young men arrived
from Washington City. The committee were constantly
occupied taking down the names and particulars relative to
applicants, arranging the duties of the town &c.

Friday 6th. May M^. Owen accompanied by his son &
Mr. Rogers proceeded to Vincennes by the [*] way of
Princeton for the purpose of declaring his intention of
becoming a Citizen. — The Miss Wrights set out with
Miss Ronalds to Albion on their way to Louisville.

On Sunday the i^t. May Mf. Owen had his first meeting
in the Frame Church of the New Inhabitants & gave them a
short discourse. In the afternoon M^. Jennings was requested
to preach to them. — On the Evening of Wednesday y^ May
there was a business meeting of the Society, to arrange
the hours of meals & work & to give several explanations. —
Saturday May 7th [*y
Sunday 5th. June j-;^r. Birkbeck who had been staying a few days at

Harmony was drowned attempting to swim on horseback
over the Fox creek on his way home to Wanbro on Friday
afternoon. One of his sons who was with him endeavoured
in vain to save his life. His body was buried in the New
burying ground at Harmony. A great portion of the
population accompanied the funeral. From marks on the
face & forehead, it is concluded that the horse must have
struck him. — While he was at Harmony M^. Owen had
contrived to bring all the various disputes between Mf. Birk-
beck & M"". Flower & the inhabitants of the two settlements
to an amicable ajustment.]

Immediately after dinner M^. Owen went into the Hall
where a great number of the Harmonians were assembled,
and took leave of them by shaking hands with every
one. Many of the women were affected to tears. We
then mounted our horses and set out about 2 o'clock for
Mount Vernon, accompanied by D^. McNamee M^. Schnee,
Wm. Owen, and M". Smith & her daughter, Mr. Smith &
Mr. Williams, the three latter being on their return to
Cincinnati to settle their affairs. We rode by the proposed
site of a New town which is to be commenced on Mr. Owen's

'The first book of Macdonald's Diarv ends here.— Ed.

MACDONALD DIARIES

295

return. It is near the Springfield road, 3 miles from
Harmony. Choice has been made of this spot, because it
is a flat space of from 400 to 500 yards square with the
ground falling away on every side. It is a convenient
distance from Harmony, and has excellent timber standing
on it, which will [*] be cut down in the fall of the year. We
left Di". M^Namee to ride over the ground, & proceeded
on our road to Mt. Vernon which place we reached before
dark. Springfield has been almost deserted since the Court
House has been removed & M^. Schnee joined the New
System. We slept at Squire Wilburn's.

[We found a Mr. Tyler with a (MS blank) at Mt. Ver-
non, He started for Harmony next day, when W'"i. Owen
& Mr. Schnee returned.]

This forenoon while waiting for a steam boat, M"". Owen Monday 6th.
was requested to give an explanation of his system to the J""e
inhabitants. Having acceded to their request they assembled
to the number of 40 or 50 persons, and he explained in about
half an hour his Principles of Human Nature & the Practice
he was commencing at New^ Harmony. The meeting broke
up without any questions or remarks being made to
him. About 5 o'clock in the afternoon the Pioneer the
best built & fastest boat on the river appeared in sight; [*]
We immediately got our baggage into a flat boat and rowed
out into the middle of the river & were soon safe on board.
Our rate of going was about 7 miles an hour.

The banks of the river appeared very beautiful, & much Tuesday 71^.
improved to my eye since my winter voyage, by the full
foliage on the trees. In the evening Mr. Owen by
request, stated the general principles of his system to the
passengers assembled in the Cabin ; they retired to rest all
occupied with the question whether or not Man be a Machine.

About 1/2 past 6 this morning we reached Shippingport Wednesday gth.
about 270 miles from M*. Vernon. & came up to Louisville.
Mr Owen called upon Mr Isaak Thom, Mr Stewart
Mr Breden, & Mr Sabine. Mr. Walter had we understood
gone down to visit Harmony. We saw Mr. Williams &
Mrs. Smith off for Cincinnati by the Velocipede, [*] but
Mr. Owen remained to give a discourse in the evening & went
to dine with Mr. Thom. Mr. Wilman was occupied purchasing

296

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

goods for Harmony. The room chosen for the meeting was
not very large ; it was filled and many went away who could
not get in. Mf. Owen stated & argued his general Principles.
No reply was made. The meeting lasted i 1/2 hour. Con-
siderable impression seemed to have been made.

Thursday 9*''- We breakfasted at Shipping port with a french gentleman

a rich merchant, who had been much interested wMth the Sys-
tem, and embarked in the course of the forenoon on board the
General Pike steam boat laying off Louisville & bound to
Cincinnati. It started a little after 2 o'clock & reached its
destination, 150 miles about 1/2 past 11 the next morning.

Friday 10*''. When we landed at Cincinnati we put up at the City

hotel, called at Mr. Smith's and several other families. — At

(Friday lo*''. M^. Clarke & [*] Green's store we found that M^. Owen's

June contd) Essays, his discourses at Washington City, his discourse at

Harmony, the Rules & regulations for a Community, the
Constitution of the New Harmony Society, & his son's
Outline of the System of Education at New Lanark, had
been printed & for sale there. M^. Owen purchased a
complete assortment of printing materials to be sent to
Harmony that a Paper may be immediately commenced.
Mf. Ow^en had a large meeting at the Court House in the
Evening. I saw Mf . Williams' school ; he told me that he
found every thing wrong in it since his return from Har-
mony. This day was extremely warm. Ther. in the shade 94°.

Saturday n*''. ]\Ir Owen saw and conversed with a great number of

people. We walked much through the town. The houses
are fine brick buildings, the streets wide & regular. The
situation of this city is beautiful surrounded by fine hills
covered with wood. It is encreasing in size very rapidly. A
great number of its inhabitants are desirous of [*] forming
communities. Some land has already been purchased for
that purpose about 60 or 70 miles in the interior, & a society
is at present forming to remove there. The Eliza steam
boat arrived this morning, and took us on board between
2 & 3 o'clock & started up the river. Several gentlemen &
ladies on summer excursions were on board. The river

Sunday 12th. ^as very low.

Monday 13th. We passed Sunday, Monday & part of Tuesday on

Tuesday 14*''. board, but the \\'ater being too shallow to proceed beyond

MACDONALD DIARIES

297

Marietta, we landed there in the afternoon. At night
Mr. Owen according to request met between lOO & 200 of
the population in the Court house & explained his Principles.
All appeared interested & many expressed a wish to join
him. [I received two letters from a Thurso gentleman to
be delivered to his friends.]

Early this morning we walked a mile to the extremity Wednesday 15111.
of the town to view an old encampment of Indians ; it was
the remains of mounds built in the form of a square. [*] The
situation of Marietta is not very handsome or healthy. The
water is bad & the land inferior. After breakfast we
proceeded in a common country wagon about 35 miles along
the Ohio bank of the Ohio river

We proceeded this day 32 miles & crossed to the left liank Thursday i6tb.
of the river. The road was a common country road along the
bank of the river. Very beautiful hills rose on both sides of
the river the whole way. The banks are well people [d], &
improvements appeared to be rapidly advancing.

We reached Wheeling 15 miles, between 10 & 11 this Friday i/tb.
day. The Ohio & Courier steam boats also arrived, which
proved that the Eliza could have got up if the Captain &
Pilot had acted correctly. A considerable bustle is always
going on in this place, as a place at which goods are shipped
to go down the river or landed to go East. We hired a
stage, and leaving [*] M^". Wilman to set out the next
morning for Philadelphia by the regular Baltimore stage, we
proceeded to Washington 32 miles.

We left this place about 7 o'clock & reached Pittsburg, 24 Saturday 18^^.
miles, between 3 & 4 o'clock. We drank tea at M''. Bakewells
& saw several gentlemen very friendly to M^. Owen's system.

W'e set out at 5 o'clock this morning for Economy Sunday 19th.
between 17 & 18 miles on the right bank of the Ohio on the
road to Beaver. We were received with great joy and
kindness by the Harmonians, who are as bu.sy as bees
building a new town. We dined with them, & returned at
night to Pittsburg & met at night at M^. Belnappe's house
about 12 friends of Mr. Owen's system and heard the
constitution of a society which they are forming read.
Several very inteHigent [*] men wish to form a com-
munity near Pittsburg.

(Sunday ig**".
cont*')

298

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Monday 20th. After breakfast we called on Mr. Bakewell, and D^s. Swift

& Herron, two presbiterian ministers, who expressed a wish
to have M^. Owen's system proved in practice. Mf. Bakewell
shewed me through his glass manufactory, where they make
very excellent work. I wrote a letter to the Committee.
Mr. Owen paid several visits and took our places in the
Erie stage to start tomorrow morning at 3 o'clock. The
therr. stood yesterday at Economy at 94°.

Tuesday 21st. At 2 o'clock this morning we started in the Stage for

^""^ Erie. We had 10 passengers. The day was extremely

warm, the country hilly, & the road in many places full of
deep ruts. A great part of the day we only made 3 miles [*]
an hour. We passed through a small town called Butler &
reached Mercer, distant 63 miles, at 1/2 past 10 at night. The
country is generally covered with fine oak forests, but in
some places these woods have been cleared away to a con-
siderable extent leaving only a few scattered trees & the oak
underwood. It is conjectured that this destruction of the
timber might have been made by the Indians. We passed
a good many settlements. Mercer stands on a hill. The
hotel is a tolerable one. As we were only there at night
we could not see much of the place, but it seemed to be
encreasing tolerably fast. On the road at one of the places
where we changed horses, we met M^. Wallace of Meadville,
returning home with his family. He invited [*] Mf. Owen
to stop at Meadville. At the Inn in Mercer we met a
Mr. Hurdy cooper of Meadville who likewise invited us
to stop there.

Wednesday 22nd. We left Mercer at 2 o'clock & reached Meadville at

10 o'clock distant 34 miles. We had the same sort of
country to travel through, though the road was better than
yesterday. We crossed a marshy valley through which runs
a small stream from a lake which is intended to supply
water for the projected canal from Erie to Pittsburg.

Meadville stands in a spacious valley surrounded by
hills covered with wood. A creek called French creek passes
by the town & runs to the Alleghany river. There is another
small creek which in rainy weather often floods the town.
There are above 900 inhabitants. They have united & built
a church, in which at different hours all the [*] various

MACDONALD DIARIES 299

sects attend worship, — Catholics, Episcopalians, Presbiters,
Methodists & covenanters. This is a peculiar instance of
liberality on such subjects. M^. Hurdycooper returned
home about 4 o'clock, & Mr. Wallace about 6 o'clock. We
called at M^. Hurdycooper's, before his return & saw
Df. Blossom & a Miss Colquhoun. In the evening we
had a long conversation in front of M^. Gibson's Tavern
with Mr. Hurdycooper, Reynolds, Morrison, Cullen. — On the
north side of the Town a College is building of brick, for the
education of all the children in the place. The town bears an
appearance of neatness which reminds one of the Old Coun-
try. About 4 miles out a party of Topographical Engineers
are encamped, who are employed levelling & measuring the line
of the proposed canal. M^. Hurdycooper offered to [*] ride (Wednesday 22nd
out with me tomorrow to visit them. — Within the last two cont<i)
years this has become a favorite travelling rout. —

At breakfast we met a son of Mr. [MS blank] the Thursday 23rd.
councillor in Pittsburg, and walked with him to call on June
Mr. Wallace. A meeting was proposed to be held in the
Church at 1 1 o'clock, & Mi". Wallace undertook to give
notice. It was attended by the principal persons of the
place, & lasted two hours. Mr. Owen explained his
principles & shewed his plans. We afterwards were shewn
the public library & introduced to the clergyman & librarian.
We dined at Mr. Hurdycooper's and in the evening went
to Mr. Wallace's. Mrs. Wallace is a very intelligent person ;
Miss Wallace an interesting young lady.

Between 9 & 10 o'clock this morning the Stage arrived Friday 24th.
with Mr. & Mrs. Howell & Mr. Davis & daughter in it. We
took a friendly leave of our Meadville friends & set out for
Erie. The road lay through [*] fine woods. It was
tolerably good except in one place. Here it happened that
as General La Fayette was travelling lately on his northern
route, he told the Driver that he would give a dollar to drive
him safely over the bad bit of road, which the driver did &
received the dollar reward. His brother whips when they
heard of this were so incensed at the meanness of the driver
in accepting such a paltry sum, that they abused him every
where. This driver happened to be a german, and their
remarks on his conduct were still more goading as they said

3ft0

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

•Saturday 25^^.

Sunday 26^''.

Monday 27*''.

(Monday 27*11.
conf^)

that no American would have done so. We ascended several
high ridges of land and at length had a view of Lake Erie.
The scenery is by no means beautiful. We reached the town
of Erie about 1/2 past 6 o'clock. It is a small poor place
on the shore of the lake. Since the war little has been doing
here. The country round is flat. To the west of [*] the
town a neck of land stretches out, & bending round runs
in front of the town forming a large bay which is secured
by two wooden & stone peirs. The vessels of war employed
by the Americans have been sunk near to this. As the
steam boat which runs between Buffalo & Detroit was
not expected for two days, it was determined by our party
to take the Stage to Buffalo.

We left Erie about 4 o'clock in the morning & travelled
through a flat woody country which is fast settling, at no
great distance from the Lake though we could not see it. We
reached Fredonia early in the day. This is a small town
advancing rapidly in size. It is three miles from the lake.

We again set out about 5 o'clock, and at the end of the
ist. stage came onto the shore of the lake. The road
continued the rest of the way along its margin either on a
flat sandy [*] shore or through the woods near the edge
of a rocky shore. In some places it was very bad. — At
Fredonia we changed our Stage for a Covered waggon
in which we were very much jolted. We reached Buffalo
between 5 & 6 o'clock.

Buffalo stands about 3 miles from the Niagara river. The
new Canal from Albany passes the town & joins Buffalo
Creek which enters lake Erie at the South end of the
town. This town has greatly encreased since the war, and
is at present rapidly improving. The surrounding scenery
is however tame & uninteresting.

At six o'clock this morning we set out in a Stage for
Black rock, 3 miles off, the place to cross the river into
Canada. The river is 2/3^3 of a mile wide & very rapid.
Black rock like Buffalo is on the increase and in full
activity, while on the [*] contrary on the Canadian side,
there were only a few scattered houses, and a melancholy
stilness & inactivity. The land on both sides of the river
is quite flat. Grand island appears from the river side

MACDONALD DIARIES 301

quite flat & covered with thick timber. From Black rock
to M''. Forsyth's hotel just over the falls the distance is i8
miles. His house is built on a sloping bank rising gradually
from the Falls. The land around is tolerably farmed. Im-
mediately on the river bank a few tall trees & underwood
are left & walks cut. The fall seems to have been occasioned
by the sinking of the bed of the river, thus leaving a rocky
edge for the w^hole stream to drop over into a lower channel
which continues a rapid in a deep narrow channel for 7
miles, between high banks, [height of falls 160 ft. height of
banks 206 depth of channel below the falls 170] Just
at [*] the falls there are two islands dividing them into
three. On the Canadian side, at the edge of the perpendicular
rock a few hundred feet from the Great fall a wooden
circular shaft staircase has been made. By descending this
a visitor may pass close under the face of the rock and
behold the river tumbling over his head ; but he cannot do
this without being wet to the skin. In the afternoon the sun
shone out and we beheld a complete & beautiful rainbow
formed in the clouds of spray which shot up several hundred
feet over our heads & spread in every direction.

In the afternoon we proceeded about 8 miles down the
bank of the river & crossed over to a small town where we
passed [*] the night. The next morning we drove up to the
inn on the East side of the Falls & after breakfasting, & visit-
ing the falls w^e proceeded to Lockport, so called from the
number of locks there constructed on the canal. [On our
way to Lockport we passed through an Indian village. As
the missionaries have gotten among these people, they are
much altered from the genuine Indian character.] At seven
o'clock in the evening we went on board the canal boat. It
was comfortably arranged though crowded, & travelled
at from 3 to 4 miles an hour. The banks are rapidly
clearing & Settling. We changed boats at Rochelle a rapidly
encreasing town, situated on the Genesee river, where there
are picturesque falls, & a great power of water for machinery
of which the inhabitants are daily taking more & more
advantage. We reached Schenectady Saturday evening [*] (Saturday 2od.
the 2"tl July. As there are from this place to the Hudson !"'>')
river several locks to pass which render travelling by the

302

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

canal tedious, we landed, slept there & early in the morning
went in the Stage to Albany which place we reached at 8
o'clock just in time for the steam boat in which we took our
passage to New York. On board we met Mr. Fetherstone-
haugh with whom we had some conversation. We arrived

4ti'. July early on IMonday morning the Celebrated Anniversary. We

called at nine at the Mansionhouse hotel & saw La Fayette

(Monday 4*'^ a complete picture of a French Marquis. [*] He shook us

July contd) jjy ti^g hand & said it was 'no day for thinking or talk-

*ing, — only for acting.' A grand volunteer parade took
place &c &c. M"". Owen finding all engrossed with the joys
of the day, went on to conclude his business at Philadelphia,
while I remained to call on our friends, &c. I delivered
letters sent me by M'^. Kemmis, one to Mr. Ensmith attorney
general at New York from M^. Burrows, & one to M^. Wilkes
cashier of New York bank from M"". Rush. Also one from
Mr. Upjohn of Cincinnati to his daughter. I went on

7tii. July Thursday evening the /th. to M's. Cole's wMth Jacob Harvey

where I met the Miss Wrights and several old acquaintances,

Friday 8*^. [*] and Friday morning I w^nt to see the High school

opened this year under the direction of Professor Griscomb.
Here has been adopted a good deal of Mr. Owen's method
of giving instruction.

Mr. Owen returned this morning. He had passed the
last night at Joseph Bounaparte's, who had been most
anxious to make his acquaintance, & sent his carriage down
to the landing place on the banks of the Delaware to receive
him. Mr. Owen was accompanied by Mr. Say the naturalist.
They sat in side the carriage & Lucien & Murat's sons on the
box, one driving & the other opening the gates. [*] ^lurat's
son has property in Florida where he is going to settle. The
party were much interested and delighted with the New
Plans. & promised a visit to Harmony next year. La Fayette
has chosen the township, granted to him by Congress, in
Florida near the seat of government. At Four O'clock we
went on board a steamboat bound for Hart forth Connecticut
accompanied by Mr. Home from Philadelphia, an English
man who has made a large fortune in the business of
bleaching & preparing Cloth, & who is a great friend to
Mr. Owen's plans. We passed along Long Island sound & up

MACDONALD DIARIES 303

the Connecticut river, & reached Hartforth about 1 1 o'clock
the next day [*]

9th. Saturday. We had fallen in with Colonel & [Saturjday the
Mi's. Woodbridge & family in the Canal boat. He is 9*^-
Lt. Governor of the Michigan territory & was travelling with
his wife to leave her with her father Judge Trumbull. He
proceeded no farther than New York, as he was obliged to
hasten back to Detroit. — After having been at the Inn we
walked to the Judge's, and in the afternoon proceeded on to
Springfield further up the river. The country was well
cultivated and very beautiful. The towns of Hartforth
and Springfield are well built. At the latter there is a
large & well arranged Armoury. [*] The vale of the (Saturday gth.
Connecticutt is celebrated for its beauty. J"'y contd)

Early this morning we drove out in gigs with Mr. Dwight lo^*"-
3 miles to some rapids on the river, where a Boston Company
are erecting spinning & weaving mills. The Manufactories
are well built, and promise to be an excellent establishment. I
saw some very fine bricks made by a patent machine invented
by a Bostonian. The weather extremely hot. Theri". above 90° .
The Unitarians have a handsome meeting house in this town.

At six o'clock this evening we parted from M^'. Home &
proceeded one stage in the Boston stage, in company with
[MS blank] of the [*] Dover Manufactory 60 miles north
of Boston, and a Springfield gentleman who once offered
himself as candidate for the governorship.

The next day Monday we proceeded on to Boston. [The ^^^^- J^^v
country hilly & not a fertile soil though in many places well
cultivated.] The day was intensely hot, & it was 11 o'clock
at night before we reached the Exchange Hotel in that
city, situated on a point of land nearly surrounded by
the waters of the Bay in which there are many Islands,
and long causeways.

Early this day Mr. Owen delivered some letters. We called Tuesday i2ti>.
on the Lord Mayor Mr. Quincy and [*] the Revd. [MS blank] J"'y
who speaks highly of the System & begged to be a subscriber
to the Harmony newspaper. We then drove to Mr. John
Adams, 7 miles out of town. We sat with the old gentleman
a couple of hours. The ther^. was at 98°. He said that he
would be 90 years old on the 20th. Ocf. next. He is

304

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

(Tuesday

cont<3)

Wednesday

J-nly

12<h.

13^

Thursday 14^*1.
]vi]y

Friday 15*^.

Saturday i6»i\
July

short & square built, and must have been a very strong
minded man in his day; but the heat of the weather & his
great age combined to make him appear feeble. One of
his remarks was that there was not a body of citizens in
any country in Europe, not excepting England, which [*]
could be called a people. Scotland he considered the most
luminous spot on the Globe. He wished M^. Owen success.
[He asked us to stop dinner with his family, but said that
he never went down himself. The party consisted of a
lady who takes care of him, & a young lady I believe his
niece.] Mr. Owen's man, Watson, had remarked in the
kitchen that he had seen all the Ex Presidents except
Mr. Adams. While we were at dinner this was mentioned
to him, & he sent for Watson, shook hands with him, made
him sit five minutes by his side, and told him his master
was a very smart man, and would be of great service to the
Human Race. [In America smart or intelligent is used for
clever, & a clever man means a kind fellow but a simpleton.]
On our return to the Hotel we found that the glass had for
two hours been at 100° [*] a greater heat than had been
known for several years. Several persons were taken ill, and
in a few instances deaths were occasioned by drinking cold
water while hot. In the evening we went out to Waltham
where we slept & in the morning we walked through that
Factory which is extensive. The country round is well
cultivated. We passed a park & country house belonging to
Colonel Gore. On our return we took places in the stage, and
Drove to Bunker Hill which commands a fine view of the
town & surrounding bay and country. — At one oclock [*] we
left Boston in the Mail. & travelling all night reach Hartforth
the next morning between 7 & 8 o'clock. After breakfast we
went to the College & saw Bishop Brownell & one of the Pro-
fessors, with whom we had a very friendly conversation. At
eleven we went on board the Oliver Ellsworth steam boat,
where we again fell in with Mi". Home, & reached New York
at 8 o'clock next morning. We called upon several friends, &
went in the evening to Mi". Wilkes' at Freemont where we met
the Miss Wrights & the Flowers. They were much occupied
about their plans for slave emancipation. [*]The next morn-
ing we embarked on board the Canada Packet ship 540 tons,

MACDONALD DIARIES 305

capt" Rogers. — We were taken down in the steamboat which
leaves the end of the Battery walk at lo o'clock and put on
board the packet lying too at the Quarantine ground off Staten
Island. The cabin passengers were 17, M»". Alvarado, a
Guatemala merchant, Mf. Owen, Mr. Vanderhurst an
Englishman having property at S*. Helena 60 miles south of
Charleston, M^. Krumbhaar an American German, Mr. Lav-
ater, a German whose mother is English Mr. Faerbar a
German M'". Wester feldt a Swede, [*] M^. Brock a Glasgow
gentleman, M^. Higgins, M"". Hall, Scotch from South
Carolina, M*". Calder, Scotch, Mf. Stansfeldt German
Mr. Furst from Hamburgh. Mr. Morrice, American from
South Carolina, Mr. Osborne, English, & Mr. Russel a
Yankee or New Englander from New York.

We parted from our pilot outside of Sandy Hook about
4 o'clock in the afternoon, and made sail with a clear
sky, smooth sea, & fine southerly wind. When we got into
the Gulf Stream we had rather close & hot weather with
thunder [*] and lightning but no boisterous winds. Our
course was East nearly by compass.

On Wednesday evening the 3rd August between 5 & 6 1825
o'clock we came in sight of the Mizen Head and soon Wednesday 3^^.
afterwards Cape Clear, not having had occasion during the ^^^
whole of our passage to take in a reef. Our occupation
Airing the voyage had consisted in reading Segur's Russian
Campaign, Madame de Genlis Memoirs of her early life,
O'Meara's Voice from St. Helena, Bacon on the improvement
of Knowledge, John Bull in America, & some less important
works, miscellaneous conversation, and whist [*] chess &
backgammon. I frequently conversed in Spanish with
Mr. Alvarado relative to the affairs of his country. The
Guatemala consul in New York, had, as he informed
me, translated Mr. Owen's two Discourses delivered in
Congress, into Spanish, & he expressed a great desire to
have the System adopted in that Republic.

The next morning the weather became hazy & boisterous Thursday 4"*-
with a head wind. We lay till the following morning beating
about at the mouth of the Irish channel, when we had a fine
westerly breeze which [*] brought us to the Pilot's post i'r'day 5th.
about 3 o'clock in the afternoon where we lay too under the

306 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

north shore of Wales. No Pilot boats were in sight. A good
many sail were coming in. During the night it blew ex-
tremely hard from the S. West.
Saturday 6^. About 9 o'clock a pilot boarded us. He informed us

-^^^^- that so many vessels were coming into port that the pilots

could not get out & in fast enough. We landed about 2
o'clock at Liverpool, & by an order from the custom house
got our baggage landed & passed after hours. I had written
by the [*] packet of the S^h. ult^. to mention our intention
of crossing by that of the 16*^., but we reached port within
two days of her arrival, making a shorter passage by 5 days.

Liverpool
/th. August 1825.

SECOND JOURNEY TO AMERICA, 1825-26

AT TWO o'clock on the afternoon of the i^t. Oct^., October ist.
Mr. Owen, Mr. R. D. Owen, Mr. Whitwell (archi- '^-5.
tect) and Mr. Smidt (a prussian) and myself sailed from
Liverpool in the Packet ship New York for New York. We
had 41 cabin Passengers on board, consisting of Mr. Loyd
Rogers of Baltimore, Mr. George Barclay of New York,
Mr. Prince of Do.. Mr. Lowry of do., Mr. Charters of
do., Mr. Heyward of South Carolina, Mr. Hamihon & Miss
Hamilton of New York, Mr. Hayle a Lancashire woolen
manufacturer, Mr. Camac of Philadelphia, Mr. Tibbetts
of Schenectady, Mr. Lynch of New York, Mrs. Walker of
Quakeress of New York (who has travelled much among the
Indians & on Society business in Europe,) Mr. & Mrs. Down-
ing of New York, & Miss Penn accompanying her cousin
Mr. Camac, and Mr. Garcia & family and [*] a company
of Performers from the Italian opera. — [Captain Bennett
Captain of the New York.] The weather was stormy for
the first 10 days, that together with our large number
rendered matters rather uncomfortable. Fine weather fol-
lowed and we gradually got into order. ]Mr. Owen had
discussions with several of the Passengers relative to the
System. We had a little music occasionally from Mr. Lynch
or the opera singers. Miss Garcia has a fine voice & performs
well, Mr. Garcia was composing music almost the whole of
the voyage. This was occasionally rehearsed in a low
tone. A few Gazettes were published. Mr. Whitwell &
myself were the Editors. We called the ship Ebor Nova,
(Ebor being the Latin name for York in England) and the
Gazette the Sextant. Much good humour prevailed and [*]
a variety of amusing quizzes published. — An ode was
likewise published, and set to music by Mr. Garcia. — On
our reaching the Bay of New York, it was sung on the deck
in full chorus. — [A lottery was drawn the prize being for
the holder of the ticket naming the hour of the ship passing
the line between Forts Diamond & Richmond in the Bay. It
was won by Mr. Lowry.] We reached Sandy Hook about
2 o'clock on Sunday morning the 6^^^ Novr. —

(30/;

308

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Sunday 6th.
Nov.

Monday 7*^.
Nov»'.

Monday 7th.
(contd)

Tuesday 8*''.

Wednesday yt^.
Novf.

The day was very calm and rather thick. In the evening
a steam boat took us on board and landed us on the Battery.
Our Party got in comfortable appartments in the City Hotel.

The City was full of strangers. On Friday last, a superb
procession of boats had gone down the bay in honor of the
opening of the canal communicating the waters of the Lakes
with the Hudson, and a Ball to be given by the City was
fixed for tomorrow^ [*]

This morning M"". Hulme and D^". Price called with two
Harmony Gazettes & letters, all very satisfactory, the health
of the Place having been remarkably good all the summer.
Dr. Price introduced two Quakers, one a Mi". Gauce from
Wilmington, the other INI''. Trueman of this city, & a
Ml". Johnson, all friends to the Plan. We learnt that
societies were forming in Philadelphia for the purpose of
establishing communities. We got orders at the custom
house for our baggage, gave a letter which M^. Owen wrote
at sea, for publication in the New York Papers. In the
evening we got our personal baggage landed with only the
form of unlocking our trunks — Four tickets of invitation
had been sent to us for the Ball. At 10 we went there, spoke
to the governor, his lady, Capt" Rogers & his family of the
Canada, Mr. & [*] Mrs. Thomas, Mr. Hulme's daughter
and the two Mr. Shanks. The room was hung with
leaves, & full of mixed assemblage.

Mr. Owen went wath Mr. Johnson & Mr. Gauce to
Elias Hicks' (25 miles off in Long Island). [At ten we
sent off our English letters. I wrote to William, my
uncle & my Aunt Annie.] I called on the Governor, & left
Mr. Rush's letter of introduction & two views of Lanark &
Proposed communities. I also called for Mr. Owen & left a
letter for Mr. John Hunter in Broadway. I called with Robert
on Mr. & Mrs. Thomas. After dinner we went to the play
with Dr. Price & Mrs. W'arner (his sister). Mrs. Fisher (her
sister). Miss Cistairs the daughter of the lady at whose house
they board. These ladies propose going to Harmony. [*]

We left our cards for Mr. Ludlow & the British consul.
We escorted Mr. Garcia & family to see the City Hall. In
the saloon, the Governor De \\'itt Clinton was sitting; I
therefore introduced the Partv to him. He was extremely

MACDONALD DIARIES 309

polite. Afterwards we walked with them to the New High
School. The school was out, but I introduced the ladies to
Professor Griscomb. He gave Robert a small vol. which
he had lately published explanatory of his school system.
Another school is building in that neighbourhood for
females, this being exclusively for boys. It will hold 400
girls. After dinner we called on Df. Price's friends &
Mr. Hulme, who has been [*] staying here to visit his
daughter who arrived last evening from France by the
Havre packet. — Between 6 & 7 Mr. Owen returned quite
pleased with his visit to Elias Hicks, who approves of his
views. There are two parties of Quakers, Unitarians and
Trinitarians. He is a supporter of the former & very
influential among them. At night we went to M^. Wilkes
in Hudson Square. [The W"". Burns (packet) came in, not
having left Liverpool for 12 days after us. She brought the
Model & a man & maid, & baggage.]

This morning Robert & myself wrote to Harmony. Thursday loth.
Mr. Aufrere son in law of M^s Lockhart called on me, his ^ovf.
address 49 Canal Street. M^. John Stevens (Col. and a
great man for Rail Roads) called & introduced himself as a
friend of M*". Hill cashier of Hoboken Bank, whom [*] we
met last year in the Albany steamboat, — He expressed a
great desire to converse with M^. Owen. M^. Owen went to
the Custom house to get his baggage landed & arrange about
sending it west by way of New Orleans. M"". Richardson
of Utica, a miliar whom we had met in the Clinton canal
boat, was with us. Mf. Owen gave him a copy of the
Drawing of a community. A IMf. Conn, an Engineer,
called. Mr. Whitwell went with him to see a new steam
Engine invented by him. He was much pleased both with-
the Engineer & his apparatus. At one o'clock we called at
the City Hall & saw the Governor. He agreed to take the
chair at a public meeting next W'ednesday to hear Mr. Owen
explain his system. He observed [*] that the most superior Thursday lotb
female of his acquaintance (Miss Wright) was a complete '^<'"^*^-
convert to the System. Thence we went to Mr. Peel's
museum, which has lately been opened in Broadway. This
gentleman, I am told, has in Philadelphia the best collection
in the U. States. He took us into his sanctum sanctorum

310 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

and shewed us his paintings. His name is Rembrandt. His
father is an old man. We were introduced to a M"". Stansbury
a clerg\''man. He was extremely friendly. We were likew ise
introduced to two other gentlemen belonging to the museum.
I called on Mrs. George Barclay 42 Courtland St. & Mr. &
Mrs. Clibborn 124 Greenwich S*. Engaged to dine
Wednesday with ist & Thursday with 2nd

At five o'clock we took a coach & called for Mr. [*] Owen
at Mr. Poste's, Franklin Bank Franklin Square. We sat
with the ladies a few minutes & proceeded to call on
Mr. Wilkes ; drank tea at Jacob Harvey's ; went for a short
time again to the museum where we met Dr. Hosack, and
thence to the Lunch Club of New York Litterati in Broad
Way, a short distance from Washington Hall Hotel.
Friday u^'^. At 6 o'clock Mr. Owen, Robert, & Smith accompanied

Nov^ by Dr. Price & his party, started in the Union line of steam

boats for Philadelphia. Mr. Whitwell & myself got an order
from the custom house to land the Model. We went for
a short time to the Academy of Arts. The rooms are bad
and though there are a few good pictures, yet in general
the exhibition is very inferior. At 12 we called on the
governor [*] and fixed that Mr. Owen should have a public
meeting in the City hotel on Friday the i8th. at 1 1 o'clock.
We called on Miss Upjohn. The Eldest sister had gone to
Cincinnati to join her father; the rest propose going there
early in spring. We purchased a number of the Religious
Chronicle in which there was a letter from a clergyman who
had been at New Harmony, and found the school in bad
order and the farm & other establishments not well managed.
A Mr. Page called. He is a singular man, & has had his
head turned by some fanciful speculation. He dresses in
an extraordinary green gown. He spoke of having made
some w'onderful discovery relative to some thousand years
of the world's existence. He said he understood the magical
art, and had for some years been recommending communities
on Mr. Owen's plan, in w-hich he would establish theatrical
religion. He called himself "the Page of Nature; the
Page [*] of History; King David's Page, and Hisom
Hieroglyphicus. He had been that morning to mention the
subject to the governor who had fixed an interview at his

MACDONALD DIARIES 311

private house for the following morning at 8 o'clock. — We
allowed him to run out without interruption, and then he
took his leave requesting we would relate what he had told
us to Mr. Owen. After his departure, I could not help
laughing at the idea of the governor connecting our views
with the insane fancies of this fanatic, and I half asked
myself whether I had entirely escaped the disaster of in-
sanity. — Mr. Johnson who called with M"". Gauce, again
called. He spoke rather extravagantly of some improve-
ments he had made in the art of type founding, and about
his early career as an actor. [*]

As soon as he left us we walked out, and passed the evening Friday ntfc.
at La Fayette circus where we saw some good horsemanship. ^o\^. (cont^.)

At six this morning we started in the steam boat for Saturday 12^^.
New Brunswick 45 miles up the Raritan river, thence about
30 miles in stages through Princeton & Trenton to the
banks of the Delaware where we embarked on board the
Trenton steam boat, a beautiful & very fast boat. We
proceeded 30 miles down the river to Philadelphia where
we arrived at 1/2 past 5, & found M^. Owen at the Mansion
house hotel. The fare was 2$. We breakfasted in one
boat & dined in the other, 1/2$ each. The road was very
rough from New Brunswick to the Delaware, but they drove
fast. There [*] is an opposition line, which is the cause of
the low fares. Owing to the dry weather, the road was
extremely dusty, and the river being low. we proceeding
6 or 8 miles below Trenton before we embarked. — The day
was beautifully clear, but there was a very cold wind. — [In
the steamboat I met M^". Osborne with whom I had crossed
the Atlantic in the Canada. He introduced me to Mrs. Gray
wife of the B. consul at Norfolk Virginia. She had known
Major Cunningham of the Engineers in Bermuda.] In the
evening we saw Mr. Say and Mr. Haynes. The latter lives
at Germantown 7 miles out of Philadelphia. Mr. Whitwell
remarked that the country from New Brunswick to Trenton
looked wild, that the driving of the coachman would alarm
our English whips, and that the country had a very wintry
appearance, owing to the brown cast of the ground & the
want of leaves on the trees. This is caused by the sharp
frosts in the nights. —

312

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Sunday 13th.
Novr.

Monday 14
Novf.

Tuesday 15th.
Nov.

Tuesday 15th.
Nov. (contd)

[A letter arrived from IM'". Lewis the Secretary of
N. Harmony to M"". Owen, he remarked that the school was the
best part of the Establishment &, that every thing would go
right on his return. The Place had been remarkably healthy.]

After breakfast D^. Rush called. I gave him a letter of
introduction from his brother. Also came in M^. Spackman
with Dr. Price & his brother [*] Eli Price, & Mr. Hulme's
2^^ son. M»". Owen went out to breakfast. M^. Whitwell
went out with Mr. Spackman, & engaged to meet Dr. Rush
after dinner to go & see the Water Works & Penitentiary.
[Mr. Spackman agreed with me as to the necessity of
getting foremen for the several branches of business in
New Harmony.] Mr. Owen was to go out with Mr Haynes
to dine at Germantown, &. come into to Mr. Fieball's [Phi-
queball's] . I remained at home having a cold. In the evening-
Mr. Spackman called. & we had a long conversation about
advertising for various artificers to go to New Harmony.

Early this morning Mr. Owen & Dr. Price set off to
Wilmington with Mr. Gause, to see the society formed
there. After breakfast Mr. Spackman came in, & we drew
out the proposed advertisement which he engaged to have
inserted for one week in all the papers of this city. W^e called
on Mr. Camac, & saw Miss Penn, Mr. Smith & Capt". Ricketts
who was in the Portuguese service but [*] retired, and is now-
married to one of Camac's sisters. I called & left Mr. Rush's
letter of introduction to Mr. C. T. Anquisoll. We called
on, Dr. Rush & Mr. Longstreath. We saw Mr. Price &
Mr. M^lure in the house of the latter. In the evening we
went with young Camac & Mr. Smith to see the Atheneum
& the Museum. The latter is a private collection, fitted for
a pubhc show. Admittance 25$ [cents].

After Breakfast I wrote to the Committee inclosing
the slip of the advertisement & afterwards went out with
Mr. Spackman. I left my card for Mrs. Grey at Mrs. Sword's
boarding house in Walnut St. Called & saw the British
Consul Robertson, was introduced to Mr. Chancey the lawyer
in the circuit court, left my card for Mr. Vaughan at the
Atheneum, was introduced to Dr. Meek, and went to
Tanner's shop [*] about some state maps. We walked
through the U. States bank, and went to the top of it. It

MACDONALD DIARIES 313

is a fine marble building. We likewise saw a new church
neatly built. After dinner Mr. AIcLure & Say called. In
the evening we went for half an hour to M^. Spackman's &
afterwards to D^". Rush's, where I was introduced to a
Miss Roach an English lady who lives with her brother
at Bedford in Massachusets. He is a great advocate for
the New System.

At 6 o'clock we left Philadelphia by the New York Wednesday i6th.
steamboat. We travelled in company of Reuben Haines of
Germantown & his wife, her sister, Miss Post, his mother, and
a young gentleman. The day was beautifully fine. [*] We
reached New York at 1/2 past 5 in the evening. Kean had
come out at the theatre ; had met great opposition, but having
published a letter begging pardon, was getting up hill again.
The Italian opera had advertised for operas twice a week
for three months. We found extracts in the N. York papers
relative to M"". Owen's meeting in London.

After breakfast we busied ourselves about the baggage Thursday Nov^.
to be sent round to New Orleans, getting the model put '" ■
together, & sending copies of the i^t. number of the Harmony
Gazette which had been reprinted here [*] send round to
the different Editors & Literary Societies. A Mf. Haymer
a mathematical teacher called. He wishes to join at
Harmony. I called at the City Hall with Mr. Owen on the
Governor who engaged to see the Model at one o'clock. We
then went & saw Mr. Golden. On our way back we overtook
Miss Douglas, with whom I walked home to 55 Broadway.
The sisters came with us to the City hotel where Mr. Ray
delivered a lecture on the patronage of the fine arts. After
the lecture the governor, Mr. Murray & the two ladies
went & looked at the Model. I afterwards accompanied
Miss Hamilton to call on the Miss M^Ewin's. In the course
of the walk Mr. Murray remarked in reply to several
favorable observations from [*] Miss Douglas, that those
with whom he had conversed thought Mr. Owen a mad
visionar3^ Oh ! said the Governor, that is the fate of men of
talent; their enthusiasm is always called madness, & yet
nothing great can be accomplished without it. —

After breakfast the saloon was prepared for the public Friday Xov^.
meeting, & the model placed in the middle of the room; at ^^'''-

314

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Friday Nov^.

i8t*». contd.

Saturday Novr.

Sunday 2o*i>.

Monday 2ist.
Noyf.

1 1 o'clock a large respectable & literary company assembled.
M>'. Owen addressed them for two hours. They were
remarkably attentive and much interested. His discourse has
been the subject of much conversation since. At 4 o'clock
we dined 3 miles out of town, at Jeremiah Thompson's
where we met a large party of Friends. [*] The conversation
was about Mi". Owen's Plan, and kept up principally by
M"". McFarlane, a Scotch schoolmaster. In the evening we
called at M^. Post's at the Franklin Bank, and on the Garcias.

We called today on the Douglas, Hamilton, Capt". Rogers,
Mr. Bayard, and Mrs. George Barclay. We dined at Mr. Clib-
born's where I met Capt". Barclay of the navy. In the
evening we went to Mr. Peel's museum who had lx)rrowed
the model to put up in his museum till the day of sending
it to Philadelphia. Afterwards I went for an hour to the
Garcias. — George Hutchinson received his instructions & went
on board the Phenix Capt". Jenkins with all [*] the heavy
baggage. The vessel will sail tomorrow for New Orleans.

After breakfast some gentlemen came in and had a long
conversation relative to the New System. I afterwards called
on Mr. Aufrere. Mr. Owen breakfasted with a Quaker of
the name of Beal, a great friend to his plan. Mr. Hulme
dined with us. Mr. Owen met INIrs. Sketchley in the street,
who invited him to call on her. She is a lady who was
extremely interested with the discourse which he delivered at
the Public Meeting. We called there in the evening, and saw
her & her daughter ( a very fine girl). Mr. Sketchley was
in the country. He commanded a Liverpool Packet for a
length of time ; but making an independence, he retired from
business. We met there two Patersons, brothers of one who
crossed last year in the same ship with us, and Mr. Pohlentz
who was introduced to me by Mr. Albers in Boston. We
drank tea [*] with Captain Bennett.

After breakfast we all called on Mr. Miesto and went
with him to see a horizontal windmill. Afterwards I called
with Mr. Owen on Mr. Wilkes, Mr. Golden, Mr. Buchanan,
Dr. Blatchley, Madame Garcia, Mr. Thomas, Dr. Hosack,
Mr. Ludlow, Mr. Post. Jeremiah Thompson, the Governor,
Dr. Renwick, Dr. MacNevin, Dr. Mitchell, Dr. MacVicar.
Mr. Noah, Mr. Charles King. Miss Douglas, Mrs. Sketchley,

MACDONALD DIARIES

315

Mr. Houston & Mrs. Sistare. We dined at Mr. George Bar-
clay's where we met his father & mother a sister & two
brothers & Mr. Aiifrere. In the evening we called on
Mrs. Sketchley and took leave. She particularly asked
concerning the road to New Harmony & wished us a good
journey and every success.

At 6 o'clock we set out by the steamboat. At Trenton
we met Prince Charles Bonaparte with whom we went down
the Delaware three miles and landed at Bordentown on the
left bank, from whence we walked half a mile to Point
Breeze where Joseph Bonaparte lives. Prince Charles is
married to his daughter [*] and lives in a house adjoining
his grounds. We met at dinner a Madame La Coss & the
Count Meritot (Miot), He talked a great deal about
Mr. Owen's plans. Prince Charles is a great admirer of
them. In the house are a great many very fine paintings,
and in the garden several fine family busts. A house
which he had built on his arrival in this country was burnt
down a few years since ; by which he lost half his fortune &
many beautiful paintings.

Before breakfast we rode round the grounds, which
are well laid out, & on which many improvements are
making. At breakfast Prince Lucian iMurat who lives on a
farm at some distance, came in. A long conversation ensued
relative to Mr. Owen's [*] system, which was very interest-
ing. Joseph has taken the name of Count Survilliers. He
entered freely into the subject & made many very striking
remarks. He is a man of strong steady powers of mind, and
without any affected restraint is and acts the kingly
character. He offered to shew us his library & escorted
us through a suite of handsome appartments ornamented by
a variety of beautiful paintings. He accompanied us
through his grounds to the river side & taking friendly
leave, said he should be happy to see us again. I afterwards
heard that he had refused repeatedly to receive English
officers. When the M P's were in this country, a friend
undertook to introduce them without first asking the Count
to [*] allow him. He met the Count in his grounds and
when he presented them, the Count made a profound

Tuesday aa""*.
Nov.

Wednesday 23 fd.
XoV.

Wednesday
contd.

jrd

316 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

bow, & turned about and left them; so that they had only
a hasty & slight view of his person.

We embarked on board the steamboat at half past two, as
it passed & reached Philadelphia between 5 & 6. We found
about two dozen persons w-aiting to apply as mechanics to
join at Harmony, according to the advertisement. Very
few of them were good subjects. Their names were taken
down to be w-ritten to, on our arrival at Harmony.
Thrirsday 24^^. M"". Owen had a public meeting at Eleven. There was

a very full attendance of respectable people. He explained
his principles, but left the explanation of [*] his proposed
arrangements till tomorrow, as the Model had not arrived. A
few questions were asked by two Clergymen of the Society
of Friends, which he answered & the meeting separated
in good humour.
Friday 25^^. Another crowded meeting took place at Eleven, at which

Mr. Owen received a letter asking him two questions, whether
his system would do for those who believed the Scriptures
to be a Divine Revelation, and whether he believed Man to
be born in sin & brought up in iniquity. He answered that
he did not think any revelation had been given to men but
through facts, explained the principles of the System, and
added that from his long experience he was thoroughly
convinced that human nature was a delightful compound. He
concluded [*] by explaining the Model & the mode of life
of one of the New Societies. This discourse occupied two
hours. No other person spoke, & the meeting after close
attention broke up highly interested.
Sainrday 26i\ At 6 o'clock this morning Mr. Owen went by the steam-

boat with Smith & the Model to Point Breeze. I called on
Mr. Huhne, Mr. Longstreath & Mrs. Price, Mr. Spackman,
Dr. Rush, Madame Fretageot, Mr. Camac, & Mr. Wharton,
the mayor. I wrote a letter to Mr. Carey the bookseller to
forward annually 5 £ of books to Ed. Stanbery addressed
Sunday 2y^\ to the care of Messrs. Rathbone, Brothers & Co. In the

^'oy'. evening Mr. Owen returned from Point Breeze. — [*]

Sunday 27th This day we dispatched the model by the Steamboat at

'^^'^'- 12 o'clock for Baltimore. [I saw gen^. & Mrs. Van Rensaleer

on their way to Washington.] We addressed several news-
papers to England. I called on Mr. Camac & saw Miss Penn.

MACDONALD DIARIES 317

I afterwards called on Mr. Charles Ingersoll, M^. Charles
Tappan (2nd door above 13th. St. south side of Chesnut
St.) Mr. William Meredith and Mrs. Marcoo. I dined at
Mr. IngersoH's. He is the Attorney General of the state. A
gentlemanly person. His wife is a pleasing woman. At night
we made up the packets of letters to be sent to England.

This morning I sent several books & some linen for Monday 28^^.
Mr. Owen to be put with Dr. Price's baggage, and sent the -^^"^'^■
letters to Samuel Spackman's office. I likewise called on
Mr. Carey & settled about his remitting yearly 5 £ worth of
American books [*] to Ed. Stanbery, and took leave of
Mrs. Turner & her two amiable daughters. Mr. Whitwell &
myself started in the 12 o'clock steamboat. On board I met
a Mr. Dickey in whose company I had dined at Mr. Clibborn's
in New York, & Mr. Jenckes the inventor of the Alleviator
(a machine for raising sick persons in their beds). We
reached Newcastle at 5 o'clock, where we got into stages &
crossed a distance of 16 miles to Frenchtown on the Elk
river where we embarked on board another steam boat
at 8 o'clock. We passed down this river into the Chesapeak
& up to Baltimore which we reached between 2 & 3 o'clock
in the morning of Tuesday [Fare from Phia to Frenchtown
including dinner 3$ from thence to Baltimore including
tea & bed 3$]

We rose between 6 & 7 and went up to Barnum's Tuesday 29**".
hotel. After breakfast I had the model taken to the waggon
office & booked for Washington. We then visited the
Catholic cathedral, the Unitarian [*] chapel & the court
house. In the latter we heard part of the trial of a young
man confined in the Penitentiary, and who had in a fit of
passion killed one of his comrades. It was an interesting-
case and a striking instance of the prejudicial tendency
of the coercive system upon human nature. The young man
was 18 years old & had been sentenced, when only 13, to
6 years confinement in the Penitentiary; and now within a
few months of the expiration of his imprisonment was guilty
of one of the most violent acts that can be committed! I
remarked in the lines of his countenance the powerful
influence of a constant disgrace & punishment during the 6
most important years of his youth. How can fear, constraint

518

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Wednesday 30*11.

Thursday i^t.
Deer. [*]
Thursday ist.
Deer.

and the continual sense of oppression, fail to hurt the
human feelings, render the passions violent, and all the
sentiments those of animosity; unless indeed such a life &
miserable treatment happen to destroy all the spirits & en-
feeble the frame to such an extent as to leave the l^eing
no better than an abject crouching slave? [*] after dinner
we called on M*". Denison floor cloth manufacturer who
shewed us a new manufactured canvass for covering
houses. We went with him to his private house & drank
tea with his wife. We afterwards called on Mr. Skinner
the Editor of the American farmer. He introduced us to
his family, and gave us some white wine made in South
Carolina. We heard a young lady sing remarkably well ; but
were surprised to find rather an unfavorable feeling prevail
relative to the Italian singers arrived at New York, [our
expenses were 5 1/2$]

A little before 9 this morning we left Baltimore in
a 9 inside stage for Washington distant 35 miles, fare
3$ each & dinner on the road 75 cents. Some members
of congress were in the stage. We reached Brown's Inn
(The Indian Queen) in Pensylvania avenue Washington, at
4 o'clock. We walked through the city, & in the evening
I wrote up my journal.

After breakfast we called at the Patent office & saw
Dr. Thornton and M*". Elliot. When the English landed &
burnt several of the public buildings Dr. Thornton saved the
Post Office in which the Patent office is, by representing
to the Commanding office [r] that if he burnt the building
he would destroy many valuable improvements in the arts.
He sent several constitutions to South America, and recom-
mended the Congress at Panama & the building of a central
Capital of which he drew a design. Some of his constitutions
were sent to Spain, which cause [d] the government of that
country to make a complaint against him. Mr. Elliot who is
in his office, is very friendly to Mr. Owen's plan & is
preparing a printing machine as a present to New Harmony.
We afterwards called on Mr. Rush the Secretary of the
Treasury, Mr. Vaughn (the British minister, Mr. Addington
having sailed for England six weeks back) Mr. Baker, the
British Consul General, & Mr. Tho^. Law, for whom

MACDONALD DIARIES 319

Mr. Camac gave me a letter. He engaged to call for us
about 12 o'clock tomorrow [*] and introduce us to the
President. We dined at the Hotel at 3 o'clock ; about 90 sat
down to table, consisting for the most part of members of
Congress. They looked like men of business met together
for the purpose of doing business. It is customary for
them to meet the first few days at the hotels, where they
remain till they have formed their clubs, or chosen boarding
houses to reside in during the session. This day has been
cloudy & rainy. Though a good deal of building is going
on, yet Washington is a very straggling, awkward, ugly &
uncomfortable place, and must continue so for many years
to come. The broken ground, the complete want of trees
as well as cultivation, & the paltry buildings scattered here
and there, give to the whole landscape a rude and barren
appearance. Passing the southern extremity of the city, you
gradually descend to the side of the Potomack where George
Town stands. This is about a mile from W^ashington, though
almost connected by houses the whole way. As the banks of
the river are high and well wooded, the situation of George
town is far more picturesque than that of Washington with
its scattered lines of streets, drained marsh on [*] one side
and flat barrens on the other.

After breakfast we went to the Patent office, where the Friday 2nd.
Model had arrived. It was taken out of the boxes and placed I^«<=""-
in a private room. M^. Elliot introduced us to M^. Liddle
Unitarian minister. He is librarian to the Washington
library which contains 5000 vols, at present in one of the
rooms belonging to the patent office. At 12 o'clock Mr. Law
called and walked with us to the President's. We sent in
our cards & I sent in M^. Owen's letter presenting the
Model & a letter of introduction sent to me last winter
from Ml". Rush while he was in London. We were admitted
immediately. The President resembles his father in figure,
being short & stout & having a large head. He was plainly
dressed, and not at all ceremonious. He said that he had
read in the newspaper that Mr. Owen had a Model to present
to him. He fixed tomorrow at 1 1 o'clock to receive it. We
staid only a few minutes with him. Mr. Elliot shewed us
the city hall, of which only a small part is built. The model

320 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

stands in the building & is neatly made. Between 3 & 4
o'clock we dined at M^. Elliot's. [*] He is a widower & lives
in a small house on the side of the rising ground near the
Capitol. He shewed us some astronomical instruments in his
house belonging to the government which he uses. The
President some times visits him when he is going to make
observations. We met at dinner Col. Robbido of the
Engineers, & Capt". Moffatt of Virginia.

Saturday 3^^. At eleven o'clock we had the Model conveyed to the

"^^ President's house. It was laid on a large table in the

Anteroom, where AI*". Whitwell explained it to him. He
only asked a few simple questions, and concluded by saying
that it might remain there for some days, after which he
would have it deposited either in the Patent office or the
Capitol. He appears a thoughtful man. It struck us that
he was out of spirits, but this might proceed from the
fatigue of business and seeing so many visitors ; for every
member or person coming to W^ashington on business calls
upon him, & as congress is to open next Monday these duties
at the present moment press hard upon him. He was very
polite to us. While we were explaining the model, three
members called. The President immediately asked us all
into his sitting-room. In the course of general conversation.

(Saturday 3^^ j^g s^id to the members that we [*] were friends of
'• *^°"* ^ Mr. Owen who had brought a Model of the town he proposed

building. "What," said one of them, "is that the Harmony
tnan ?" After their departure the explanation was continued
for a short time, and then we retired, having been received &
treated with great politeness. It is said that the President
has, all his life, been too much occupied with study & business
to be what is called in company 'a man of the world'. We
walked to George town, situated on the sloping ground
on the left bank of the Potomac. Although it is not a neat
town, yet it is handsomely situated & appears more comfort-
able as a place of residence than straggling Washington. AVe
dined at Mr. Law's on the Capitol Hill. Besides his son we
met Col. White, Mr. [MS illegible] & another gentleman, all
members of congress. After dinner Mr. Law left us for a
couple of hours to attend a meeting of the Institute. On his
return he gave us a pamphlet on Paper Currency. The

MACDONALD DIARIES 321

society meets monthly, and during the sitting of congress
every week. M"". Law spoke of addressing the President
that he might allow the Model to be placed in their Hall in
the Capitol where it would be seen by every one. He likewise
offered us a letter of introduction to Mr. Jefferson. [*]

Ml". Elliot called & accompanied us to the Unitarian Sunday 4th.
chapel in which M^. Little preached. The President came Dec'-,
in quite by himself, sat alone in a private pew, & retired after
the service without any particular notice being taken of
him. It is remarkable that the First Magistrate in one
country should regularly attend a place of worship which
in the Mother Country is considered a highly disreputable &
profane place. In the afternoon we walked to George
town & saw M^. Thorp, whose family resides at New
Plarmony. He has lately received newspapers & a satis-
factory letter from that society. It appears to me that there
is a great error committed in the conduct of the New
Harmony Gazette. It seems to be written by Deists with
a design of converting its readers. It consists almost entirely
of theoretical discussions. Whereas I think that it should
only contain on the one hand a statement of the practical
proceedings of the population, those practices in operation,
others in prospect, & the effect of what had already been
done; and on the other [*] hand scientific articles, informa-
tion on practical subjects, and as full an account as possible
of all the interesting events of the times. The Old System
is based on mere theory & supported by speaking & preach-
ing: but the New System should be entirely founded on
practice, and only be explained and advocated by a statement
of its practices & a reference to their effects. — In the
evening I received a letter of introduction to Mj". Jefferson
from Mr. Law.

In the morning we called at the Patent office on Monday 5"^
Mr. Elliot and went with him to the offices of the Wash- Dec^.
ington newspapers which are three in number, published
daily except Sundays. The National Intelligencer; Editor
Mr. Gales (rather opposed to the present President) and
the National Journal. Editor Mr. Forse (considered the
ministerial Paper) both morning Papers, and the \\'ashington
Gazette Mr. Elliot, published every afternoon. The Editors

322 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

promised to insert articles relative to the Model having been
presented to the President. We then called on Pishey
Thompson Bookseller, a great friend to Mr. Owen's
system, agent for [*] the Harmony Gazette. We purchased
a Washington guide, & Jefferson's Notes on Virginia — Be-
tween 12 & I, we went in a stage about a mile down to
the steam boat on the Potomak, a short distance below the
bridge, on board of which we embarked for the mouth of
Potomak creek, which we reached about 8 o'clock in the
evening. On the way we passed Fort Washington strongly
built on the left bank at a narrow part of the river which
it defends, and three miles lower down Mount Vernon, the
late residence of Washington & the present abode of Judge
Washington. It stands on an elevated bank & has a
fine & extensive view of the river. We travelled about 9
miles through a broken country in stages to Fredericksburg,
where we arrived at half after 10. The charge, from
Washington including dinner & supper, was $4.75 each. A
boy in the stage amused us by singing a negro song, one
verse of which ran thus.

My old mistress is dead & gone
And has left her jawbone a ploughing the corn

Wheel about, my Dear,

And turn about So,

Wheel about, my dear,

And jump Jim Crozv.
The singer when he comes to the word So, jumps upon his
Tuesday 6th. [*j toes, and on his heels at the word Crozv.
Tuesday Dec"". At 5 in the morning we set out in the Charlottesville

^^^' stage a fourhorse spring covered waggon. It carried the

New Orleans mail bags. We stopped to breakfast at
Wilderness, 16 miles, and not choosing to dine early
continued to the end of the day's journey to Bentivoglio,
where we arrived about seven in the evening. A Mr. Paris
of Staunton, proprietor of part of the line of stages, was
our only companion. The weather was remarkably clear, but
cold and frosty; The road extremely rough; the carriage
very uneasy, and the country covered with wood & thinly
settled. The soil in many part was a red earth.

MACDONALD DIARIES 323

We set out at 4 o'clock in the morning and reached Wednesday
Charlottesville soon after 8. It is situated upon waving Deer. ;th.
land, the west being shut in by the Blue Ridge, a beautiful
line of mountains from one to two thousand feet high, and
the last being broken by several picturesque hills, on one
of which is situated Mr. Jefferson's Place called Monticello.
About a mile & a half west of Charlottesville stand the
New University of Virginia. The surrounding country is
not much settled, and is thickly covered by the forest
containing a great variety of trees, which are not of very
great size. Between 11 & 12 we took a hack & went up
the winding hill of three miles ascent by a bad road [*] to
Mr. Jefferson's. The summit of the hill on which his house
is built, has been flattened so as to form a circular plateau of
about a hundred yards. The house, though not large, is of
good dimensions and its architecture clasical. In the
hall & rooms are several interesting busts & paintings.
Among the busts of American patriots we remarked those
of Franklin, Madison, Adams & Gen'. Jackson; and of
conspicuous foreigners, those of Napoleon, & La Fayette.
Mr. Jefferson is very tall & thin though muscular. He has
a lively eye and expressive countenance, though none of his
features are of a large & bold character. He has been of
late unwell & looked pale and a little debilitated : but bears
many marks of having been handsome as a youth. Although
he is above 83, no apparent decay of intellect was perceptible
during our short visit. He conversed with quickness and
spirit on general subjects. He displayed great knowledge
of architecture and mechanics, while conversing relative to
the New University, the designing & building of which has
occupied a very great portion of his attention for more
than 20 years. His notions are to have primary schools
in districts of 6 square miles, secondary ones 10 in number
for the whole state, and this University which is near the
center, as a [*] finishing school for the scholars who design
to study the higher branches. The University will, however,
receive students from other states, if there be vacancies. We
remained to dine, & staying till dark, he would not allow
us to descend the hill in the dark, the road being dangerous
at night. We met at dinner & in the evening, his daughter

324 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

M's. Randolph {M»". Randolph was from home,) and
several of her sons & daughters, some of them grown up.
One of her daughters is married to Mi". Triste. They
were staying in the house. Another daughter is married
to a Mr. Coledge of Boston.

Before breakfast I walked out round the house, & ad-
mired the beautiful and extensive view below me. To the
east, the rising sun, with a sea of forest, every here & there
a smoke of a settlement floating like a cloud over the
trees, and to the west the beautiful Blue ridge inclosing
the broad vale of waving lands, in which the two principle
objects are Charlottesville & the New University. This is a
delightful residence during the greater part of the year; but
in the months of Jany. Feb. & March, the frost, rains & high
winds, render it extremely disagreeable.

M'". Jefferson gave us a note to M^. Brockenburgh the
Proctor of the University, & after breakfast we drove
there. This gentleman walked through the [*] buildings, and
shewed us the improved method of covering buildings
with flat wooden roofs, & with tin roofs. The several
buildings exhibit examples of the various orders of archi-
tecture, and form a striking scene. We purchased plans of
the buildings, and explanatory pamphlets of the nature of the
Institution. Five of the Professors are from England, one
is a son [of] Professor Bonnecastle of Woolwich. The
Medical Professor Dunglisson, stated that facts had in
numerous instances proved that the miasmata which
occasions so much sickness in hot climates does not rise
very high, & that persons inhabiting the ground floor of
a building have often been very sickly while those on the
first floor enjoyed good health.

^Ve returned to the Inn about 3 o'clock and in the course
of the evening had a long conversation with a M>'. Slaughter
staying in the house. The name of the Landlord is G. Garnett.

Soon after 9 in the morning we left Charlottesville in
the mail stage for Staunton, on our way to see the Natural
Bridge. The country through which we passed was hilly, &
woody, and every here & there a small settlement. The road
was [*] very broken, & we made only from 4 to 5 miles
an hour. In the afternoon we crossed the Blue ridge and

MACDONALD DIARIES 325

had an extensive view of the valleys on both sides, but at
this season & the woody state of the country, the prospect
was not remarkably interesting. The land is not very
rich, nor the timber large or of a fine appearance. — Two of
the students from the College were passengers with us, going
home for the winter vacation, which is the only one. We
read the President's message in the Richmond Enquirer,
which violently attacked it. The students seemed to have
the same feeling, which made us conclude that the spirit of
party in the Virginia University was opposed to the existing
government. We reached Staunton soon after 7 in the
evening, when finding that our funds were small & that we
could not obtain credit conveniently as we were strangers, we
determined to give up at present visiting the Natural
Bridge, & return by the way of Harper's Ferry. — The
Natural Bridge is described as a very picturesque rock
forming an arched bridge across a deep [*] ravine, between
2 & 300 feet deep, through which a creek passes. Mr. Jef-
ferson in his Notes on Virginia describes it as a most
striking scene. He told us that M^". Liston, when minister
in this country, said that the Falls of Niagara and the
Natural Bridge were the two most remarkable and beautiful
natural curiosities in North America.

At 2 o'clock this morning we set out in the mail stage Saturday lotii.
for Winchester, paying 6$ each. The night was clear and
there was a hard frost. We travelled slowly and were much
jolted, though the road was better that [sic] the Charlottes-
ville road. We breakfasted at Harrisonburg. The [re] we
saw one of the society of Dunkers. He wore a long
beard, but in other respects appeared like an American. On
asking the landlord some questions concerning that sect, he
said that it resembled as far as he knew the Society of
Quakers, that a good many Dunkers lived in the town and
neighbourhood, but not in a distinct society, that they were
decent, industrious & inoffensive [*] citizens. We reached
Woodstock where we supped & put up for the night, about
1/^2 past 6. This road lies through a rich vale between the
Blue Ridge & one of the ridges of the Alleghanies. It is
well settled & in many parts tolerably improved. The mail
stage from Baltimore to New Orleans passes through this

326

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Sunday ii*''.

(Sunday ii*^.
Dec"', contd)

Monday 12th.

vale. It has been running for above 20 years, while that from
Fredericksburg which meets it at Staunton has only been
established two years. At present the inhabitants living
along these two lines of communication, are looking out
anxiously for the decision of the government Commissioners
whether the National road shall pass by Winchester or
Charlottesville: if through the latter place, the road by
Winchester will be immediately improved in order to keep
pace with the new one. We this evening fell in with a
gentleman we had met in the Baltimore steamboat. He
said that he was going into the Arkansaw country, and as
he learnt that the rivers were too low for steam boats, he
had determined to take the stage rout through Nashville. We
conversed [*] about M^". Owen, when he said that it was
his intention to return up the rivers, and to visit New
Harmony on his way. He had seen New Lanark, and
related to us some absurd stories which he had heard of the
arrangements made in that Establishment, such as turning
the work people away, removing bad families into a street in
the village called Botany Bay, & rewarding & punishing
the children in the school. At parting he gave us his Name
(Beveridge) and hoped on his return to see us in Baltimore,
should we ever pass through that city. We conjectured
him to be a Fur trader, as he talked of his having Indian
chiefs as friends.

We left Woodstock about 3 this morning, breakfasted
at Middleton, passed through Winchester, a neat town, and
reached Harper's Ferry about 7 in the evening. The fare
from Winchester 2.50. Harper's ferry is at the junction of
the Shenandoah with the Potomac. Here these rivers run
between steep and rugged ridges 700 or 800 feet high, which
are clothed with timber. [*] This place is encreasing in
consequence of the United States manufactory of Arms being
established here. We went through Mr. Hall's manufactory
of Patent rifles: — a monopoly of this Patent has been
secured by the government, and M"". Hall is employed to
carry on the business. He very politely explained the process
to us and allowed us to fire one of the rifles. The chamber
in which the charge is placed, is raised by a spring and the
charge is put in without the use of a ramrod. By this method

MACDONALD DIARIES 327

the piece can be loaded two or three times faster at least
than the common musket. We saw a good sawmill, and
inspected the apparatus employed in boring for the depth of
some hundred feet through rock in search of water. We had
a long conversation with Major Stephenson, who keeps the
tavern, Mr. Alexander the government storekeeper, and a
Ml". Thomas, relative to M^". Owen's Plan. They appeared
much interested relative to his proceedings. — During our
journey we found our breakfast generally to cost 37 1/2 cents
each [*] our dinner 50 cents, and our bed & supper 75 cents
each. — We engaged a hack with two horses to carry us by
tomorrow evening to Washington for 20$, including the
ferries, tolls, & expenses of driver & horses on the road. We
set out about one oclock, crossed the ferry over the
Shenandoah, and proceeded for a mile on the right bank
of the Potomak; then crossed the ridge to the right, and
reached Leedsburg about 7 in the evening distant, 24
miles. [Leedsburg is a neat small town, & the inn very
comfortable, speaking comparatively.] The day had been
cold & cloudy. In the afternoon it snowed a little.

We rose about 1/2 past 6, and started at 7 o'clock. The Tuesday 13*^.
morning was very bright, but a hard frost & brisk breeze ^^*^'^-
made it very cold. The country was more open and settled
than that which we had passed through. We stopped at an
inn by the roadside (Mr. Drane's) to breakfast, and thence
descended over a hilly [*] country to the chain bridge which
has been 2^ years built over the Potomak, 3 miles above
George town. [Two chains pass over peirs on both sides, &
forming semicircular curves, support each end of the
beams at the center of the bridge. The construction is
simple, good, and looks very well.] The river was very low
at this time. The channel under the bridge appeared about
20 yards wide. Five miles above this bridge are the
Potomak falls, which are between 100 & 200 feet high. We
should have visited them had it been a proper season, & the
river full of water. We passed through George town &
reached Brown's hotel in Pensylvania Avenue Washington,
about 1/2 past five. [I met in the coffee room youn(g)
Thurston, who had returned from Harmony. He talked of
going back.] We found two notes from Mr. & Mrs. Adams

328

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Thursday iS*''.
Deer.

inviting us to dinner this day at five. We regretted we
had just arrived too late. The distance from Leedsburg. is
about 35 miles.
Wednesday 141^. This morning we went to the Patent office, & thence to

'^^c'". j)r. Thornton's, where we saw his wife & her mother. We

then called on the President, & sat half an hour with his
lady. On our return I purchased a pocket Spanish dic-
tionary, & two small [*] Spanish books. We called and
saw Mf. Law who lent us 'The Precepts of Jesus' by
Rammohun Roy, to read. We intended to go this evening
to the Lady President's Drawing room, but not expecting
to meet persons of our acquaintance, we remained at home.
We breakfasted with M"". Elliot, called and saw Mr. Hat-
field the architect, & M^. Hutton the stationer, who made
a model for M^. Owen when he was here last winter, went to
George town & saw M^. Milligan & M^". Laird from whom
we learnt that Mi". Bell who proposed to go to Harmony to
manage the farms was not a very experienced or steady
person. We dined at M»". Elliot's where we met a M^. Gard-
ner, & saw an observation of the moon's passage across the
Meridian. We drank tea at M"". Little's, where we were
(Thursday i5ti>. introduced to his wife [*] and two daughters. He is the
Dec*- cont'i.) Unitarian minister. He left England several years ago. I

this day drew on Samuel Spackman Church All[e]y North
Third Street Philadelphia, for $250, through the U. S.
Bank, and this evening wrote to give him notice thereof.
^^^^- We called this morning on M^. Test a member for

Indiana. We afterwards went to the Capitol, where he
heard some debating in the Chamber of Representatives. We
called at Queen's Hotel where we saw M^. Jennings &
Mr. Boon, both members for Indiana. We also called on
General Noble Senator for the same state, and left our
cards for Governor Hendricks, the other senator, there
being 2 senators & 3 representatives for Indiana. We
dined at D"". Thornton's where we met a Mrs. Smith & a
Mr. Talbot. The Doctor entertained us with his metaphisical
system of religion. In the evening I saw & [*] conversed
with Mr. Quin, who had returned here from Harmony
which he left on the 15th. Novr. His description of the

Friday
Deer.

MACDONALD DIARIES

329

state of things there was very favorable. He goes back
again in a few days.

We called on Mr. G. R. Bakewell an inventor of an Saturday i/tfa.
improved Brick kiln ; he shewed us his model & took us to see
one which he had constructed. It appears to be contrived
on the principle of kilns for burning pottery. We called on
Mr. Little and afterwards dined with M^. Gardner. In the
evening we went to the Columbian Institute in a room in the
Capitol. Mr. Law read a paper on Paper Currency. There
were from lo to 20 persons present. At night we called &
sat for an hour with Mr. Elliot's brother who is Editor of
the Washington Gazette. — As Spanish, next to English, is
the most important language in the New World, I have
purchased two or three Spanish books [*] and borrowed
others from Mr. Elliot, & occasionally study that language.

This morning Mr. Elliot gave me some Spanish books. Sunday i8th.
At eleven we went to the Hall of Representatives & Deer,
heard a sermon by Dr. Stoughton. The President was
there, several members, & some of the Ladies and gentlemen
of the city. The Hall is an extremely bad room to speak
in. The ladies did not appear well. While we were out
General Noble, Governor Hendricks & Mr. Jennings called
on us. We spent the afternoon with Mr. Elliot.

This morning I called on i\Ir. Law. We afterwards

Monday 19^.

saw General Noble, Governor Hendricks, Mr. Jennings & Dec*".
Mr. Boon, and fixed to meet them at 10 o'clock on
Wednesday morning and go to the President's house to see
the model. General Noble shewed us the Senate chamber, and
introduced us to some of the members. Among the
number were General Harrison & Mr. Calhoun. The
latter is tall & spare. He has a very intelligent & quick
expression of countenance & a good manner. He remarked
that he felt great interest in Mr. Owen's proceedings & thought
that there were now at work in the world some active prin-
ciples which gave assurance of important improvements in
society being very near at hand. We walked through various
appartments of the Capitol, but observed that the interior of
the building was very much wasted in passages. In one
room we saw [*] two paintings, by Turnbull, intended to
be placed in the large Rotunda ; one represents the surrender

330

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Tuesday 20*^.
Dec"".

Wednesday 2ist.
Deer.

(Wednesday 21'^';,
Dec. contd)

Thursday 22"d
Dec*-.

Friday 23»d.

of General Burgoyne & his Army ; the other has Washington
in the foreground presenting a paper to several distinguished
characters of the Revolution. These paintings are well
executed. I received a letter from Samuel Spackman
acknowledging the receipt of mine. & notifying his having
placed the sum specified to my credit in the U. S. Bank.

We spent the evening at M^. Little's in company with
Mr. Elliot. We met there a Miss Webster. We had a long con-
versation relative to the 'New Views.' M^". Elliot contended
in favor of the freedom of man. — At night I wrote letters. —

[The weather was fine and temperate.] This morning
I called on Mf. Test. Mr. Bakewell called & left a letter
for Mr. Owen relative to his new Brick kiln. Mr. Bell called
and said he should write to the committee relative to his join-
ing at Harmony. I spent the rest of the day writing letters.

At 10 o'clock we went according to appointment with the
members of Indiana, the 2 senators General Noble & Governor
Hendricks, & the 3 representatives Messrs. Test, Boon & Jen-
nings, to see the model at the President's house. He was
out. Mr. Whitwell explained it, after which we parted, &
went to the annual meeting of the Columbian College, where
we heard some addresses delivered by students. At two
o'clock we called and took leave of the President. [*] He
was very friendly in manner. Speaking of the model he
remarked that the plan seemed well designed for a university.
We called and took leave of Mrs. Thornton. The evening
was spent with Mr. Elliot & Mr. Hatfield. Mr. Whitwell
was designing an almanack for New Harmony.

We breakfasted with Mr. Elliot. I afterwards called on the
Indiana members, and spent the rest of the day writing letters.
At night Mr. Elliot & Dr. Curtin were with us. We packed
up a rain gauge & some barometer glasses for Harmony.

A little after midnight there was a cry of fire, which
upon opening the window, we found to be that the roof of the
library in the Capitol was on fire. We heard that it had been
communicated by a flue, & that people were busy removing
the books. We started at 2 o'clock in the Frederick town
mail stage leaving it burning. [Fare to Frederick 45 miles
is 4$ & thence to Hagerstown 28. $2 r/2.] We reached

MACDONALD DIARIES

331

Frederick town to dinner between one & two o'clock ; &
thence to Hagerstown where we arrived at 8 o'clock.

We started at 2 o'clock in the morning & reached Cuml>er-
land at 1/2 past 6 at night Fare 5 1/2$ [Distance 60 miles]

We set out from Cumberland [ * ] at 1/2 past 4 & reached
Griffin's Hotel at 9 at night.

We set out at 7 and reached Washington at 9 at night.
The Distance from Cumberland to Washington is 100
miles, and the fare 6$. We travelled part of the way in
a coach, and a part in a spring covered mail waggon.

We left Washington at 9 and reached Pittsburg at 5 in
the evening. Distance 25 miles, fare 2 1/2$. The road
is very bad & hilly. The weather was frosty during our
journey, except Sunday 25th when we had some rain among
the hills. We found that the river had been for weeks frozen
up; that Mf. Owen's party had purchased a keelboat, in
which they had descended the river 20 miles to near the
mouth of Beaver Creek where they were frozen up; and
that he had gone on by himself in the Cincinnati stage.

We saw MJ". Bakewell and drank tea at his house. We also
saw M^". Sutton, & called on [*] M^. Baldwin. We w^alked over
the wooden bridge over the Alleghany river, & examined its
construction, & likewise went through the New Penitentiary
building near the city. It is a costly building, and on a plan
to cage up the prisoners like wild beasts.

This was a frosty and snowy day, which we passed
indoors. In the evening Mr. Sutton & M^". Stewart called
upon us. — A few days ago the Alleghany river rose, the ice
broke & came down into the Ohio, but not being able to break
the ice in this river, the ice of the Alleghany was driven
some distance up the Monongahela river, forming a confused
mass, parts standing up in wedges, and other parts laying-
one over the other. Fears have been entertained for the
Monongehela bridge & the boats on the river side, should
that river suddenly open. [*]

This morning was rainy, the weather having changed &
the wind come round to the south. We went to some book
stores to seek a few books. I asked for Spanish works, but
could not find any. We spent the evening with M^. Sutton,
where we met M^. Stewart, M''. Richardson & W^. .\rmstrong.

Saturday 24''^.
Sunday 25

Monday 26th.
Deer.

Tuesday 27^^.

Wednesday 28^^.

Thursday 2g^.

Friday 30*^.
Deer.

332 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Mr. Sutton gave us some of his genuine Tuscaloosa, a liquor

distilled from Wheat & Rye. These gentlemen spoke

favorably of M^. Owen's Plan. M^. Owen had a public

meeting while in Pittsburg.

Saturday 31**. We rose at 4 o'clock, paid our bill amounting to 12$

^**^'- including fare of stage to Economy, 75 cents each, and

set out in the stage at 5 o'clock. The stage was a small

covered spring waggon, but they contrived to cram 10

inside. The road runs by the side of the Ohio under some

steep hills and so narrow that some parts of it are called the

Narrows. At one place we met two waggons, and had to

{ ^in a> 31- . ^^ . unfasten the horses f*! and back the waggon into

Dec^ contd) *= ' t r 1 • 1

a corner to let them pass. Just after this we were overtaken

by two horsemen one had fallen over the bank a short
distance behind, but had fortunately escaped with a few
slight bruises. We all stopped 15 miles along the road at
Jackson's Inn, a poor place, to breakfast at 9 o'clock. Just
after breakfast when we were moving off from the inn. the
waggon slipped off the bank on the side of the road & sliding
down about 10 feet upset. Though the top was much smashed
no limbs were broken. A good many of the party were
bruised and among the number M»". Whitwell, who had his
foot a good deal hurt. During breakfast we had been joking
with the gentleman who had fallen from his horse. He
proved to be an Irish Doctor residing near Beaver. He came
running out to offer his services, and now in his turn made
a few jocose remarks upon our disaster. — The Waggon
having been raised up, and tolerably ordered, [*] we again
proceeded, & reached Economy about 1 1 o'clock. M^. Rapp
received us politely. We dined & supped with him, walked with
Mr. Frederick Rapp to look at their work, and at night went
to hear their band, composed of 14 players. — The Economites
have been very industrious, since I was here in June. They
have nearly completed a large brick Factory, a steam mill. &
a house for M^. Rapp, besides other improvements.
Sunday ist. 'pj^jg ^^y ^^,^g Stormy, freezing & snowing. Mr. Whitwell

• ^^^- ^ ^ went in the afternoon to the Economite house of worship.

Monday 2"^. Frost & snow. I called and saw several of my old

•^^^^■^' acquaintances. A Traveller informed us that about 7 o'clock

the preceding evening the ice broke up at Pittsburg. I

MACDONALD DIARIES

333

saw great quantities of ice passing down the river. We
have no tidings of M^. Owen's party in the keel boat
below [*] Beaver, but conjecture that they have gone on, as
the river has been open here & below this place for four
days. — The stage (which passes every other day,) did not
pass today, its regular day, but the mail bag was forwarded
on a sleigh. We hope that a steam boat may leave Pittsburg
tomorrow & take us up as it passes, the river having risen
two feet. — Among the numerous vague reports which we
have heard of this society, one is that in the course of the
past summer, Mf. Rapp married 40 members ; but I have
not as yet seen any thing here to warrant my crediting this
report. — The neighbours seem to have no very friendly
feeling to the society, on account of their close habits & the
mistery which hangs over all their proceedings. Another
traveller told us that there was a society forming in Portage Tuesday & Wed-

nesday 3rd. & 4t'i.
Jany.

County, Ohio, on M^". Owen's Plan.

At Economy. Windy & Frosty.

The steamboats at Pittsburgh have been driven high & Thursday 5th
dry on the river bank by the force of the ice ; leaving us
no [*] chance of getting a passage down the river in one of
them. This morning at 7 o'clock the Thermometer stood as
low as 3 1/2 degrees, being 28 1/2° below freezing. The
day was calm & clear, & at 12 o'clock the glass stood
at 20° — This afternoon M"". Smith arrived from the keelboat
which he informed us was lying among the ice 7 miles below
Beaver. A gentleman also arrived with a Miss Dupalais. (one
of Mr. Le Seur's party) going to Harmony. She had been
left sick at Pittsburg.

This morning clear & fine. The ther^" in the course of the Friday 6tii.
night had been as low as 3° above zero. jM"". Fred. Rapp called
in the course of the day ; also Dr. Miiller. I inclosed my letter
under cover to Jermiah Thompson at New York. We learnt
from Mr. Smith that Mr. Maclure & ]\Iadame Fretageot had
gone as far as Steubenville. —

We went in the stage to Beaver, & thence walked 6 miles Saturday 7th.
to where the keel boat lay in the ice.

This day was employed cutting a channel through the Sunday 8^^.
ice into the channel of the river, which was open. On board •'^" '
the boat we found all the Party going from Philadelphia

334 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

to Harmony, except M»'. Owen and M^s. Fisher who had
gone back [*] to Pittsburg, and thence taken the mail stage
to Wheeling, and M^. Maclure & M^s. Fretageot who had
(Sunday 8*^. gone down in a wagon to Steubenville. The keelboat was

Jany. contd) divided into 4 apartments, one occupied by 6 boatmen & their

Captain, the other three by the travellers. The boat was
called the Philanthropist, and the ladies cabin Paradise. The
names of the company were as follows, Robert Dale Owen,
Di". & Mis. Price & 3 children. Miss Sistair & two sisters,
Ml". Dupalais & his sister, Miss Turner, Mr. Le Seur & one
child, Mr. Phiquepal & 10 boys, Mr. Smith, Mr. Say, and
a carpenter of the name of Beal & his wife & child, the latter
assisting the ladies in arranging the interior economy &
cooking. Mr. Say kept the accounts and had the government
of the boat. The Party had been three weeks shut up in an
eddy in the ice. They amused themselves during this
period, hunting and examining the country. Some birds, a
brown fox & a few fish had been taken and stuffed by the
naturalists & scholars for the museum at Harmony. & the
mean time hung up in the cabin.

The next day (Monday) we pushed out at day light
into the center of the stream where the river was free of
ice, and assisting [*] the boatmen at the sweeps we went
down the river at the rate of 5 miles an hour. The banks
were hilly, rocky & woody. A little before dark we reached
Steubenville, where a Judge came on board with his son
a boy of 10 years of age, whom he wished to be taken to
the Pestalozzian school at Harmony. He informed us that
Mr. Maclure & Me. Fretageot had gone on to Wheeling. I
landed with him went to his house, & received in name
of the Society 25$ being a quarter in advance for his son's
education. Steubenville is a small thriving town on the
river side. I was told that many of the mechanics there
were trying to establish a community. During the night
we floated down the stream at the rate of two miles an
hour. Early in the morning (at day break) the sweeps
were again in motion, & we reached Wheeling about 9
o'clock. There Mr. Maclure & Me, F. came on board.
Mr. Owen had set off a fortnight before in the mail stage
with Mrs. Fisher, leaving a note for me & some baggage

MACDONALD DIARIES 335

to be put on board our boat. Our accommodation on board
was extremely good considering & things well arranged. [*]
The exercise of rowing was agreeable, and we had frequent
opportunities of landing with a skiff which we towed after
the keelboat. We found the river banks studded with log
cabins, frame houses & some brick buildings. We were well
supplied with milk & eggs, and sometimes got fruit &
poultry. The hunters killed some birds, which in an evening
afforded both instruction & amusement during the process
of stuffing them. The weather though frosty, was
clear & healthy. Our evenings were pleasantly passed in
reading & conversation. Two good stoves served well for
the double purpose of warming the cabins, & furnishing us
with a full supply of warm food & fresh bread. Once or
twice when the weather was mild & the moon up, we sat
upon the top or deck, and had some music. One evening, the
wind blowing strong up the stream and our boat being too
light to float down the current, we made the bank, and visited
a large farm. It being about sunset & supper time, we
invited three lively females on board, who were so pleased
with our party that I almost think they might have been [*]
induced to join our fortunes. The old lady, their mother,
said she could not spare them all & so suddenly, but talked
of a summer excursion to see how we got on at Harmony.
Thus we continued moving down the river in high
health & spirits for 9 days, when we reached Cincinnati, 600
miles below Pittsburg [(in the evening)]. In the course of
the last day quantities of floating ice overtook us with a
rapid rise of the river, the ice having broken up with late
rains in the north ; and it required our united labours at the
sweeps to make the bank of the river, and avoid being
carried by its force past Cincinnati. Robert Dale Owen
landed with me, & called on Mr. Green, his father's agent,
from whom we learnt that Mr. Owen had left that place 10
days before in a steamboat with Mrs. Fisher. He had been
60 miles up the country at the Yellow Springs community on
the forks of the Miami river, which had partly suspended its
operations in consequence of a want of funds. The next day
the Party divided and visited their several friends, walked
about [*] the town, saw the curiosities, made little purchases.

336 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

& laid in stock. In the evening M^. Symmes, the author of
a new theory on the shape of the Earth, who resides in
Cincinnati, met M^. MacUire & some of the Party at the City
Hotel, & occupied them for an hour with his theory. I was
prevented by engagements being present more than a quarter
of an hour, during which time I could not get any satisfactory
information, as his remarks were desultory and common
place, & delivered in a faultering manner without clearness
or connection. He had in his hand a small ball, either of
clay or wood, hollowed in one part like a tea cup, to represent
the concavity of the Earth at its Poles.

Early in the morning, the ice having for the most part
past us, we got out into the stream, and in the evening of
the following day reached the bank of the river just above
Louisville (150 miles below Cincinnati) and opposite to
Jef fersonville. We landed for a short time, when Mr. Maclure
met Mr. Neef the Pestalozzian teacher. We called on the
Harmony agent from whom we learnt [*] that M^". Owen
was at Harmony. M^. Neef told M^. Maclure that he was
arranging to sell his farm & remove to Harmony in the
spring. He came on board the keelboat with his daughter, a
fine young woman to visit the ladies.

Our captain having secured a Pilot overnight, we started
at daylight, & lending all hands to the sweeps, crossed the
Falls in fine style. There was just enough water to make the
descent safe. The full distance falls short of two miles. At
one part a ridge of rocks crosses the stream. Here the current
becomes very rapid & rough & makes two sharp turns. The
use of the sweeps is to assist the steering. Twice the Pilot
called to the sweeps to stop, at part of the descent where the
motion & boiling up of the water would have driven them
out of their proper direction. Below the falls the river
reassumes its quiet state. We stopped to land the Pilot
at Shipping port, thence continued as usual. At night a
steamboat was heard behind us (the first that overtook us in
the course of our [*] voyage down) and it was determined
to send M^. Smith forward to Harmony for waggons to be at
Mount Vernon on Sunday the 22"^. Accordingly Mr. Smith
was put on board the steamboat as it passed from our skiff.

In consequence of a strong wind up stream we did not

MACDONALD DIARIES 337

reach Mount vernon till ii a. m. on Monday the 23rd. We
there found waggons in waiting. As the weather had again
changed to Frost & snow% it was settled that we should remain
till the morning and that the ladies, children & some of the
gentlemen should go round and up the Wabash in the keelboat.
This arrangement was changed in two days, as the river froze
up. Young Owen could not rest a moment. He therefore
got a horse & rode over the same evening to Harmony.

The next morning, the waggons were loaded as early as
possible and half the party started for Harmony. I walked
and followed to see that every thing was in its place. The
day's journey reminded me of a march with the baggage of
a company of soldiers. [*] We were received with many
manifestations of joy by the Population, which I found
engrossed in the New proceedings which M^". Owen was
explaining to them at evening meetings. The Population was
about as numerous as when I left the place in June last, but
several had left & new families come into the town ; so
that I saw almost as many strange as well known faces. I
spent the two first days after my arrival visiting my old
acquaintance ; but afterwards I became busily occupied as
a member of a committee chosen to draw up a constitution
for a community to be formed out of the Preliminary
society. The debates in this committee & in the society
meetings, occupied about three weeks ; after which a small
society of American Backwoodsmen separated from the
rest, & next a large one of English Emigrants. These
engaged for lands belonging to Mr. Owen. The remainder
then had a misunderstanding. The most steady & decent
portion formed themselves into a third society, and objected
to [*] join in a community with the residue, but offered
to admit probationary members, which proposition was
considered offensive.

[When the weather moderated, the keelboat came
round & up the Wabash, having called at Shawneetown to
take on board the heavy baggage which had been sent
round from New York by sea to New Orleans. & which
we got five weeks after our arrival. The vessel made a
passage of 15 days to N. Orleans.] I left Harmony on
the 4th. March, at which time a proposition was under

338 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

discussion to request M^'. Owen to become sole manager for
some time taking both parties under his guidance as proba-
tioners to his New System, till he should consider them
sufficiently well habituated in it to govern themselves.

I have since learnt by a Charleston paper that the
Harmony Gazette of the 22nd. March states the society to
have given up idle talking, & to be now busily engaged
each at his proper calling.

As I had promised to take Charleston in my way back to

England, my plan of proceeding was to go by a steamboat to

New Orleans, & thence by sea round Florida to Charleston.

•"^^ On the 4th. March I got a two horse waggon and crossed

c,''^ , to Mount Vernon.

Saturday

Monday night at 10 o clock [*] I got on board the
Columbia steam boat, commanded by Major Miller, and
reached New Orleans on the 13th. (tuesday)

The Columbia is a large new steamboat handsomely &
conveniently fitted up, with the ladies cabin below. The
Captain an active & accommodating man. I found a few
gentlemen & one lady on board from Louisville. Most of
the gentlemen were Kentuckians. They were very fond of
playing at cards & backgammon & drinking spirits and
water, which custom I found myself obliged to adopt while
in their company. Another boat (the Paragon) reputed
the fastest boat on the river, left Louisville the day before
the Columbia, which passed her while taking in Cargo at
Henderson. The whole of the voyage down the Mississippi,
tne great object of our Captain was to keep ahead of her
and reach New Orleans first. He therefore was constantly
forward urging on the firemen, who are in this country
negroes, to keep the furnaces well supplied. The rivers, as
the [*] northern snows were now melting & heavy rains
falling around us, were rapidly rising & bringing in their
floods great quantities of drift wood. Immense misshapen
logs and trees were overtaken by us in large shoals and in the
! eddies, and in the night time the wheels lost their paddles

which would be splintered to pieces by coming in contact
with them. The Pilot at the helm wheel was in the habit
of ringing a small bell to stop the wheels whenever he
could not avoid these drifts. Snags, sawyers and planters,

MACDONALD DIARIES 339

appellations given to trees & logs aground in the channel of
the river, were often seen, but as the river was high and
their situations generally known, no alarm was felt at
them. — The banks of the river with few exceptions were
flat, & thickly covered w-ith tall timber. As we proceeded
down the Ohio, some rocky hills & ridges little exceeding lOO
feet in elevation appeared here & there on the right [*] in
the state of Illinois. On them I remarked the cabins of
poor settlers, who probably sought the triple advantage of
rising land, a little society by river navigation, and a
market for cord wood for the steamboats. A cord is
8 ft. long & 4 ft. high & wide. Down the Ohio, except
in the immediate vicinity of large towns the price for
black & white oak is from 2 to 3$ a cord. On the Kentucky
side nothing was seen for many miles before we reached the
Mississippi but a tall thick forest in a low swamp ; the timber
consisting for the most part of Cotton, Peccan, Hiccory,
black red & white oak, vine and walnut trees. The mouth
of the Ohio is hidden by an island, so that the supposed
striking appearance of the junction of the Ohio with the
Mississippi river is thus intercepted; and as the land is
flat & the trees lofty, the eye does not perceive at first any
great increase of water. The first striking indication of our
being in a larger stream, was the change in the colour of the
water which gradually mingled itself [*] with the blacker
water of the Ohio, till the whole river became lime water.
Here I could not help gazing with some little degree of novel
feeling at the scene. A smooth expanse of water, to all
appearance a lake full of Islands, and encompassed by a wild
forest luxuriantly growing in an immense marsh, through
which I was rapidly passing in an elegant vessel and enjoying
the most comfortable accommodations. We occasionally
passed keel & flat boats floating on the water, & deeply laden
with corn, potatoes or cattle for the Orleans Market. Six
or eight tall bony & sunburnt men would be sitting on their
tops lounging away the five to eight weeks voyage they were
upon. The mouth of the Ohio is somewhere about 400 miles
below Louisville. I had left, the southern corner of Indiana
two days before, under the influence of a cold & wet
spring, its forests bare & its lands black. I now beheld

340 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

bright sprouting leaves on all the young trees smiling beneath
the yet sappless [*] heads of their tall parents. The lively
green of the cane breaks which covered the banks on both
sides served as an additional relief to the scene. Here & there
some hardy woods man had cleared a small space & built a
log cabin on some spot which only the highest waters would
cover; contenting himself with having the river open to him,
and a plentiful supply without labour from his cows which
feed upon the cane at all seasons of the year. But even
these hardy beings rarely escape the effects of the marshy
atmosphere, their faces & skins denoting that they frequently
suffer from ague & fever. Mosquitoes abound in these
situations. & even disturb the native woodsman with their
numbers and powerful sting.

At the mouth of the Cumberland river, the Columbia
stopped for 6 hours to take in 200 & odd bales of cotton, each
bale being 8 or 9 ft. long, 6 or 8 ft. round & containing
from 3 to 400 lbs of cotton. This freight was stowed away
below, above & on both sides of the steamboat. The settle-
ment at the mouth [*] of the river bore a lively & thriving
appearance, a few low hills gently rising at a short distance
in the rear, and being partly cleared and looking green
with the young corn shoots. While we lay at this place a
fine & fast steam boat, called the General Jackson came down
the Cumberland, and the Paragon passed before us. [It is the
fashion to name the steamboats after the most distinguished
men.] We met several boats going up the stream, all deeply
laden & full of passengers.

From this place to Memphis a neat settlement on the
Chicasaw bluffs (sandy ridges which terminate in high
falling banks on the left bank of the river) we saw nothing
but a flat forest, some feet lower, as you advance a few
hundred yards from the river which gradually heightens its
banks by the annual deposits of its inundations. — [It is at
this place that an experiment has lately been commenced
to lead to the gradual emancipation of the negroes. Land
has been purchased & a village is forming. Slaves are
purchased who are to work together with a common stock.
The profits of their industry to be employed to purchase
their freedom. It is said that La Favette has subscribed

MACDQNALD DIARIES 341

10000$ to the fund. & that Miss Wright & Mr. George
Flower are both contributors and managers. — As this
settlement is made in a slave state, the surrounding pro-
prietors are said to be very jealous of its interests, & throw
obstacles in the way of its progress. Besides all the white
population have so thorough a contempt & mean opinion of
a coloured person, that it is doubtful whether their feelings
may not operate to defeat a practical step towards emancipa-
tion.] At the mouth of White river on the right bank, we
stopped to take on wood & land a passenger. Here there is
a small settlement of two or three families. I entered into
conversation with one man who told me he was born in
Georgia, raised in Tennessee, had lived where he was two
years, & intended in another year to go west into the red
river country. He had a wife, or a woman [*] that acted
as such, ( for in these countries changes & exchanges are
easily made) and a heap of young children.

In many conversations that I had I found the tide of
emigration, was generally from the southern & eastern
states, first to the banks of the Ohio or Mississippi, then
into Illinois, Indiana, or Ohio state, and thence again west
up the Arkansaw or Missouri, or into the red river country.
The steam navigation, & the trade for the raw materials
for manufacturing, ensure the migrating woodsman a supply
of cash & the boundless & fertile soil around him & the
domestic labour of his family, secure to him a full supply
of all which the rude habits of his life give him a desire
for. Whiskey & tobacco are cheap, and powder & lead
easily procured. He therefore freely indulges in these great
stimuli, chewing & drinking at all hours, and rarely passing
a day without his gun in his hand. They have little or no
moral feeling in the composition of their [*] character, and
if we except their fear of the law, and their attachment
to the American Constitution, which they belief (without
understanding) to be the safeguard of their freedom. I
should suppose their minds were under no influence but
that of their appetites.

The river winds continually in every direction down this
immense vale which is more or less subject to its inundations
in the months of April, May & June, from two to 300 miles

342 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

in breadth, particularly on its western side where there are
extensive lakes. In some places among the Islands and at the
bends of the river its breadth is more than a mile, occasionally
nearly two miles. The banks being of the finest & softest
soil is continually crumbling down, spreading out in tongues
on one side & rounding away in hollow places on the other.
Large trees are seen with their heads above the water, denot-
ing their late fall; others with their bare roots tottering
and awaiting their inevitable fate ; while tall & slender
shrubberies [*] are every where rapidly arising to shade
and fortify the newly formed shores of this inland ocean.

In one part we passed what the boatman called the new
cut off where the river, after a process of wearing the
bank away into a deep elbow forced its way across the
istmus into its next bend, shortening its course by a distance
of 18 miles and forming another large Island in the midst
of its waters. — At sunset a thick vapour rises & floats over
the surface of the river, frequently obliging the boats to lay
too during the night.

The gentlemen on board passed their time at cards &
backgammon, and frequently had disputes about the game.
One day they abused one another violently, and two of them
struck & threw chairs at one another. This dispute however
was amicably settled, & tranquility resulted from it during
the remainder of the voyage. I got on the best terms with
them ; so much so that they hoped we should hereafter meet
again, and two [*] who left us at Natches, and followed to
New Orleans in two or three days, met me there at the Hotel
like old friends. This was a pleasant circumstance to a
stranger, and I judge from it that a traveller among the
western people, particularly the Kentuckians, should he be
a man of education but liberal & accommodating in his
habits & opinions, will have daily reason to say that they are
extremely hospitable. But they have their passions & their
prejudices & bad habits. The first they are accustomed to
indulge, the second they are less sensible of than a traveller,
and they have are privileged at home in the gratification
of the third.

It was my custom to seat myself on a bale of cotton on the
top near the pilot, and enjoy the current of air, & the utuisual

MACDONALD DIARIES 343

scenery around me. We rapidly got into a warmer atmosphere,
under a clearer sky and amidst greener forests ; but a dead
flatness spread in all directions. The variety however was
considerable. At one time the [*] shades among the trees
caught the eye; at another the immense drifts of wood led
the mind to speculate upon the growth & decay of vegetable
matter, & the great quantities of timber thus annually sent
into the Mexican gulf; at a third the attention was directed
to a steamboat approaching, or some solitary flat boats
which we were rapidly overtaking and passing by.

Natches is the last place on the river bank which we
passed. & which stands elevated above the dead level. The
bank is about loo ft. high, and apparently entirely of sand.
The town stands on an extensive flat, and contains a large
population. Down by the water side are a miserable collection
of wooden houses in which the boatmen reside. There it is
that a degraded state of morals is to be found. From
the top of the bank the eye has nothing to look at but the
winding river and the tops of the trees.

As our stop was short I had not time to see the town, which
I am told [*] contains many agreeable inhabitants and good
buildings. The negroes & quadroons (or mixed race) were
very numerous on the bank. I there fell in with two — car-
penter and Tanner who had left Harmony. They told me
business was brisk, and the carpenters intended making
some money to carry them to New Orleans, & perhaps to
visit Scotland & some parts of the Old Country.

I learnt that one of my fellow voyagers was a member
of the Kentucky legislature, another the son of a landed
proprietor, one a young lawyer going to look out for
business in Florida, another, a Virginian from the back
parts going to settle there, & another a lawyer (who had
been a play-actor), going to Pensacola. The gentleman
we landed at White river was going some distance up that
river ; he was a young doctor.

When least expected settlements spring up, and west of
the Mississippi and in the Missouri, there are more white
settlers (already there & annually removing there) than
in Euro{>e they have any conception of. [*]

Below Natches the river banks on both sides are

344 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

more thickly settled. As they are more elevated & only
covered by the highest waters much more land is in
cultivation, and although compared with the extent of
country the river winds through the part cleared is but
trifling, yet lying on the edge of the water, it serves to vary
the scene and gives a slight idea of the richness of the land.

As we advanced the habitations became more numerous,
we overtook more boats, the trees looked greener, the corn
crops farther advanced, the slaves out in the fields preparing
the ground for cotton & sugar. Levees or embankments
from 3 to 5 & 6 feet high & as many thick extended on both
sides the river. For the last lOO miles before we reached
New Orleans the line of communication from one farm or
plantation to another was scarcely broken, and in many places
were well fashioned stone & brick houses and regularly
planned rows of buildings for the [*] slaves employed on
the sugar plantations. The usual form was a wide street of
small brick or painted wooden houses with the overseer's
house at one end & the sugar house at the other, extending
towards the river, and about the middle of the plantation, and
some distance from the proprietor's house which is usually
surrounded by a few trees. The plantation is surrounded
by rail fences, and in the marsh or swamp behind, tower
the thick forests of Cypress trees which are covered with
a brownish weed which thickly spread over their misshapen
tops giving a dead appearance to them. This weed is
called Spanish moss, and is much used for stuffing mat-
trasses, being of a soft & cool nature, and supposed to
be very wholesome.

By the laws of the State of Louisiana the lands on the
river bank are divided into lots of a certain extent of river
bank & extending thence straight into the marsh & woods
behind, so that each holder of a lot has his proper portion
of [*] embankment or Levee to keep in repair.

The vale of the Mississippi seems to have been formerly
entirely flooded at the rainy season or in the early summer
months when the northern snows & ice melt. But the river
bringing in its troubled waters a great quantity of light
soil which as it spread & stagnated over this extensive
vale, settled and gradually raised its surface, some seasons

MACDONALD DIARIES 345

left considerable portions of its banks dry. These were
occupied & defended by levees by the first settlers, who
gradually encreased in numbers, untill their properties were
formed into a connected line of embankment; leaving the
river to spread through the woods around them.

The channel of the river is very deep, and the working of
the currents & eddies below are marked by the boiling up of
the water as it rolls on at the rate of from two to three miles
an hour. [*] No scheme has yet been thought of which could
oppose the progress of the river in washing in its banks, at its
different windings, and as this process is very rapid, and in
the neighbourhood of New Orleans a small quantity of great
value ; rich persons have frequently in a few years lost a
great part of their fortune by the river changing its course.

The mouth of the red river is about a quarter of a mile
wide, having an island near it ; but it is very deep. It is navi-
gable for steam boats a great way. It is from a point high up
this river, that the land journey to Mexico is commenced, thus
avoiding the marshes which extend to the shores of the Gulf.

We passed several boats floating down with cotton, and
some ships which had been towed by steamboats up the river to
receive the cotton & sugar from the very bank of the plantation.

We passed many steamboats & small towns, and I felt the
sensation of coming out [*] of the retirement of the country
into the bustle of a city. The weather became warm, the
trees were almost in full leaf, and the Cypress & wild
herbs of the forest perfumed the evening breezes.

It was becoming dark when we saw the roofs of houses,
the masts of shipping & the long iron flues of numerous
steamboats, crowding the side of the Levee. — The Paragon
had got in a few hours before, as our paddles had been
so broken that we had to stop several times to mend
them. The General Jackson came in a few hours after us.

It was too late to quit the boat that evening, therefore
after a short walk in the dark through two or three narrow
streets, I returned on board for the night.

The following morning after breakfast I landed and took Tuesday m**"-
up my lodging at the Planters Hotel (Mr. Elkin) a large ^^^^ch 1826
house the resort usually of Bachelors. I called and delivered
niy letter from M^. Owen to Mr. [MS blank] who was

346 INDL\NA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Mr. Rapp's agent & has now become [*] M^. Owen's. He &
his partner are druggists. He afterwards invited me to tea
at his father in law's Df. Rogers where I dined once & found
his wife & daughter amiable women, & himself a very intelli-
gent person. At the Planters' I fell in with Mf. Thomas from
New York, who introduced me to a variety of gentlemen ;
some merchants & others planters from the neighbour-
hood.: — As the house was crowded I was at first put into a
small room where there were three more beds, but upon
application to the clerk he removed me to another where
I had but one companion who proved to be a very respectable
gentleman, a judge from Feliciana, a town in the State. &
who once stood candidate for the governorship. We became
very friendly, and he gave me a pressing invitation to
visit him. I learnt that his wife was a very amiable
person, & that he had a fine family & resided in a beautiful
country. — I likewise met a Philadelphia Friend, and two
gentlemen with whom I had crossed the ocean last summer
in the Canada. [My fellow travellers on board the Columbia
introduced me to their acquaintance.] Thus Every day I
had one or more [*] companions to visit the town & neigh-
bourhood with. [It is frequently the practice of the
passengers to remain on board the steamboats in which they
descend the river, and as the accommodations are good, it
is sometimes more convenient to do so, than to land and
put up at a crowded hotel.]

The boarding is 2$ a day. Black or coloured slaves
wait upon you, and at Elkin's the female slaves dress so
gaudily, that I sometimes fancied a resemblance to an
eastern entertainment as I sat at the dinner table. But
the house is a very inconvenient one, and the attendance
irregular. — The weather was to me extremely oppressive, the
therf. ranging from 76° to above 80° with little wind.

The town lies on the left bank of the river, & 5 or 6 feet
below the level of the high rises of the river which are about
the months of April, May & June. — The Levee which
protects the town is covered with shells & small stones
and made into a hard terrace, behind which runs a wide
road, separated from the first street or row of houses by
an open space of a mile in length but only two or three

MACDONALD DIARIES 347

hundred ft. wide. On this ground stand the custom house,

the large stone market houses & some warehouses. During

the first half of the year trade is very brisk, the Levee

being covered with bales of [*] cotton, casks of sugar & New Orlean:;

tobacco, coffee & rice, carts driving in every direction with

goods, and shipping of all descriptions lying by the river

bank. While I remained at New Orleans, there were never

less than 12 or 15 steamboats lying there, and several times

in the course of the day, the guns of those arriving and

departing were heard in every part of the town. Two

steam boats are in constant employ towing vessels the sailing

vessels in & out of the river, its mouth being 100 miles

below the city.

Above the steamboats lye a great number of keel &
flat boats & other small craft, which have brought raw
materials & provisions of all kinds down the river. The
cargoes of some boats are disposed of whole sale, while the
tenants of the others are occupied retailing out their goods.

The river at this place is about a mile wide, and
extremely deep. Within a few feet of the levee the water
is 70 ft. deep, and as it rolls along at the rate of 3 miles an
hour, in eddies & boiling up. it is quite muddy [*] and
is constantly undermining the part of the bank against
which the force of the current strikes. At present the
current strikes the right bank of the river a mile above
the town, wearing it rapidly away; and thence crossing
over runs against the left bank at the lower extremity of
the city, which it is gradually forcing in, in spite of the
usual attempts to protect the bank. Within a few years
the city has become possessed of several acres of valuable
land which the river threw up as it receded above the town
towards the opposite bank, sweeping away the house & a
considerable part of the lands belonging to a widow lady.

Vessels very rarely anchor in the river on account of
its depth, which likewise prevents the erection of wharves or
quais. Large timbers and planks are substituted, as temporary
stages for loading & unloading the vessels. On the opposite
bank is the powder magazine, & place where the shipping
are repaired. A Columbian Brig of \\'ar lay there while
I was in New Orleans. [*] As New Orleans was both the

348 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

possession of the French & Spaniards before being sold
to the United States, the styles of building are very various.
Facing the levee, are a square with a Catholic church in
it, a large barrack of stone, and the Arsenal inclosed within
a stone wall, all built by the Spaniards, and a row of
houses, shops below & dwelling rooms above, in the
Spanish and Moorish style of architecture. The streets
run parallel & at right angles to the river. Only one is
paved (Charters street) The rest are of earth, and
consequently almost impassable in rainy weather. But
every street has its two footways protected from the road
by wooden gutters. Since M"". Jefferson purchased this
state from the French, a great many french left it, and as
many Spaniards as could dispose of their property. Americans
seeking their fortunes pushed in, and became active in
business. It is remarkable that not a Spaniard or Frenchman
has any concern in any of the many steamboats which belong
to this city & run on the river ; or is, indeed much employed
in the active commerce now carrying on. — At first the
principal [*] public offices were filled by frenchmen, who
made the Americans rather dissatisfied by their lukewarm
treatment of all their proposed improvements. This has had
the effect of throwing many french out of office. An
attempt to get the streets paved, succeeded so far as to have
the principal one so done ; But as the stones must all be
brought by sea from the northern States, it is probable
that several years will elapse before all the [others] are
paved, or macadamized which many consider a better plan.

The state house is a small old building; much is said
of building a new one.

There is a law in this state which renders all marriages
between whites and persons of colour or quadroons (as all
are called whose blood is in any way proved to be tainted
with the negroe race) illegal, and while I was there another
was passed, entirely prohibitting the introduction of slaves.
This latter law was made in consequence of so many slaves
of the most worthless & troublesome character having been
brought into the city for sale.

Many of the quadroon [*] families are rich, and the
females handsome. As the whites are the lords of the

MACDONALD DIARIES 349

land, the quadroon females consider it an honor to be
connected with them, and as marriage is forbidden, most
of them live as the companions of the white men, proving
true to them, as long as they are well treated. This is the
French fashion, but as the relative proportion of the
French & Americans diminishes, it is probable that this
demoralizing law will be altered & modified.

Dr. Rogers informed me that July, August, September &
October, were the unhealthy months of the year ; then cold
winds from the north west and a hot sun, produce fevers. At
other seasons of the year the city is remarkably healthy.
During the hottest season the theri". rarely rises above
94°. December & January are the winter months ; but
frost & snow are very rarely seen. Seven years ago a
severe frost in the months of Jany & February, destroyed
all the orange & lemon trees in the state. Young trees were
immediately afterwards planted, and this spring a few are
beginning to bear. — During the unhealthy [*] months
many persons leave the city, and every thing is at rest.

The city is rapidly extending with stores & brick
houses, (the residences of americans,) up the river bank.

At the back of the city, which lies some feet lower than
that part which borders on the river, there extends the
marsh & cypress forest intersected by a creek. Into this
marsh the waters from the city are drained. A basin has been
formed and a canal connecting it with the creek. There
is a project for connecting the basin likewise with the
river. The creek which runs into Lake Pontchartrain. has
a wooden peir & battery at its mouth, to which there is
a road from the city. This is the direct communication
into the State of Alabama & to the seat of the general
government, and is a portion of the course of inland
navigation which it is proposed to extend from St. Augustine
across the Floridas to the INIississippi. The greater number
of houses in the back streets of the city are of wood & only
one story high ; and the people free negroes & quadroons. [*]
A few years ago the levee many miles above the city, being
neglected, gave way. The river spread through the marshy
forest and filled the back streets where it remained 3 or
4 ft. deep for many weeks. On the falling of the river

350 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the water ran off & dried up, and a most sickly season
followed. Great penalties are now attached to any neglect
in the repair of the embankment.

There are two theaters in the city, a french & an
American. The former is large, and handsome and in
every respect superior to the latter, which has only been
built three or four years. But as there is every prospect that
the English Americans will daily encrease in numbers, while
the natives of other nations will remove, the french theater
will be badly supported.

After the war in France, and the revolution in S*. Do-
mingo, many french families came to this place ; but the
society of the Americans, the Constitution of the States, and
the climate, have all tended to drive as many of them
away, as could afford to remove.

The Levee is a place of lounge for strangers, and
it is the common practice, to ramble from steam boat to
steam boat [*] The captains therefore have their cabins in
fine order, & spirits & water at the service of those who come
on board to admire their boats, I saw several very large
boats superbly fitted up. Among the number were the George
Washington, Philadelphia, Feliciana, Hibernia, & Caledonia,
all remarkably swift boats and constructed on so large a scale
as to afford accommodations which quite surprise a stranger.

The sale rooms for slaves are in the principal streets. &
open into them. Passing along one day I entered a room
round which I saw about 20 black men women & children
seated. I quietly examined their countenances, which bore
on them a dull expression of carelessness. A middle aged
French lady was examining one of the w^omen whom she
made stand up and turn round. She then looked at her
hands, felt her arms & shoulders, and asked her if she could
wash, sew & cook. The seller was a tall stout well dressed
American. He was in conversation with two or three
strangers, to whom I heard him say pointing to a part of
the room where three children and two females sat ; you
shall have all five for a bill for 1000$ [*] payable next
January. While this bargaining was going on, some of the
slaves seemed to be w^ithout thoughts or feelings on the
subject, while others endeavoured to appear to advantage.

MACDONALD DIARIES J51

I was introduced to a young man an assistant judge in
the city. He was remarkably attentive to me. We walked
together about the town, & crossed the river in a ferry boat
and visited a sugar plantation. I drank tea at his house and
was introduced to his wife & mother in law. He likewise
introduced me to a captain of Engineers and some officers
of the line. I once went to a morning parade of two
companies in the barrack yard. The men were tall, stout &
steady in the ranks. They exercised correctly, liut in every
movement I thought them too slow. I learnt that the rest
of the regt. was stationed high up the Mississippi at a
Fort alx)ve S*. Louis. The captain of the Engineers, has
the direction of Forts erecting at [*] the mouth of the
river and on the shores of the lake. He gave me a letter
of introduction to his lieutenant who superintends the
work constructing at the mouth of the river.

The exchange coffee house is the principal resort of
the french. Here I found newspapers. — There is a great
fancy in most of the cities & towns for oyster suppers, and
a traveller whatever may be his taste, can as little avoid
them as the system of grog drinking.

I heard that the Duke of Saxe Weimar had been
living for the last six months in the city at a boarding
house, and that he was much in French society. As far
as I could learn, his talents are not so highly rated
as his genteel & social manners. From New Orleans he
intended going to S*. Louis & through the Western States.

A gentleman planter who had served in the militia
during the last war, accompanied [*] me in a hack to
visit the famous lines, where the British received a check.
As he was on duty in them, he explained the situation
completely to me. The lines were about four miles
below the city. The road to them runs by the side of
the Levee, the other or left hand side of the road being
occupied in the front by fine gardens and country houses
and in the rear by plantations as far back as the cypress
marshy forest. The right end of the lines touched the
levee & was rounded into a redoubt. The left ran into the
wood & marsh. The line was nearly straight and about half
a mile long. It consisted of a thin parapet & small ditch in

352 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

front, which filled with water as soon as cut, being in part
the ditch to drain the land. The whole was quickly finished
by the militia which General Jackson has [sic] collected in
haste. These were spread along in rear of the lines, where they
were a few [*] days previous to Sir Edward Packenham's
attack, and after it until they heard of his embarkation, when
they withdrew. A few pieces of Artillery were placed at each
end, and in a few places along the line. On the opposite side
of the river, a work something similar was raised, though
not so well made or defended. It likewise extended from
the river across a plantation to the wood on the right, and
a few men were sent across the river to man it.

The Americans were for three or four days quite at a
loss to guess why they had not been attacked. & the wild
backwoodsmen began to think the British feared their
rifles. It was in the month of Janx and cold frosty
weather, when early one morning just as the Eastern horizon
was lighting up, the sentries placed a few hundred yards in
front on the flat arable land, fired their rifles and retired. It
was then perceived from [*] within the lines that two
columns were advancing, the one column along the borders
of the forest, and the other from behind some farm
buildings under cover of the river bank. The most expert
markmen were placed in front on the step in rear of the
parapet, while the remainder of the militia stood below
prepared to load & hand them rifles as fast as they fired.

As the columns approached rapidly, a fire of rifles and
field artillery was soon opened upon them, and day throwing
light around, its destructive fire was distinctly seen from the
lines. The redoubt on the right was entered by the British, but
they were afterwards driven back with great loss. The
column on the left advanced steadily without firing, carrying
fascines or bundles of sticks to throw into the ditch ; but
the loss experienced in killed & wounded was so great that
they could not reach it in compact numbers. Many however
jumped into the ditch, & were shot [*] endeavouring to
scramble up the parapet ; while others when they reached the
edge of the ditch cried out for quarter & threw themselves
flat on the ground, where they remained till the column
finally retired and left them prisoners. — In the mean time

MACDONALD DIARIES 353

success had attended another part of the British forces,
which had crossed the river in boats, and taken the lines
on the right bank, where they awaited orders to advance.

But the loss sustained by the British induced them to
retire after burying the dead.

General Jackson had experienced some want of zeal or
suspected as much & inclination among the inhabitants of
New Orleans to aid him in his defensive arrangements. This
induced him to declare martial law in the place and enforce
the daily attendance at parade [*] in the city of every
inhabitant bound by the terms of the militia law. — Several
persons who absented themselves were brought into the
ranks by files of soldiers. The rich & proud planters
did not much relish thus being compelled to drill in the
ranks with all sorts of people : and a strong feeling of
dislike was felt towards General Jackson whose conduct
was characterized as being extremely arbitrary. All would
however have terminated to his satisfaction, had martial
law ceased the moment it was known that the British
had embarked ; but the General by continuing it a few
days longer induced his enimies to bring an action against
him. in the U. States Court, and he was cast in damages
which the people offered to pay but he refused to al-
low. — The wounded men were brought into the city. The
officers were invited out. as soon as they began to
recover from their wounds : but as the warm weather
had commenced, and a vessel lay in the river waiting
for them, they quitted the scene of their disaster as
soon as all could with safety [*] be carried on board.

As I could not find any vessel bound direct to Charleston.
the trade of these two places being very similar. I determined
to go by the way of Havana, with which place a considerable
trade is carried on. — Mr. [MS blank] got me a letter to
Messrs. Castillo & Black. & M^. Brock gave me one to Colin
Mitchel. As I was advised to get a passport. I called on
the Spanish consul, who asked my name & that of the
vessel I was to go in. Not having quite decided. I left
my name and went away to make enquiries for the one
which would first leave the port. On my return the
consul inserted the name of the vessel ( Brig William) & I

354 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

signed the passport printed in Spanish which was already
filled up, without reading it. I afterwards found that
I was described as a native of the United States, which
error though it did not appear to me at first of any
consequence, induced [*] me while in Havana to be very
cautious not to attract the slightest notice, people's minds
being in such a state of distrust and suspense.
1826 March 24th. I left New Orleans on the evening of the 24th. in the

Friday brig William, Capt". Crowell, and in company with the

New York packet ship Talma, & a french merchant ship; we
were towed down the river by a steamboat. — At daylight in
the morning we were near the mouth [of] the river, which
divides into two or three narrow channels between sand
banks where vessels are often wrecked or injured. [About
150 miles up the river there is another channel at a bend of
the river, which runs into a large lake to the South West &
thence into the gulf.] The land around is flat marshy &
covered with long grass & bushes. On the right bank is a
small settlement where the pilots reside. The buildings are
of wood supported above the water by strong piles. Some
years since the buildings at this [*] place were washed away
during a hurricane, which drove the sea in. This port is
called the Balise, the name given to bouyes which mark the
channel. — As the wind was fair, and we set sail as soon as a
pilot came on board & the tow-rope was thrown off, I could not
go on shore to deliver to the Lieutenant the letter of intro-
duction from his captain & see the sight of the intended fort.
On board the brig were four Spaniards, one Italian
of the name of Philippe, a Mf, Aldridge, a New England
trader, a gentleman going to Key West, a station at the
southern extremity of Florida, Captain Chase going to
take command of a merchant ship lying in the bay of
Havana, and a Kentuckian who had the deck covered with
150 fat hogs, which he was taking to market. Planks had
been lashed across from bulwark to bulwark, and these
served as a temporary deck to walk over the hogs. — Let
no one, [*] if he can help it go in a vessel that has hogs on
board. Their grunting, fighting, & stench are abomi-
nable. — As too small a quantity of water had been put on
board for them, thev were two or three days without

MACDONALD DIARIES 355

drinking. This made them extremely savage, they rioted
day & night, & frequently destroyed one another. About 20
were thrown overboard dead. — The Italian had some
hundred hogsheads of tobacco on board. I asked him how-
he could gain by taking tobacco to Havana. He replied
that more tobacco came from Havana than grew in it, and
that it was a practise to mix together the tobacco of
America & Cuba. — The Spaniards seemed not disposed to
let out their real sentiments, but I could see that they were
republicans, though inhabitants of Havana. [The distance
from the baHse or mouth of Mississippi to Havana is
between 5 & 600 miles.] The wind remained fair the three
first days that we were out, but light. It afterwards blew
fresh from the East & south east. The fifth day we made
the Tortugas, small low islands near Cape Florida with a
lighthouse on one of them. The following [*] day the wind Friday 316*.
changed to the west and we crossed over the gulph stream. ^*arch
On Friday morning at day break we made Cuba, a few miles
east of Havana and just succeeded against the stream in
tacking into the harbour about 9 o'clock in the morning.
The country appeared hilly & covered with low woods.
In the distance I saw the peaks of mountains, quite a novel
sight to an eye long accustomed to the flats & marshes
of the Western country & Mississippi. An old castle stood
near the water's edge, which reminded me of the Old
World, and intimated that I was approaching some of its
dependent settlements. — The entrance of the harbour is
narrow. On the left project high rocks against which the
ocean breaks. Their smaller crevices are filled with
masonry, and the whole mass supports a solidly built fort
called the Moro Castle. From this signals are made, and all
vessels hailed as they go in or out of the harbour. The
castle is connected by a line of [*] fortifications to a large
work called the Cabafias, which stands on the ground which
rises immediately behind the castle, looking down upon the
harbour & the town. Beyond this work towards the east
Is a redoubt, built to occupy in advance the ridge of land on
which the Cabanas is built and by which it & the Castle
might be approached. [In the Moro Castle there are
dungeons in which some state prisoners are confined. An

356 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

underground communication is said to exist between this
work, & the Cabanas. So great is the mystery kept up
respecting the works of defence, that I have heard some of
the natives maintain that there is a communication from
the town to the Cabaiias under the harbour! Should such
be the case, the Thames Tunnel would be a bagatelle
compared to it.] Entering the harbour the bank on the left
is steep up to the outworks & walls of the Cabanas. On the
right is a sandy beach with reefs of rocks, on which stand
a Fort. Passing in you come to the town on the right of
the bay which spreads into a fine sheet of water two miles
broad. The wharves are of wood, and defended by the
batteries on the town walls behind them. Vessels of war &
trade from many nations lie here in crowds. At the time of
our arrival there were English, American, Spanish & French
men of war in the bay, and merchant vessels from America
& all parts of Europe. — The bay is surrounded [*] by an
amphitheater of hills adorned by plantations, woods, & scat-
tered Palm trees. The town is enclosed within strong forti-
fications, and on a rising ground about two miles to the
west of it, stands conspicuously a large & strong fort. The
subburbs are extensive, having fine gardens, full of the rich
vegetation of a tropical climate; for Plavana is just within
the tropics, being in about 22° -30 north lat<Je.

We anchored about the middle of the harbour between
the wharves and the high works of the Cabanas. Soon
after the Captain of the Port, a tall swarthy Spaniard,
came on board. Our passports were collected & the brig's
bill of lading, and after posting a sentry on the deck
he left us. I now learnt that I could not get on shore
without a permit from the Governor which would be
given to any respectable inhabitant that might become
security for my good conduct while in the island. This
unexpected news embarrassed me [*] considerably at
first; but as several strangers & merchants clerks came on
board, to whom the other passengers were entrusting their
letters, I gave notice to a clerk of Messrs. Castillo & Black
that I had a letter for them and begged they would get me
a permit to land. This request they very kindly complied
with immediately, & I got on shore about 2 o'clock in the

MACDONALD DIARIES 357

afternoon taking a few articles in my pockets. I put up
at a boarding house kept by a M^s. Howard, overlooking
part of the Harbour, exposed to the sea breeze and in a
short street near the square in which the Governor's palace
stands. — The boarders were American & English traders &
sea captains. They were just sitting down to table when
I got in. I seated myself by the side of Capt". Forbes
from New York, who commands a fine merchant ship the
Fabius, which had just completed taking in cargo for Cadiz.
He introduced me to several gentlemen at table, and after
dinner took me to the coffee house on the Square, & on
board his ship. — Some of my fellow passengers put up
at [*] the same house, so that between these acquaintances
and the persons to whom Capt". Forbes introduced [me] I
always had a companion with whom either to sit or make
excursions about the place. I delivered my letters to Colin
Mitchel & Castillo & Black, and had invitations from them
to dinner. [The day after my landing I got a permit to
land my baggage, which was only slightly inspected as I
passed the custom house at the door of which the porter
stopped his cart.]

During my stay in Havana which was only a fort-
night, the weather was very fine. A few scattered clouds
occasionally appeared & one forenoon there were some slight
showers. The mornings were quite calm, close & oppressive
till 9 or lo o'clock, then an Easterly breeze sprang up with
sea breezes which were delightfully refreshing, and the
evenings were tolerably cool. The therf. ranged from 78°
to 84°. One morning very early I took a boat & went to
bathe under the rocks at the entrance of the harbour, but
I found the water so much warmer than I had anticipated
that I did not repeat it. — The natives however had not yet
commenced seabathing, the water being still too cold for
them, and I was told that it was considered unhealthy
at this season.

The commerce of this place is very considerable, exchang-
ing the fruits of the island & coffee & sugar & tobacco for
provissions & manufactured [*] goods. The wharves are so
crowded with vessels, that they are obliged to load & unload
over the bows, and you can hardly pass along for the piles

358 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

of goods & carts passing & repassing. — The population I
heard estimated at from 130 to 140,000, half white & half
coloured persons the greater portion of whom are slaves.
This calculation is by no means certain as so much secrecy
prevails relative to all general information ; but although the
town within the works does not cover a great space, yet as
the streets are extremely narrow, the suburbs, extensive, and
as the coloured people particularly live crowded together, the
above estimate may possibly be within bounds.

Several Spanish regts, are here in garrison, and
barracks are seen in all parts of the town. The sound
of drums & trumpets, the parades, the armed parties
marching from post to post, the sentries at the gates, the
salutes & morning & evening guns from the men of war in
the bay, and the military costume seen in every street, were
numerous & striking contrasts to the sounds & objects in
the cities & towns of the United States, and after a long
lapse of time, my memory again vividly represented to me
many [*] of the former scenes of my changeful life. —

Having so suddenly changed from the cold of the
northern parts of the Western country, to the close atmos-
phere of Louisiana & the hot sun of Cuba, I felt much
overcome & exhausted ; but as it was my intention to sail in
the first Charleston vessel, I lost no time in looking around
me. I had been for some time brushing up my Spanish, and
I now found it very agreeable as well as convenient to be able
to converse with the natives. The heat, however, deterred
me, as well as my short stay, from seeking society; but I
visited the churches, the Treasury, theater, and lounged
through the streets & shops, observing the manners & cus-
toms of the place. — The houses are, with few exceptions, of
stone, whitewashed, & sometimes painted. The ground floor
is for shops & stores, and the upper one with balconies
serves for the dwelling appartments. [There are however
several exceptions to this arrangement, and in some streets
there are many private houses the parlours & sitting rooms
being on the ground floor.] All the windows and doors are
large, the former having iron bars and shutters to protect
them. Except the busy merchants & the slaves, few inhabi-
tants are seen in the streets or windows except [*] very early

MACDONALD DIARIES 359

in the morning or at sunset, when the ladies either sit in
their windows, or drive out in their volantes, sometimes
accompanied by the gentlemen, who however, for the most
part, walk out with one another, or drink, smoke, play at
billiards or gamble in the coffee houses. [The volanty is
a sort of gig with a cover to it. The wheels are extremely
high, and the shafts long. The body of the gig hangs in
front of the wheels, and the driver dressed in a gaudy attire
with extremely large & curiously shaped jack boots & spurs
sits on the horse. The front of the gig is hidden by a piece
of grey or blue cloth stretched tight, and fastened from the
foot board to the top. But the sides are quite open and
expose the ladies to view from head to foot. They therefore
are very particular in their dress, wearing fine white muslin
dresses, their heads finely curled & ornamented with combs
(hats or caps being entirely prohibited) and their feet and
ancles, whose smallness & neat shape they are proud to
display, are dressed out with beautiful shoes & stockings.]
The forti[fi] cations of the town consist of large ram-
parts with bastions & broad dry ditches through which run a
small stream ready to lay them at any time under water. The
scarps are of masonry from 30 to 40 ft. high. There are
five gates to go out to the suburbs. Two of the gateways
they were rebuilding; but the works in general appeared dirty
and neglected. The arsenal is on the left by the side of the
bay and without the town wall. Beyond it on a knoll
projecting into the bay stands a fort. — The Paseo or public
drive, is without the wall and near a large circular building
of wood, for bull fights. On Sundays & festival days, a
short time before dark, should the weather be fine, the
paseo [*] is seen crowded with volantes driving up and
down in regular succession, filled with ladies in their evening
dresses. A few dragoons are stationed along the middle
of the drive, to prevent one volante passing another or
crossing the road, at each end of which there is a semi circle
round which all must pass in turn. The side walks are
occupied by the gentlemen, who assemble like the ladies
purposely to look & be looked at. Though such is the
motive which usually brings people to assemblies, walks &
drives, yet the Pa.seo at Havana is remarkable as being a

360 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

formal display in public, the purpose of which the very
arrangement plainly declares. [As soon as it is quite
dark, the ladies return home or visit their friends. Sometimes
they continue for an hour or two driving through the dif-
ferent streets. The streets are so narrow and the shafts of
the volantes so long that in order to turn they are frequently
obliged to go as far as the crossing of streets. All the
doors & windows being large, a person standing in the
streets is generally able to see into every room on the ground
floor, and small groups of ladies & gentlemen may be seen
through the open windows sitting in conversation on low &
easy chairs & sofas — This mode of life & form of society
may be supposed to arise from the jealous character of the
Spaniard, throwing social meetings into public view ; and
yet such an arrangement really affords many unsuspected
opportunities for intrigues.]

There are a great many churches & convents, in
Havana, but at the time of the last revolution in Spain,
when the liberals were in power, the convents were for
the most part shut up ; since which time it has not been
judged politic to place them on their former footing. Some
are, therefore empty, & some occupied as barracks. I saw
very few monks or priests of any kind. [*] There are
certain hours in the day for performing mass in the different
churches, when the doors are open. Then such as feel
inclined, go in and hear it. I attended frequently in various
parts of the town, but seldom saw many persons assembled
together. Perhaps this apparent remissness is owing to
the number of churches, & the frequency of performing
mass. — Two daily gazettes or newspapers are published, but
they are small sheets and never contain any public informa-
tion. The Royal Library is a small collection of books, in
paltry book cases in two small dark rooms in one of the
convents. There is no reading room in the city, and
except from strangers and a few scattered newspapers left
occasionally by the sea captains in the merchant's coffee
room, no news can be learnt. There are however several
book stores in the city, but all the books are very dear. — Talk
to a Spaniard, and he will tell you that there are at least
7000 troops in Havana, & as many more in the island ; and

MACDONALD DIARIES 361

that 20,000 are on their way from Spain, to reconquer
Mexico. But as far as my observation went, the force
and [*] the quality of it was greatly overrated. One regt.
called the Fixed regt. of Havana (meaning it to consist
of inhabitants who could not be sent from home,) said to
be 1000 strong, I was informed by one of the privates
consisted of no more than from 3 to 400 men, many of
whom were foreigners. In consequence of the Royal
Government & the great number of military men, as well
as persons in civil situations under government, the manners
and customs of Havana, are very similar to those in the
South of Spain & Cadiz, and though the natives (Cubenos,)
boast of their fine island, yet they imitate closely the old
Spaniard in almost everything. — The bishop of Havana
had a country house & garden about a league south of the
city. This residence was kept in good order, and made a sort
of shew. The expense of it, however, was beyond his means
after the change made in the church establishment & he sold
it. It is now much out of order, and except for the novelty
of the vegetation, scarcely worthy of a stranger's notice. I
however went in a volante to see it. and was much pleased
with the picturesque [*] appearance of the country, every
where around rich in soil, and highly cultivated.

Having been very intimate while at Cadiz, with one
of the Cuba members of the Cortes which drew up the
Constitution, I made several enquiries for him. I learnt that
his family resided in the neighbourhood of Principe, a fine
city in the center & the capital of the island; but that they
were at present under a cloud in consequence of their
republican sentiments. Two of their friends or relatives
had just been shot for holding secret correspondence with the
Columbians. I therefore judged it prudent not to make any
further inquiries about my old acquaintance, particularly
as I had no intention of travelling into the country.

Steam navigation will hereafter be of great service to
this island which is several hundred miles in length and
very narrow ; and as it is under the influence of the trade
winds, & subject to a [*] great many calms on its southern
side. At present there are two running continually from
Havana to Matanzas, which is the resort of many Americans

362 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

from the southern states, being considered a fine dimate.

In the interior of the island there are mountain ridges,
and many l>eautiful & fertile vallies which are said to be
well peopled and very healthy. An opinion prevails in
Europe that white people cannot work under a hot sun
so well as negroes ; but I have been told that in the interior
of Cuba, many farmers from Europe work in company
with their slaves and are found to be more robust, to labour
better, and to enjoy better health than their slaves. The
country society is said to be very agreeable, and the proprie-
tors very hospitable. A European of education does not find
it difficult to get married to the daughter of a rich proprietor
who will secure a rich dowry in lands, houses & stock to
his daughter, provided the stranger will engage to live on his
property. So [*] attached are the females to their homes,
that they will not accept a foreigner's offers unless they
agree to adopt as their own the native country of their brides.

The population of the island is said to be nearly divided
equally into white & coloured persons. The native white
people are for the most part inclined to separate from
Spain, but as Spanish troops are spread over the island, they
fear, should they attempt a revolution, that the slaves would
rise and destroy them. Thus it is that with the terrible
example of S*. Domingo close to them, they remain apparently
reconciled to the imbecile proceedings of one of the worst
colonial governments on earth.

A British commissioner resides in the city of Havana, for
the- purpose of securing the fulfilment of the treaty relative
to the emancipation [*] of the slaves. But it is strongly
rumoured that vessels, belonging to wealthy & influencial
inhabitants, are continually bringing African slaves into
different ports in the island. A late representation on this
subject was made by M^. Canning to the Spanish minister,
and while I was in Havana, I read a royal decree from
Madrid, published in the Cuba Papers. Among other
provissions, was one offering freedom to any slave who
should come forward and declare that he had been brought
as a slave from Africa into the island, after the date of this
decree. But it was thought by those persons with whom
I conversed on the subject, that this decree would be a dead

MACDONALD DIARIES 363

letter; and considering the fear, ignorance & confinement
of the slaves, and the prejudice imbibed from infancy by all
classes, that the negroe is little better than a monkey, I am
much inclined to be of the same opinion. — If we except the
experiment [*] now making by Miss Wright & her friends
in the U. States, which may possibly miscarry should no
good men of business be engaged to make the slave labour
profitable, I have not seen or heard of any proper steps being
taken to secure liberty to the emancipated negroes, when
they obtain it, or fit them duly to apretiate or enjoy it. — In
Louisiana where there is a law prohibiting the marriage
of white with coloured persons, I have seen some of the
latter (who are called quadroons) whiter even than the
whites, and yet these persons run the risk if they travel, to
be kidnapped, and though they have become free, cease to
be so on entering some of the slave states. — Education
which is carefully kept from the negroes, would fit them for
freedom, and give them the power both to procure it and
to secure it to themselves when once obtained.

Silver has become very scarce in Havana. I had to give
above half a dollar to [*] get a dubloon (17$ in Cuba & 16$
in the U. States) changed. In New Orleans I was given
several Mexican dollars, but these few persons would
take, as the government are jealous of the circulation of
a coin with the cap of liberty upon it. But the scarcity
of the old coin & the poverty of the Spanish mint will
doubtless, soon force the new Mexican coins into circulation
here as it is doing throughout the U. States.

Once a week about 8 o'clock in the evening, a band of
music plays on the square near the governor's palace ; then
the ladies may be seen sitting on the benches in the open
air, and enjoying the close & inquisitive observation of the
gentlemen. [The soldiers are for the most part young
men. Their countenances give no sign of minds impregnated
with any firm or moral principles. Their discipline appears
loose, & they seem not to possess that military spirit, which
serves to render men steady in the ranks and to give precision
to their movements. But they are better than their officers
who appear ignorant of the military character & unfit to
discipline their men. They seem always to be either listening

364 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

to the music of the band, looking at the surrounding
spectators, or thinking of their own dress, in place of
attending to the movements of the privates.]

At the time when the Spaniards made their first
settlements in the New World, they still retained in great
force many Moorish habits & customs. On first entering
Havana, I was struck with this fact; & as colonies seem
to [*] change their habits more slowly than the mother
countries, I remarked that I had not seen, in Old Spain, any
town so like in external appearance a Moorish city, as Havana.

The foreign merchants are generally more wealthy &
active than those of Havana. Colin Mitchell's house is
considered one of the first, and as he has now resided so
long in the place as to be almost like a native, he is always
consulted on commercial matters. — It is very expensive
living here. I paid 2 1/2$ a day, and was accommodated
in a very indifferent manner. The expense of governing
a people by force occasions an oppressive taxation, which
is wasted in the support of persons in office, almost all of
whom are open to the lowest description of corruption &
bribery. Every person, any way connected with government
is looking out for bribes to neglect whatever duty he is
called upon to perform [*] and if you observe, he has
his hands & eyes always on the watch for what they can
catch. A gentleman with a paper in his hand, met me one
day in the street; "this paper, said he, "has just cost me three
"dubloons ; it is a decree that I have been buying. Bribery
"will do any thing here."

In every street may be seen one or two tobacco shops,
where 3 or 4 or more men and boys sit rolling up segars. A
dozen good ones may be bought for sixpence or less, & every
body, men women & children, may be seen smoking. As
a stranger I sometimes stopped at a window, and asked
some stranger's question of the ladies sitting at it, and I
have seen a young lady while listening to my enquiries,
puffing away with her segar.

There is a real polish and sociability among these
people, that led me to think, spite of their ignorance & vices,
their company attractive, & agreeable. The Spaniards are
social but passionate. They live in much more familiarity

MACDONALD DIARIES 365

with their slaves than the Americans [*] and at first sight
seem to treat them well ; but they are unsteady in their
behaviour, & will occasionally lose their temper & abuse &
beat them like dogs. — I have frequently heard it said that
Scotchmen are tyrannical to their slaves; & I think I have
myself remarked that when once a European becomes
accustomed to have slave servants, he likewise becomes hard
hearted towards them ; he loses the feelings natural between
one human being & another, which is not & cannot be
replaced by that Domestic habit which the native of a
slave country has in his conduct with his coloured people.

[One forenoon I crossed the harbour in a boat & landing
under the Cabafias ascended the steep & rocky bank by a
winding path and entered the main ditch of that Fortification
which may be called the citadel. A great part of it is
cut in the solid rock. The scarps are of a formidable
height & part(l)y formed of rock. I got as far as the
underground entrance in the middle of the curtain of the
Eastern front, when a sentry stopped me. Perhaps I might
have continued my rambles with the aid of some silver, but
avoiding the contagion I was contended to pass out upon the
glacis by another route. There are few guns mounted, and
I should judge that all the works are in a rather neglected
state. But they are on a comprehensive scale & no expense
seems to have be (en) spared in their original construction.

It is a frequent topic of conversation among the Ameri-
cans, whether Cuba can remain a Spanish colony, or become
independent ; or whether it be the secret wish of the British
government to obtain possession of it. In the hands of
Great Britain it would no doubt be a powerful check upon
the commerce of the Southern States, & therefore no wonder
that fear should suggest the possibility of such a change ; but
the attempts made lately in congress by Mf. Webster to prove
that Spain has no right to sell or cede the island to Great
Britain, is absurd. The U. States government purchased
Louisiana of the French & the Spanish government ceded
Florida to them ; surely, then, there are precedents authorising
either the cession or the sale of Cuba. But it would be far
better (provided the island remain a colony. & not become
independent,) that it should not belong to England. The

366 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

habits of the natives are not to be easily changed, and they
would in all respects be disagreeable to, & clash with those
of England. The striking difference between Spaniards &
British appears of less consequence, while only a few
travellers & commercial men associate with the former ; but
were Cuba under the British government, the intercourse
would necessarily greatly augment, and that in a way the
most annoying to national prejudices. I know of no two
nations more widely differing on fundamental principles
than England and Spain, and I likewise know that an
Englishman who studies the Spanish language cannot
converse in it, or even understand a fourth part of what
a Spaniard says, until he has learnt and been some length
of time conversant with their peculiar ideas & modes of
thinking. To place then the large & populous island of
Cuba under the British rule would. I should conceive, be
the height of misjudgment. Better let it remain imder that
of Spain, than any other foreign power, until its own people
or its Southern brethren make it independent. Next to the
British, the U. States are the last that should govern it. At
the present moment the Americans abuse the islanders, who
habitually feeling their dissimilarity, hate the Americans.]
FVtday 14'**. Having got my passport indorsed by the governor, for

^" which I paid 4$, I took a passage on board the brig

Mary Capt". Booth bound for Charleston and sailed from
Havana about 10 o'clock on the morning of Friday the
14th. April. — The guard boat boarded us as we passed and
e.xamined our passports, [*] and we were hailed from the
Moro Castle. — The weather was very calm & hot, and we
were left entirely to the influence of the Gulf stream, which
generally carries vessels to the N.E. at the rate of 3 miles
an hour. But the strength of the current is varied so much
by the winds, that the Captain, who was an old & experienced
hand, said that he never could be quite certain whereabouts
he was while in the current. We kept on shore till the
evening breeze from the land which soon carried out of sight
of it. — Every day we had light bree-^es, generally from the
East. We saw a great number of flying fish & dolphins. The
flying fish are small and have a silvery blue appearance ; they
fly sometimes above a hundred yards. Their flight is very

MACDONALD DIARIES 367

fast, in a straight direction, & just above the surface of
the water. The dolphins pursue them, & devour a great
many — On Wednesday (19*^) forenoon, we made sound-
ings [*] and in the afternoon we came in sight of Charleston Wednesday rpth.
light house and the low and woody shores of South Carolina. ^P'"''~26.
A Pilot soon came on board, and steering us over the bar
anchored us soon after sunset in the bay & abreast of
Sullivan's island — the wind and tide being against our
reaching the city of Charleston, which stands five miles up
the bay on the point of a neck of land (between one & two
miles wide) formed by the rivers Cooper & Ashley.

[The brig was laden with coffee & sugar, & fruit for
the most part oranges & bananas. The banana looks & tastes
something like a green fig. There was a gentleman with his
wife 8z child on board. He was from North Carolina & had
been passing the winter months at Matanzas to recover his
health after a severe cold & fever. I generally slept on the
deck rolled up in my cloak, the weather being calm & close, &
warnied by the hot gulf stream.

Soon after coming to anchor we were boarded by two
newspaper Editors, anxious to get papers & news from us.]

Early in the morning we got under weigh, and got
alongside the wharf about six o'clock. I landed and went
to the Planters Hotel, Mi*. Calder, a Scotchman who had
married the sister of a M«*. Metcalf who was at the head
of the Edinburgh Police. The house is comfortable, and
the resort of many travellers. M^s. Calder is a very
active & clever woman, and is particularly kind & accom-
modating to all her [*] guests. I learnt that Jones' in
Broad S*. is the resort, however, of the most genteel families
from the country.

After breakfast I went to the custom house, & got a
permit for 25 cents to land my baggage. I then called and
gave two letters of introduction, one to Mr. James Calder
from Mr. Brock of New Orleans, & another to Mr. Edmonston
from Messrs. Castillo & Black of Havana. They are two of
the principal merchants in the place. I was introduced to
several other merchants, and in the evening I went to the
Circus where I saw a party of Seminole Indians from
Florida. They were highly delighted with the horseman-

368 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

ship & rope dancing, expressing it by smiles and observations
to one another in a greater degree than by accounts of
Indian seriousness & taciturnity I had been led to expect. One
of the [*] feats of the rope dancer was to hang himself by
the neck. The chief of the Indians, who was a prince among
them, on being asked what he thought of the exhibition
replied that it had pleased him very much with the exception
of the above feat which he disapproved of extremely, as
it was indecent for a man to hang himself in the presence
of his fellow beings.

These Indians belong to a tribe of about 5000. The
Americans since they have obtained possession of Florida
wish to buy their lands, and induce them to emigrate west
of the Mississippi, as well as the tribes bordering on the
State of Georgia. They are however better satisfied to
remain in the land of their forefathers and free from the
warlike tribes who would surround them in the West. The
Prince and five other chiefs under the guidance of an
American Colonel, are on their way to Washington to settle
these points with the government. — The [*] next day I went
with a gentleman to call upon them. They occupied two
large rooms in an outbuilding of the Planters' hotel. We
found them all lying at their length on carpet beds in the
same room. Some were mending moccasins, & others
various parts of a motley dress of white blue & red
cotton. They had coloured silk handkerchiefs tied round
their heads. Their skin was dark brown mixed with a
reddish cast; and it was much tattooed with black & blue
liquids. Their features were large and expressive, and
their countenances expressed intelligence shrewdness & be-
nevolence, but the lines in it would lead a person to suppose
their passions to be violent. The Prince appeared upwards
of 60, & a very healthy and stout built man. His manners
were easy but dignified. A [*] negroe servant attended
them. The salutation was a shake of the hand, and a slow
inclination of the body. No conversation of any consequence
took place. The next day they embarked on board a vessel for
New York. — Two other deputations, from the Cheroquees &
Choctaws, whose lands border on Georgia & Carolina, are at
present in Washington. — It seems as if no means had been

MACDONALD DIARIES 369

discovered of fitting the Indian tribes to live in the neigh-
bourhood of white people. The increase of the population
of the latter, and their rapid improvements, render such
neighbours intolerable, as they interrupt communications
by roads & canals, & never advancing themselves, seem
disposed to live with the lands around in a wild state of
nature. — The [*] Americans who have had long experience
on this subject, seem to be generally of opinion that they
will gradually encroach on the Indians, till all within their
present limits will be exterminated or driven by treaties of
some description or other far into the west. They will
afterwards, as the population of America encreases, dwindle
into nothing. Such a fate is a melancholy prospect for the
Philanthropists ; but it is difficult for any one acquainted with
their character & habits of life, to suppose it possible to change
numerous tribes of hunting Indians delighting to roam over
the wilderness into the peaceable & industrious inhabitants
of a cultivated country in which even the wild appearances
of nature are the effects of art. All that can be hoped is
that they may leave the [*] whites a legacy of their virtues
while they carry with them to the grave their savage vices.
The city of Charleston is about a mile & a half long, & half
a mile wide. The streets are straight. Some of them are
wide, and contain many good buildings. [Very few of the
streets are paved, and as the soil is sandy, the town is most
disagreeably dusty in dry weather.] There are several large
churches, one of which has a fine spire. In S*. Philip's
church, the oldest in the city, there is an organ which was
played at the coronation of George 2^^. This city resembles
an English town more than any other which I saw in the
U. States. The wharves are large and convenient admitting
large merchant vessels to lie alongside. They are built with
palmeto, a spung}\ disagreeable smelling wood, which the
worms will not touch. The trade from this place consists
in rice and cotton, which are considered superior to any
in the world. — The rivers Cooper & Ashly are large and
navigable, and since the steamboats have been in use. these
com- [*] modifies, are brought down the rivers to the
wharves, instead of being brought in the country waggons
through the town. This change of business has greatly

370 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

impoverished the upper part of the town, while it has tended
to encrease the value of the property near the rivers.

The population of Charleston is very mixed. The
coloured persons form a very large proportion of it. There
are some french, and a considerable number of English,
Scotch & Irish merchants. — Some few years ago a dangerous
conspiracy was discovered among the Negroes, to murder all
the whites, rob the city, and seizing the best ships, to remove
to St. Domingo. The scheme was well planned & arranged
by a free negroe, and only discovered two days before the
appointed time. About 20 blacks were hung. Since that
period volunteer [*] companies guard the city, and no
coloured person can be out after 10 at night, unless with
a written pass from the master. — Any coloured person
belonging to a vessel arriving in the port, is seized by the
police & kept in confinement till the vessel sails when he is
again sent on board. — The militia have periodical musters. I
attended one — the 2"d May, which took place on the race
course, a mile out of the City. The governor of the
State, ]\Ianning. was present. The number, including the
city volunteer companies, did not exceed 1000. A dispute
about precedence took place between two of these companies,
while they were in line before the governor, when in true
democratic spirit one of the dissatisfied companies left the
field. There is a law that no coloured person can accompany
the soldiers, or attend their parades, and any citizen may
arest and put in the guard house anyone disobeying this
order. The owner of the slave [*] has to pay the citizen a
dollar for his release. After the muster of the militia, several
negroe children were thus confined for the sake of the
reward. — A truly democratic spirit under a Republican
Government, should lead a population to be averse to any
attempts at military shew. I could not help regretting
to see persons, who in their proper pursuits appear to
advantage, unnesessarily & on false principles exposing
themselves to the ridicule of lookers on, who know little
beyond the art of destruction and are far less valuable
citizens than the persons whom they thus have a full
opportunity of laughing at. The worth of a national
militia is not in the proportion of its acquaintance with

MACDONALD DIARIES 371

the duties of regular soldiers. It depends upon the good
understanding & conduct of the citizens who step forward
to defend their rights, and the less they know [*] about
the business of regular soldiers, the better will they cooperate
together in their true character. Such a feeling would induce
them to prefer the plain attire of citizens, and save them
from the contagious desire of aping the dress & conduct
of the military. —

During the last war it was suspected that the British
intended to attack Charleston. The militia were therefore
ordered down, & companies were formed in the city. Lines
of defence & redoubts were erected across the neck of land
just outside the city; temporary barracks of wood were
built within the lines for the troops, who were occasionally
exercised in their duties. I visited the remains of these
works, which must have made the approach to the city
very difficult. During the revolutionary war the city was
likewise [*] protected by lines across from one river to the
other; but the city being at that time smaller, the remains
of those lines are but few, and are half a mile within the
late ones. — One afternoon I went down the bay in a packet
boat to Sullivan's Island, which is formed of sand, and
partly covered with frame buildings, the summer residences
belonging to the citizens, many of whom pass there the
greater portion of the hot season. A brick built fort, bearing
a strong battery of heavy guns, is placed on the .south side of
it to defend the entrance which is difficult in consequence
of a sand bank, and bar across its mouth. In the middle
of the bay is another Island with a castle fort upon it, and
on the southern shore facing it, another fort. At the close of
the war two Martello towers were left unfinished [*] which
were intended for the defence of the passages round the
island to the south & up the Ashley river. — Considering the
swampy nature of the surrounding country, and the defences
made at the different approaches to the city by land & water,
it would require more means & exertion than might at first
be supposed to take forcible possession of it in time of
war. — The country is flat & swampy for many miles
inland, and very unhealthy during summer. The banks of
the rivers are the only inhabited parts for some distance

372 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

up the rivers, the sea breeze & salt water being considered
the best preservative of health. Although the whole of the city
is subject to disease, yet that part nearest to the point is
considered the most healthy ; and the practice in this country
is to remove into the city in summer & back again to the
country in winter.

Hearing that there was [*] a camp meeting on the bank
of Cooper river about 15 miles above the city, I went to see
it the Sunday after my arrival. It had commenced the
beginning of the preceding week. As it was to conclude
the next day, crowds of persons visited it. On board the
steam boat in which I went to the ground, were between
5 & 600 persons, principally persons of colour. The camp
consisted of a semicircle of huts, which, as the weather was
dry, were lightly built & covered with green boughs & leaves.
Within this inclosure were ranges of benches with a rude
pulpit & similar covering of leaves, & open on all sides. In
the rear of all were scattered horses & carts & the cooking
huts, surrounded by the forest. In the river lay at anchor a
few sloops & boats in which families had come to this annual
religious meeting. [*] Most of the white visitors were drawn
there by curiosity, as there are ahvays exhibitions of the ex-
travagant fancies & feelings of the superstitious & ignorant.
It being Sunday the idle gazers were numerous. Few of the
well informed portion of society seemed to be communicants.
There were morning, noon, afternoon & night preachings, at
vyhich many were violently affected, crying aloud for
forgiveness, calling themselves vile sinners deserving of hell
flames, groaning loudly, throwing themselves down, & beat-
ing their heads & breasts. Between the discourses little
groupes were to be seen listening to some fervent petitioner
or devout expounder of the faith, while in every direction
around, others were strolling or enjoying themselves. The
preachers are generally men strong both in mind & body. They
have great facility and familiarity in their discourses, and
forcibly lay down their tenets, working upon the human
feelings. The negroe is consoled in his misfortunes by the
hopes which are continually held out to him of equality &
liberty in Heaven. [*] These camp meetings, though un-
attended & despised by the rich & powerful, are, however,

MACDONALD DIARIES 373

considered by them as doing more good than harm, keeping
the idle & depraved in check through fear, and making the
slaves patient under their chains in the hope that hereafter
their rewards will be proportioned to the degrees of their
patience & resignation in this life. — Thus is religion made
a political engine in the west, as well as in the east.

[They have two old established Clubs in Charleston, the
St. Andrews & the St. Georges. I dined once at the
latter. Kean performed one night while I was there. He
had been very well received; but this time I heard he was
rather tipsy.] [I met M«-. Davis & M^. Westfeldt, with
whom I crossed the Atlantic last summer in the Canada
packetship.] The weather while I remained in Charleston
was extremely warm and close; the ther"". was generally
in the morning at about 76° & from 10 o'clock till four
or five in the afternoon, at 81° or 82°; but I was told
that in the autumn it ranges from 86° to 94° with a still
closer state of the atmosphere.

Having engaged my passage to Liverpool on board the
Mary Catherine (400 tons) ship, Capt". Pace, I made haste
to look at the Academy of Arts, a small Exhibition of bad
paintings, and a small museum, which however, [*] con-
sidering that it has been a very short time established, con-
tains a tolerable collection of curiosities.

I embarked Wednesday night the 3rd. May, the Mary ^lay 3rd. 1826
Catherine having been bawled into the stream. — The next ednesday
morning early we moved down the bay & the wind being
South East anchored near Sullivan's island where we lay
the whole day. — In the course of the night the wind came
round to the West, which enabled our pilot to take us over the
bar (on which there was not more than 3 1/4 fathoms, while
the Mary Catharine drew nearly two & a half) before break-
fast on Friday the 5th ; when having a fine breeze off land, he
took his leave & all sail was immediately made to the East.
[Vessels have been known to wait 3 weeks before they could
get a wind to cross the bar. Some expectation is entertained
that an attempt will be made to deepen the water by narrowing
the entrance, engineers having been appointed to survey
it and report upon the subject.]

[Our ship was laden with cotton.] There were on board

374 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

as passengers : M^s. Muggridge and her two young daughters
whom she was taking to school in England, her husband
being in business in Charleston: M^. Lucas, half English &
half an American, a South Carolina planter, having mills
for [*] cleaning rice near London, a well informed gentleman
and pleasant companion: [Mr. Lucas mentioned to beautiful
shrubs which he has introduced into South Carolina, the
gardinia or Cape Jassamine, and the Lagerstremia Indica.]
Mr. Bishop an Iron & Steel Manufacturer from Leeds,
likewise pleasant & accommodating: & Mr. Smith a young
English gentleman engaged in business. We agreed remark-
ably well together; and the Captain being a well informed
and agreeable man ; our Society was easy & pleasant.

The coast gradually deepens at the rate of a fathom a mile
till you get into the Gulf Stream which is marked by the sea
weed. [We saw two water spouts, while in the Gulf Stream.]

We had light southerly winds with thunder & lightning
for the first days. Then a gale from the North East came
on, and continued four days. The wind changed on Sunday
the 14th. to the West, and carried us at an average rate
of 8 miles an hour till Thursday i8th. when we got near
the South end of the Great Newfoundland Bank, There
fogs and rain lessened the breeze & the wind changed to the
northward. Friday night we had [*] squalls, one of which
laid the ship nearly on her beam ends, & carried away the
main top gallant sail. [We amused ourselves a great part
of our time reading. Mr. Bishop lent me Cooper's novels.
Precaution, The Spy, The Pilot, The Pioneers, & The Last
of the Mohegans. I also read all the Presidents messages
bound in one vol. with the Declaration of Independence, & the
Constitution of the U. States. To those who have never
been a length of time at sea, it would be difficult to conceive
the habit of life thus fallen into; confined within the limits
of a little wooden world rolling (or rather tossing) in a
watery element, for weeks or months together ; all known to
one another and having almost the same interest; seeing
and hearing the same things, and sharing alike in all the
vicissitudes of life. A belief that such would be our
future mode of life and a practice of a few months, would
I think in most cases reconcile mankind to such a state of

MACDONALD DIARIES 375

existance. — ] We continued running at the rate of from
8 to 10 miles an hour till Sunday the 2ist.^ the wind blowing
from the N.N.W. Our place at midday was Lat. 43.52.
Lon. 38. In the afternoon a sailor fell from the main
cross trees into the sea, his legs striking the bulwarks as
he fell. We were running at the rate of 9 knots at the
time, with a stiff breeze, the sea not running very high at
the time. The ship was put about & a boat lowered. One
of the hen coops and two planks were thrown overboard, but
after an hour's search, the boat returned without having
found him. It was supposed that he was stunned by the
fall, and disabled from swimming. I saw his head above
water astern of the ship, but soon lost sight of him in the
hollow of the waves. — When a ship is moving so fast threw
the water, she will in spite of the utmost expedition, be far
away before she can come round. — [After this accident the
conversation turned on the subject of the loss of men at
sea, when almost every one related some melancholy tale of
a sailor falling overboard, which threw a gloom over our
minds for the rest of the day.] [With the N. West wind
the therr. fell at one time to 55° from ranging between
65° & 76°.] The next day it was almost calm. In the
evening the wind came round to the east, & the follow-
ing [*] morning blew fresh from the South East, where
it continued driving us on, steering nearly east & running
at from 7 to 9 knots an hour till friday 26th. when it
lessened. [On the 25th. a hawk alighted on one of the
yards, quite fatigued. It soon fell asleep & was caught by
one of the sailors. As the wind was from the direction of
the Azores, it is probable that this bird was blown from
one of those islands. The 26th. -^^'q threw a bottle overboard
containing the following notice in English, French & Spanish.

Lat.49-10 N. ) , , ^.. o /C
, ^ „, > May 26tn. 1826
Lon.2i.ioW.^ -^

The Ship Mary Catherine of Liverpool

Robert Pace Master.

Sailed from Charleston S. Carolina on the S^^^- i"st. & bound

to Liverpool. The finder of this bottle is requested to give

notice thereof in the newspapers, when and where found.]

On the 27th ^e were becalmed till sunset, when a northerly

376 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

wind sprung up. We had light winds through the night.
[The 27^^. while becalmed we let down an empty bottle well
corked & sealed & a cork tied by a piece of twine 100 fathoms
under water. When the bottle was drawn up, we found that
it was full of water the sealing wax having been cracked, &
the cork squeezed & loosened so as to admit the water. The
cork which had been tied with twine, was missing, having
been compressed so as to escape from the twine bound round it.
During the last week me met and overtook several ves-
sels ; one appeared to have a number of Irish emigrants on
board going west.] Sunday 28tli. we had a fine breeze from
the N.W. & smooth sea. The day was cloudy & rainy. The
therf. in the cabin at breakfast time stood at 61 1/2° . Early
Monday morning it changed to the East. The day cleared
up, and we had a brisk breeze from the N.E. bringing with
it the smell of the land. The wind got more round to the
East, and lessened in the night. Early on tuesday we were
in soundings 60 fathoms, to the south of the Scilly Islands.
We tacked & stood all day to the northward. The night was
calm. Some small land birds were seen about the ship. At
4 o'clock in the morning of Wednesday 31^*. we were in 80
fathoms water. A breeze sprung up from the north. & we
steered an easterly course. Several vessels in sight. We
tried to catch fish without success. The wind came more
favorable in the afternoon & we stood to the N.E. The
Kerry mountains were discerned on our weather bow about
half past two. In the evening we were abreast of the
Kinsale light house. The night was fine. Several vessels
were in sight. After midnight the wind failed. Thursday
the ist. we had a light westerly breeze, and made but little
Thursday ist. way. The coast of Cork & Waterford [*] [MS mutilated]
June i8[26] le distant from [MS mutilated]. We hailed a boat & got

some skate & codfish. The day was beautiful ; the therr.
stood in the cabin between 60° & 65°. A steamboat crossed
our way, supposed from Bristol to Waterford. At sunset
we were off the Salters light with the Tusher light ahead.
The following billet rolled up in a small bit of oiled paper
was sewed with silk ribbon round the Hawk's neck ;

"This noble Hawk (supposed to be a native of the
''Azores) was blown by a South Easterly gale on board the

MACDONALD DIARIES 377

"ship Mary Catherine Cap^". Rob*. Pace, on her passage
"from Charleston to Liverpool, the 24th. May 1826 in
"Lat. 47-10 North & Long. 29-10 West, and was liberated
"with this billet round his neck, the i^t. June 1826 in the
"Irish channel off the Waterford Coast. — Being a beautiful
"bird of its kind, it will, it is hoped, improve the breed in
"Ireland," & the bird was then released from his con-
finement: but he was too weak to fly f[rom] the ship.

[To A Little Land Bird,^

Which settled on a vessel, between two and three miles
from the nearest shore.

Welcome, weary, winged stranger,

Welcome to our rocking bark ;
Welcome, 'mid this wide-spread danger,

As the night grows wild and dark.

Why suspect us ? we are friendly, —

Cease thy fluttering, go to rest —
We a resting place will lend thee,

Here benighted from thy nest.

Yes, the hardy sailor hails thee

As a wand'rer from thy home :
Wonders what can so far wing thee.

Tempt thee, like himself, to roam.

But here's one whose gentle bosom

Feels kind pity's higher swell ;
To his bosom, wand'rer, welcome.

There thy sorrows, stranger, tell.

Come and pour thy little sorrows.

They shall touch some kindred chords;

Tun'd to sympathy, which borrows
Strength from what its aid affords.

Yes, here's one to grief no stranger.

One whose breast for thee can move ;
Come, then, little airy ranger,
Come, and all his pity prove.]
'From a clipping inserted in the margin of the Diary. — Ed.

378

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

[For the last 3 days we had turtle soup & steaks. ^Madeira
wine, 20 years in bottle, and excellent sparkling champagne.]
The following is a statement of the ship's lat. & Ion. for
the several days of our voyage across the Atlantic :
Charleston Lat. 32-36 north
Lon. 80- west
Sunday 7th. May Lat 38.49 Lon. 77.

8 .

9 •

10
II
12

cloudy
do.

34.15 ....73.42
33.45 72.20

Saturday 13 [MS mutilated]
Sunday

34.54 ....66.[MSillt^gible][*]

14-

15'
16.

35-18

36.14

?,7-33

39-

39-50

19 •- 41-30

20 42.36

Sunday 21 43-52

22 44.41

23 45-32

24 47-10

25 48.50

26 49.40

27 50.

Sunday 28 50.7

29 50.8

30 50.20

31 50.48

Thursday i^t. June we were off the Water ford coast distant
15 miles. We were becalmed the whole of the day. Our
poor hawk seemed to be recovering himself. He was, there-
fore released from his cage & allowed to walk the deck. In
the course of the afternoon he appeared disposed to fly, and
at length ventured to try his strength, but fell into the sea
a short distance from the ship, and was drowned. We all
regretted the melancholy fate of our hawk, after having
entered so warmly into the project of sending him safely

60.30

57.20

55-30

51-30

45
38
34.45

33
29.10

25.10

21.

19.

16.

12.30

9.10

9.20

MACDONALD DIARIES 379

on shore. In the evening a steamboat passed [*] [MS
mutilated] The whole of Friday we had light winds from
the North and made very little way In the evening we
passed the New York Packet, two days from Liverpool, off
the Wicklow coast. I felt a pleasure at the sight of the
ship in which I had twice crossed the Atlantic in most agree-
able company, so safely & so comfortably accommodated. —
The wind came round to the South, and at day break on
Saturday y^ we were close to Holyhead. The wind was
light all the forenoon, & the tide against us; but a breeze
springing up in the afternoon we reached Liverpool by
10 o'clock at night, and landed without an accident.

PORTRAITS AND PAINTERS

OF THE

GOVERNORS OF INDIANA

1800^1943

By
WILBUR D. PEAT

Director of the John Herron Art Museum

INDIANAPOLIS

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

1944

INDIANA

HISTORICAL SOCIETY

PUBLICATIONS

VOLUME 14

NUMBER 3

CONTENTS

PAGE

The Collection -^g-

William Henry Harrison, 1800- 18 12 390

Portrait by Barton S. Hays, facing p. 390

John Gibson, Acting Governor, 1 800-1 801, 1812-1813. . . 392
Portrait, Artist Unknown, facing p. 390

Thomas Posey, 1813-1816 393

Portrait by John B. Hill, facing p. 390
Jonathan Jennings, 1816-1822 394

Portrait by James Forbes, facing p. 390

Ratlif f Boon, 1822 396

Portrait by James Forbes, facing p. 398
William Hendricks, 1822-1825 397

Portrait by S. Burtis Baker, facing p. 398
James Brown Ray, 1825-183 1 . . . , 401

Portrait by Jacob Cox, facing p. 398

Noah Noble, 1831-1837 402

Portrait by Jacob Cox, facing p. 398

David Wallace, 1837-1840 403

Portrait by Jacob Cox, facing p. 404
Samuel Bigger, 1840-1843 404

Portrait by Jacob Cox, facing p. 404
James Whitcomb, 1843-1848 405

Portrait by James Forbes, facing p. 404
Paris Chipman Dunning, 1848-1849 406

Portrait by James Forbes, facing p. 404
Joseph Albert Wright, 1849-1857 408

Portrait by Jacob Cox, facing p. 408
Ashbel Parsons Willard, 1857- 1860 409

Portrait by George W. Morrison, facing p. 408
Abram Adams Hammond, 1860-1861 410

Portrait by John B. Hill, facing p. 408
Henry Smith Lane, 1861 410

Portrait by Jacob Cox, facing p. 408
Oliver Perry Morton, 1861-1867 4^ i

Portrait by James Forbes, facing p. 412
Conrad Baker, 1867-1873 4^3

Portrait by James Forbes, facing p. 412

(385)

386 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

PAGE

Thomas Andrews Hendricks, 1873- 1877 414

Portrait by William R. Freeman, facing p. 412
James Douglas Williams, 1877-1880 415

Portrait by Harry M. Colcord, facing p. 412

Albert Gallatin Porter, 1881-1885 416

Portrait by Theodore C. Steele, facing p. 416
Isaac Pusey Gray, 1880-1881, 1885-1889 417

Portrait by Theodore C. Steele, facing p. 416
Alvin Peterson Hovey, 1889-1891 418

Portrait by Theodore C. Steele, facing p. 416
Ira Joy Chase, 1891-1893 419

Portrait by Theodore C. Steele, facing p. 416

Claude Matthews, 1893-1897 420

Portrait by Theodore C. Steele, facing p. 420

James Atwell Mount, 1897-1901 420

Portrait by James M. Dennis, facing p. 420
Winfield Taylor Durbin, 1901-1905 422

Portrait by Wayman Adams, facing p. 420
James Frank Hanly, 1905-1909 423

Portrait by Wayman Adams, facing p. 420
Thomas Riley Marshall, 1909-1913 424

Portrait by Wayman Adams, facing p. 424

Samuel Moffett Ralston, 1913-1917 424

Portrait by Wayman Adams, facing p.. 424
James Putnam Goodrich, 1917-1921 425

Portrait by Wayman Adams, facing p. 424
Warren Terry McCray, 1921-1924 426

Portrait by Robert W. Grafton, facing p. 424

Emmett Forrest Branch, 1924-1925 427

. Portrait by Simon P. Bans, facing p. 428

Ed Jackson, 1925-1929 428

Portrait by Robert W. Grafton, facing p. 428

Harry Guyer Leslie, 1929-1933 428

Portrait by Robert W. Grafton, facing p. 428

Paul Vories McNutt, 1933-1937 429

Portrait by Wayman Adams, facing p. 428

Maurice Clifford Townsend, 1937- 1 941 430

Portrait by Cornelius C. Zwaan, facing p. 430
Henry Frederick Schricker, 1941- 431

Portrait by Marie Goth, facing p. 430

The Artists and Their Subjects 432

PORTRAITS AND PAINTERS OF THE GOVERNORS
OF INDIANA

1 800- 1 943

The Collection

FOR MORE than seventy years the state of Indiana has been
collecting paintings. It has not acquired masterpieces of
such rarity and worth as to arouse the jealousy of museum
officials, but it has assembled in the State House a notable
group of portraits. There are forty canvases, the likenesses of
thirty-seven of the thirty-eight men who have served as chief
executive of Indiana since it was made a territory. There are
two pictures of three of the governors, Jennings, Morton, and
Thomas A. Hendricks. Except for the portrait of John Gibson,
who was acting governor of the territory on two occasions
and is included in our list of chief executives, the roster is
complete to date.

At present the portraits are displayed in the corridors on the
fourth floor of the State House and in two of the executive
offices where they may be seen at any time. People throughout
the state are aware of their existence but unfortunately few
seem impressed with the scope or historical significance of the
collection. Part of this indifference may be due to the meager
information which is available about the paintings, as well as
to the poor lighting and unsatisfactory places for their display.
The intrusion of office equipment into the corridors in recent
years has added nothing to their effectiveness.

A label attached to the frame of each portrait gives the
name of the subject and his term as chief executive. It does
not carry, of course, the name of the artist nor the date of the
painting, leaving people to conclude that each was painted from
life when the man was occupying the governor's chair. Recent
investigation has shown that such was not the case. Only
thirteen of the portraits, to the best of our knowledge, were made
during the incumbency of the subject ; the others deviate from
the men's terms in office by as little as a year or as much as

(387)

388 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

a century, depending upon the obstacles encountered in securing
adequate likenesses.

A collection of this kind is important for several reasons.
Primarily it is a historical record or chronicle : it preserves the
appearance, and to a certain extent the personality of each of
Indiana's chief executives, and being a collection of large
paintings, it lends dignity and distinction to their office. As
some of the portraits are the only knov^^n likenesses of the
men, their documentary value is considerable.

But the collection is significant for another reason. It is
more than an assemblage of faces. It represents the work of
more than a dozen painters who lived and worked in Indiana at
different times, and while some of them are not very well known
today, others are ranked as our foremost artists. With the
growing interest in American art, particularly that of the
frontier regions, more attention is being given to the men who,
however humbly, contributed to the rise of a native movement.

The value of the collection to people interested in this phase
of the subject depends, quite naturally, upon their knowing who
made the portraits and when the work was done. Until lately
this information was not accessible: most of it had been for-
gotten or filed away in archives. Recent studies, however, have
brought a good deal of it to light, enabling us now to identify
the authors — fifteen in all — date the paintings more or less
accurately, and reconstruct the history of each portrait. The
following sketches are the outcome of this investigation.

It is not generally known that Governor Conrad Baker was
responsible for starting the collection. In 1869 he began to
assemble pictures that would "convey to future generations an
idea of how the early rulers of Ind. looked."^ Not satisfied
with photographs or daguerreotypes, he undertook the arduous
task of getting oil paintings. Seventeen men had preceded him
as chief executive of the territory and state, and realizing that
delay would only add to the difficulty of securing their por-
traits, he enlisted the help of the legislature and obtained its

^Quoted in a letter from James Forbes to John M. Commons, Governor
Baker's private secretary, October 11, 1869, Governor Baker's correspondence,
folder relating to governors' portraits, Archives Division, Indiana State
Library, hereafter cited as Governor Baker's correspondence.

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 389

authorization at the special session of 1869 "to secure, as soon
as practicable, a true and life-like likeness of each of the
Governors of the State and Territory of Indiana, including the
present incumbent, to be placed in the State Library," at a cost
not exceeding two hundred dollars each.- Then he called upon
people in different parts of the state to help him find pictures
which could be acquired or' borrowed as models for artists to
copy. His next step was that of selecting the painters for the
different portraits — a task which might have been very difficult
if he had not already given some thought to the matter, and if he
had not counted among his friends several of the local painters.

The sustained interest of Governor Baker and his friends
brought about the desired results within a few months, and the
foundation of the official portrait gallery was laid. Six artists
were employed on%he project at the time, working from living
models or from earlier paintings or photographs as the circum-
stances required. Their work seems to have satisfied the
Governor and met the specifications of the legislature. Each
portrait presented a different problem, as the following pages
show. Thirteen of the seventeen preceding governors had
died, making the job of obtaining likenesses a difficult
one — some had died before the introduction of photography.
The portraits of the men who were still living in 1869 presented
no serious obstacles.

Since Baker's administration, the collection has grown
steadily, each governor posing for his portrait before an artist
of his choice, either during his term in office or soon after.
Upon acceptance, the portraits have been hung in the State
House and placed under the custody of the Indiana State
Library. Since 1927 their procurement has been directed
by the Indiana Historical Bureau, while the amount appro-
priated by the legislature has been increased to five hundred
dollars in most cases.

For the sake of clarity the following discussion of the indi-
vidual portraits is based on the chronology of the administrations
rather than on the dates of the individual paintings. For in-
stance, the earliest painting in the group, made about 1837, is the
likeness of Noah Noble, governor from 183 1 to 1837, while

"•Laws of Indiana, 1869 (special session), p. 11.

390 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

the portrait of William Henry Harrison, the first governor, was
not painted until 1869. Biographical comments about the
governors have, of necessity, been left out of this review.

William Henry Harrison
May 13, 1800-December 28, 1812

William Henry Harrison, the first governor of Indiana
Territory, sat for his portrait on several occasions,^ but evidently
no painting made from life could be procured when Governor
Baker was assembling the collection. A copy or replica of
another portrait had to be made, and Barton S. Hays, a well-
known painter of Indianapolis during the sixties and seventies,
was selected to do the work. He was an Ohioan by birth, but
had come to Indiana as a youth, settling in Montgomery County
and embarking upon his career by making likenesses of relatives
and friends in Wingate, Covington, and Attica — frequently for
his room and board. Like most of our early painters he found
portraiture more remunerative than landscape painting, and,
although he had very little formal training, he developed into
a very capable technician. His residence in Indianapolis dated
from 1858, at which time he established a Daguerrean firm
with a man named Runnion. Within a few years he acquired
a good reputation, working either from photographs (a very
popular method in those days) or from life. It is reported that
at this time he was receiving seventy-five dollars for a portrait
showing the head and shoulders, and one hundred dollars
if it included the hands.

When the commissions for the portraits of the governors
were being given in 1869, Hays was one of the leading painters
in Indianapolis, and it is not surprising to learn that he was
asked to make the Harrison portrait. Unfortunately no records
have been found describing its evolution. Since Hays had to
rely on another picture, he probably selected one which was
most convincing in its likeness and characterization, as well as
concurrent in date with Harrison's term in office. A compara-

'Among the artists who painted William Henry Harrison are Thomas
Sully, Rembrandt Peale, Henry Inman, J. R. Lambdin, and Bass Otis.

WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON

by Barton S. Hays

JOHN GIBSON

Artist Unknown

THOMAS POSEY
by John B. Hill

JONATHAN JENNINGS
by James Forbes

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 391

tive study of the known portraits of Harrison leads to the
conclusion that Hays copied an oil portrait which is now in the
library of Bowdoin College. The pose, costume, lighting, and
age of the subject in the two paintings are almost identical.

Hays succeeded in making a very forceful portrait of
Harrison. It is a good likeness and an unusually convincing
character study. Harrison's expression is resolute and tense ; a
look of incisiveness, and not a little shrewdness, appears in the
eyes and about the mouth ; the forms of the head are strongly
and fully modeled. Some of the picture's strength comes from
its rich, deep colors; ruddy flesh tones and deep blacks are
placed against a greenish-gray background, and red accents
appear at the left where light falls on the upholstery of the
chair. The weakest part of the picture is Harrison's hand, due
to its having been forced into the picture area from below.

For some years there was a copy of the Hays portrait of
Harrison in the State House collection. It was made by
T. C. Steele in 191 6. This was Indiana's centennial year, and
Samuel Ralston, then governor, asked Steele to paint the
portraits of four governors who belonged to "epochal" periods
of the state's history. They were Harrison, first territorial
governor, Jennings, first state governor, Morton, the Civil
War governor, and Thomas A. Hendricks, an outstanding
figure in the period of development following that war. For
the Harrison portrait Steele is reported to have used "prints
that had been handed down through past generations as
authoritative."* The artist's own inscription on the front of
the painting contradicts this assertion. It reads : "After the
library portrait, T. C. Steele." The paintings of the governors
were always referred to as the library portraits because they
hung in the State Libary when it was in the State House. Even
if this inscription were not on the canvas, a comparison of the
two would convince one that Steele copied the painting by Hays.

A few years ago the Hays portrait was taken from the
State House and hung in the old capitol at Corydon. In the
fall of 1943 it was brought back to Indianapolis, repaired, and
hung in the State House, and the Steele portrait replaced
it at Corydon.

^Indianapolis News, May 20, 1916, p. 17, c. i.

392 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

John Gibson

Acting Governor, July 4, 1800- January 10, 1801 ;
June, i8i2-May, 181 3

John Gibson, secretary of Indiana Territory, acted as
governor until Harrison's arrival in 1801 and also from the
time of Harrison's resignation in 18 12 until the arrival of the
new governor, Thomas Posey. His position is unique in that
he ran the affairs of the state on these occasions, yet he was
not recognized as the actual governor.

There is no portrait of Gibson in the State House and until
recently there was none in the state. Conrad Baker had written
to John B. Dillon, historian, in 1869, about the possibility of
obtaining portraits of certain men, among them Gibson, and
Dillon replied that he doubted the existence of a contemporary
likeness of the territorial secretary. "^ Baker continued the
search during his administration and other attempts were made
in later years to supply the missing picture. A portrait believed
to be of Gibson was published in the Indianapolis News late in
1932 in connection with a series of articles about the governors
of Indiana," but later investigation disclosed that the portrait
was not that of the secretary of Indiana Territory but of a
contemporary Pennsylvanian of the same name.

It was not until 1941 that information was received that
led to the discovery of a John Gibson portrait. In April of
that year the Indiana State Library received an inquiry from
MrSw Marie Carey of New York about the career of Gibson. In
the correspondence that followed the library learned that she
had a portrait of him which had come down to her from
Gibson's daughter.^ After several months, during which time
steps were taken to verify the sitter's identity and establish the
authorship of the work, it was purchased by Eli Lilly of
Indianapolis and hung in "Grouseland," the Vincennes home
of William Henry Harrison.

The painter of this portrait is not yet known. At one time

■Dillon to Governor Baker, August 16, 1869, Governor Baker's cor-
respondence.

"Indianapolis News, November 30, 1932, pt. 2, p. i.

''Indiana History Bulletin, XIX, No. 4 (April, 1942), p. 150.

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 393

it was thought to be Charles Willson Peale, but this cannot be
substantiated either by records or by the style of the work. The
portrait was probably painted in Philadelphia, and, if we can
accept the inscription on the back of the canvas as accurate,* it
was made in 1806, between Gibson's two terms as acting
governor. There is no reason to doubt the report that it was
painted from life.

Gibson appears in the portrait as a heavy, round-faced
man, of friendly disposition, with a mild but astute expression
on his face. The dark and colorless effect of the picture is due
to the poor treatment it has received in the past : at some point
in its history it was so vigorously cleaned that its many color
glazes were removed.

Thomas Posey
March 3, 1813-November 7, 18 16

The portrait of Thomas Posey, the last chief executive of
Indiana Territory, was painted at the time Governor Baker
was ordering the work for the State House. A clue to the
whereabouts of an authentic likeness of Posey came through
a picture of him in Dillon's History of Indiana.^ Upon writing
to the author in Washington for information about the original
picture, Governor Baker was referred to relatives of Posey in
Kentucky. They owned a miniature of him painted in 1795
by the noted American artist, Rembrandt Peale.

The man selected to copy and enlarge this miniature for the
state was John Bayless Hill, a young local artist. "Jackie" Hill,
as he was familiarly called, was born in Indianapolis in 1849,
the son of John F. Hill of the firm of Drum and Hill. He
studied for a brief period with Jacob Cox, the leading painter

'The inscription on the back of the canvas, written in ink by an unknown
hand, reads, "Judge John Gibson Indian Interpreter & Judge of Allegheny
County. Portrait June 1806 Phila. Given to his daughter Mrs. George
Wallace." The inscription was covered in relining the canvas in 1941-

"John B. Dillon, A History of Indiana . . . (Indianapolis, i8S9),
frontispiece.

394 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

of the city/" He was introduced to Governor Baker by
A. H. Conner, proprietor of the IndianapoHs Daily and Weekly
Journal, as "an artist of rare promise. "^'^ However, Hill's
connection with Cox was probably more of a recommendation
than Conner's letter, since we have reason to believe that
Governor Baker and Jacob Cox were close friends. Hill was
only twenty when the collection was being formed, but he had
a studio of his own and must have been regarded as a portraitist
of sufficient ability to carry out the order.

A comparison of Hill's painting with a photograph of the
miniature shows that he took a number of liberties with the
original. Thomas Posey appears younger — much too young
if we want to think of the portrait as representing him while
in office — and his handsome, boyish face is decidedly lacking
in character and expression. It is regrettable that no portrait
exists depicting Posey as a man approaching sixty-three, his
age at the time he became governor of Indiana Territory. He
had fought in the Revolution and with Wayne in the Northwest
and had risen to the rank of major-general. His ripe years
and wide experience must have given him a forceful appearance,
hardly like that which confronts us in the State House portrait.

John Hill's method of working was precise and painstaking.
The brush strokes lacked decisiveness and the paint was thin.
The colors are peculiar, too ; the pale background, mottled with
rose and gray tints, seems to emphasize the gentle, wistful
character of the subject.

Jonathan Jennings

November 7, 1816-September 12, 1822^'

The next portrait is that of Jonathan Jennings, the first
governor of Indiana after it became a state. The signature
which it bears has an unfamiliar ring to students of Indiana

"Jacob P. Dunn, Greater Indianapolis ... (2 volumes. Chicago, 1910),
I, 482.

"Conner to Governor Baker, July 29, 1869, Governor Baker's cor-
respondence.

"Jennings resigned on September 12, 1822, upon his election to Congress.
His term was completed by Ratliff Boon.

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 395

art. Dunn says, in writing of the governors' portraits : "there
had been a Canadian painter, James Forbes, who visited
Evansville, and painted a portrait of John B. Baker, brother
of Governor Baker, and impressed the Governor with his ability
as an artist. Nothing is known of Forbes here beyond his work,
and the fact that he was a typical Englishman in appearance
and dress. Governor Baker had Forbes paint his own portrait,
and also the portraits of Governors Jennings, Whitcomb,
Dunning, and Morton. "^^ To these should be added the
name of Governor Boon.

It is surprising to learn that a stranger was commissioned
to paint so many of the official portraits, and that his visit
was so shrouded in mystery that no one was able to give a
report of him after he left Indianapolis. It is known that his
name was brought to Governor Baker's attention by H. F.
Blount, of Evansville, who wrote to the Governor about his
work, adding: "I should be glad if he might be favorably
remembered in the selection of an artist."^* Forbes had re-
turned to Chicago and Baker wrote to him there, asking if he
w^ould consider painting certain of the governors. Forbes
replied that he would, and in the correspondence that followed
he expounded some of his theories on portrait painting but,
unfortunately, said nothing about his career as an artist.^'^

Contrary to Dunn's statement, James Forbes was a Scots-
man, not a Canadian. He was born in Scotland about 1800, had
received his training in his native land, and had exhibited
paintings at the Royal Scottish Academy and at the Royal
Academy, London. It is not known when he came to America,
but he had a studio in Chicago after i860.'*' Dunn's reference
to him as a Canadian suggests that he lived in Canada prior to
coming to Chicago, but this has not been verified. After
completing his commissions for Indiana nothing more was

"Dunn, Greater Indianapolis, I, 481.

"Blount to Governor Baker, July 7, 1869, Governor Baker's correspond-
ence.

''Forbes to Governor Baker, July 20, 29, August 6, and September i,
1869, loc. cit.

'"Ulrich Thieme and Felix Becker (eds.), Allgemeines Lcxikon dcr
bildendcn Kiinstler . . . (Leipsiz, 1907-1937), XII, 201.

396 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

heard of him here : even the date and place of his death have
not been determined.

As no original portrait of Jonathan Jennings could be
purchased by the state in 1869, it was again necessary to find
a picture for Forbes to copy. It is well established that he used
a miniature which Jennings brought as a present to Ann Hay,
his fiancee, upon his return from his first year as Indiana's
delegate in Congress." Forbes has been remarkably faithful
to the original, and yet he has worked so broadly that his ver-
sion does not reveal its derivation from a miniature. Since the
original was painted about 18 10, the Forbes painting makes
Jennings look younger than he actually was during his ad-
ministration. He appears as a dapper young man, stylish in
dress, with a forthright, intelligent face. The colors are not
bright, but they vary sufficiently in tone to give the portrait
a rich effect.

Jonathan Jennings was the second "epochal" governor
whom T. C. Steele painted for Samuel Ralston in 19 16, so
there are two portraits of him now in the State House. These
are so similar that it is reasonable to assume that Steele copied
the one by Forbes or used a photograph of the miniature re-
ferred to above.

Ratliff Boon

September 12-December 4, 1822

Ratliff Boon, whose short term of three months as governor
followed the resignation of Jonathan Jennings, is represented
in the portrait collection by a painting which also bears the
signature of James Forbes. ^^ The portrait can be assigned by
means of letters to the year 1869 — twenty- five years after
Governor Boon's death — and the correspondence shows that
the search for a portrait which would serve as a model was
directed toward Boonville, Indiana. Isaac S. Moore informed

'"Mabel C. Morrison, .-hui Gilmorc Hay, Wife of Jonathan Jennings
. . . (n. p., 1925), p. 12; see also p. 20 for a reproduction of the picture
from which Forbes worked.

'*This portrait is erroneously assigned to Jacob Cox by Dunn, Greater
Indianapolis, I, 481.

RATLIFF BOON
by James Forbes

WILLIAM HENDRICKS
by S. Burlis Baker

JAMES B. RAY
by Jacob Cox

NOAH NOBLE
by Jacob Cox

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 397

Governor Baker that John Hacpole of that town had a picture
of "Mr Boon said to be a good likeness of him,"''' and evidently
it was the one which Forbes copied. This may be the same
portrait of Ratliff Boon now hanging in the old capitol at
Corydon, which was obtained in Boonville at the time the capitol
building was being restored.^"

From this portrait Forbes succeeded in making a convincing
likeness of his subject ; the pose is quiet but not without the sug-
gestion of vitality ; the features are sensitively drawn and clean-
cut ; and Boon's expression is one of thoughtf ulness as he gazes
out into space. The colors are full bodied : a black suit and
tawny face are set against a warm gray background, and a deep
red note is made by the chair on the left side of the composition.

William Hendricks

December 4, 1822-February 12, 1825"^

The portrait of Governor William Hendricks presented the
most difficult problem of all for Conrad Baker, and makes one
of the most interesting chapters in the history of the collection.
By strange coincidence, the picture which was ultimately ac-
cepted was not painted until 1925, one hundred years after
Governor Hendricks' election to the United States Senate and
his retirement from the State House. This was the second
Hendricks painting that had been made for this project, for in
1870 Governor Baker succeeded in getting a plausible likeness
to complete the collection, although few people know about
it today.

The story of the first portrait runs like this : After a fruitless

'"Moore to Governor Baker, September 22, 1869, Governor Baker's
correspondence.

""According to Judge Roscoe Kiper (quoting from the Warrick Democrat
of May 14, 1853, manuscript copy in Indiana Historical Society Library,
Indianapolis), a portrait of Boon painted by an unnamed artist of \\'ash-
ington, D. C, for John C. Rives of that city was presented "to the Democracy
of Warrick County," on May lo, 1853, and hung in the courthouse. We do
not know whether this is the portrait which Forbes copied, nor do we know
whether it is the one hanging in the Corydon capitol.

'•Hendricks resigned on February 12, 1825, upon his election to the
United States Senate. His term was completed by James B. Ray.

398 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

search for a likeness of William Hendricks (the gentleman had
shown a decided aversion to posing for artists during his
lifetime), Governor Baker learned through John R. Cravens, of
Madison, that a man named R. H. Buckley, of New Castle,
Kentucky, was willing to paint the desired portrait. ^^ Buckley
wrote to Cravens that he believed he was "the only artist that
could be looked to with hope in this work" because he had
known Hendricks, and that if he could get certain aids, he
would "enter upon it with great hopes of a success." The aids
which he obtained included a photograph of the late Governor's
brother, Jamison Hendricks, who was residing in Madison; a
memory sketch by the Governor's son, Grover; and verbal
descriptions by people who had known William Hendricks. We
can imagine Governor Baker's skepticism in the face of such
unreliable material. Even the artist wrote that "such a work
as could be wrought from a living subject is not to be expected."
But confronted by the realization that no other course lay open,
and being determined to complete the collection before his term
expired, Governor Baker told Buckley to undertake the work.
The picture was delivered in December, 1870, preceded by a
letter from the artist pointing out that if his portrayal seemed
too young to those who knew Hendricks in his last days, it was
because he himself had "not seen his [Hendricks'] face for
a space of more than thirty five years. "^^

Buckley's work remained in the collection for a very short
time. When Thomas A. Hendricks assumed office in 1873, he
was displeased with this portrayal of his uncle and had it
removed from the walls. The report of the State Library in
1874 includes Governor Hendricks' own statement of the
act : "I have this day withdrawn from the State Library, and
the custody of Mrs. Sarah A. Oren, the State Librarian, the

'"In Governor Baker's correspondence there are letters from Buckley
(one dated December 5, 1870, and one undated) in which he states that from
his sixteenth to his twenty-fifth year he had been a professional artist. He
had then taken up the practice of law. At the time he was writing to
Governor Baker he was fifty-six years old and desirous of dropping law
and resuming his original profession. No further biographical data have
been found.

^^R. H. Buckley to John R. Cravens, March 28, April 18, 1870 ; Cravens
to A. W. Hendricks, n. d. and April, 1870 ; Buckley to Governor Baker,
October 31, 1870, loc. cit.

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 399

portrait of Governor Wm. Hendricks, painted for the State
during Governor Baker's administration, because the same is
not, in any respect, a 'true and life-like likeness, ['] as con-
templated by the act authorizing its procurement.""* That
is the last we hear of the Buckley painting.

For more that forty years there was no portrait of William
Hendricks in the collection, and there is nothing to show that
any definite steps were taken by state officials to find one. In
1 919 word reached the State Library that H. J. Gensler, of
the Official Reporters' office. United States Senate, had dis-
covered a picture of Hendricks in a painting of a group of
Congressmen. The correspondence which followed revealed
that the picture was a study of the House of Representatives,
painted about 1822 by Samuel F. B. Morse, and owned by the
Corcoran Gallery of Art at Washington. Gensler wrote : "I am
pretty sure it contains the only picture of Governor Hendricks
extant. I had searched for it far and wide and was told there
was none. I discovered it by mere accident, after I had been
repeatedly advised by Indianians that he would not sit for a
portrait. "^^ The diminutive figure of Hendricks — one of
eighty-six in the composition — was near the lower left-hand
corner. Since the picture, according to the artist himself, was
not intended "so much to give highly-finished likenesses of the
individuals introduced as to exhibit to the public a faithful
representation of the national hall,"^® the features of Hendricks
were not well defined. This together with the age of the
painting, made it a poor model for anyone to copy.

The first plan was to get a photograph of the figure of
Hendricks from which a local painter could make an oil portrait
for the collection. This scheme failed because the painting had
deteriorated to such an extent that the blemishes were more
pronounced on the negative than the image. Steps were taken
then to have a painting made directly from the composition, but

"Librarian of the State of Indiana, Biennial Report, 1874 (Indianapolis,
1874), pp. 21-22.

''Correspondence relating to governors' portraits, manuscript collection,
Indiana Division, Indiana State Library.

■'Life in America . . . (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1939).
pp. 51-52. This painting is reproduced in Samuel F. B. Morse, American
Painter . . . (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, 1932), Figure 20.

400 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

since no artist was found at the time who was wilHng to do the
work for the amount authorized by the legislature, the matter
was dropped. Three years later Merrill Moores, then represent-
ing the Seventh Indiana District in Congress, became interested
in the subject, checked the accuracy of the key to the painting
which identified the figure of Hendricks, and suggested that
Edward Lind Morse, son of Samuel F. B. Morse, copy the
figure. It was his idea "that the son might understand his
father's methods better than another artist.'' Unfortunately,
this plan could not be carried out because Morse was unable to
go to Washington to do the work." Again the project was
abandoned. In 1925 the Historical Bureau renewed the subject
and succeeded in engaging a Washington artist to make an
enlarged replica of the William Hendricks figure in the Morse
painting. Without any more obstacles the picture was finished,
delivered, and hung in the State House a year later, bringing
to a close an enterprise which had troubled people for more
than half a century. ^^

The artist who finally painted the William Hendricks
portrait was S. Burtis Baker. He was born in Boston in 1882,
but lived in Washington for many years as a portrait painter
and instructor at the Corcoran Art School. His connection
with the gallery in which the large Morse painting hung led
very naturally to his receiving the commission. Baker's work
is conscientious. His broad and turgid style is in keeping with
modern tendencies and his work makes an interesting contrast
with the portraits of the other early governors. Hendricks'
features are strong and thickset, planes of his face are sharply
defined, and an expression verging on cynicism or contempt
plays around his mouth and eyes. His swarthy face and black
coat are accentuated by a gray-green background.

"Correspondence relating to governors' portraits, manuscript collection,
Indiana Division, Indiana State Library.

-''Indiana History Bulletin, III (1926), 162, 182.

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 401

James Brown Ray
February 12, 182 5 -December 7, 1831-^

The next portrait, that of James Brown Ray, brings the
name of another painter into this discussion. The portrait has
no signature, but Dunn is our authority for assigning it to
Jacob Cox, dean of the Indianapolis artists during the post-Civil
War period, and one of the most revered painters in the state. ^^
The style or method of painting supports this attribution. Since
the portrait is not dated, the circumstances of its execution are
left in question. If James Ray sat for the portrait, it was
made early in Cox's career as a painter, for Governor Ray died
in 1848. If it was made at the order of Governor Baker in
1869, Cox would have used either a photograph or another
painting.

A study of the portrait itself leads to the conclusion that it
was painted from life, and in comparing it with other portraits
by Cox, it seems to belong to the year 1840. If it goes back
to that date, it was not, in all probability, commissioned by the
state. We may surmise that Ray conceded to the artist's wish
to make a study of him, and that the painting remained in the
artist's studio until Governor Baker acquired it in 1869.
Although the execution is far from skillful, the artist has given
life and personality to the figure — the strongest argument for
the conclusion that the picture was painted from life. Ray's
expression is not genial; he appears sullen, if not cantakerous ;
the personal and political quarrels of his administration seem
to be registered in his face.

Jacob Cox was born near Philadelphia in 18 10, and his
youth was spent in Philadelphia and in Washington, Pennsyl-
vania. When he was about twenty years old, he went by boat,
with his bride and his brother, from Pittsburgh to Cincinnati. In
1833, they came to Indianapolis, where the brothers established
a stove, tinware, and coppersmith business. Jacob had displayed
some talent for art in his boyhood days, but he was persuaded

''Ray completed Hendricks' unfinished term and served two full terms
as governor.

^"Dunn, Greater Indianapolis, I, 481.

402 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

to take up a more practical trade and was discouraged from
taking instruction in drawing and painting. The tinware
establishment was very successful here, but Jacob found his
eagerness to paint overshadowing his interest in business, and
spare moments given to sketching and reading art books multi-
plied until painting became the dominant interest of his life. He
opened a studio in Indianapolis in 1835 and began his long
career as an Indiana painter, which was interrupted by a short
stay in Cincinnati in 1842. His reputation grew rapidly, and
within a few years he became the leading artist of Indianapolis,
receiving many important commissions and attracting to his
studio most of the art students of the period. He retained his
popularity until his death in 1892.^^

Noah Noble
December 7, 1 831 -December 6, 1837

The portrait of Noah Noble is another product of Jacob
Cox's studio and raises the same queries regarding date and
derivation as does the portrait of Ray. In some ways it is less
competent than the Ray portrait, and the fact that Noble died
before Ray ( 1844) may place it at an earlier date. A compari-
son of the men's ages as depicted by the paintings leads to the
same conclusion. Ray and Noble were the same age, but in his
portrait Noble appears several years younger, in spite of the
lines in his face and the coarse, rigid delineation of his features.

This inflexible drawing is another argument for placing
this painting at an earlier date. Noble was a handsome, pre-
possessing man, judging from other portraits, but Cox lacked
the technical knowledge to do him justice. The eyes are dis-
similar in drawing, the mouth is weak, the chin large and badly
modeled. The artist has also failed to give us a convincing
impression of personality. Such deficiencies point to a date
around 1837, four years after Cox came to Indianapolis and
near the termination of Noble's tenure of office. Like the

'Tor a more detailed account of Cox's life see exhibition catalogue
Paintings by Jacob Cox . . . (Indianapolis, John Herron Art Museum
I1941]).

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 403

portrait of Ray, this painting probably remained in the posses-
sion of the artist until it was acquired by the state in 1869.

It is interesting to see that Cox has used the same composi-
tional scheme for the portraits of Ray and Noble. The men are
seated in similar positions, their left shoulders turning toward
the observer and their right arms extending at the same angle.
The architectural settings, which lend rank and dignity, are
alike in their main features.

David Wallace
December 6, 1837-December 9, 1840

The portrait of David Wallace is the third in the collection
by Jacob Cox and unquestionably the best of this artist's early
production. It is well painted and convincing in its suggestion
of character, the personality being almost as important in it as
the likeness; the subject is seen and drawn more broadly; and
the composition is less ornate than in the two preceding
portraits. Wallace appears as a heavy man with a round face
and clean-cut features. His expression is incisive and resolute,
yet sympathetic, and he impresses one as a man of convictions.

The success with which the artist has given these impres-
sions leaves little doubt in one's mind that the portrait was
painted from life. But in addition to these internal evidences,
we have a statement from an eyewitness of the sittings. Lew
Wallace, in his chatty story about his early aspirations to become
an artist, tells how he found his father posing one day in
Jacob Cox's studio : "When I heard that Mr. Cox painted
pictures in oil, I nerved myself and boldly invaded his studio.
He was painting my father's portrait when I went in. The
coincidence excused me. We became good friends, and not a
few of my truancies were passed watching him at work."^^

The context of this incident in the story of Lew Wallace's
adventures would suggest that the portrait was painted while
his father was governor, between 1837 and 1840. If this is
true, it is remarkably good for so early a work. Mary Burnet,

^^Leiv Wallace, An Autobiography (2 volumes. New York and London,
1906), I, 49.

404 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

in her book on Indiana art, implies that it was painted between
1840 and 1842/^ and Louis E. Gibson speaks of the portrait
as having been made after Cox's return from Cincinnati, which
would place it around 1843.^* Comparing it with Cox's early
portraits, the later date seems most plausible. There must have
been a mutual sympathy and understanding between artist and
model for so convincing a portrait to have evolved.

It is regrettable that we do not know whether the picture was
ordered by Governor Wallace or done at the request of, and as
a favor to, the artist. Between the date of its execution and
the time it entered the official collection in 1869 it must have
been known to many people, but no writer has mentioned it. We
do not even know whether the state acquired it from the artist
or from some member of the family.

Samuel Bigger
December 9, 1840-December 6, 1843

The portrait of Samuel Bigger is the fourth painting by
Jacob Cox in the State House Collection. Louis Gibson, in his
article referred to above, coupled it with the portrait of David
Wallace and implied that it was painted in 1843.^' While the
Wallace portrait is of superior quality and appears to be a
later work, there is no reason to doubt that Bigger sat for
his official portrait in 1843, his last year in office. Although
there are no records relating to its passing into the possession
of the state, it is reasonable to assume that Governor Baker
acquired it from Cox in 1869.

Cox has painted the Governor in a conventional, unadorned
manner. The elegant columns and voluminous curtains which
served as decorative devices in his two earlier canvases have
been discarded, and instead we see a quiet gray background,
relieved only by some law books behind the sitter's left shoulder.
The color scheme is gray and dark red. Bigger sits rather
erect, holding an envelope in his hand. His face is thoughtful

^"Mary Q. Burnet, Art and Artists of Indiana (New York, 1921), p. 80.

^^Indianapolis Aden's, July 20, 1893, p. 5, c. i.

''Ibid.

DAVID WALLACE
by Jacob Cox

SAMUEL BIGGER
by Jacob Cox

JAMES WHITCOMB

by James Forbes

PARIS C. DUNNING
by James Forbes

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 405

and rather serious. There is a suggestion of nervous energy
in his pose. The expression conveys the strain that the
Governor is under as he tries to guide the destinies of a
state almost bankrupt.

James Whitcomb
December 6, 1843-December 26, 1848^"

The official portrait of James Whitcomb is the work of
the Scottish artist, James Forbes. This and Forbes's previous
commissions from the state were carried out in Evansville early
in the fall of 1869. Like his portraits of Jennings and Boon,
the portrait of Whitcomb was painted from another picture.

Whitcomb had died in 1852 and Governor Baker had some
difficulty securing good pictures for Forbes to copy. The first
that he found was an oil portrait made from a daguerreotype
about 1849 when Whitcomb was in the United States Senate.
The owner, Mrs. Claude Matthews of Clinton, Indiana,
daughter of James Whitcomb, prized it highly and regarded it
as an excellent likeness. The artist, on the contrary, did not
find it a good model for his work, judging by his letter
to Governor Baker : ''After I had cleaned and varnished the
portrait of Gov^. Whitcomb, it looked so much improved, that
I commenced a copy of it. . . .1 hope however you will find
a daguerrotype or photograph of some sort for me to copy
from — for tho this may be a very cognizable likeness It wants
individuality — or mental character. — Has a vapid expression
that makes one feel they are looking on a poorly painted picture,
instead of on the man himself."''"

A damaged and faded daguerreotype was owned by a
descendant in Chillicothe, Ohio, but due to its condition steps
were not immediately taken to secure it, a photograph of it being
borrowed instead. Forbes brought his portrait nearer to
completion with the aid of the photograph, but the finishing

^^VVhitcomb served one full term as governor and part of a second. He
resigned December 26, 1848, upon his election to the United States Senate.

=Torbes to Governor Baker, September 27, 1869. Governor Baker's
correspondence.

406 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

touches were not added, judging by the correspondence, until
he had the daguerreotype in his studio.^*

When the portrait was finally finished, Forbes placed it on
view in Evansville for the inspection of Whitcomb's old friends.
''Drs. Bray, Casselberry, and De Bruler, Major Robinson and
several others called to see Govf. Whitcomb's portrait," wrote
Forbes to Governor Baker. "I am glad to say they each thought
the likeness good tho some at first could barely recollect the
features after so many years. "^'' Like the other portraits by
James Forbes, the study of Whitcomb, although largely from
a photograph, has a good deal of pictorial charm and breadth
of execution. The Governor's dark suit and mass of black
hair are placed against a warm gray background, with a red
tablecloth adding a pleasing note of color to the arrangement.
The turn of the Governor's head and gesture of his hand give
the pose considerable animation. However, Forbes has failed
to convey the intellectual force and fine character which are
synonymous with Whitcomb's name. The rather listless eyes
and weak mouth are probably due to the poor prototypes Forbes
had to follow, and, judging by remarks he made in his letters to
Conrad Baker, he himself was not entirely satisfied with the
result.

Paris Chipman Dunning

December 26, 1848-December 5, 1849

The likeness of Paris C. Dunning, the Lieutenant Governor
who filled out Whitcomb's second term, was the first state
portrait painted by James Forbes from life. The artist's three
earlier commissions — the portraits of Jonathan Jennings,
Ratliff Boon, and James Whitcomb — had been done from

'^Forbes to Governor Baker, September 27 and October 20, 1869; Claude
Matthews to Governor Baker, September 27, and October 3, 1869 ; Forbes
to John M. Commons, October 11, 18, i86g; R. R. Seymour to Governor
Baker, October 20, 1869, Governor Baker's correspondence. The daguerreo-
type was the property of R. R. Seymour of Chillicothe, Ohio, a brother-in-law
of Governor Whitcomb.

^''Forbes to Governor Baker, October 20, 1869, Governor Baker's cor-
respondence.

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 407

Other pictures, and judging from his correspondence with
Conrad Baker, Forbes was aware of the superiority of portraits
made from Hfe, and was looking forward to the opportunity
of painting one or two of the former governors who were
still living.

Governor Baker submitted to Dunning his plan of as-
sembling the governors' likenesses, and Dunning consented to
have his own painted at the earliest date possible. His reply
to Baker was : "I will accommodate myself to Mr Forbes
convenience, whom I will meet in Evansville on next Wednesday
or Thursday, if that time will suit him. . . . Your recommenda-
tion of Mr Forbes is entirely satisfactory to me."*°

The sittings began in September, 1869, and the picture was
ready for delivery in about two weeks, both men having enjoyed
the experience of watching the portrait take shape. "The Govf.
seems much pleased to give me every advantage he can in the
way of sitting," wrote Forbes. "He says 'he is here for the
sole purpose and desires the portrait may be a success.' — It is
of course unsafe to say any thing about it as yet but, I think
Gov^ Dunning has individual character enough to make the
likeness as strong as I wish, if it should have no other merit — "*^

Looking at the portrait today one feels that the artist made
more than a good likeness. He has succeeded in catching the
"individual character" which he admired so much in his model.
Dunning is a real personality in the picture. His friendly and
candid eyes are fixed on the spectator ; his posture is alert, and
his expression reflects a genuine interest in people and events.

Forbes has used a slightly different color scheme in this
instance. Dunning's face and chubby hands are ruddy, his
suit is dark green, and the wall behind is warm gray. There
are no accessories in the picture except the letter that Dunning
holds in his right hand ; the simplicity of the composition seems
to emphasize the Governor's straightforward nature.

^''Dunning to Governor Baker, September 17, 1869, Governor Baker's
correspondence.

"Forbes to Governor Baker, September 27, 1869, loc. cit.

408 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Joseph Albert Wright
December 5, 1849-January 12, 1857

Joseph Wright's portrait in the collection is another by
Jacob Cox. It was acquired for the state in Governor Baker's
time, but since there are no records of the date or of the circum-
stances of its execution, or of its history prior to its placement
in the State House, we can only speculate about its origin.

Wright left Indiana at the termination of his governorship
in 1857 and took over his duties as minister to Prussia. The
remaining ten years of his life were spent abroad or in the East.
Therefore, in all probability Cox painted him before he left
Indianapolis. The execution is such as to lead one to believe
that the portrait was made from life: the drawing is firm and
the character is* strongly suggested.

The expression on Wright's face is as forceful as any in
the collection. His eyes are obdurate and penetrating; his set
jaw and thin, compressed lips imply an unyielding disposition;
and the gesture of his hand toward a statute book clearly sug-
gests his regard for the authority of the law.

Cox has been more successful here in his use of color than
in some of his other paintings. The tones are deep and rich.
The sitter's black coat fades into a somber green wall, and a
dark red curtain cuts into the upper corner of the composition.
The well-modeled head is strongly illuminated, giving the face a
ruddy hue and making it stand out clearly from the background.

It is interesting to note that Cox had painted five Indiana
governors before the formation of the collection in 1869, and
one cannot help but wonder if the existence of this nucleus was
not a large factor in encouraging Conrad Baker to initiate
the project.

JOSEPH A. WRIGHT
by Jacob Cox

ASHBEL P. WILLARD
by George W. Morrison

ABRAM A. HAMMOND
by John B. Hill

HENRY S. LANE
by Jacob Cox

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 409

AsHBEL Parsons Willard
January 12, 1857-October 4, 1860*^

The portrait of Ashbel P. Willard is the work of George W.
Morrison, a fellow citizen of Willard in New Albany. Morrison
was the leading portrait painter of the town and its vicinity, and
was highly respected as a citizen and as an artist. He was
born in Maryland in 1820, but spent most of his life in New
Albany, dying there in 1893.

Governor Baker's introduction to him came through Colonel
Benjamin F. Scribner of New Albany, who called the
Governor's attention to a portrait of Ashbel P. Willard which
Morrison had painted in 1857, three years before Wlllard's
death. Scribner wrote : "This picture is still in Mr Morrisons
possession, and is considered a fine likeness by all who knew
Willard in his best days It [is] a half length with hands 29 x
36 price one hundred & fifty dolls without the frame. "^'^ It
was sent to the Governor for inspection in January. 1870, and
as there was some delay in purchasing it, the New Albany
press published some crusading editorials on the artist's behalf.
The portrait was eventually acquired by the state and placed
in the collection, much to the pleasure of the artist and his
New Albany friends.**

Like most of Morrison's work, the technique is rather
painstaking and tight ; the pose is rigid, and the delineation of
features is accurate but lacking in strong characterization.
Morrison had a way of investing his subjects w'ith a mild, genial
spirit, and the impression created by his study of Governor
Willard is that of a calm, placid personality. The canvas is
larger than most in the collection. Willard stands upright,
facing his audience as though ready to address them, and holds
a letter and a book in his hands. Behind him is a gray wall
with a suggestion of an architectural column at the left.
Against the background, Willard's dark suit stands out in a

^■Willard died on October 4, i860, and his term was completed by
Abram A. Hammond.

"Scribner to Governor Baker, August 3, 1869, Governor Baker's
correspondence.

"George W. Morrison to Governor Baker, January 7, i8;o, he. cit.

410 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

positive way. This is one of Morrison's best portraits on
record, and it adds materially to the collection of pictures in
the State House,

Abram Adams Hammond
October 4, i860- January 14, 186 1

The portrait of Abram A. Hammond, who occupied the
governor's chair upon the death of Willard, was the second
commission given by Governor Baker to John B. Hill, the
young Indianapolis artist. (His first was the portrait of
Thomas Posey.) As the portrait is signed and dated 1869. there
is no question about the authorship or circumstances of the
work. It was made from life, eight years after the close of
Governor Hammond's incumbency, and while he was practicing
law in Indianapolis.

The sitter is portrayed very objectively, and the paint is
applied in an indecisive, laborious way, with considerable
emphasis on details of costume and lines of the face. Hill was
not a skillful technician, and lacking experience as a portrait
painter, he had a tendency to exaggerate minor elements, such
as wrinkles, folds, and buttons. The color is dull, also.

As one of the few extant paintings by Hill, and unquestion-
ably his most important made from life, the portrait of
Hammond is of more than passing interest. The tired and
rather wan look on the Governor's face was doubtless due to
his poor health at the time the portrait was painted. It will
be recalled that he suffered from rheumatism and became so
badly crippled that late in life he had to walk on crutches,

Henry Smith Lane

January 14-16, 1861^^

The portrait of Henry S. Lane in the State House was
painted eight years after the Governor's very brief occupancy
of the executive chair. It is the work of Jacob Cox. Governor

■'''Lane resigned as governor on his third day in office, upon his election
to the United States Senate. His term was completed by Oliver P. Morton.

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 411

Baker sent word to Lane at his home in Crawfordsville about
the collection of governor's portraits, and suggested that Cox
make his portrait. Lane answered: "I have received your
letter of the 12th Inst, in reference to Painting my portrait, in
pursuance of a provision of the last Legislature & I am much
pleased with your selection of Mr. Cox as the artist. I will
send a large Photograph by Brady which is thought to be a
good hkeness, ('painfully Hke the Original') I will give a
sitting or two either at this place or Indianapolis as may best
suit his convenience at any time which he may designate."^'' It
is likely that Lane came to Indianapolis and gave Cox the
necessary sittings in his studio.

The portrait represents the venerable Governor and Senator
comfortably seated in a large red chair, holding a cane in his
left hand. He looks out of the frame with deep-set, intelligent
eyes ; the white hair and beard contrast with the dark shadows
of the background. His pose is lifelike and his attitude ami-
able and gracious.

This study of Lane is the sixth and last portrait by Jacob
Cox in the State House collection. It is the only one of his
works made specifically for the collection.

Oliver Perry Morton
January 16, 1 861 -January 23, 1867*^

The portrait of Indiana's Civil War governor, Oliver Perry
Morton, was painted by James Forbes. Correspondence be-
tween Governor Baker and the artist informs us that Baker
had selected Forbes to paint Morton some time before the
artist's visit to Indianapolis in the fall of 1869. Forbes looked
forward to the undertaking with interest, and not without some
anxiety, as is shown in his letter of October 20, 1869:

"I would beg to say — that However anxious I may be to
paint the portrait of a gentleman of such eminent abilities as

"Lane to Governor Baker, August 16, 1869, Governor Baker's cor-
respondence.

"Morton completed Lane's term as governor. He was then elected
governor and served until his election to the United States Senate on
Jajiuary 23, 1867. Morton's uncompleted term was filled out by Conrad Baker.

412 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Govi". Morton, I am not sanguine he will, from any thing in
the two portraits sent, select me to do it — and am unwilling
he shall conclude I cannot do a better portrait than either with
even less pains than I have bestowed on them."*^

The two portraits referred to were those he had painted in
Evansville of Governors Whitcomb and Dunning. Evidently
both Morton and Baker were satisfied with the performances,
for Forbes was given the honor of painting the Morton portrait.
The sittings were probably in Indianapolis.

Forbes has succeeded in making a very convincing likeness,
as well as in representing Morton with that determined, forceful
attitude which was so characteristic of him. The Governor
holds out his right hand in an artificial pose of declamation, his
eyes fastened on his observer with an expression wholly unre-
lated to the gesture. Strong contrasts of dark hair and beard
against light flesh tints and white shirt front, the sharp eyes,
and the clear demarcation of the head against the background
help to give the composition a vivid effect.

Another portrait of Morton in the collection, done by
T. C. Steele, belongs to the paintings of "epochal" governors
ordered in 1916 for the executive office, and pays tribute to
his leadership through the Civil War period. Since the pose
is not the same as in the Forbes portrait, we know that Steele
went to another source for his model ; according to the local
press the picture he used came from a relative of the War
Governor, "who declared the print an excellent likeness."*^
Steele's version of Morton is more reserved in spirit and more
resti"ained in tone and color than the Forbes work. The subject
appears several years older, and he looks off to the left in a
relaxed, thoughtful attitude.

"Forbes to Governor Baker, October 20, 1869, Governor Baker's cor-
respondence.

""Indianapolis Neivs, May 20, 1916, p. 17, c. i.

OLIVER P. MORTON
by James Forbes

CONRAD BAKER

by James Forbes

THOMAS A. HENDRICKS

by William R. Freeman

JAMES D. WILLIAMS
by Harry M. Cole or d

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 413

Conrad Baker
January 23, 1867-January 13, 1873

Conrad Baker had his own portrait painted late in 1869 or
early in 1870, as he was completing the collection for the state.
His respect for James Forbes had grown so steadily as work
on the different paintings progressed that he selected the
visiting Scotsman rather than one of the resident artists to make
it. This was the sixth and last of the Forbes commissions. The
picture also has the distinction of being the first in the group
known to have been painted when the subject was in office.

Baker is shown sitting in a chair, his body turned toward
the left, holding a letter in his hand as though discussing its
contents. He is a handsome man with regular features, a
heavy beard, and thin brown hair ; his expression is genial and
his attitude sympathetic. The same rich tones are used here
as in Forbes's earlier compositions. Against a gray-green back-
ground the healthy ruddiness of Baker's face makes a strong
color note ; the whites of the shirt, collar, cuffs, and paper are
set in strong opposition to the black suit ; and touches of green
on the back of the chair repeat the general tone of the back-
ground. Forbes put his signature on the arm of the chair near
the lower left corner of the canvas.

For about ten years the picture by Forbes was not in the
collection. It was removed in 1933, at the request of Governor
Baker's children, some of whom felt that it was not as good a
likeness of their father as an oil painting done by Jacob Cox
from life in 1883. The family engaged Miss Clara Barrett-
Strait, a New York artist, to copy the Cox portrait for the
State House. She was known to members of the family as
a capable portraitist and one experienced in making copies of
old pictures. Only the head and shoulders are shown in her
composition. Conrad Baker's round, chubby face is framed
by thinning white hair and heavy curling beard.

The Forbes portrait of Governor Baker was returned to
the State House collection in December, 1943-"'

'"The portrait by Miss Barrett-Strait is now in the possession of Mrs.
Evans Woollen, Sr., Indianapolis.

414 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Thomas Andrews Hendricks
January 13, 1873- January 8, 1877

Governor Thomas A. Hendricks had his portrait painted by
an artist named William R. Freeman soon after he assumed
office in 1873. Freeman, the fifth Indiana painter to be
employed on the project, was well known in this region. He
traveled rather extensively in connection with his portrait work,
visiting Indianapolis more than once as he shuttled back and
forth through Indiana and the neighboring states. Dunn re-
ports that Freeman was "a transient here in 1873-4, who
stopped at the Bates House and painted several portraits of
citizens.""^ The Hendricks portrait is signed.

Freeman was born in New York state about 1820 and came
to Vincennes, Indiana, in 1849. He rented a studio there and
painted portraits of members of some of the early families.
Later he moved to Terre Haute, and at one time he lived in
Madison. Following his short stay in Indianapolis, he went
to San Francisco, and so far as is known, did not return to
Indiana. He died in St. Louis about 1906.

Freeman's canvas is one of the best in the State House
collection. Hendricks sits upright in his office chair, looking
off to the observer's right with a thoughtful expression. He
appears relaxed ; his hand, holding an Indianapolis newspaper,
has dropped to his lap. His head is well drawn ; the figure is
fully modeled, and features are clearly indicated. The artist
has suggested a candid, honest, and amiable personality. Free-
man's style is mellower than that of the painters we have dis-
cussed up to this point ; and' his colors, though limited to grays
and reds, are pleasing and harmonious.

Thomas A. Hendricks, because of his achievements as a
peace governor, was one of the four men chosen by Governor
Ralston at the time of the state's centennial, for representation
as an ''epochal" governor. Steele's portrait made for this
group seems to have been painted from a photograph taken late
in Hendricks' life. According to the Indianapolis press.
Governor Ralston was especially pleased with the study of
"gentle, yet courageous Hendricks whom he, as a young man

"Greater Indianapolis, I, 481.

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 415

beginning his study of law, had as a friend. Members of the
Hendricks family who have seen the portrait of their illustrious
ancestor have expressed their admiration for the Steele
painting. "^^

James Douglas Williams
January 8, 1877-November 20, 1880^^

The portrait of James D. Williams, Indiana's farmer
governor, has puzzled local historians for some time due to
the lack of information about the artist who painted it. The
earliest statement regarding its genesis was made by Dunn, who
reported that it was painted by "a Mr. Colcord, an unknown
transient."^* Colcord's name could not be connected with any
work of art in Indiana or in neighboring states, and for a long
time nothing could be discovered about the man beyond the fact
that he had painted Governor Williams' portrait. A clue to
his identity was recently found by chance in a catalogue of an
exhibition held in Indianapolis in 1878, sponsored by the
Indiana Art Association, controlling body of the first art
school in Indianapolis. One item, a "Portrait of M. McRea,"
was listed as the work of H. Colcord. In the city directories
of the period it was found that an artist named Harry M.
Colcord was a resident of Indianapolis in 1878 and 1879 and
that he had a studio at 37 West Washington Street, the building
in which T. C. Steele worked at that time. The dropping of
Colcord's name from the directories after 1879 suggests that
he left Indianapolis about 1880. Where he came from and
where he went remain a mystery.

The style of work in this instance is rather simple and
turgid, producing an effect that is generally called "primitive"
by art critics. The manner is characteristic of painters who
have had little or no academic training, but who possess some

''Indianapolis Star, March 18, 1916, p. 7- The paintings of the four
epochal governors are reproduced here.

°*Williams died on November 20, 1880, and his term was completed by
Isaac P. Gray. See post, pp. 417-18.

"Greater Indianapolis, I, 481.

416 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

natural ability and an innate sense of pleasing design. It
happens to be fortunate in this case : the severe manner seems
appropriate for the delineation of so plain and unaffected a
man as James Williams.

Colcord's canvas is large, and upon it he has worked out
an imposing composition. The Governor sits facing the front,
his right arm leaning on a table, his legs crossed, and his eyes
directed toward the observer. Behind are the official appurte-
nances which so many artists saw fit to use in portraits of
important people — a column and a draped curtain. Even these
assume severe lines under Colcord's hand, and echo the angu-
larity of Williams' figure. The "blue jeans" in which the
Governor is painted was his customary dress ; it gave him his
nickname, and made the campaign in which he was elected to
office the most picturesque in the state's history. This portrayal
of him as a tall, rawboned man, with high cheekbones and large
hands, is in keeping with early descriptions.

Albert Gallatin Porter
January lo, 1 88 1 -January 12, 1885

With the portrait of Albert G. Porter, there begins a series
of five paintings of governors by T. C. Steele made in the order
in which the subjects served. These are not to be confused with
the four paintings made by him in connection with the state
contennial in 191 6.

Theodore Clement Steele, perhaps the most revered of all
our state painters, was a native of Indiana. He was born in
Owen County in 1847. When he was four years old, his family
moved to Waveland where he received his early schooling and
some instruction in art at the Waveland Academy. He had
very little formal training in painting, but he probably derived
some help from visits to Cincinnati and Chicago in his impres-
sionable years. His first activities as a professional portrait
painter took him to Battle Creek, Michigan, in 1870. Three
years later he moved to Indianapolis and opened a studio on
the Bradshaw Block where he remained until 1880. Portrait
painting continued to be his chief activity during that period,
and although he painted several prominent people, he was not

ALBERT G. PORTER

by Theodore C. Steele

ISAAC P. GRAY
by Theodore C. Steele

ALVIN P. HOVEY

by Theodore C. Steele

IRA J. CHASE
by Theodore C. Steele

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 417

commissioned to portray the governors then in office. In 1880
he went abroad for more intensive training at the Royal
Academy of Art in Munich and stayed there five years.

Upon his return to IndianapoHs in the summer of 1885,
Steele opened his studio again and began taking commissions
for portraits. One of his first was that of Porter, whose term
as governor had ended in January. Circumstantial evidence
points to the probability that Porter postponed having his por-
trait painted until Steele returned, knowing something of the
artist's ability and reputation. It must have been an important
assignment for Steele, in that it would help greatly in re-estab-
lishing him in the city.

Technically the portrait reflects the method of painting
taught in Munich. The tones are dark, the color scheme is
dominantly brown, and forms melt into the background.
Steele has drawn Governor Porter's features with a sure, steady
hand, and has thoughtfully analyzed his model's character.
Porter appears as an intellectual and cultured man, wearing an
expression that suggests a serious but kindly disposition. His
attitude in the portrait is that of an accomplished jury lawyer.

Isaac Pusey Gray

November 20, 1880- January 10. 188 1 ;
January 12, 1885-January 14, 1889"

Isaac P. Gray, who preceded and followed Albert Porter
as governor, is portrayed in a gracious and sympathetic way by
T. C. Steele. He is seated in a large chair, upholstered in red
leather, undoubtedly the one that he used in his executive
office. This leads us to conclude that the portrait was painted
in the State House. The canvas carries the artist's signature
and the date 1886.

Governor Gray is shown sitting erect at his desk with his
right shoulder turned toward the front, a book in his left hand,
and his eyes fixed on the spectator with an astute look. The
pose is natural, and the expression lifelike. The effect of light

"Gray completed the term of James D. Williams; he was elected to
succeed Governor Porter.

418 ' INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

and air enveloping the model is unusually convincing; forms are
well modeled without appearing hard, and the brush has moved
across the canvas with apparent ease. Colors are few but the
artist has managed them carefully: the different tones of gray
in the Governor's suit and in the background are set off by the
warm flesh tints and the deep red upholstery of the chair.
Steele seems to have reached his stride, so to speak, with this
portrait, because technical problems have been solved with less
effort than in the painting which preceded it.

Alvin Peterson Hovey
January 14, 1889-November 23, 1891^®

Steele's portrait of Alvin P. Hovey is an impressive canvas,
large in size and bold in design. It, too, may have been painted
in the executive office; it is dated 1889, the year in which
Hovey began his administration.

The Governor is represented in a standing pose, almost full
length, with his left arm and hand extended downward holding
a book, and his right hand clasping a handkerchief. The right
side of his face is shown as he looks toward a window not visible
in the picture. The strong light falling on his face and down
the side of his long coat emphasizes his stately, commanding
figure. His firmly modeled features are set in earnest thought ;
and although he appears to be motionless, the artist has sug-
gested intensity of spirit and momentarily restrained activity.

The colors are more forceful than in the other portraits by
Steele. Against a dark brown background the gray coat makes
an effective area, especially as it assumes different values under
the strong beam of light ; and the rich, warm tones of the face
are echoed in the tan books and rose-colored cloth on the table
at Hovey's left.

°*Hovey died on November 23, 1891, and his term was completed by
Ira J. Chase.

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 419

Ira Joy Chase
November 23, 189 1 -January 9, 1893

The portrait of Ira J. Chase, whose governorship v^^as an
interlude in his work as a minister, was painted by T. C. Steele
in 1892. It is signed and dated. The sittings for this painting
were probably given by Governor Chase in the artist's studio
in the old Tinker home, to which Steele had moved soon after
his return from Munich. The John Herron Art Institute now
stands on that site.

In many ways the Chase portrait is the best of the series
painted by Steele for the official collection. It has an airiness
and warmth about it which is very pleasant ; this is in keeping
with the tendency of that era to paint in brighter colors and
reproduce the effect of scintillating light. The composition is
forceful without being pretentious, and the colors, although
predominantly gray, are fresh and harmonious. Perhaps the
better working conditions that prevailed in a well-equipped
studio, away from the disturbances of executive routine, had
much to do with its success. Another factor must have been
the artist's mastery of a method which was most congenial
to his temperament.

Governor Chase is portrayed seated in a mahogany chair
turning toward the right. His attitude and personality are
convincingly described by the artist, for he seems alert and
attentive to whatever is going on around him, and one is made
to feel a fine character behind the eyes that look out from the
canvas with earnestness and understanding. It is easy to ap-
preciate, through Steele's painting, why Ira Chase was greatly
loved by all who knew him.

420 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Claude Matthews
January 9, 1893-January 11, 1897

With the portrait of Claude Matthews we come to the fifth
and last of the series of portraits made by T. C. Steele from
life. The concentrated light falling on the figure, similar to
the lighting in the pictures of Governors Gray and Hovey,
suggests the possibility that it, also, was painted in the executive
office at the State House. It is signed and dated 1893, the
first year of Matthew's administration.

There is nothing unusual about either the pose or the
composition; and while the execution is most competent, it is
without dash or eccentricity. Claude Matthews, farmer and
expert stock breeder, did not present to the artist so rich a
personality as did some of his predecessors, although he has the
appearance of a capable administrator. Placed in an un-
adorned setting, his black suit silhouetted against a warm gray
background, he sits rather stiffly in a mahogany chair, his
arms and hands relaxed. The pose suggests a somewhat self-
conscious subject, only mildly interested in the experience of
having his portrait painted.

Steele's portraits of the governors seemed to have attracted
more comment than the paintings of other artists who had
worked on the project. This was probably due to the growing
interest in the official collection at that time, and to the in-
creasing popularity of the painter among his fellow townsmen.
However, despite his success in this field, Steele gradually
turned his attention to landscape painting, and toward the end
of his life produced very few portraits. The five by him in
the State House are among his finest.

James Atwell Mount

January 11, 1897-January 14, 1901

The portrait of James A. Mount is the work of James M.
Dennis, a native of Dublin, Indiana, and a resident of Indian-
apolis during the sixties and seventies. Dennis was born in
1840. He studied in Cincinnati, and lived in Indianapolis from

CLAUDE MATTHEWS
bjy Theodore C. Steele

JAMES A. MOUNT

by James M. Dennis

WINFIELD T. DURBIN

by Wayman Adams

J. FRANK HANLY
by Wayman Adams

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 421

1865 to 1873 and again from 1875 to 1883. In the latter year
he moved to Detroit, and continued to paint portraits. land-
scapes, and murals. He died on May 6, 1918/

Confirmation that Dennis painted the portrait of Governor
Mount is found in a letter that he wrote to Jacob Dunn, after
he had moved to Detroit. After mentioning a period of study
in New York, Dennis said: "I again returned to Indianapolis
and painted many portraits and landscapes. Some of the por-
' traits that were painted at that time were John C. New, for the
Treasury Building, Washington, D. C. ; Governor Mount, for
the State House, Indianapolis ; Jefferson Davis . . . and
Joseph E. Johns [t] on ... all from Hfe.""

The second period of his sojourn in Indianapolis was from
1875 to 1883. It is puzzling to have him say that he painted
Governor Mount's portrait for the State House at that time,
because Mount was then living on his farm and had not entered
poHtical life. His election as governor was in 1896. thirteen
years after Dennis had left the state.

Two alternatives present themselves. Either Dennis made
the portrait approximately fifteen years before Mount became
governor, or he returned to Indianapolis again in or around
1900 to paint it for the collection. His reference to the portrait
as "for the State House" suggests the latter possibility. The
date 1900 seems more plausible, too, when the painting itself
is analyzed. Mount appears as a man between fifty-five and
sixty years of age, and not forty as he would have been in 1883.
Dennis has used pastel instead of oil paints, a medium he used
almost exclusively around 1900 and thereafter.

Another riddle that may be explained some day is why Den-
nis was not commissioned to paint any of the official portraits
in the seventies when other local artists were being favored ; yet,
after leaving Indianapolis, he was called back (if the above con-
clusions are correct) to paint Governor Mount — and this at a
time when the city could boast of several capable and ex-
perienced painters to whom the Governor could have turned.

The portrait of James Mount is not very impressive as it
hangs in the State House now. but due to its poor condition
it is not a fair measure of the artist's work. At some time

"Dunn, Greater Indianapolis, I, 482.

422 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

it was cleaned by somebody who did not know that it was
a pastel and was unaware of the frailty of the medium, and
much of the original color and drawing has been removed.

WiNFiELD Taylor Durbin
January 14, 1 901 -January 9, 1905

The official portrait of Winfield T, Durbin is listed as the
work of Seymour Thomas, New York artist, in Mary Q,
Burnet's roster of artists who painted the governors.^® Either
this is a mistake, or the Thomas painting has been removed.
The present portrait of Governor Durbin is the work of
Wayman Adams, and is one of six by this artist in the State
House. The painting is not dated, but according to the local
press it was completed and hung in 1920, fifteen years after
Durbin's retirement from office. ^^

This lapse of time is hard to account for. Durbin did not
want the legislature to pay for his portrait so he arranged with
Wayman Adams to paint it with the intention of donating it
to the state. The reports of the State Library, which frequently
refer to the governors' portraits, speak of this gap in the collec-
tion between 1908 and 1916 and reiterate Durbin's promise
to supply the missing item.

Durbin should have been very pleased with his portrait
when it was finally hung. Adams has depicted him in a quiet,
thoughtful mood, facing his audience squarely, and holding on
his lap a magazine or newspaper which produces a startling
white note in an otherwise dark composition. The pose is
natural, the head is well drawn, and the paint is applied with
facility. Durbin has the appearance of a successful business
man, with a face that suggests a forceful personality.

Wayman Adams, one of America's most eminent portrait-
ists, is of Indiana origin. He was born at Muncie in 1883. His
early training was received in the evening classes of the John
Herron Art School; in 19 10 he went to Italy to study under
William M. Chase, who was conducting classes in Florence, and
in 19 12 he went abroad again, accompanying Robert Henri to

"Burnet, Art and Artists of Indiana, p. 417.
"Indianapolis News, May 18, 1920, p. 13, c. i.

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 423

Spain. He had already opened a studio in Indianapolis, and
upon his return from Europe he continued his work here as
a portrait painter. A few years later he went to New York and
rapidly advanced to the top rank of his profession. When he
painted Win field Durbin he had a studio in New York, but
was spending a good deal of time in Indianapolis.

James Frank Hanly
January 9, 1905-January 11, 1909

The portrait of the next governor, J. Frank Hanly, is also
by Wayman Adams, but it antedates the one of Governor
Durbin by seven years. It is the earliest of this artist's work
in the State House, and in many respects his best. In addition
to his signature and the date on the canvas, we have the follow-
ing record of its execution in the Indiana State Library BtiUetin
of November, 1913: "The last Assembly appropriated funds
for the portraits of J. Frank Hanly and Thomas R. Marshall.
Wayman Adams has finished the portrait of Mr. Hanly and
it now hangs in the State Library. Mr. Marshall's has not
yet been painted." This was almost four years after Hanly's
administration closed.

Wayman Adams' technique is very adroit in this and the
other portraits of governors. The directness and speed with
which the likenesses are put down lend the subjects considerable
life and vivacity. Hanly is represented in a front-view pose, his
eyes fixed intently on the visitor, and his left hand gripping
his thigh. The pose suggests an alert and forceful leader, while
the facial expression is one of shrewd deliberation.

The colors in Governor Hanly's picture are deep and rich.
His swarthy face and hands, his black suit and hair, and his
white vest are seen against a dark brown 1)ackground. The
composition is severe in its simplicity; there is nothing to en-
rich the background, and no paraphernalia surrounds the model.
The heavy, loosely applied paint accentuates the sitter's rugged
and brusque character.

424 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Thomas Riley Marshall
January ii, 1909-January 13, 19 13

The portrait of Thomas R. Marshall, the third by Waymaii
Adams, was painted in Washington, nearly seven years after
the end of Marshall's governorship and toward the close of
his second term as vice-president of the United States. The
sittings were held in his office during December, 1919, and
a report of the work's completion came through the story of
the Washington correspondent of the Indianapolis News that
a "very lifelike portrait of Vice-President Marshall is on
exhibition at his office here. It was painted by Wayman
Adams, a New York artist, formerly of Indianapolis. The
portrait will be placed in the gallery of portraits of former
Governors of Indiana in the state capitol at Indianapolis. An ap-
propriation to pay for it was made by the Indiana legislature.'"**'

The artist has shown Marshall in a seated pose, relaxed, but
not without dignity. He appears to be turning toward his right,
his hands hanging listlessly from the arms of a chair. One gets
the impression that he was a sagacious gentleman, with con-
siderable will power and inner force ; and it is easy to under-
stand, through the portrait, how his personality and industry
brought him national prominence. Adams has recorded
Marshall's likeness with so suave a technique and with such
restraint of color that an air of distinction permeates the canvas.

Samuel Moffett Ralston

January 13, 19 13- January 8, 19 17

Samuel M. Ralston's portrait was the second commission
received by Wayman Adams from the state and the first to be
painted by him while the subject was in office. The picture
was completed in December, 191 6, and a local newspaper
reported : "Mr. Adams is just finishing a portrait of Governor
Ralston and the work is going to stand out as one of the young

""Indianapolis N^ezus, December 15, T919, p. 12, c. 8; the portrait is
illustrated in ibid., December 20, 1919, p. 17.

THOMAS R. MARSHALL

by Wayman Adams

SAMUEL M. RALSTON

by Wayman Adams

JAMES P. GOODRICH

by Wayman Adams

WARREN T. McCRAY
by Robert W. Gra/lon

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 425

artist's best. He has the Governor in a characteristic pose, and
those who know the Governor intimately say Mr. Adams has
done a distinctive piece of work."^^

Ralston is shown in a front-view pose, his right hand in
his pocket and his left hand holding some papers. The wide
expanse of white vest makes so strong a note against the dark
suit and shadowy background that it draws undue attention.
Technically, the picture is exceptional : the artist has worked
rapidly and with apparent ease, and has caught the likeness as
the newspaper article suggests ; he has seen the head clearly and
drawn it well, and he has studied the character of the sitter
sympathetically. The Governor seems to have been caught in
a moment of serious reflection, and at a time when he felt
both the dignity and difficulty of his office.

James Putnam Goodrich
• January 8, 1917-January 10, 1921

The portrait of James P. Goodrich was painted while he
was in office, but it did not enter the collection until more than
twenty years later. Goodrich decided to have Wayman Adams
paint it and forestalled an appropriation by the legislature by
offering to present the portrait to the state himself.

Sittings were held in Indianapolis in December, 1920,*^" but
when the work was completed, the Governor did not feel that
the likeness was entirely satisfactory; after a lapse of time
Adams made certain alterations according to Goodrich's sug-
gestions, but still the portrait was not accepted. When other
changes failed to satisfy Goodrich, the portrait was set aside
with the thought that another might be painted.

No satisfactory portrait was made, however, during James
Goodrich's life, and after his death in 1940, steps were taken
to have the one by Adams hung in the State House. Pierre
Goodrich, the Governor's son, Colonel Richard Lieber. and
other intimate friends of the late Governor suggested certain
modifications which the artist carried out to their satisfaction,

"Indianapolis Nezvs, May 20, 191 6, p. 17, c. 8.

"'The portrait is shown in the Indianapolis Neivs, December 25, 1920,
p. I, c. 2.

426 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

and the painting was accepted. Pierre Goodrich supplemented
the legislature's appropriation to meet the artist's fee, and the
portrait was placed in the State House in 1943.

The composition is striking in its effect of light and dark,
and it has been made severe by an unadorned background and
a scarcity of accessories. The colors are deep and rich ; strong
illumination on the face and collar is picked up again at the
bottom of the picture by the rolled newspaper which the model
is tightly gripping. Although the likeness is good, Adams'
description of the Governor's character falls short of his best
work in that the pose is rigid and the expression rather set.

Warren Terry McCray
January 10, 1 921 -April 30, 1924®^

Warren T. McCray's portrait for the State House was
painted by Robert W. Grafton, a prominent Indiana artist. The
picture bears no date, but it is said to have been painted in
1927, three years after McCray submitted his resignation as
governor. It is a rather frank portrayal of the man. He is
shown in a chair, leaning forward with his right arm extended
on a table, his right hand resting on a large sheet of paper, and
his left hand pressing against his leg. Although the picture
does not convey a strong personality, it seems to suggest force-
fulness tinged with shrewdness.

The technique is realistic, almost photographic in the render-
ing of features and details ; the drawing is tight ; and, except
for the flesh tints, the colors are cold and gray. Lacking
breadth of execution and pleasing color organization, the
portrait loses much of its pictorial effectiveness.

The artist, Robert Grafton, was born in Chicago in 1876.
He received most of his instruction in art at the Art Institute
there, then traveled and painted in England, France, and
Holland. Upon his return to this country, he made his home
in Michigan City, Indiana, and soon gained wide recognition
for the variety and sentiment of his pictures. Although he

"^McCray resigned April 30, 1924, and his term was completed by
Emmett F. Branch.

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 427

painted figure compositions and murals, he is best known for
his portraits of educators, professional men, and public officials.
The three which he painted for the state — of McCray, Jackson,
and Leslie — are among his most important commissions. His
death occurred in 1936.

Emmett Forrest Branch
April 30, 1924-January 12, 1925

The portrait of Emmett Branch, who completed Governor
McCray's term, is the work of an Indianapolis painter,
Simon P. Baus. It was painted in 1927, two years after Branch
left office, and was accepted for the gallery of governors in
1928. Branch was living in Martinsville at the time, but the
sittings were held in Baus's studio in Indianapolis.

According to the artist, Branch enjoyed the experience. As
the sittings drew to a close, he was frequently accompanied
by Mrs. Branch who added much to the genial atmosphere of
the studio. The Governor's main concern had to do with his
glasses : he could not decide at first whether to be painted with
them on or to take them off. He finally left them on.

The portrait shows him in a front-view position, leaning
slightly forward, with his eyes directed toward the spectator
through large, dark-rimmed glasses. His pose is natural and
unassuming, while his expression is kind and attentive. His
blue-black suit is seen against a tan background, and a striped
necktie adds a colorful touch to the composition. A certain
decorative charm has resulted from the artist's tendency to sim-
plify forms and emphasize the pattern throughout the picture.

Simon Baus, the artist, was born in Indianapolis in 1882,
and except for a few trips to the western part of the country
he has always lived in his native city. He received his first
instruction in drawing under Otto Stark at Manual Training
High School ; after graduating there he entered an evening class
conducted by William Forsyth in a building on Virginia Avenue
half a block below Washington Street. When the Art Associa-
tion opened its art school in the old Tinker house on Sixteenth
Street, Baus went there to study under J. Ottis Adams, con-

428 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

tinuing as a part-time student of the school until igii. His
most important trips, so far as his work is concerned, have
been to New Mexico where he assiduously painted the Indians
and their environment.

The portrait of Governor Branch is a good example of his
method of painting which is characterized by direct brush
strokes, bold design, and strong color.

Ed Jackson
January 12, 1925-January 14, 1929

The portrait of Governor Ed Jackson was the second made
for the state by Robert W. Grafton. It was painted midway in
Jackson's administration in 1927, and it bears the date as well
as the artist's signature. That it was made at Dunes State
Park should be of general interest : Jackson was greatly im-
pressed by the unique beauty of the Indiana dunes and the
consummation of the acquisition of the tract by the state for a
park during his administration was a source of satisfaction
to him. Since this enthusiasm was shared by the artist, we may
believe that the portrait was created under most favorable
circumstances.

Grafton has sympathetically interpreted his subject. Jackson
is shown seated in a three-quarter-view pose, his head turning
back toward the observer. His appearance as well as his
personality seems faithfully described. Grafton's meticulous
and prosaic method of working, together with his predilection
for somber colors, has resulted in a dull effect. Not even the
very pink complexion which he has given his model re-
lieves its sobriety.

Harry Guyer Leslie

January 14, 1929-January 9, 1933

The third portrait by Robert W. Grafton in the State House
is that of Harry G. Leslie. It was painted in 1929, the
Governor's first year in office. A certain amount of spirit
and animation have been suggested by the forced pose : Leslie

EMMETT F. BRANCH
by Simon P. Baus

ED JACKSON
by Robert W. Grafton

HARRY G. LESLIE

by Robert W. Grajlon

PAUL V. McNUTT

by Wayman Adams

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 429

leans forward, his left arm on a table and his right hand on
his knee, regarding the observer with a look of shrewd scrutiny.
The technique, like that of the other paintings by Grafton, is
deliberate and painstaking; the colors are dark, while their
monotony is only slightly relieved by a deep red necktie and
rosy flesh tints. Shadows are heavy, and the transition of
forms from shadow into light is startling. A painting made
by this polished, photographic method may lack pictorial quali-
ties present in other portraits but it unquestionably presents a
sitter with exactitude.

Paul Vories McNutt

January 9, 1933-January 11, 1937

Paul McNutt was the sixth governor to select Wayman
Adams to paint his portrait for the official collection. Although
the artist was living in New York at the time, he came to
Indianapolis at the Governor's request to carry out the com-
mission. This was in the summer of 1933. Sittings were held
in one of the studios of the John Herron Art School, and rather
than let the enterprise interfere with administrative duties, the
Governor had his secretary accompany him so that letters could
be dictated while he posed. "^^ Upon completion the portrait did
not satisfy McNutt and his friends, and a second one was
undertaken. This time, the executive office at the State House
became the studio. The work progressed as well as could be
expected under the circumstances, and when the portrait was
finished, it had the approval of the Governor.

The canvas is large and decorative, although few accessories
have been brought into the picture area. McNutt faces the
front, sitting rather stiffly in a chair, with his right elbow rest-
ing on a table. A letter held loosely in the fingers of his right
hand draws the eye to the lower edge of the canvas, accentuating
the long vertical axis of the composition. The pose is dignified
but the characterization seems weak ; McNutt's expression fails
to convey any dominating traits of character. The colors used
by Adams are rich, varying in contrast of tone, and his brush
work is dexterous.

"Indianapolis Star, June 20, 1933, P- 9, c. 6; August 13, I933, roto-
gravure section, p. i.

430 INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Maurice Clifford Townsend
January ii, 1937-January 13, 1941

The portrait of Governor M. Clifford Townsend was
painted by Cornelius C. Zwaan, an artist who had recently
come to Indianapolis. He had impressed Townsend and others
with his ability to draw with exactness and Townsend conceded
to the artist's wish to paint his portrait. Zwaan made two
paintings. The first was kept by Mr. and Mrs. Townsend and
a second was painted for the official collection in 1938. Accord-
ing to the Indiafui History Bulletin the portrait was accepted
and hung in the State House in the spring of 1940.®^

The picture represents the Governor seated comfortably in
a chair, his head turned so that he looks directly out of the
canvas. Bookshelves and a desk in the left background give
the composition an illusion of space. The colors are rather
bright, but not selected with discrimination, and the work is
dry and painstaking. The dominant mood of the portrait is
one of geniality; Governor Townsend's pose is natural as he
looks toward his audience with a calm, amiable expression.

Cornelius C. Zwaan, the artist, is a native of Holland. He
was born in Amsterdam in 1872, and attended the Ryks
Academy there. He made several trips to the United States,
painting portraits in different parts of the country. He lived in
Chicago, Milwaukee, and a number of other cities, before
moving to Indianapolis in 1935. His Indianapolis sojourn
ended five years later when he went to Detroit. One might
dub him a modern itinerant limner, carrying on the tradition
of pioneer painters, as he travels from place to place obtaining
work in line with his vocation.

"^Indiana History Bulletin, XVII, no. 5 (May, 1940), pp. 219-20.

M. CLIFFORD TOWNSEND

by Cornelius C. ^waan

HENRY F. SCHRICKER
by Marie Golh

GOVERNORS' PORTRAITS 431

Henry Frederick Schricker
January 13, 1941-

The portrait of Governor Henry F. Schricker was approved
and accepted for the collection on April 27, 1943. It is the
work of Marie Goth, the first woman commissioned by a
governor to paint his official portrait.

Miss Goth stands in the front rank of her profession in
Indiana. Her popularity as a portrait painter is attested by the
many commissions and awards which she has received for a
period of twenty years. Her method of painting is direct and
bold, combining skillful brushwork with a good knowledge of
color and design. She is a native of Indianapolis and studied
at Manual Training High School where she received sound
instruction in drawing under Otto Stark. Later studies took
her to New York where she attended the Art Students League
and painted under some of the best-known artists in the East.
About twenty years ago she moved to Brown County, Indiana,
and it was in her studio there that the sittings for Governor
Schricker's portrait were held.

Miss Goth has portrayed Governor Schricker in a cordial
mood. He sits erect in a Windsor chair, turning slightly to the
right and fixing his eyes on the observer with an interested,
sympathetic look. A twinkle in his eye and the upward curve
of his mouth suggest his droll humor. The Governor's trim
gray suit is seen against a deep maroon curtain, and his necktie
repeats the color of the background.

The portrait was given a prominent place in the exhibition
of sixty-two paintings by twenty-two Brown County artists,
held at the art gallery in Nashville during the summer of
1943. At the close of the exhibition it was delivered to the
State House to become part of the collection of portraits of
Indiana's governors.

432

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

THE ARTISTS AND THEIR SUBJECTS

Wayman Adams
Winfield T. Durbin
James P. Goodrich
J. Frank Hanly
Paul V. McNutt
Thomas R. Marshall
Samuel M. Ralston

S. BuRTis Baker
William Hendricks

Simon P. Baus
Emmett F. Branch

Harry M, Colcord
James D. Williams

Jacob Cox
Samuel Bigger
Henry S. Lane
Noah Noble
James B. Ray
David Wallace
Joseph A. Wright

James M. Dennis
James A. Mount

James Forbes
Conrad Baker
Ratliff Boon
Paris C. Dunning
Jonathan Jennings
Oliver P. Morton
James Whitcomb

William R. Freeman
Thomas A. Hendricks

Marie Goth

Henry F. Schricker

Robert W. Grafton
Ed Jackson
Harry G. Leslie
Warren T. McCray
Barton S. Hays

William Henry Harrison
John B. Hill

Abram A. Hammond
Thomas Posey
George W. Morrison

Ashbel P. Willard
Theodore C. Steele
Ira J. Chase
Isaac P. Gray
Thomas A. Hendricks,
painted in 191 6 for In-
diana's centennial.
Alvin P. Hovey
Jonathan Jennings, painted
in 19 16 for Indiana's
centennial.
Claude Matthews
Oliver P. Morton, painted
in 1916 for Indiana's
centennial.
Albert G. Porter
Cornelius C. Zwaan

M. Clifford Townsend
Unknown

John Gibson. Note : This
portrait is not a part of
the State House collec-
tion.

INDEX

(433)

INDEX

Achmutz, Lt. Richard T., 219, 220.
Adams, J. Ottis, artist, 427.
Adams, John, Owen visits, 303-4.
Adams, John Quincy, 327-28, 330;
Owen calls on, 215, 217; Mac-
donald calls on, 319; comments
on Owen's model for commun-
ity, 320 ; presidential message
(1825), 325.
Adams, Mrs. John Quincy, 219,

327-28.
Adams, Wayman, biographical
note, 422-23;

portraits of : Winf ield T.
Durbin, 422-23, 432; James
P. Goodrich, 425-26, 432;
Samuel M. Ralston, 424-25,
432; J. Frank Hanly, 423,
432; Paul V. McNutt, 429,
432; Thomas R. Marshall,
424, 432.
Addington, Henry Unwin, British
charge d'affaires, 215, 219, 318.
Agriculture and horticulture, Eng-
lish Prairie in Illinois, 254;
New Harmony, 244-45, 246-47,
248, 262, 278, 291 ; Shakertown,
273-74; Watervliet, 190; corn,
190, 254, 255, 278, 291, 344;
cotton, 254, 340, 345, 2,72, ; laby-
rinth, 245, 248; lemons, 247;
oranges, 247; orchards, 245,
263, 264, 274; sugar, 344; to-
bacco, 355, 364 : vineyards and
wine culture, 245, 248, 262,
264; wheat, 214-15, 245. Sec
also Livestock.
Albany (N. Y.), Owen party visits,
186-87, 191-92.

-, 243.

-, of Boston, 314.

Albers, -

Albion (111.), Owen's party visits,
252-62 passim.

Aldridge, , of New England,

354.

Alexander, James T., of Harpers
Ferry (Va.), 327.

Alexandria (Va.), 216.

Allegheny River, flood and ice on,
331.

Allen (Allan), , of Louis-
ville, 237. 240.

Alvarado, , Guatamalan mer-
chant, 305.

Alvear, Carlos de, of Buenos
Aires, 199-200.

American Fur Company, 45n.

Amusements and entertainments,
bonfire, 242 ; cards, backgam-
mon, and chess, 159, 164, 172,
239, 255. 305, 338, 342; circus,
311, 367; dancing, 170, 172;
in Havana (1826), 359-60:
hunting. 54. 276, 334. 335;
music, 248. 250. 259, 263, 271,
307: on shipboard. 159. 161.
164. 165-66. 167. 170. 172, 237,
305, 307. 338, 342. 374. 375-76 :
opera. 313: Rappite. at New
Harmony. 248, 250. 271 ; thea-
ter. 177-78. 313, 350.
Anderson, Thomas, of Posey Coun-
ty, 288.
Andre, Joseph, 135.
Andre, Mary Wallace, 135.
Annalcs de la Propagation de la

Foi. 86.
Anquisoll, C. T., of Philadelphia,
312.

(435)

436

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Arbre Croche (Crooked Tree,
Mich.), Catholic mission, 54n.

Arbuthnot, John, of Princeton, 268,
269, 279.

Armstrong, , of Pittsburgh,

331.

Ashkum, Potawatomi chief, bap-
tism of children, 137, 138; vil-
lage, 22.

Aufrere, . of New York,

309, 314, 315.

Ayres, John, 288.

P>ab, Mrs. Catherine, 136.

Badin, Francis Vincent, mission-
ary at Arbre Croche, 54n ; vi-
car general at Detroit, 45, 51n,
56.

Badin, Stephen Theodore, 96n ;
establishes orphans' home at St.
Marys, 15n ; mission to Pota-
watomi, 14n-15n ; tract at St.
Marys, 14-15, 43n, 55, 58-59,
71-72.

Badollet, John, of Vincennes, 282,
289.

Bailey, Chester, of Philadelphia,
203.

Bailly, Mme., , sec Mme.

Belley.

Baker, A. St. John, British consul,
Washington (D. C), 318.

Baker, Conrad, begins collection
of' governors' portraits, 388-
412 passim; portraits of, 413,
432.

Baker, John B., portrait, 395.

Baker, John L., aide to George
Rapp, 228, 231.

Baker, Romelius L. (?), of New
Harmony, 271, 272.

Baker, S. Burtis, portrait of Wil-
liam Hendricks, 400, 432.

Bakewell, Benjamin, of Pittsburgh,
Owen's party meets, 227, 231,
233, 297, 298, 331.

Bakewell, G. R. (Samuel R?), 329,
330.

Baldwin, , of New York,

180, 184.

Baldwin, Henry, of Pittsburgh,
Owen party meets, 227, 231,
331.

Baltimore (Md.), Owen party
visits, 212-14, 317-18.

Baptisms, Petit's entries in regis-
ter, 135-41 ; at Bertrand, 43,
48, 123, 136; Chechaukkose's
Village, 16; Delphi, 132; Go-
shen, 65, 125, 135 ; Harris'
Prairie, 136; Louison's Vil-
lage, 73, 126, 140n; Pepiah's
Village, 137 ; Pbkagon's Vil-
lage, 68, 73, 122, 126, 136, 139 ;
Rochester, 120; St. Marys,
127, 135, 136, 137, 141; South
Bend, 48, 63, 126, 135 ; Turkey
Creek Prairie, 125, 135 ; Wane
Kik, 127, 141; Yellow River
mission, 15, 16, 35, 68, 73, 80,
121, 123, 125, 126, 128, 137,
138-39, 139-41.

Baptiste, Potawatomi, 129.

Baraga, Frederic, missionary at
Arbre Croche, 54n.

Barclay, Capt. , 314.

Barclay, George, of New York,
307, 315.

Barclay, Mrs. George, of New
York, 310, 314.

Bardstown (Ky.), 72, 97.

Barnum (Barnam), David, of Bal-
timore, 212.

Barrett-Strait, Clara, portrait of
Conrad Baker, 413.

Barry, Edmund, SOn.

Bans, Simon, portrait of Emmett
F. Branch, 427-28, 432.

Bayard, Samuel, of New York,
197, 199, 314.

Bayard, W., & Co., of New York,
178.

INDEX

437

Bazin, John Steven, bishop of Vin-

cennes, 30n.
Real, John, of New York, 314;

joins New Harmony group,

334.
Beckett, , of Philadelphia,

208, 209, 211.
Beebee, , of New York, 223,

224.
Beedel, , of Knox County,

283.
Belknap (Belnappe), M. M., of

Pittsburgh, 297.

Bell, , 328, 330.

Belley (Bailly?), Mme. ,

121, 122, 123; death, 129.

Benack (Benak, Benake), Pota-
watomi chief, 72n, 124, 126.

Benack (Benake), Etienne, mar-
riage, 138.

Bennett, , captain of steam-
boat "New York," 307, 314.

Benton, , 261.

Berel, Maurice, 46, 51.

Bergier, Nicholas Sylvestre, 62.

Bernhard, Karl, Duke of Saxe-
Weimar, in New Orleans, 351.

Bertrand, Benjamin, 48, 122.

Bertrand, Jean Baptiste, 136.

Bertrand, Joseph, Sr., 48n, 50.

Bertrand, Mrs. Joseph, Sr., 50n,
120.

Bertrand, Laurent, 43n, 121, 122.

Bertrand, Mme. Laurent, 43, 121,
122.

Bertrand, Pierre, 136.

Bertrand family, kindness to Petit,
49.

Bertrand (Mich.), 46, 47, 48, 67,
72, 122, 123, 126, 136.

Beveridge, , 326,

Bigger, Samuel, portrait, 404-5,
432.

Bigsby, Dr. John J. (?), of British
Medical Department of Can-
ada, 207.

Billuart, Charles Rene, 45n, 79.

Binn, Mary, 135.

Bird, , of New York, 180.

Bird, Robert Montgomery (?),
of Philadelphia, 192, 207, 208.

Birkbeck, Morris, of Edwards
County (111.), 252, 279-80;
drowned, 294.

Birkett, Henry, of Albion (111.),
253, 254-55. 257, 272.

Bishop, , of Leeds (Eng.),

374.

Blatchly (Blacheley, Blatchley),
Cornelius C, president of So-
ciety for Promoting Communi-
ties, 175, 176, 183, 314.

Black, , of Philadelphia, 203.

Black, see Castillo & Black.

Black Wolf, see Makkahtahmoway.

Blackburn, Mrs. , of Leeds

(Eng.), 161.

Blackford, Isaac, 282, 289.

Blossom, Dr. , of Meadville

(Pa.), 299.

Blount, H. F., of Evansville, 395.

Boats, see Travel and transporta-
tion ; names of boats.

Boggs, Lilburn W., governor of
Missouri, 103. ,

Bolivar, Simon, 173.

Bolton, Lt. , of the Royal

Engineers, 196, 198.

Bonaparte, Charles, 315.

Bonaparte, Joseph (Count Survil-
liers), attitude of neighbors
toward, 202 ; attitude toward
English officers, 315-16; Owen
visits, 302, 315-16.

Ronnecastle, , 324.

Ron Pas (111.), 261, 285.

Boon, Ratliff, Macdonald meets,
328, 329, 330: Forbes portrait
of, 396-97, 405. 406, 432: por-
trait of, presented to Warrick
County, 397n.

Boonville (Ind.), 396, 397.

438

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

-, captain of the

Booth, -

"Mary," 366.
Boston (Mass.), Owen's party

visits, 303-4.
Bourassa, Mile. , serves as

interpreter, 122.
Bourassa, Joseph, 131.
Bourassa, Lazare, 131, 132.
Bourne, George I., of Baltimore,

292.
Brackenridge, Gen. , of

Louisville, 240.
Branch, Emniett F., portrait, 427-

28, 432.
Bray, Dr. Madison J., of Evans-

ville, 406.

Breden, , of Louisville, 295.

Brenchly (Brenchley), Richard, of

Albion (111.), 275.
Brickwedde, Augustus Florentius,

of Quincy (111.), 102, 130.
Bridges, Mrs. , sister of

Donald Macdonald, 198, 217.
Bridges, chain, 327; timber, 216,

227, 331.
Brissenden, John, of Albion (111.),

274.
Bristol (Pa.), 202.
British and Foreign Philanthropic

Society, 257.
Brock, , of New Orleans,

353.

Brock, , of Glasgow, 305.

Brockehbrough (Brockenburgh),

Arthur S., proctor. University

of Virginia, 324.
Brouillet, Marie Elizabeth, bap-
tism, 37n, 120, 133.
Brouillet, Michael, 133.
Brown, , of Providence

(R. I.), 170, 171, 173, 178.
Brown, Basil, of Princeton, 268,

269, 279.
Brown, Jesse, of Washington

(D. C), 217.

Brown, Dr. Samuel, of Lexington
(Ky.), 207.

Brown, Thomas, of near Albion
(111.), 255.

Brownell, Thomas C, of Trinity
College, 304.

Brownsville (Pa.), 225.

Brute, Simon, bishop of Vincennes,
15, 26, 32, 53n, 63; church
lands and taxes, 15n, 16, 25n,
43-44, 54-55, 58-59, 71-72; and
government's policy of Indian
removal, 16-17, 41n, 75 ; jour-
ney to France (1836), 26-27;
overrules Petit's plan to go to
Washington, 49n ; refuses, then
grants Petit permission to ac-
company Indians west, 83, 88-
89, 90, 92, 128, 129; carries
on mission at own expense,
85n ; dedicates Logansport
church, 91, 92; describes con-
firmation in Potawatomi en-
campment, 92n ;
letters from Petit. 35-40, 40-47,
47-51, 63-65, 67-72, 73-79,
81-87, 97-106, 108-10, 110-13.

Bryant, James R. M., Tipton's
aide-de-camp, 98n.

Buchanan, James, British consul at
New York, 181, 183-84, 198,
314.

Buffalo (N. Y.), 300.

Buckley, R. H., portrait of Wil-
liam Hendricks, 398-99.

Bunker Hill (Mass.), 304.

Burnet, Mary Q., Art and Artists
of Indiana, cited, 403-4, 422.

Burnett, Abraham, half-breed Pot-
awatomi, 12n. llln, 112, 131,
132, 139.

Bussora, see Shakertown.

Buteux, Stanislaw, 30, 96.

Calder, , of Scotland, 305.

Calder, , of Charleston

(S. C), 367.

INDEX

439

Calder, James, of Charleston,

(S. C), 367.
Caldwell, Billy ( Sauganash, or the

Englishman), 50.
Caldwell, John, of Shawneetown

(111.), 266.
"Caledonia," steamboat, 350.
Calhoun, John C, Macdonald

meets, 329; Owen meets, 215,

219-20.
Call, Jacob, senator from Indiana,

271.

Camac, , 312.

Camac. Turner, of Philadelphia,

209, 307, 312, 316.

Camille, Mile. , 86.

Camp meeting, near Charleston

(S. C), 112-12,.
Camp Sidney (111.), 129.
Campeau, Angelique ("Liquette"),

Potawatomi interpreter, l4n,

26, 33n, 36, 39, 68, 69, 70, IZ,

121, 122, 133; ordered off In-
dian reserve (1837), 25, 44n ;

charges against, 11 ; leaves

Yellow River Reserve (1838),

88; death, 129.
"Canada," packet, 304.
Canning, George, 362.
Cannon, John, 136.
Carey, Mrs. Marie, 392.
Carey, Mathew, of Philadelphia,

211, 316, 317.
Carey Mission (Mich.), 13, 72n.
CarHsle (Ind.), 119.
Carrell (Carroll), George h. (?),

114.
Carroll, Charles, of Baltimore, 212.
Carter, James, of Albion (111.),

255, 257, 259, 272, 274.
Cass, Lewis, secretary of war, 18,

19.
Casselberry. Dr. Isaac, of Evans-

ville, 406.
Castillo & Black, of Havana, 353,

357.

Catholic Church, in Indiana, grant-
ed parts of reserves by Indians,
16, 25n, 44, 84-85; growth
around South Bend, 57, 68 ;
land holdings and taxes, 43-44,
54-55, 58-59, 69-70, 71-72, 125,
133-34; subscriptions for, 68.
Sec also Missions ; names of
Catholic missionaries.

Catskill (N. Y.), 193.

Cave, William, of near .Albion
(111.), 255. 257.

Chamberlain, Mile. , 133.

"Chancellor Livingston," Hudson
River steamboat, 196.

Chandonnay, Benjamin I'erdinand,
141.

Chandonnay, Charles, 141.

Chandonnay, Luce Pelletier, 141.

Chapman, Dr. Nathaniel, of Phila-
delphia, 208.

Chardonnet, Mile. , 127.

Charleston (S. C. ), Macdonald
visits, 361-13.

Charlottesville (Va.), 323.

Charron, , farmer at St.

Marys, 40, 40. 55, 123, 128. 133.

Charters, , of .\'ew ^'o^k, 307.

Chase, Dr. , of Nashville,

(Tenn.), 236, 238, 241.

Chase, , Presbyterian min-
ister, Louisville, 240.

Chase, Capt. , 354.

Chase, Ira J., portrait, 419, 432.

Chauncey (Chancey, Chauncy),
Charles, Jr., of Philadelphia,
312.

Chechaukkose ( Chechawkosse ),
Potawatomi chief, 124: band
grants land to Catholic Church,
16, 84n-85n : signs 1836 treaty,
23.

Chechaukkose's Village, 22: bap-
tisms, 16: visited by Father
Deseille and Bishop Brute, 15-
16.

440

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Chicago (111.), 26, 31, SOn.

Chicago Indian Agency, emigra-
tions from, 25-26.

Chichipee Outipe, sec Yellow River
Mission.

Chickasaw Indians, chiefs visit
Washington, 217.

Chippewa Indians, emigration
(1837), 25-26.

Chippewa ynaung, Potawatomi
treaty concluded at (1836), 23.

Choctaw Indians, chiefs visit
Washington, 217.

Christmas, observed by Petit, 45,
48-49, 123.

Cincinnati (Ohio), co-operative
society, 292, 296 ; description,
236, 296 ; Owen addresses
meeting at, 296.

Cinquome, Mary, 135.

Clark (Clarke), William (?), of
Albion (111.), 264-65, 275, 291.

Clarke, , captain of steam-
boat "Indiana," 266.

Clarke, Col. , of Philadel-
phia, 208.

Clarke, Mme. , of South

Bend, 48, 122, 123.

Clarke, Mary, 136.

Clarke & Green, Cincinnati, 296.

Clarksburg (Ind.), 119.

Clermont, Jean Baptiste, 138.

Clibborne, Joshua, of New York,
182', 184, 200, 310. 314.

Clinton, De Witt, 181, 193, 196,
198, 308, 314; described, 191;
on education, 194; presides at
Owen meeting, 309; defends
Owen, 313.

Clinton (Ind.), 119.

Coaches, sec Travel and transpor-
tation.

Colcord, Harry M., portrait of
James D. Williams, 415-16,
432.

Colden, Cadwallader, of New
York, 180, 313, 314.

Cole, Mrs. , of New York,

302.

Coleman, William, of New York,
197.

Collins, , of New York, 176,

178.

Colquhoun, Miss , of Mead-

ville (Pa.), 297.

Columbia (Ind.), 280.

'"Columbia," steamboat, 338.

Columbia College, New York, 181-
82.

Commons, John M., 388n.

Communities, see Co-operative com-
munities.

Comoza, Potawatomi chief, treaty
with band of (1834), 18.

Comparet, Francis, 45n.

Condy, Jonathan W., of Philadel-
phia, 209.

"Congress," Ohio River steamboat,
234, 266.

Conn, , 309.

Conner, Alexander H., proprietor
of Indianapolis Journal, 394.

Cookson, Lt. , 200.

Coolidge (Coledge), Joseph, of
Boston, 324.

Cooper, Thomas A., actor, 202.

Co-operative communities, ability
of man to live in, questioned,
164-65; advantages of, 159-60,
161-62, 164-65, 237, 245-46, 253,
256, 283, 291-92; Cincinnati,
forming in, 292, 296; New
York City society for estab-
lishing, 176; Economy (Pa.),
227-31, 297, 332-33; English
settlement in Edwards County
(111.), 252-62 passim; Jeffer-
son's attitude toward, 176, 183;
Lafayette's interest in, 302;
Nashoba, 340-41 ; New Leba-
non, 191 ; Orbiston Community,

INDEX

441

156n; Philadelphia, forming in,
308 ; in Portage County
(Ohio), 333; Shaker, in Knox
County, 259, 273-74, 290;
Watervliet (N. Y.), 186, 187,
188-91; Yellow Springs
(Ohio), 335. See also New
Harmony ; Robert Owen ; Rap-
pites.

Coquillard, Alexis, 40n, 57, 62, 64,
131; sketch, 45n ; kindness to
Petit, 49 ; pays taxes for
church, 54-55, 59 ; subscription
to church, 68 ; illness in family,
128.

Coquillard, Mrs. Benjamin, 122.

Coquillard, Frances, wife of Alexis,
40, 46, 49.

Corydon (Ind.), capitol building,
391, 397.

Council Bluffs, Indian subagency,
26, 50n.

"Courier," Ohio River steamboat,
234, 297.

Covington (Ind.), 119.

Cox, Jacob, 393, 394 ; biographical
notes, 401-2;

portraits of : Samuel Bigger,
404-5, 432; Henry S. Lane,
410-11, 432; Noah Noble,
402-3, 432; James B. Ray,
401, 403, 432; David Wal-
lace, 403-4, 432; Joseph A.
Wright, 408, 432.

Craft, , of Naples (111.),

129.

Cravens, John R., of Madison, 398.

Crawford, T. Hartley, commis-
sioner of Indian Affairs, 108n.

Crawford, William, 180.

Crawford, William H., Owen calls
on, 215.

Cresson, John C. (?), of Philadel-
phia, 207, 208, 209.

Crockwell, , of Evansville,

276.

Crolius, Clarkson, member of the
New York House of Represen-
tatives, 191, 192.

Crowell, , captain of the

"William," 354.

Crowther, David, of New York,
184.

Cuba, Macdonald visits, 355-67.

CuUen, , of Mcadville (Pa.),

299.

Cumberland (Pa.), 223.

Cunningham, , captain of the

"Pennsylvania," 233.

Currency, scarcity of Indiana
notes, 55; lack of silver in
Cuba, 363 ; paper, 329.

Curtin, Dr. , of Washington

(D. C.),330.

Customs and duties, Charleston
(S. C), 367; Havana. 357;
New York, 175, 308, 309.

Daniels,
Danville

(111.),

of Princeton, 279.
95n, 98. 129.
— , of Pittsburgh,

Darlington, —
226.

D'Arusmont, William Phi(|ucpal,
(Fieball, Phiqueball), of Phil-
adelphia, 312, 334.

Davis, , 299.

Davis, , 373.

Davis, , of Pittsburgh, 226.

Day, John (?), of New York, 161,
171, 173, 178, 180, 198. See also
Ogden & Day's Counting
House.

Dearborn (Dearborne), Henry,
219.

DcBruIcr. Dr. James P., of Evans-
ville. 406.

Dcjcan. , Catholic mission-
ary. 54n.

Dc la Mailandierc, Cclestin R. L.
G., vicar-general of Vinccnnes,
44. 46, 47, 51, 63. 79. 86;
sketch, 29n ; letters from Petit.

442

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

53-58, 58-63: poor health, 110;
seeks missionaries in Europe,
11 In.

Delaware River, Trenton to Phil-
adelphia, 201-2.

Delisle, Alexis, marriage, 141.

Delphi (Ind.), 119.

Denis' ferry, on the Wabash, 276.

Denison, , of Baltimore, 318.

Denison (Dennison), W. J., mem-
ber of Parliament, visits
America, 239, 240, 242.

Dennis, James, portrait of James A.
Mount, 420-22, 432.

Deseille, Mile. ■ -, 39, 123.

Deseille, Louis, missionary priest,
15n, 36, 43, 54, 56, 69, 74, 83;
visits Chechaukkose's and Me-
nominee's villages with Brute,
15-16; accused of impeding
Indian removal, 19-20, 23, 24-
25, 85n : denies accusations, 21-
22; relations with Pepper, 19-
23 ; recommendations for civi-
lization of Indians, 22; expell-
ed from Yellow River reserve,
24-25, 44n, 77: death and set-
tlement of affairs, 25, 31, 34,
39, 40, 41, 93. 96n, 120, 133;
masses for, 40-41, 55, 122;
Petit visits tomb of, 120.

De Smet, Peter, 50n.

Detroit (Mich.), 50n.

Develiri, James, 136.

De Wint. John Peter, of Xewburgh
(N. Y.). 183. 186; visited by
Owen and party, 193, 194-96.

De Wint, Mrs. John Peter, 194.

De Witt (Mo.), 104n.

Dick, , 280.

Dickey. , 317.

Dillon, John B., 392.

Divers, , of near Richmond

(Va.), 171.

Donelson (Donaldson), Andrew
Jackson, 224.

Doran family, of Vincennes (?),

47.
"Dorset," Atlantic steamboat, 160.
Dougherty, Catharine, 136.
Douglas, Miss , of New

York, 313, 314.
Douglass, John T., conducts Pota-

watomi chiefs to Washington,

60n.
Downey, William, of Posey

County, 288.
Downing, , of New York,

307.
Drake, Alexander, 234.
Drake, Samuel, Sr., 233-34, 235.

Drane, , 327.

Ducharme, Magdeleine, marriage,

141.
Duck's head (Chichipe Outipe),

see Yellow River mission.
Dufief, , teacher of French,

New York, 179.
Du Merle, Charles, 29n, 30, 87.
Du Modage, Pauline, 86.
Dunglison (Dunglisson), Robcy,

of University of Virginia, 324.
Dunkers, 43, 47, 122, 123, 325.
Dunn, Jacob P., 394-95, 401, 421.
Dunning, Paris C, portrait, 395,

406-7, 432.
Dupalais, Victor, 334.
Dupalais, Virginia, 333, 334.
Durbin, Winfield T., portrait, 422-

23, 432.
Dwight, , of near Spring-
field (Mass.), 303.
Dwight, Theodore, of New York,

178.

Earl of Skye, 152.

Easter, observed by Petit, 65, 67,

72, 80, 125, 126.
Eckensberger, Frederick, Rappite,

263.
Economy (Pa.), Owen's party

visits, 227-31, 297, 332-33.

INDEX

443

Eddy (Eddey), Thomas, of New
York, 178, 198.

Eel River, IZ, 140n.

Edmonston, , of Charleston

(S. C), 367.

Education, denied to negroes, 363 ;
De Witt Clinton's attitude on,
194; Friends establishments in
New York City, 176, 302, 309;
Mr. Hall's school near New
York City, 183; Thomas Jef-
ferson's views on, 323 ; Mac-
donald on, 283 ; New Harmony
schools, 312 ; Owen's attitude
on, 159, 160, 169-70; in Shaker
establishment at Watervliet,
190; Warrington on, 261.

Edwards, Ogden, New York City
judge, 178, 182.

"Eliza," Ohio River steamboat,
296.

Elkin, , New Orleans, 345.

Elet, L. A., of St. Louis Univer-
sity, 114-16.

Elliot, , of Pennsylvania,

203.

Elliot, Jonathan, editor of Wash-
ington (D. C.) GazcHe, 321,
329.

Elliot, William, of U. S. Patent
Office, 318, 320, 321, 328, 329,
330.

Ellis, ■ ■, of Vincennes (?),

47.

Elston, Isaac C, of Vincennes,
281, 282. 289.

Elwin, Miss , 211.

Emigration, western (1824), 223;
(1826), 341, 343. See also
Potawatomi Indians, removal
from Indiana, 1838 emigration.

English settlement, Edwards Coun-
ty (111.), Owen's party visits,
252-62 passim.

Ensmith, . New York at-
torney general, 302.

Entertainments, sec Amusements
and entertainments.

Erie (Pa.), 300.

Erie Canal, 186, 191, 192-93, 300,
301, 308.

Evans, Robert M., of Princeton,
279 ; visits Owen at New Har-
mony, 268-71 ; admiration for
Indians, 269-70 ; on h'rcnch so-
ciety in Vincennes, 272-73 ; on
survey lines and public land
system in Indiana, 270-71.

Evansville (Ind.), 242-43.

Evansville Gazette, 268.

Everett, Alexander H., 211, 219.

Ewing, John, senator from Indi-
ana, 43n.

"Fabius," steamboat, 357.

Factories, sec Industries and manu-
factories.

Faerbar, , 305.

'"Favorite," Ohio River steamboat,
238, 240.

Fayon, , 29.

"Feliciana," steamboat, 350.

Fences, rail, 187-88.

Ferguson, , of New York,

178.

Ferguson (Fergusson), John (?),
of New York, 161.

Featherstonhaugh (Fetherstone-
haugh), George W.. 302.

Fickler, , 211.

Fires, bonfire, 242: prairie, 251-
52. 256: in library at the Capi-
tol, 330.

Fisher, Mrs. , in Xew York,

30iS : bounrl for Xew Harmony,
334.

I'ishcr. Clara, actress, 235.

Fisher, Redwood, of Philadelphia,
209. 211.

Fishkill (N. Y.), 186.

Fitch, Mrs. , of New Har-

monv, 267.

444

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Flagg (Flag), Azariah Cutting,
member of New York House
of Representatives, 192.
Floods, on Allegheny River, 331 ;
Ohio, 241 ; Mississippi Valley,
338, 341-42.
Flower, George, son of Richard,
294; at New Harmony, 248,
262, 265, 289 ; interest in eman-
cipation, 341 ; on hunt, 254-55 ;
selection of site of English
settlement in Illinois, 252.
Flower, Richard,

journey to America (1824) :
Liverpool to New York, 159-
74 passim; in New York,
176, 177; in Philadelphia,
203, 204, 206, 208, 211;
in Washington, 215, 216,
218; at Economy (Pa.), 227;
in Louisville, 238 ; at Albion
(111.), 252-56;
observations on : baptism, 170 ;
English radicals, 172; Holy
Alliance, 165 ; man's ability
to live in communities, 164-
65 ; responsibility of man,
257-58.
Folly, John, 135.
Folly, Maria, 135.
Folly, Mary Binn, 135.
Food, game dinner, 178; at New
Orleans, 351 ; on shipboard,
161, 378; plentiful in America,
224; varieties and serving of
in New York, 175-76 ; venison,
195; at Watervliet, 189.

Forbes, , captain of the

"Fabius," 357.
Forbes, James, biographical note,
395-96 ;

portraits of : Conrad Baker,
413, 432; John B. Baker,
395; Ratliff Boon, 396-97,
405, 406; Paris C. Dunning,
406-7, 432; Jonathan Jen-

nings, 395, 405, 406, 432;
Oliver Perry Morton, 411-
12, 432; James Whitcomb,
405-6, 432.

Force (Forse), Peter, editor of
National Journal, 321.

Forsyth, , innkeeper near

Niagara Falls, 301.

Forsyth, William, artist, 427.

Fort Leavenworth (Kan.), 50n.

Fort Wayne (Ind.), 12n, 62.

Fortin, , negro manufac-
turer, of Philadelphia, 209-10.

Forward, Walter, of Pittsburgh,
227.

Francois, Claude, priest at Logans-
port, 32, 57, 60, 86, 120, 122;
sketch of, 27n ; helps settle
Father Deseille's affairs, 40,
41, 133; visits Petit's mission,
61 ; dedication of church, 91,
92 ; letter from Petit on pro-
gress of Potawatomi emigra-
tion, 95-96 ; illness, 97 ; visited
by Petit, 127.

Frankfort (Ky.), 235.

Frederick (Md.), 113n, 220-21.

Fredonia (N. Y.), 300.

Freeman, William R., sketch of,
414; portrait of Thomas A.
Hendricks, 414, 432.

Frenchtown (Md.), 211.

Fretageot (Fretage), Marie D.,
207, 316, 323, 334.

Friends, see Society of Friends.

Fulton, see Livingston & Fulton.

Furst, , 305.

Gales, Joseph, Jr., editor of Na-
tional Intelligencer, 321.

Gamble, , 288.

Game, abundance of, in America,
276 ; around New Harmony,
244, 262, 276; dinner, 178; in
Illinois, 254.

Garcia, Manuel, musician, 152, 307,
308, 314.

INDEX

445

Garcia, Mme. Manuel, 314.
Garcia, Maria, 152, 307.
Gardner, , of Washington

(D. C), 328, 329.
Gardner, Marianna, 135.
Garnett, G., of Charlottesville

(Va.), 324.
Gaston, , of Xew Harmony,

290, 291.
Gause (Gauce), , 308, 312.

General Assembly of Indiana, per
diem (1825), 271 ; provides for
collection of governors' por-
traits, 388-89, 423.

"General Jackson," steamboat, 340,
345.

"General Pike," Ohio River steam-
boat, 296.

Gensler, H. J., aids in procuring
portrait of William Hendricks,
399.

"George Washington," steamboat,
350.

Germans, settlement of Catholic,
at South Bend, 57.

Gibson, George, commissary gen-
eral of subsistence, 20, 21-22.

Gibson. James, of Meadville (Pa.),
299.

Gibson. John, portrait, 387, 392-93,
432.

Gibson, Louis E., 404.

Gilpin, , of Philadelphia,

204.

Girard, Stephen, of Philadelphia,
202.

Golovin, the Alisses , 211.

Goodlett (Goodlet), James R. E.,
Indiana circuit judge, 268.

Goodrich. James P., portrait, 425-
26, 432.

Gordon, Captain, , son of

Sir \Mlloughby Gordon, 208.

Gore, Col. . 304.

Goshen (Ind.), Petit at, 125, 135.

Gosselin, Andre, 139.

Goth, Marie, portrait of Henry F.

Schricker, 431, 432.
Governors of Indiana, collection of

portraits of, 387-432.
Grafton, Robert W., biographical

note, 426-27;

portraits of : Ed Jackson, 428,

432 : Harry G. Leslie, 428-29,

432 ; Warren T. McCray,

426-27, 432.

Granville, Jonathan, Haitian agent

in Philadelphia, 210.
Gray, Mrs. , wife of British

consul at Xorfolk, 311.
Gray, Isaac P., portrait, 417-18,

432.
Green, , Owen's agent in

Cincinnati, 335.
Green, see Clarke & Green.

Grey, , of Philadelphia, 312.

Grimshaw, John, of Xew York,

184.
Griscom (Griscomb), Miss ,

daughter of John Griscom,

176, 181.
Griscom (Griscomb), John, of

Xew ^'ork. Owen's party

meets. 176. 178, 180, 182, 184,

198, 302, 309.
Griswold, George (?), of Xew

York, 184.

Grut, , 179. 182.

Guilen, Catharine Dougherty, 136.

Guilen, John, 136.

Guilen, Margaret, 136.

Guth. , of Quincy (111.),

130.
G\v\nn. \\'iliiam, of Daltiinorc, 212.

Hacpole, John, of Boonville, 397.
Had field, George, architect, 328.

330.
Hagerstown (Md.), 397.
Haggarty, , of Philadelphia,

204.

446

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Haines (Haynes), Reuben, of
Germantown (Pa.), 311, 312,
313.

Haleman, , moves to New

Harmony, 290, 291.

Hall, , of New York, 182,

183.

-, of Scotland, 305.

Hall, -

Hall, John H., of Harpers Ferry

(Va.), 326.
Hall, Samuel, of Princeton, 268,

279.
Hall, William (?), of Albion

(111.), 275.

Hamilton, , Zld.

Hamilton, Miss , 313.

Hamilton, the Misses, of Charles-
ton (S. C), 211.
Hamilton, , of New York,

307, 314.
Hammond, , of New York,

192.
Hammond, Abram A., portrait,

410, 432.
Hancock (Pa.), 222.
Hanly, J. Frank, portrait, 423, 432.
Harding, Chester, artist, 266.
Harmonists, see Rappites.
Harmony, see New Harmony.
Harper, Robert Goodloe, of Balti-
more, 212, 214.
Harpers Ferry (Va.), 326.
Harris, Carey A., commissioner of

Indian affairs, 24, 25, 85n.
Harris, Eliza, 135.
Harris, Dr. William, of New York,

180.
Harris' Prairie (Ind.), Petit at,

136.
Harrison, John Cleves Symmes, of

Vincennes, 282.
Harrison, William Henry, 285,

286, 392 ; interview with Te-

cumseh, 270 ; Owen party

meets, 329 ;

portraits: by Hays, 390-91,

432; by Steele, 391, 432;
by other artists, 390n.

Hart, , owner of steamboat

"Pennsylvania," 233.

Hartford (Conn.), 303.

Harvey, Jacob, of New York,
Owen's party meets, 176, 182,
184, 198, 302, 310.

Havana (Cuba), Macdonald visits,
355-66.

Hawk, lands on the "Mary Cather-
ine," 375, Zld-n, 378.

Hay, Ann, Jonathan Jennings gives
miniature to, 396.

Hay, John D., of Vincennes, 281,
282, 283, 289.

Hayle, , of Lancashire, 307.

Haymer, , of New York, 313.

Hays, Barton S., sketch of, 390;
portrait of William Henry
Harrison, 390-91, 432.

Health, Cuba, 362 ; Louisville, 239 ;
New Orleans, 349 ; around
New Harmony, 231, 232, 244,
260, 312; sufferings from ague
and fever, 173, 236, 287, 340,
iTl. See also Potawatomi In-
dians, 1838 emigration, sick-
ness and suffering, deaths.

Hendricks, Grover, son of William
Hendricks, 398.

Hendricks, Jamison, 398.

Hendricks, Mrs. John A., illness
and death, 67n, 72n, 126.

Hendricks, Thomas A., 387 ; with-
draws William Hendricks por-
trait from State Plouse collec-
tion. 398-99 ; Freeman portrait
of, 414, 432 : Steele portrait of,
391, 414-15, 432.

Hendricks, William, portraits of,
398-99, 400, 432 ; Owen's party
meets, 328, 329, 330.

Herron, Dr. Francis, of Pitts-
burgh, 298.

INDEX

447

Hervey (Harvey), Col. Sir Felton
B., 212.

Heyward, , of South Caro-
lina, 307.

Hibbard (Ind.), 33n.

"Hibernia," steamboat, 350.

Hicks, Elias. of Long Island, 308,
309.

Higgins, , 305.

Hill, , of Hoboken, 193, 309.

Hill, John B., biographical note,
393-94: portraits, of Abram A.
Hammond. 410, 432; of
Thomas Posey, 393-94, 432.

Hill, John F., 393.

Hoecken, Christian, missionary
priest, 111, 131: sketch of,
105n ; Kickapoo mission, 50n.
110: meets Potawatomi emi-
grating party, 105, 130: carries
on after Petit's departure, 107,
116: treats Petit for fever, 109.

Hogan, -^ , Louisville mer-
chant, 238.

Holidays, Christmas, 45, 48-49, 123 ;
Easter, 65, 67, 72, 80, 125-26;
Fourth of July, 302; New
Year's, 52.

Holland, Ellen, marriage, 133.

Horan, , 63n, 125.

Hornbrook, Saunders, of Vander-
burgh County, 275.

Home, , of Philadelphia,

302, 303.

Hosack, Miss , 181.

Hosack, Dr. David, of New York,
Owen's party meets. 178, 179-
80, 181, 198, 310, 314.

Hotels and taverns, abundance of
heat and food in American
(1824), 223: informality of,
226 ; service and accommoda-
tions, 238, 346; at Albany
(N. Y.), 186; Albion (111.),
253; Baltimore (Md.), 212.
317; Boston (Mass.), 303;

Charleston (S. C), 367;
Clarksburg (Md.), 220; Cum-
berland (Pa.), 223, 331; Fred-
erick (Md. ),220: Hagerstown
(Md.), 221; Harpers Ferry
(Va.), ZTJ; Havana (Cuba),
357; Louisville (Ky.), 237,
238; New Harmony, 246; New
Orleans (La.), 345. 346; New
York (.\. Y.), 174, 308; Phil-
adelphia (Pa.), 203, 302, 311:
Pittsburgh (Pa.), 226; be-
tween Pittsburgh and Econ-
omy (Pa.), 228; Princeton,
279; Shawneetown (111.), 266;
Springfield, 243 : Trenton
CN. J.), 201; Vincennes, 280-
81, 290; Washington (D. C),
215, 318, III.

Houston, George (?), of New
York, 179. 182, 197, 315.

Hovey. Alvin P., portrait, 418,
432.

Howard, Mrs. , 357.

Howell, , 299.

"Hudson," steamboat, 192.

Hudson River, description of. New
York to Albany, 185-86.

Huidecooper (Hurdycooper). ,

of Meadville (Pa.), 298, 299.

Hulme. , 308. 309, 314, 316.

Hume, , of Philadelphia, 208.

Hunter, , .American Indian,

177, 184, 222-23, 242, 276;
meets Owen's party, 203 : plans
journey to New Harmony via
New Orleans, 203-4: in Phil-
adelphia, 204, 206. 208, 211;
Washington (D. C), 215. 217.
218: visits Economy (Pa.),
227; at Louisville and Ship-
pingport, 237, 240.

Hunter, John, of Hunter's Island.
New York, 181, 183, 200, 308.

448

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Hunting, on English and French
prairies in Illinois, 254 ; around
New Harmony, 276 ; along the
Ohio, 334, 335.

Hurst, Major Henry, of Vin-
cennes, 289.

Hutchinson, George, 314.

Hutton, , of Washington

(D. C), 328.

Independence (Mo.), 130.
"Indiana," Ohio River steamboat,

266.
Indiana, population (1800-1830),

17n.
Indiana Historical Bureau, pro-
cures portraits of governors,
389, 400.
Indiana State Library, custodian of
collection of governors' por-
traits, 389, 398-99, 423.
Indians, delegations of, in Wash-
ington, 60, 217-18, 368; ef-
fects of drinking and gambling
on, 64; efforts toward civiliza-
tion of, 22, 85n, 88n, 106-8,
177, 183-84, 198, 217-18, 259;
emigration : act to encourage
(1830), 17; government pol-
icy on, 16-17, 17-18, 19, 20,
21-22, 38, 60-61, 77-78, 81 n-
82n, 87-88, 89. 93; McCoy's
efforts toward, 13; parties
' (1832). 18; (1837), 25-26,
50n; (1838), 87 f f. : sec aho
Potawatomi Indians, emi-
gration ;
Robert M. Evans on, 269-70;
Macdonald on future of, 369 ;
Miami and Kickapoo war
against the Osage, 255 ; mounds
at Cincinnati, 236 ; mounds at
Marietta, 297 ; Owen's interest
in, 217-18; Seminole, in
Charleston circus, 367-68. Sre
also Missions ; names of tribes.

Indian villages, in New York,
301 ; sec also Chechaukkose's
Village, Pokagon's Village,
Wane Kik, and under Chiefs
Ashkum, Benack, Louison, and
Pepiah.

Industries and manufactories, at
Albion (111.), 254; at New
Harmony (Rappite), 247, 248-
49, 272, 273, 275; at Water-
vliet (N. Y.), 188-89, 190;
brick kiln, Washington (D.
C), 329; corn mills, 248-49,
254, 272 ; cotton and woolen
mills, 187, 194, 195, 214, 247;
cotton picker, 254 ; dye, 247,
272 ; exhibition of American,
199; glass, at Pittsburgh, 298;
gristmill, 249; rifles, 326;
sail manufactory, Philadelphia,
209-10: sawmill. 327; silk,
at Shakertown, 273 ; spinning
and weaving mill, Springfield
(Mass.), 303; tanneries, 189-
90, 248.

Ingersoll, Charles, of New York,
316.

Inman, Henry, 390n.

Irish, proposed settlement at South
Bend, 68 ; Owen's plans for
laboring classes, 166.

Irving (Irvine), John T. (?), of
New York, 177, 178.

Isle of Skye, 153, 154.

Jackson, Andrew, description of,
224 ; Owen's party meets, 224,
352, 353; dissatisfaction with
Indian treaties, 18, 19.

Jackson, Ed, portrait, 428, 432.

Jacob, J. J ( ?), of Louisville, 239.

Jaquess (Jaques). Jonathan (?), of
Posey County, 276.

Jefferson, Thomas, on co-operative
communities, 176, 183; visited
by Macdonald, 323-24.

Jeffersonvilk (Ind.), 239.

INDEX

Jeffrey (Jeffries), Lord Francis,
editor, Edinburgh Rcviezv, 197.

Jenckes, John C, 317.

Jeneie or Sinigo, Potawatomi, 26n.

Jenkins, , captain of the

"Phoenix," 314.

Jennings, Jonathan, 387; miniature
of, 396; Forbes portrait of,
394-96, 405, 406, 432; Steele
portrait, 391, 396, 432; Mac-
donald meets, 328, 329, 330.

Jennings, Robert L., of New Har-
mony, 292, 293, 294.

Jesuits, see Society of Jesus.

Johnson, William M. (?), of New
York, 308, 311.

Johnson (Johnston), J. B., black-
smith, Albion (111.). 253-54.

Jolly, Mrs. , 254, 257.

Jones, Mrs. Peter, of Vincennes,
281, 282.

Kean,

284.

Kean, Edmund, actor, 313, 2)72).

Kellogg, , of Cincinnati, at

New Harmony, 292.

Kelly, Emmy Underwood, 135.

Kelly, James, 135.

Kelly, Thomas, 135.

Kemmis, , 180-81, 196, 276,

302.

Kenny, Edmond, 135.

Kent, , professor at Colum-
bia College, 182.

"Kent," Hudson River steamboat,
192.

Kickapoo, Catholic mission for,
50n, 105n, 110; war against
Little Osage tribe, 255.

King, Charles, of New York, 177,
178, 314.

King, Rufus, of New York, 177.

Kiper, Roscoe, on portrait of Rat-
liff Boon, 397n.

Kirnen, Anne, 141.

Krumbhaar, , 305.

449
of Philadelphia, 207,

of Danville (Ky.),

of I'hiladdpliia, 211.

, of Louisville,

— , 315.

Kuhn, —

209.
Kurd, —

223.
Kuykendall, Dr. Jacob, of \in-

ccnnes, 282.
Kyle,

La Broche,

239.

La Coss, Mme.

Lafayette, Marquis de, 173; visit
in the West (1825), 289, 299;
Owen's party meets in New
York, 302 ; plans co-operative
community in Florida, 302 ;
subscription for emancipation
of slaves, 340-41 : visits Balti-
more (1824), 212, 213.

Lafayette (Ind.), 119.

Laird, John, of Georgetown (D.
C), 328.

Lambdin, James R., 390n.

Lane. Henry S., portrait, 410-11,
432.

La Porte Herald, attacks Menomi-
nee's stand against removal, 82.

Lassellais, , 131.

Lasselle, Antoine, 138.

Lasselle, Hyacinthc, 120, 138.

Laurence, , of Cincinnati,

interest in New Harmony, 292,
293.

Lavater, , 305.

Law, John, of X'incennes, 47, 85n.

Law, Thomas, of Washington
( D. C), Owen's party meets,
318-19, 320, 321, 328. 329.

Lawsuits, destruction of church
property, 70; efforts of Pota-
watomi to hold reserves by
bringing, 66n, 75-76, 81 ; over
sale of Petit's horse, 55.

Leesburg ( Turkey Creek Prairie,
Ind.), baptisms at, 135; Petit
at, 62, 63-64, 65-66, 125.

450

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Leesburg (Va.), 327.

Lennard, , partner of Peter

A. Schcnck. 195-96.

Lent, 60.

Lcs Auualcs dc la Propagation dc
la I'oi, 108.

Leslie, Harry G., portrait, 428-29,
432.

Lesueur, Charles A.. 209, 334.

Lewis. -, of Albion (111.),

253, 254, 255, 257, 259, 277.

Lewis, Warner W., of New Har-
mony, 312.

Lexington (Ky.), location and so-
ciety, 170, 235.

Lilly Eli, purchases portrait of
John Gibson, 392.

Lindsley (Lindsay), Dr. Philip, of
Nashville (Tenn.), 236, 238.

Liston, Sir Robert, British minis-
ter to United States, 325.

Little (Liddle), Robert, Unitarian
minister, Washington (D. C),
319, 329, 330.

Livestock, cattle, 212-13, 248, 276;
deer, 248 ; hogs, 190, 224, 354-
55; horses, 190, 254-55, 276;
sheep, 262, 277.

Livingston, Peter R., member. New
York House of Representa-
tives, 192.

Livingston (Leviston) & Eulton,
steamboat company, 184, 192.

Lloyd, James, Owen's party meets,
200.

Lloyd, Mrs. James, 200.

Lockport (N. Y.), 30L

Logansport (Ind.), 23, 26, 30n, 31,
32, 119, 120; dedication of
Catholic Church, 91, 92; In-
dians gathered for removal at
(1833), 18, (1838), 91-92, 128.

Logansport Telegraph, denies cruel-
ty to emigrating Indians, 91n ;
praises Pctit's work among
Indians, 90n.

Long, Major Stephen H., 207.
Longstreth (Longstreath),

of Philadelphia, 208, 211, 312,
316.

Loogootee (Ind.), 30n.

Loras, Pierre Jean Mathias, bishop
of Dubuque, 112, 113, 116.

Louisiana, legislation on slaves and
free blacks, 348.

Louison, Potawatomi chief, mar-
riage of son, 137; village, Petit
performs baptisms at, 7?>, 126,
140n.

Louisville (Ky.), society, 235;
Owen's party visits, 237-41,
295-96.

Lowry, , of New York, 307.

Lucas, Jonathan, of South Caro-
lina, 374.

Ludlow, Thomas W. (?), of New
York, 177, 178, 180, 181, 197,
200, 308, 314.

Lynch, , of New York, 307.

McClelland (McLeland), Samuel
(?), of Shakertown, 274.

Maclure, William, of New Har-
mony, 312, 313, m, 334. 336.

McCoy, Isaac, Baptist Indian mis-
sionary, 12, 13, 72.

McCray, Warren T., portrait, 426-
27, 432.

Macdonald, Alan, of Skye, 155.

Macdonald, Donald, biographical
notes and legends, 152, 153-55,
155-56; description of diaries,
156-57; lines to the hawk that
landed on the "Mary Cather-
ine," 2)77 ; sons visit New Har-
mony, 155; service at Cadiz,
156, 361;

journey to America (1824-25) :
Liverpool to New York, 159-
74; in New York. 174-84,
196-201 ; New York to Al-
bany, 184-86 ; at Albany, 186,

INDEX

191-92; at Watervliet, 187-
89: Albany to New York,
192-96: visits Mr. De Wint,
193, 194-96; visits Mr.
Schenck's manufactory, 195;
New York to Philadelphia,
200-3: at Philadelphia, 203-
11; Philadelphia to Balti-
more, 211-12; at Baltimore,
212-14; suffers cold, 214;
Baltimore to Washington,
214-15; at Washington, 215-
20; meets Indian chiefs, 217-
18; Washington to Pitts-
burgh, 220-26 ; walks through
Pennsylvania mountains, 222-
23 ; meets General Jackson,
?24; at Pittsburgh, 226, 231-
13; visits Economy (Pa.),
J27-31 ; visits log cabin be-
low Wheeling, 235 ; at Louis-
ville, 237-41 ; Louisville to
New Harmony, 240-46 ; bon-
fire party, 242 ; at New Har-
mony, 246-94 passim; at Al-
bion (111.), 250-62, 274-75;
on hunt, 254-55 ; expedition
from New Harmony to
Mount Vernon, 265-68 ; helps
write notice relative to ad-
mission into society, 268 ;
helps write statement for
New York paper. 277 : visits
Princeton, 278-80 ; visits
William Mcintosh, 285-86;
visits Shaker village and
Vincennes, 289-90 ; writes
Articles of Association, 291 ;
visits Evansville, 293 ; New
Harmony to Louisville, 294-
95 ; at Cincinnati, 296 ; at
Marietta, 297 ; Wheeling,
Washington (Pa.), Pitts-
burgh, and Economy, 297 ;
Pittsburgh to Meadville, 298 ;
at Meadville, 298-99; Mead-

451

ville to Buffalo, 299-300 ; at
Buffalo and Niagara, 300-1 ;
Niagara to New York, 301-
2; in New York, 302, 304;
New York to Boston, 302-3 ;
at Boston, 303-4 ; visits John
Adams, 303-4 ; Xew \'ork to
Liverpool, 304-6;
journey to America (1825-26) :
Liverpool to Xew York, 307 ;
in Xew York, 308-11, 313-
15; suffers cold, 312; Xew
York to Philadelphia, 311.
315-16; helps write adver-
tisement for mechanics for
New Harmony, 312; visits
Joseph Bonaparte, 315-16;
at Philadelphia, 316-17; Phil-
adelphia to Baltimore, 317 ; at
Baltimore, 317-18; Baltimore
to Washington, 318 ; at Wash-
ington, 318-22, 327-3Q ; meets
John Quincy .Adams, 319;
Washington to Charlottes-
ville (Va.), 322-23; visits
Thomas Jefferson, 323-24;
visits University of Vir-
ginia, 324 ; Charlottesville,
Natural Bridge, Winchester,
Harpers Ferry, Washington,
324-27; attends Columbian
Institute, 329 ; Wa.'^hington
(D. C), to Pittsburgh, 331;
at Pittsburgh, 331 ; Pitts-
burgh to Economy. 332 ; at
Economy, 332-33 ; joins
party bound for Xew Har-
mony, 333-34; Pittsburgh to
New Harmony, 335-37 : at
Cincinnati, 335-36 ; at Xew
Harmony, 337: Mount Ver-
non to New Orleans, 338-45 :
at Xew Orleans, 345-54 ;
New Orleans to Havana,
353-55: at Havana, 355-66;
Havana to Charleston, 366-

452

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

67; at Charleston, Z67-72>\
attends camp meeting, 372-
72) ; Charleston to Liverpool,
2,7:^-79 ;
observations on : American
women, 291-92; communal
living, 237, 245-46, 253, 283,
291 ; credulity of human na-
ture, 168-69 ; crimes, causes
and punishments, 317-18 ;
Cuba, future status of, 366;
French society at Vincennes,
272-72) ; Indiana, government
and land system, 268, 270-
71 ; need for industrial fore-
man at New Harmony, 312 ;
policy of New Harmony
Gaccttc, 321 ; Rappites, 230,
249, 293; slavery, 241, 350;
smuggling, 165 ; survival of
Old World customs in New,
166, 173, 361, 364; variations
between English and Ameri-
can church services, 180 ;
westward emigration, 341.

McDonald, John, of Pittsburgh,
227.

MacEllen, Denys, 136.

MacEllen, John, 136.

MacEllen, Mary MacPit, 136.

McEwin, the Misses, of New Yoi-k,
313.

McFarlane, , 314.

MacGraham, Anne, 136.

Mcintosh, John, 384.

Mcintosh, William, 289; desires
to join Owen's society, 271,
274 ; visited by Macdonald,
283, 284, 285-86.

McLeod, Col. , 184.

MacNally, Anne MacGraham, 136.

MacNally, Henry. 136.

MacNally, Thomas, 136.

McNamee (MacName), Dr. Elias.
of Vincennes, 282, 283, 289,
294, 295.

M^cneven (McNiven, etc.). Dr.
William James, of New York,
182, 199, 232, 314.

McNutt, Paul v., portrait, 429,
432.

MacPit, Mary, 136.

McVickar (Mc Vicar), Dr. John,
of Columbia College, Owen's
party meets, 181, 182, 184, 199,
314.

"Magnet," Ohio River steamboat,
267.

Madison (Ind.), 30n.

Maguire, , 278.

Maher, — , of Baltimore, 212.

Maidlow (Medlow), James (?),
of Vanderburgh County, 275.

Mail, postage, 240; postmasters,
income and security for, 289 ;
service : Baltimore to New
Orleans, 325-26 ; Princeton,
New Harmony, and Shaw-
neetown, 266, 269, 271, 277;
trans-Atlantic packet, 181 ;
Vincennes, 283.

Makkahtahmoway or Black Wolf,
Potawatomi chief, reserve for
band of, 1832 treaty, 19; asks
funds for education, 22 ; signs
plea for priest, 26n ; placed
under guard, 88n, 89n ; releas-
ed, 99 ; distress of mother, 97-
98.

Malibran, Count, 152.

Mallard, , passenger on

board the "New York," 161,
173; in New York, 198.

Manners, George, British consul
at Boston, 183, 184, 197.

Manning, Richard Irving, of South
Carolina, 370.

Manufactories, sec Industries and
manufactories.

Manumission Society, New York,
177.

INDEX

453

Maranthile ( Marantette?), Caro-
line Zeline, 136.

Maranthile, Fanny Monton, 136.

Maranthile, Patrick, 136.

Marcoo, Mrs. ■ — , of Philadel-
phia, 317.

Marietta (Ohio), Owen addresses
meeting at, 297.

Marloe, Mrs. , of Philadel-
phia, 210.

Marsh, , of New York, 181.

— , 288.

Marshall, -

Marshall, Benjamin, of New York,
182, 183, 184.

Marshall, John, chief justice, sim-
plicity, 171-72.

Marshall, Jonas, 184.

Marshall, Thomas R., portrait, 423-
24, 432.

Marshall, William, Indian agent,
conducts treaties, 18-19.

"Mary," brig, 366.

"Mary Catherine,'' trans-Atlantic
steamboat, 373, 378.

Mason, , 196.

Massey, , of Vincennes, 281,

282.

Mathew, , 276.

Matthews, Claude, portrait, 420,
432.

Matthews, Mrs. Claude, of Clin-
ton, 405.

Maule, Lady Ramsey, wife of Don-
ald Macdonald, 156.

Maxwell, George, captain of the
"New York," 159, 167, 173,
175, 208.

Mayer, Barbara Redis, 136.

Mayer, Mrs. Catherine Bab, 136.

Mayer, Jacob, 136.

Mayer, John, 136.

Mayer, Magdalen, 136.

Mayer, Sophia, 136.

Maysville (Ky.), 235.

Mazella, Andrew, 50n.

Meadville (Pa.), Owen's party
visits, 298-99.

Mease, James, 211.

xMfchgami (Mashgamy), Potawa-
tomi, 125, 132, 133.

Meecham, Archibald, of Shaker-
town, 274.

Meek, , of Philadelphia, 312.

Meeks, Dr. , of Philadelphia,

312.

Meksabi, Potawatomi, 134.

Memphis (Tenn.), 340.

Menominee, Potawatomi chief,
sketch of, 12n ; invites McCoy
to visit tribe, 12; baptism, 15;
band grants land to Catholic
church, 16 ; reserve for band,
1832 treaty, 19, 23; asks funds
for education, 22 ; opposes 1836
treaty, 23, 38, 41-42; signs
plea for priest, 26n ; interview
with the President, 60n ; ad-
vised to carry claim to court,
66n; speech at council, 81n-
82n ; attacked by La Porte
Herald, 82 ; apologizes for
speech, 87 ; forced removal,
88n, 89n, 90, 99.

Menominee's \'illage, 15, 22. See
also Potawatomi Indians ;
Yellow River band; Yellow
River mission.

Mercer (Pa.), 298.

Meredith, , of Baltimore,

212.

Meredith, William, of Philadel-
phia, 200, 209. 210, 317.

Metay, Leandre, 136.

Metay. Marianne Mouton, 136.

Metay, Solomon Timothee, 136.

Metcalf, , 367.

Methodists, 65, 125, 256.

Metzger, Elias, 135.

Metzger, Elias Harris, 135.

Metzger, Ferdinand, 136.

Metzger, Joseph, 135.

454

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

"Mexico," Ohio River steamboat,

236.
Miami Indians, mission at Fort
Wayne, 12; war against Little
Osage tribe, 255.
Michels, , of Edwards Coun-
ty (111.), 259.
Michilimackinac (Mich.), 54n.

Miesto, , of New York, 314.

Miles, Richard P., bishop of Nash-
ville, 97n.

Millar (Miller), Dr. , Rap-

pite, 250, 277, 289.
Miller, George, of Shakertown,

290.
Milligan, Joseph, of Georgetown

(D. C), 328.
Mills, sec Industries and manu-
factories.
Miot de Melito, Comte, 315.
Missions, Indian, Carey, 13, 72n ;
government aid for, 22, 85n,
88n, 106-8; Kickapoo, 50n,
105n, 110; in New York, 301;
Ottawa, at Arbre Croche, 54n ;
St. Joseph, 11-12, 13-14; sup-
ported by Society of the Prop-
agation of the Faith, 86n ; west
of the Mississippi, 50n-51n, 72,
83. Sec also Potawatomi In-
dians, missions ; Yellow River
mission.
Mississippi River, alteration of its
course, 342; descriptions of,
340, 341-43, 344-45, 347, 354;
floods, 341-42; levees, 344,
346. 350; steamboat traffic
(1826), 340.
Mitchell, Colin, of Havana, 353,

357.
Mitchell, Dr. Samuel L., of New

York, 179, 181, 314, 357, 364.
Moffatt, Capt. , of Wash-
ington (D. C), 320.
Molegan, Edward, 135.
Molegan, Mary Riley, 135.

Molegan, Patrick, 135.

Molegan, Philip, 135.

Molegan, Theresa, 135.

Mona (Madeline), wife of Joseph
Bertrand, 50n, 120.

Money, sec Currency.

Monroe, James, Owen visits, 215,
217.

Monroe Doctrine, Owen's party
discusses, 167.

Montgomery, Isaac, of Gibson
County, 287.

Monticello, home of Thomas Jef-
ferson, 323, 324.

Monsseau, Potawatomi Indian, 124.

Moore, , 72.

Moore, Gen. , of New York,

180, 181.

Moore, Isaac S., of Boonville, 396-
97.

Moore family, of Vincennes, 47.

Moores, Merrill, 400.

Moravians, colony at Salem (Va.),
171.

Morgan, Amaziah, assistant in Pot-
awatomi emigration, 78, 82,
129.

Morlin (Morling), David, 132,
134, 138.

Morlin, Joseph, 132, 134.

Mormons, "war" in Missouri, 103n-

104n, 109, 130.
Morrice, , of South Caro-
lina, 305.

Morris, , of Carmi (111.),

276.
Morrison, George W., portrait of
Ashbel P. Willard, 409-10, 432.
Morrison, Joseph (?), of Mead-

ville (Pa.), 299.
Morro Castle, fortification in Ha-
vana harbor, 355-56.
Morse, Edward Lind, 400.
Morse, Samuel F. B., pictorial
study of House of Representa-
tives, 399.

INDEX

455

Morse, Sidney E., editor, New
York Obsci-%>er, 178,

Morton, Dr. Samuel George (?),
of Philadelphia, 208.

Morton, Oliver P., Forbes por-
trait, 395, 411-12, 432; Steele
portrait, 387, 391, 412, 432.

Mota, Potawatomi chief, treaty of
band of (1834), 18.

Mount, James A., portrait, 420-22,
432.

Mount Carmel (111.), 286.

Alt. St. Mary's College, Emmets-
burg (Md.), 27, 57n, 119.

Mount Vernon, home of George
Washington, 322.

Mount Vernon (Ind.), 243, 295.

Mousse, Alexander, 96n, 134.

Mouton, Mme. , 74, 127.

Mouton, Fanny, 136.

Mouton, Marianne, 136.

Muck Rose (Muckose, Muckosse),
Potawatomi chief, 138 ; treaty
of band of, with United States
(1834), 18; death, 129.

Mueller, Louis, priest at Fort
Wayne, 28. 41, 45, 97, 133:
leaves old horse for Petit, 40n,
43, 49, 55, 120; illness, 51;
complaints against, 62; vexed
at Petit. 86.

Muggridge, Mrs. , of Charles-
ton (S. C). 374.

Miiller, Dr. , of Pittsburgh

and Economy ( ? ) , Z2)?i.

Mullett (Mullet), James, member
of New York House of Rep-
resentatives, 192.

Murat, Achille, 302.

Murat, Lucien, 302, 315.

Murphy, , 120.

Murphy, Thomas, of Baltimore,
212.

Murray, John, Jr., of New York,
313.

Nadeaux, Catherine Alexandrine

136.
Nadeaux, Marie Rousseau, 136.
Xadeaux, Pierre, 136.
Naples (111.), 102, 129.

Xash, , 25.

Xashoba communitv (Tcnn.), 340-

41.
Natchez (Miss.), 343.
National Road, 221, 326.
Natural Bridge (Va.), 325.
Navarre, Angel ique Kichoueckouay,

135.
Navarre, Marianne, 135.
Navarre, Pierre, 127, 131, 135.
Navarre, Theresa, 135.
Nazareth (Ky. ), 57n.
Neef, Joseph, 336.
Neely, John I., of Princeton, 268,
279.

Neff, , of Savannah, 208.

Negroes, attitude toward. United
States (1824-26), 209-10, 285,
341, 363; camp meeting, 372-
73 ; education withheld from,
2i()2> ; marriage with whites pro-
liibited, Louisiana. 348, 363 ;
free : invited to Santo Do-
mingo. 210; involved in
Charleston uprising, 370 ;
school for. Manumission So-
ciety, New York, 177;
slaves : 239, 346, 358 ; Charles-
ton uprising, 370 ; Cuba, sta-
tus, 362-63, 364-65: effect
of religion on, Z12-12> ; eman-
cipation, efforts toward, 340-
41, 362-63: introduction to
Louisiana forbidden, 348 :
Louisville, 239; Macdonald's
attitude on, 241 : salesrooms,
New Orleans, 350.

Nevill. , of near Fishkill

Creek (N. Y.), 194.
New Brunswick (N. J.). 200, 201.
New Castle (Del.), 211.

456

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

New Harmony (Ind.), climate and
health, 229, 231, 22,2, 244, 260,
274, 308, 312; description of
situation, 244-46, 262-63; mail
service, 244, 266, 269, 277, 288-
89 ; roads to, 277 ; footprint
rock. 247 ;

Kappite society : 157-58 ;

amusements, 248, 250, 271;
buildings and dwellings, 246,
247 ; church services, 249-
50 ; departure and reasons
for, 229, 231, 293; descrip-
tion of members, 248, 249,
264 ; industries and agricul-
ture, 247, 248-49, 272, 273,
275, 291 ; observes anniver-
sary of its union, 288; shops,
248 ; vineyards and laby-
rinth, 245, 248;
Owen society: 151, 158; in-
dividuals express interest in
joining, 258-59, 264, 269, 271,
274, 275, 276, 277-78. 288,
290, 291, 292, 293, 302, 309,
313, 316; Owen purchases
site for, 258, 262, 263, 264,
265 ; organization of and
regulations for, 291, 292,
293, 294, 296, 337-38; per-
sons joining, 290, 292-94,
?i2)2i-2iA ; reports and rumors
on. 308, 312. 326, 328-29, 338 :
school, 312 ; separatist move-
ments, 22)7 ; Owen requested
to become sole manager of,
338.
New Harmony Gazette, printing
equipment purchased for, 296 ;
Macdonald opposes policy of,
321 ; reprinted in New York,
313.
New Lanark (Scotland), 169-70,
296.

New Lebanon (N. Y.), Shaker
establishment, 191.

New Orleans (La.), Macdonald
visits, 345-54; market for
western states, 248, 281-82,
286, 339, 347.

New Year's Day, 52.

"New York," trans-Atlantic steam-
boat, 307, 379.

New York (N. Y.), Owen's party
visits, 174-84, 302, 304, 308-11,
313-15.

Newburgh (N. Y.), 186, 193.

Newport (Ind.), 119.

Niagara Falls, 301.

Nicolet, , 112.

Nielson, , of Louisville (?),

239.

Niskayuna (N. Y.), 186.

Noah, Mordecai M.. of New York,
314.

Noble. James, Owen's party meets,
328. 329, 330.

Noble, Noah, portrait, 389. 402-3,
432.

Noiakouleau, Potawatomi, 132, 134.

Norris, , 63, 125.

Notav/akah, Potawatomi chief, re-
serve for band of, 1832 treaty,
19, 23 : forced removal, 88n,
89n, 99.

O'Bierne (O'Byrne), Patrick, 27n.

Ogden, David B., New York, 180,
182, 197, 200.

Ogden, Mrs. David B., 197-98.

Ogden, Abram, 197, 198, 200.

Ogden, Abram, 200, 219.

Ogden & Day's Counting House,
181, 196.

Oheiran, John, marriage, 133.

'"Ohio," Ohio River steamboat, 297.

Ohio & Mississippi Navigator, 235.

Ohio River, descriptions of, 234,
243, 336, 338-39; difficulties of
navigation, 234, 236, 238-39,
242; floods and ice, 241, 331,
233, 338.

INDEX

Oliver, Robert, of Baltimore, 212.
"Oliver Ellsworth," Hudson River

steamboat, 304.
Orange, Daniel, of near Albion
^ (111.), 254.
Orange, William, of Albion (111.),

253, 254-55, 288.
Orbiston Community, Lanarkshire,

156n.
Ormsby, Stephen, of near Louis-
ville, 239.
Osage Indians, Miami-Kickapoo

war against, 255.
Osage River, destination of Pota-
watomi emigration, 50n, 95,
105.

Osborne, , 305, 311.

Otis, Bass, portrait of William

Henry Harrison. 390n.
Ottawa Indians, emigration (1837),

25-26 ; missions to, 54, 72n.
Owen, Mrs. David Dale, stories

of New Harmony, 151-52.
Owen, Robert, 151, Z2,7, 345, 346;
journey to America, 1824-25 :
Liverpool to New York, 159-
74: in New York, 174-84;
New York to Albany, 184-
86; at Albany, 186, 191-92;
Visits Watervliet, 187-89 ;
Albany to New York, 192-
96 ; visits Mr. De Wint, 193,
194-96; visits Mr. Schenck's
manufactory, 195 ; in New
York, 196-201 : New York
to Philadelphia, 200-3; at
Philadelphia, 203-11; Phila-
delphia to Baltimore, 211-
12; at Baltimore, 212-14;
Baltimore to Washington,
214-15: at Washington. 215-
20: meets Indian chiefs, 217-
18: Washington to Pitts-
burgh. 220-26: meets An-
drew Jackson, 224 : at Econ-
omy (Pa.), 227-31; at Pitts-

457

burgh, 226. 231-33: Pitts-
burgh to Louisville, 233-37;
at Louisville, 237-41 ; Louis-
ville to Xew Harmony, 240-
46 : inspects town, 246-49,
250; at Albion, 255-61; pur-
chases New Harmony, 258,
262, 263, 264, 265 : leaves for
Washington, 265 : returns to
New Harmony and begins
organization of society. 292-
94 ; expresses intention of
becoming American citizen,
294; at Vincennes, 294;
leaves New Harmony, 294 :
to Cincinnati. 294-96 ; at Cin-
cinnati, 296: publication of
discourses and purchase of
printing materials for New
Harmony, 296 ; at Marietta,
297; Wheeling. Washington
(Pa.), Pittsburgh, and Econ-
omy, 297 : Pittsburgh to
Meadville, 298-99 ; Meadville
to Buffalo, 299-300 ; at Buf-
falo and Niagara. 300-1 ; Ni-
agara to New York, 301-2:
at Philadelplu'a, 302; visits
Joseph Bonaparte, 302; New
York to P.oston, 302-3: at
Boston. 303-4 ; visits John
Adams, 303-4 ; in New York,
304; New York to Liver-
pool, 304-6;
journey to America. 1825-26:
Liverpool to New ^'ork. 307 ;
in New ^'ork, 308-10. 313-
15: characterized as mad vi-
sionary. 313: in Philadel-
phia. 312: in Wilmington
(Del.), 312: visits Joseph
Bonaparte. 315-16: expedi-
tion to Point Breeze, 316;
to New Harmony. 331. 334.
335, 336; activities toward
organization, ?i?>~ \ requested

458

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

to act as sole manager of
New Harmony Society, 338 ;

model of community, 309, 310,
313, 319; exhibited: New
York, 314 ; Philadelphia,
316; at the White House,
320, 329, 330;

observations on : advantages
of New Harmony for a
community, 260 ; the Bible
and man, 169, 316 ; bidding
Rappites farewell, 293 ; civi-
lization of the Indians, 217-
18; communal living, 159-
60, 257; on education, 159,
160, 169-70, 261; free will,
161-62, 162-63, 163-64: Holy
Alliance, 165 ; human nature,
168, 210, 230, 257-58, 316;
method of operating a co-
operative community, 260-61 ;
plans for Irish laboring
classes, 166 ;

plans for community explain-
ed and discussed : on ship-
board (1824), 159-60; at
New York City Hospital,
178; at Dr. Hosack's soiree,
180 ; with Carlos de Alvear,
190-200; at Mr. De Wint's,
195 ; at Franklin Institute,
Philadelphia, 208-9, 210-11;
with George Rapp at Econ-
omy, 229 : with Drs. Linds-
ley and Chase, 238 ; at Louis-
ville, 240: at Albion, 253,
256-57, 259, 260-61: with
party from Princeton, 268-
70;

public meetings addressed by :
at Albion, 256-57, 260; Cin-
cinnati, 296 ; Louisville, 296 ;
Marietta, 297; Mount Ver-
non, 295; New York, 313-

14, 316 : Pittsburgh, 288, 332.
Sec also New Harmony, Owen
society.

Owen, Robert Dale, journey to
America (1825), 307, 308, 334,
335, 337 ; Threading My Way,
152, 158.

Owen, William, 153, 242, 284, 294 ;
journey to America (1824),
Liverpool to New York, 161-
74 passim; in New York, 176,
180, 198; Philadelphia, 203,
207, 210; Baltimore, 212;
Washington, 215, 217, 219;
Economy (Pa.), 227; Louis-
ville, 239, 340; Albion (111.),
250-62: New Harmony, 259,
264, 267-68. 291; Mount Ver-
non, 265-68.

Owens, , of Bloomington,

277, 278, 279.

Pace, Robert, captain of the "Mary

Catherine," 373, 375, 377.

Page, , 153, 310-11.

Page, Lt. , 210.

Page, Benjamin, of Philadelphia,

175.
Paget, Marguerite. 135.
Paget, Michel, 135.
Palmyra (111.), 284, 285.
"Paragon," steamboat, 338, 340,

345.
Paret (Parret), Anthony, 46, 51.
Paris, , of Staunton (Va.),

322.
Paris (Mo.), 130.
Pashishi, Kickapoo chief, 110.
Patent Office, United States, 318.
Paterson, , of New York,

314.
Patoka River, in Indiana, 280.
Paxton (Pachston), , of

Philadelphia, 204, 209.
Peale, Charles Willson, 393.

INDEX

459

Peale, Rembrandt, miniature of
Thomas Posey, 393 ; museum,
309-10. 314; portrait of Wil-
liam Henry Harrison, 390n.

Peepenawah, Potawatomi chief,
reserve for band, 1832 treaty,
19, 23 ; signs plea for priest,
26n ; forced removal, 88n, 89n.

Pelletier, , 127.

Pelletier, Luce, 141.

Penn, Miss , of Philadelphia,

307, 312, 316.

Pennsylvania, state of, description
of countryside (1824), 221-22,
223-24, 225-26.

"Pennsylvania," Ohio River steam-
boat, 233.

Pepiah's Village, baptism at, 137.

Pepper, Abel C, superintendent of
Indian removal from Indiana,
18, 19-20. 22-23, 24-25, 11, 81,
87-88, 89: letter from Petit,
87-88.

Perrysville (III.), 98.

Peterson, , of Charleston

(S. C), 161.

Peterson, , of New York,

178.

Petit, Benjamin Alarie, youth and
education, 26 : becomes mis-
sionary, 26-27, 28, 32; health,
27, 48. 51, 57, 61-62, 68, 11, 82,
88n. 101-2, 108-10, 110-11, 114,
115, 128, 129, 130, 131; ordina-
tion into priesthood, 30, Z2 ;
journey from Vincennes to
South Bend, 31n, 119-20; mis-
sionary zeal, 31. Zl-iZ, 33-34,
35, 45, 51-52, 56, 61, 62, 64.
66, 67, 70-71, 72, IZ, 74, 80, 83,
85-86, 88n. 92, 94, 109-10;
baptisms, communions, and
marriages : Yellow River,
35, 68 IZ, 80, 121, 123, 125,
126, 128, 137, 138, 139-41 ;
Bertrand, 43, 48, 123, 136;

South Bend, 48, 63, 126, 135;
Goshen, 65, 125, 135; Poka-
gon's Village, 68, IZ, 122,

126, 136, 139: Louison's Vil-
lage on Eel River, 13, 126,
140n; performed on emigra-
tion, 99, 100; Rochester,
120; Turkey Creek Prairie,

125, 135: St. Marys Lake,

127, 135, 136, 137, 141 : Wane
Kik, 127. 141: Delphi, 133;
Harris' Prairie, 136; Pepi-
ah's Village, 137; entries in
register, 135-41 ;

missionary labors and prob-
lems : stations attended by,
32n. 45n, 68 : at \'cllow River
Mission. 33-34, 35-37, 51-52,
67, 68, 80, 121, 123. 124, 125,

126, 127, 128; attendance of
sick and dying. 35-37, 48, 61,
13, 96, 100, 120, 121. 126, 127,

128, 129, 133; funerals, 35,
63-64. 65-66, 67, 100-1, 125;
Indian marriages, 35-36, 31-
38, 53-54. 59-60, 63, 69, 74-
75 ; financial matters and
accounts. 3S. 41, 44, 45, 46,
51, 55, 57, 70. 119-34; fore-
sees and laments destruction
of Yellow River mission, 41,
47.52,60-61,65.66-67.70-71.
78-79, 80. 83-84. 85-86. 90,
93 : masses for Fathers De-
scillc and Shaoffer. 39. 40-
41, 55. 122: Protestants. 39.
43, 47. 63. 64. 65. 67. 102-3.
121. 122. 123. 125. 126. 127;
difficulties over horse. 40.
43. 45 49. 55. 79. 85. 124,
131 : nil church property, pre-
emption, and ta.xes. 43-44.
54-55. 58-59. 69-70. 71-72.
84-85. 87n. 128. 133-34. 141 :
observes Christmas. 45. 48-
49. 123: seeks authorization

460

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

for labors in Detroit diocese,
45, 51, 56: at Bertrand, 48,
49, 67, 120, 122, 123, 124,
126 ; at Pokagon's Village,
48, 68, 72, 122, 126, 136, 139;
interest in mission for Pbta-
watomi in the West, 50, 67,
80, 83-85, 89, 90, 93, 94, 105 ;
New Year's greeting from
Indians, 52, 123 : recounts
healing of Sinagorra, 55-56;
clothing, 57, 121. 124, 126,
127, 130, 132; on Lent, 60:
observes Easter, 65, 67, 72,
80, 125, 126: progress in
Potawatomi language, 61,
70-71, 72>, 74, 80, 125, 126;
at Leesburg (Turkey Creek
Prairie), 62, 63-65. 72, 125;
laments drinking and gam-
bling by savages, 64 ; at
Goshen, 65, 125 ; description
of Yellow River home, 65 ;
at the Tippecanoe (Ben-
ack's), 67, 72, 126; lawsuit
against man for cutting
wood on church's property,
70 : asks that mission con-
tinue after Indian removal,
70-71 : at Louison's Village,
73-74, 126: recommends
young Indian to be educated
at Vincennes, 79 : reports
site of Yellow River mis-
sion pre-empted. 84-85, 87n,
88, 141 : praised for labors,
85n, 90n, 92n ; last services
at Yellow River, 90, 128;
accompanies Brute to Lo-
gansport, 91 : reports cruel
treatment to emigrating In-
dians, 91-92: on confirma-
tion at Logansport encamp-
ment, 92-93, 97 : preparation
of services. 120, 121, 122,
123, 125, 126;

relations to Potawatomi re-
moval : declares 1836 treaty
unjust, 38, 41-42; efforts to
aid Indians win justice, 38-
39, 41-42, 43, 70, 124; Brute
overrules plan to go to
Washington, 49, 124 : warned
against interfering in gov-
ernment's policy, 41n ; de-
sires to accompany emigra-
tion, 67, 80, 82-83, 85-86,
88-89, 128: advises Brute
about dealing in Indian af-
fairs, 75, 84, 85 : meets
Polke, 76-78: attitude of
government agents toward,
76-78, 82, 128 : charged with
interfering in government
plans, 82, 85n, 124, 128;
urged to use influence in ef-
fecting removal, 88-89 ; re-
ports cruel treatment to emi-
grating party, 91-92;
on Potawatomi emigration :
joins, 92, 93, 97-98, 129;
ordered by Brute to return
to Vincennes by March, 94,
111, 131 ; appointed inter-
preter, 96, 129. 131 ; labors
on march, 96, 100, 101 ; con-
siderations received, 99, 101-
2, 129-30 : secures release of
chiefs, 99: visited by two
Frenchmen, 103, 130 : meets
Father Hoecken, 105 : suf-
ferings endured, 109-10 ; ex-
penses paid by government,
129;
journe}' from Osage River to
St. Louis, 111 : death and fun-
eral, 114-16: Elet's tribute to.
114: body returned to St.
Marys, 116; journal and ac-
counts, 119-32;

letters to : Bishop Brute, 29-
30, 35-40, 40-47, 47-51, 63-

INDEX

461

65, 67-72, 73-79, 81-87, 97-
106, 108-10, 110-13; De la
Hailandiere, 53-58, 58-63 ;
Father Frangois, 95-96; his
family, 33-34, 51-52, 65-67,
ll-lZ, 80, 90-93 ; Pepper, 87 ;
Mme. Chauvin Petit, 30-33;
Polke, 90-93; Bishop Rosati,
93-95; Tipton, 88-89, 93,
108-10.
Philadelphia (Pa.), communal so-
cieties forming in, 308 ; Owen's
party visits, 203-11, 311-13,
316-17.
"Philadelphia." steamboat, 201, 350.
"Philanthropist," keelboat, 334.

Philippe, , 354.

Phillips, , of Gibson County,

279, 281, 282.
Phillips, Ebenezer, schoolmaster at

Springfield, 275.
"Phoenix," steamboat, 314.
Pickering, William, of Albion
(III.), 253, 254, 257-58, 277,
288.
Pickering, Mrs. William, 259, 274.
"Pioneer," Ohio River steamboat,

295.
Pittsburgh (Pa.), Owen's party

visits, 226, 231-33, 297, 331.
"Ploughboy," Wabash River steam-
boat, 289.
Plunket, John, 12.
Plymouth (Ind.), 33n, 88n ; In-
dians assemble for emigration
at, 76n.

Pohlentz, , 314.

Pokagon, Leopold, Potawatomi
chief, 48, 68, 12. 96, 127 ; bap-
tism, 14; begs Father Richard
for priest, 14; sketch, 14n.
Pokagon's Village, 48, 123, 128;
baptisms and communions, 68,
12,. 122. 126, 136. 139; visited
by Father Deseille, 16, 25.

Polke, William, conductor, Pota-
watomi emigration (1838), 76-
77, 90, lOOn, 102, 104, 129, 131.
Pontiac Conspiracy, 11.
Porter, Albert G., portrait, 416-17,

432.
Porter, John R., judge, 289.
Posey, Thomas, 392 ; portrait, 393-

94, 432.
Posey County (Ind.), location of
county seat, 243-44.

Post. Miss , of Gcrman-

lown (Pa.), 313.
Postal service, see Mail.
Poste, Henry, Jr., of New York,

310, 314.
Potawatomi Indians, number and
location of (1800), 11, (1937),
116n; temperament, 11: in
French and Indian war. 1 1 ;
missionary and education funds
for. 22n, 85n, 88n. 106-8;
missions: Carey. 13: St. Jo-
seph, 11-12. 14; in the West,
107, 109, 110, 131; see also
Baptisms ; Yellow River
mission ; missionaries, I'ran-
cis Vincent Badin, Theodore
Steven Badin, Louis De-
seille, Benjamin Marie Pctif,
Christian Hoeckcn, Isaac
McCoy, Frederic Reze ;
removal from Indiana : gov-
ernment efforts toward
(1832), 17; (1833-34), 18-19;
(1836). 23-25; (1837). 25-
26. 50: (1838). 76. 78. 81-82.
87-88, 89 f f. : treaty cessions
(1818-22). 17. 19: (1834). 18-
19: (1836), 23: emigrating
parties, (1833). 18: (1837).
25-26: (1838). 89 ff.. 97-106;
protests against 1836 treaty,
23-24. 38. 41-43. 60n. 66n.
75-76. 81 ; delegations to
Washington to protest

462

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

against, 38. 41-43, 60n, 65, 66,
70, 75, 81, 124;
1838 emigration : preparations
for, 76, 81-82, 87-88; use
of force, 81n-82, 83-84, 88n,
90-91. 99. 128; Tipton organ-
izes, 88n-89n ; account of,
89n, 90-92, 95-106, 129-31;
sickness and suffering, 91n,
92n, 95n. 98-99, 100. 101. 104-
5; deaths, 92. 95. 96. 98-99.
100-1, 105n, (total) 106, 129,
131 ; encounters Mormon
"war," 103n-4n ; reaches
Osage River, 105-6; num-
ber of emigrants, 106;
sec also Yellow River band ;
Chiefs Ashkum. Benack. Che-
chaukkose. Louison. Menomi-
nee, Pepiah, and Pokagon, and
Chechaukkose's Village. Me-
nominee's Village, and Poka-
gon's Village.
Potomac River, 327.
Pre-emption, clash between Indians
and whites over. 87n-88n ; law
(1838). 84n-85n; of mission
site on Yellow River, 44, 84-85.
87n, 128, 141.
Presidential election (1824). 224-

25. 230. 238.
Price, Eli K., of Philadelphia, 208,

209. 312, 316.
Price, Dr. Philip M.. of New York,

308, 310, 312, 334.
Prices,

admissions : Baltimore cattle
show, 212-13; Philadelphia
museum, 312;
books, 212, 235; clothing. 121,
124. 126, 127;

fares : hackney coaches, 184,
213, 215, 240, 271; stage
coaches, 119, 120, 317, 318,
322. 325. 326. 327, 330. 331.
332; steamboat, 184, 204,

212. 214, 220, 221, 280, 318.
322, 332;
flatboats, fees for carrying
produce, 282; flour, 134; food
and lodging. 119, 120, 121,
177, 204, 205, 211, 215, 311,
318, 327, 332, 346, 364 ; horses,
55, 124. 271, 288; land. 214,
271 ; meat at Philadelphia mar-
ket (1824), 205; pictures, 198;
postage, 124, 125. 127, 240;
rents, land. 187; slaves, 350;
white pine shingles, 196 ; wood,
235. 339 ; miscellaneous. 120,
121, 124, 125, 127, 131.

Prince, . of New York, 307.

Princeton (Ind.), party from, vis-
its New Harmony. 268-71 ;
Alacdonald visits, 278-80.

Protestants, Petit's relations with,
39. 47, 63, 64, 65, 67, 102-3,
121.

Principe (Cuba), 361.

Proux. Alexandre, 135.

Proux, Gabriel, 135.

Proux, Marguerite Paget, 135.

Public land, system of sales of, in
Indiana, 270-71.

Pugsley. Dr. Charles, of Albion
(111.), 253, 274, 275.

Pushmataha ( Pushamattaha ) ,
Choctaw chief, visits Wash-
ington, 217.

Pyatfs Point (111.), 95n.

Quakers, sec Society of Friends.

Quin. , 328-29.

Quincy, Josiah, of Boston, Owen

visits, 303.
Quincy (111.), 95, 102, 130.

Ralston, Samuel, orders portraits
of "epochal" governors, 391,
396, 414-15; portrait of, 424-
25, 432.

Ray, James B., portrait, 401-2, 403,
432.

IXDEX

463

Randolph, Mrs. Thomas Mann
(Martha Jefferson), 324.

Rankin, , 288.

Rankins, , 276.

Rapp, Frederick, 248, 257, 258, 259,
262, 267, 288, 332, 333 ; descrip-
tion of, 246 ; conducts Rappite
church service, 249-50 ; nego-
tiates sale of New Harmony to
Owen, 250, 263, 265 ; com-
missioned by Owen to rent out-
lying farmlands near Kew
Harmony, 288, 289 ; presents
Macdonald with ground plan
of New Harmony, 288; trip
to Vincennes and Shaker vil-
lage, 289-90.

Rapp, Mrs. Frederick, 268.

Rapp, George. 203, 227-32, 332.

Rapp, Gertrude, niece of Frederick,
250, 257-59, 268, 277.

Rappites, at Economy (Pa.), 229,
230, 333 ; attitude toward presi-
dential election, 230 ; brief ac-
count of society, 232, 263-64 ;
wealth and prosperity, 232.
See also New Harmony, Rap-
pite society.

Rathbone, Brothers & Co., 316.

Rawlings (Rowlings), Moses M.
(?), Shawneetown (III.), 266,
268.

Ray, , of Virginia, 171.

Ray, Richard, of New York, 313.

Ray, James Brown, portrait, 401.

Raymond, Daniel, of Baltimore,
212.

Rebour, , 119.

Red River, 345.

Redis, Barbara, 136.

Reid, Dr. , of Shawneetown,

267.

Reimer, Andrew, 136.

Reimer, Frederic, 136.

Reimer, Marianne Zendlcy (Zind-
ley), 136.

Renncs (France), 26, 29.
Renwick, Dr. James, of New York,

314.
Reynolds, James B., of Tennessee,

216, 217.
Reynolds, John, of Meadville

(Pa.), 299.
Reze, Frederic, bishop of Detroit,

13-14, 45n.
Richard, , of Xew Harmony,

276.
Richard, Gabriel, 14.
Richardson, ■ , of Pittsburgh,

331.

Richardson, , of Utica, 309.

Richmond (Mo.), 104n, 130.

Ricketts. Capt. , 312.

Ridgway, Jacob (?), of Philadel-
phia, 209.
Riley, Mary, 135.
Rives, John C, 397n.

Roach, Miss , 313.

Robb, David, of Gibson County,

280.
Roberdeau (Robiddo), Isaac, 320.
Robertson, Gilbert, British consul

at Philadelphia, 211, 312.
Robinson, , of Baltimore,

212.
Robinson, Major , of Evans-

ville, 406.
Rochelle (N. Y.), 301.
Roe, Daniel (?). of Cincinnati, 290.

Rogers, , 294.

Rogers, , of New Orleans,

346, 349.
Rogers, , of Quincy (111.),

130.
Rogers, . tavcrnkeeper, \'in-

cennes, 290.
Rogers, James, captain of the

"Canada," 305, 308.
Rogers. Lloyd, of Baltimore, 307,

314.
Ronalds. Miss , sister of

Hugh, 250. 254, 257. 289, 293,

464

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

294 ; passenger on board the

"New York," 161-74 passim;

travels with Owen party, 203,

204-6, 211, 215, 216, 218, 227.
Ronalds, Hugh, son-in-law of

Richard Flower, 248, 250, 253,

254, 255, 262 ; discussions with

Owen, 256, 257-58.
Ronalds, Mrs. Hugh, 274.
Rosati, Joseph, bishop of St. Louis,

112, 113, 116; letter from Petit,

93-95.
Ross, Miss , of Albion (111.),

257.
Ross, James, of Pittsburgh, 227.
Rousseau, Marie, 136.
Rousseau, Mathilda, baptism, 125,

135.
Rousseau, Sophia, 141.
Roy, , of Virginia, 159, 161,

173.
Ruggles, William, of Washington

(D. C), 219.
Rush, Dr. James, of Philadelphia,

Owen's party meets, 204, 209,

312, 313, 316.
Rush, Mrs. James. 180.
Rush, Richard, Macdonald calls

on, 318.
Russel, , 305.

Sabine, , of Louisville, 295.

Sabine, Capt. , 180.

Saenderl (Sanderl), , Catho-
lic missionary, 54n.
Sagike, Angelique, Menominee's

wife, 12n.
St. Cyr, John M. I., of Quincy

(111.), 130.
St. Joseph Mission, 11, 13-14.
St. Louis (Mo.), Petit at, 110-13;

boundaries of diocese of, 94n.
St. Marys (Ind.), 25, 74; Father

Badin's land on, 14, 15n, 58n ;

Petit performs baptisms at,

135, 136, 137, 141.

St. Marys (Kan.), 116.

St. Palais, James M. de, 30n.

St. Sulpice, Catholic seminary, 26.

Salem (Va.), Moravian establish-
ment, 171.

Sampson, , of New York,

177.

Sands, Lewis H., assistant super-
intendent, Potawatomi emigra-
tion, conducts 1837 emigration,
50n ; letter to Pepper relative
to Deseille, 24; orders Mile.
Campeau to leave Indian re-
serve, 25, 44n.

Sandusky Point (111.), lOOn, 129.

Sauganash, or Billy Caldwell, 50.

San-go-aw, Potawatomi Indian,
81n.

Saxe- Weimar, Duke of, in New
Orleans, 351.

Say, Thomas, of Philadelphia, 206,
209, 311, 313; accompanies
Owen, 302 ; bound for New
Harmony, 334.

Schell, , of Quincy (111.),

130.

Schenck (Schank), , brother

of Peter A., 196-97, 199.

Schenck (Schank). Peter A., fac-
tory owner, 194, 195, 196, 200.

Schmidt (Smid), , passen-
ger on the "New York," 307.

Schnee, John, of Springfield, 243,
244, 267, 268, 275; interest in
Owen community, 264 ; con-
sidered for postmastership at
New Harmony, 288-89 ; moves
to New Harmony, 290, 291,
294.

Schrader, , of Quincy (111.),

130.

Schricker, Henry F., portrait, 431,
432.

Scott, Moses H., conducts 1837
emigration, 50n.

INDEX

465

Scott, Samuel T., of Vincennes,

282.
Scribner, Benjamin F., of New

Albany, 409.
Sea serpent, 167.

Seaton, Miss , 211.

Seminole Indian, 367-68.

Server, John, of Springfield, 288.

Shaeffer (Schaeffer), Bernard,

priest at Chicago, death and

masses for, 39, 55, 121, 122.
Shakers, communities in America,

190; Knox County establish-
ment, 259, 273-74, 289, 290;

numbers of, in United States,

273 ; Watervliet establishment,

186-90.
Shakertown (Bussora, Ind.), 259,

273-74; Macdonald visits, 289-

90.

Shanks, , of New York, 308.

Shaw (Shawe), Michel Edward,

46, 51.
Shawneetown (111.), 252, 266.
Shawneetown Gazette, 267, 277.
Shelcross, , captain of the

"Favorite," 240.
Shepperd, , of Baltimore,

213.

Simons, • , 285.

Sistaire (Cistair), Lucy, in New

York, 308, 315; bound for

New Harmony, 334.
Sidoris' Grove (111.), 95n.
Sinagorra (William Sinagau?),

Potawatomi Indian, 55-56.
Sinagowak, Potawatomi Indian,

129.
Sissiak, Potawatomi Indian, 134.

Skene, , 181, 267.

Sketchley, Mrs. William, of New

York, 314, 315.
Skye, Isle of, 153, 154.
Skinner, John S., editor of Amcri-

ca)i Farmer. 318.
Slaughter, , 324.

Slaves and .slavery, sec Negroes.
Slicer, , Pennsylvania farm-
er, 223.

Smith, , 374.

Smith, Mrs. , 295.

Smith, , of Cincinnati, 296.

-, of Mount Car-

Smith, Dr. -

mel (111.), 286.

Smith, , of Philadelphia, 312.

Smith, . Owen's servant, 310,

316. 333, 334, 336.

Smith, Major Daniel. 218.

Smith, Mrs. Samuel IIarri.son (?),
of Washington ( D. C). 328.

Smith, Washington, of Philadel-
phia, 209.

Smith, Dr. William, of New Har-
mony, 278, 288, 294.

Smith field (Pa.), 224.

Snedeker, Caroline Dale, introduc-
tion to Macdonald diaries,
151-58.

Society of Friends, educational
establishments in New York,
176-77, 309: interest in co-
operative communities, 175,
176, 308, 309: meeting in Phil-
adelphia, 207.

Society of Jesus, 111-12: missions
to Potawatomi, see Potawa-
tomi Indians, missions.

Society of the Propagation of the
Faith, 86n.

Somerville. • , steward of

Baltimore cattle show, 213.

.'^onth Bend (Ind.). Petit visits.
48, fil, 67, 69, 72. 126. 135.

Spackman, Samuel, of Philadel-
phia, Owen's party meets, 207,
208, 312, 313, 316. 317, 328.
330.

Speakman, , of Pittsburgh.

227, 232.

Spring. Dr. .Archibald, of .Albion
(111.), 253, 254-55, 257.

466

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Springfield (Tnd.), 243-44, 275,
295.

Springfield (Mass.), 303.

Stackman, , of Philadelphia,

211.

Stagecoaches, scr Travel and trans-
portation.

Stahl, , of Vincennes (?),

47.

Stallion. . 288.

Stanbery, Ed., 316.

Stanley, , 242.

Stansbury, , of New York,

310.

Stansfeldt, , 305.

Stark, Otto, art students, 427, 431.

Staunton (Va.), 325.

Steamboats, see Travel and trans-
portation ; names of boats.

Steele. , of Albion (111.),

274.

Steele, Theodore C, biographical
note, 416-17;
portraits of : Ira J. Chase,

419, 432: Isaac P. Gray,
417-18, 432; William Henry
Harrison, 391 ; Thomas A.
Hendricks, 391, 414-15,
432: Alvin P. Hovey, 418,
432; Jonathan Jennings, 391,
396, 432; Claude Matthews,

420, 432; Oliver P. Morton,
391, 412, 432; Albert G.
Porter, 416, 417, 432.

Stephenson, Major . of

Harpers Ferry (Va.), 327.

Steubenville (Ohio), 334.

Stevens, John, of New York, 309.

Stewart, , of Louisville, 295.

Stewart, , of Mount Carmel

(111.), 286.

Stewart, , of Pittsburgh, 331.

Stewart, , hotel proprietor,

Pittsburgh, 226.

Stewart, Rev. Charles James (?),
passenger on the "New York,"
160-74 passim.

Stewart, William E. (?), of
Springfield, 244, 246, 275.

Stoughton, Dr. , of Wash-
ington (D. C), 219, 329.

Strachem, Rev. John, of Canada,
passenger on board the "New
York," 159-74 passim.

Stuart, Alexander, of Edwards
County (111.), 272.

Sugar Creek (Kan.), 116.

Sullivan, Col. , 196.

Sully, Thomas, 390n.

Sutton, James (?), visits Economy
(Pa.), 227, 231, 232, 233, 331,
332.

Swift. Dr. Elisha P., of Pitts-
burgh, 298.

Sword, Mrs. , of Philadel-
phia, 312.

Sykes', New York restaurant, 178.

Symmes, John Cleves, of Cincin-
nati, 336.

Talbot.

of Washington

(D. C), 328.
Tanner. Henry S., of Philadelphia,

312.
Tappan, Charles, of New York,

317.
Taverns, sec Hotels and taverns.
Taxes, owed on church lands at

St. Marys, 54-55. 58-59, 69-70,

71-72, 125, 133-34.
Tayloe, Benjamin Ogle, of Wash-

" ington (D. C). 215, 219.
Taylor, Rachel, 136.
Tecumseh, Shawnee, interview

with Harrison, 270.
Tcrre Haute (Ind.), 30n, 119.
Test, John, Congressman from

Indiana, 328, 330.
Theaters, New Orleans, 350; New

York. 177-78. 313.

INDEX

467

Thom, Isaak, of Louisville, 295.

Thomas, , of Harpers Ferry

(Va.), 327.

Thomas, Philip, of New York,
Owen's party meets, 180, 181,
197, 308, 314 ; Macdonald meets
in New Orleans, 346.

Thomas, Mrs. Philip, 180, 197. 308.

Thomas, Seymour, artist, 422.

Thompson, Jeremiah, of New
York, Owen's party meets,
180, 182, 184, 197, 314, 333.

Thompson, Pishey, Washington
(D. C), 322.

Thompson, Samuel, 184.

Thompson, William, Distribution
of Wealth, 165, 211.

Thorn, , of Louisville (?),

239.

Thornton, Mrs. , of Wash-
ington (D. C), 330.

Thornton, William, of Washing-
ton (D. C), 318, 328.

Thorp, , 321.

Thurston, , 327.

Tibbets, , of Schenectady,

307.

Ticknor (Tichnor), George, of
Boston, 219.

Tiernan, Luke (?), of Baltimore,
212, 213.

Timber, 153, 194, 234-35, 242, 244,
339.

Tipton, John, 98: sketch of, 22n ;
role in Potawatomi removal,
22-23, 24, 66n, 87n-88n, 88n-
89n, 91n, 120n, 128, 129:
recommends funds for Pota-
watomi mission, 88n, 106-7,
108n: relations with Petit, 88n-
89n, 90, 92n, 93, 99.

Todd, , of Lanark, Scotland,

180.

Todd,

-, moves from Spring-

field to New Harmony, 290,
291.

Topenebee, Potawatomi chief, 50n.
Townsend, M. Clifford, portrait,

430, 432.
Transportation, sec Travel and

transportation.
Travel and transportation,

accidents : stagecoach, 332 :

steamboat, 375 :

brigs : Havana to Charleston,

366-67 ; New Orleans to

Havana, 353, 354 ;
canal boats. 301-2:
coaches : description of, 187 :

Louisville, 240 ; New York,

184, 200, 215; Washington,

220;
difficulties and inconveniences
of, 40, 43, 48, 49, 57, 60. 61-62,
111, 119, 122, 131, 184-85, 192,
193, 241, 285, 286-87, 293, 297,
299, 324, 331, 332, 337. 354-55;
ferries : Ohio River horse,

236; on the Wabash, 248,

277, 278, 283, 289 ; on White

River, 280;
flat boats, 267, 339; keelboats.
265, 267, 331, 334, 335, 339;
National Road, 221, 326; of
produce to New Orleans, 248,
281-82, 286, 339; stagecoaches,
201. 211, 214. 220. 221. 222,
223. 225, 226, 240. 280, 298, 300,
300-2, 311, 317, 318, 322, 325.
326, 327, 332 ;
steamboats: river, 184-85, 192.

193, 196, 201. 211-12. 233,

234-35, 236. 238. 240-41. 242,

266, 267, 289, 293, 295. 296.

297. 304, 311. 317. 322, 338.

340. 345. 350: Atlantic. 160.

161. 304-5, 307. 309. 314. 357,

373, 378, 379 ;
volante, in Havana. 359. Sec
also Prices, fares.
Treaties, with Potawatomi. 17. 18.
19, 23; opposition to 1830

468

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

treaty, 23-24, 38, 41-43, 60n,
66n, 75-76, 81.

Trenton (N. J.), 201.

Trist (Triste), Nicholas P., 324.

Trouts, ■, of Vincennes (?),

47.

Trueman, , of New York,

308.

Trumbull, John, judge, 303.

Trumbull ( Turnbull ) , John, painter,
329-30.

Turkey Creek Prairie (Leesburg,
Ind.), baptisms at, 135; Petit
preaches funeral at, 62, 63-64,
65-66, 125; treaty at, 23.

Turner, , 233.

Turner, Miss , bound for

New Harmony, 334.

Turner, Mrs. , 119.

Turner, Mrs. , of Philadel-
phia, 317.

Tyler, , 295.

Underwood, Emmy, 135.

Uniontown (Pa.), 225.

United States Congress, appropria-
tions, for Potawatomi mis-
sions, 22, 85n, 88n, 106-8; for
compensation for Potawatomi
cabins burned at Yellow River,
108: per diem, 271.

United States House of Represen-
tatives, Morse's pictorial study
of, 399.

University of Notre Dame, found-
ed, 15n.

Upjohn, , of Cincinnati, 293,

302.

Upjohn, Miss , of Cincin-
nati, 310.

Vabret, John A., 46, 51, 110, 111.
Vallee's ferry, on the Wabash, 283.
Van Buren, Martin, relations with

removal of the Potawatomi,

24, 60n. 81.
Vanderhurst, , 305.

Van Quickenborne, Charles, mis-
sionary to the Kickapoo, 50n,
105n.

Van Rensselaer, Stephen, of Al-
bany, 187, 191, 192, 316.

Vaughan, , of Philadelphia,

204, 206, 207, 209, 312.

Vaughan, Sir Charles, British min-
ister, Washington (D. C),
318.

"Velocipede," Ohio River steam-
boat, 295.

Verhaegen, Peter, 50n.

Verreydt, Felix, 50n.

Villeneuve, F. M., 86.

Vincennes (Ind.), clergy, 15n, 27n,
28n, 29n, 30n, 39n, 46n ; dio-
cese of, schools, 25, 57; soci-
ety, 271, 212-12,. 281; visited
by Macdonald, 280-83, 289-90.

Virginia, state of, society, 171.

Virginia, University of, 323, 324,
325.

Wabash River, below New Har-
mony, description of, 265-66;
ferries, 248, 277, 278, 283, 289.

Waddington, , family, of

New York, 197.

Wainwright, Jonathan M., of New
York, 180.

Walker, Mrs. , of New

York, 307.

Walker, Joseph, 184.

Wallace, David, governor of Indi-
ana, and Potawatomi emigra-
tion, 66n, 88n, 92n ; portrait,
403-4, 432.

Wallace, Mrs. George, daughter
of John Gibson, 393n.

Wallace, James, 136,

Wallace, John B., of Meadville
(Pa.), 298, 299.

Wallace, Lew, 403-4.

Wallace, Mary, 135.

Wallace, Rachel Taylor, 136.

Wallace, Robert, 136.

INDEX

469

Wallenstein, Jules de, secretary to
Russian legation at Washing-
ton (D. C), 219.

Walsh, Robert, of Philadelphia,
editor, 211.

Walter, , of Louisville, 295.

Waltham (Mass.), 304.

Wanborongh (Wanbro), home of
Morris Birkbeck, 252, 259, 260.

Wane Kik (Wanekick), Indian
village, 127, 141.

War of 1812, pp. 185. 211. 214, 318.
351-53, 371.

Warder, , of Philadelphia,

208.

Warner, Mrs. , 308.

Westerfeldt,

305.

Warren, Dr. , of Philadel-
phia, 206.

Warrington (Warangton), Oswald,
of Albion (111.), 255, 261.

Washington (Pa.), 226.

Washington (D. C), Owen's party
visits. 170-71, 215-20, 318-22,
327-30 : visited by delegation
of Indians, 38. 49, 60n, 65, 66,
70, 81, 124, 217.

Waterman, Thomas W., member
of New York House of Rep-
resentatives, 192.

Watervliet ( Water fliet, N. Y.),
186-91, 273.

Watkins, Dr. Tobias (?), of
Washington (D. C), 215, 216,
219.

Watson. . of Cincinnati, 292.

Watson, , Owen's servant,

304.

Wattles, James, of Albion (111.),
261, 274.

Webster, Miss , 330.

Webster, Daniel, 365.

Wede, Anne Kirnen, 141.

Wede, John, 141.

Wede, Michel, 141.

Weishekmar, Potawatomi Indian,
26n.

West Point (N. Y.), 185. 196.

Wharton, Robert, of Philadelphia,
316.

V\ hcaton, Henry, member of New
York House of Representa-
tives, 191. 192.

Wheeling (W. Va.). 297.

W'hitcomb, James, portrait, 395,
405-6, 432.

W hite. Hugh Lawson. senator
from Tennessee, 320.

\Vhite River, in Indiana, 280.

Whitwell, Stedman, journey, Liver-
pool to New York, 307 : at
New York, 309; at Philadel-
phia, 312; New York to Balti-
more, 317-18; at Washington
(D. C), 320, 330; at Economy,
332 ; stagecoach accident, 332.

Wilburn, Jesse, of Mount Vernon,
295.

^^'ilkes, Charles, of New York,
181, 197, 302, 304, 310, 314.

\\'ilkins, , son-in-law of

Peter A. Schenck, 199. 200.

Willard. Albert P.. portrait. 409-
10. 432.

■•William," brig. 353. 354.

"William Burns," trans-.\tlantic
steamboat, 309.

"William Penn." Wabash River
steamboat, 289, 293.

Williams. . of Cincinnati,

295, 296.

Williams, Amos, owner of Savage
Factory, 214.

Williams, James D., portrait, 415-
16, 432.

Willett (Willots), Col. Marinus.
of New York, 183.

Wilmans (Wilman), Frederick
(?), 295. 297.

Wilmington (Del.). 312.

Wilson, , 233.

470

INDIANA HISTORICAL SOCIETY

Wilson, , of Philadelphia,

208.

Wilson, Miss , of Philadel-
phia, 211.

Wingate, Gen. , of Washing-
ton (D. C), 216, 218-19.

Wingate, Mrs. , sister-in-
law of General Wingate, 219.

Wirt (Wurt), William, United
States attorney general, 215,
217.

Wolsey, , passenger on the

"New York," 159, 161, 172; in
New York, 178.

Wood, , of Albion (111.),

253.

Wood, John, of near Albion (111.),
256, 258.

Woodbridge, William, of Michigan
Territory, 303.

Woodbridge (Woodridge), Wil-
liam Channing, of Hartford
(Conn.), 179.

Woodstock (Va.), 325.

Wortley, , 242.

Wright, Camilla, sister of Frances,
289, 293, 294, 302, 304.

Wright, Frances, visit in the West
(1824-25), 289, 293, 294; Mac-
donald meets at New York,
302, 304 : interest in Nashoba
community, 340-41, 363.

Wright.' Joseph A., portrait, 408,
432.

Wurster, John, 125, 135.

Wurster, Marianna, baptism, 125,
135.

Wurster, Marianna Gardner, 135.

Yates, Joseph C, of New York,
191.

Yellow River band, Potawatomi
Indians, visited by Isaac Mc-
Coy, 12-13 ; treaties with,
(1832), 19; (1834), 18-19, 23;
(1836), 23, 24, 38, 41-43, 60n,
65, 66. 70, 75, 81, 124; appro-
priations for education, 22,
107-8 ; removal from Indiana,
see Potawatomi Indians, re-
moval from Indiana, 1838
emigration. See also Yellow
River mission.

Yellow River mission (Chichipe
Outipe), devotion of Indians,
12, 13, 34, 35-36, 51-52, 55-56,
80. 100, 105, 110; baptisms,
communions, and marriages,
15, 16, 35, 51-52, 73, 80, 121,
123, 125, 126, 128, 137, 138-39,
139-41 ; under Deseille, 15, 16,
19-24, 24-25, 44n ; land for
and chapel, 16, 25n, 44, 84-85,
128, 141 ; Petit visits, 26, 33-34,
35-37, 51-52, 67, 121, 123, 124,
125, 126, 127, 128; order of
service, 33-34 ; threatened de-
struction of, 38-39, 41, 52. 60-
61, 65, 66; continuation of af-
ter emigration, considered. 70-
71 ; closing of. 84-85, 128, 141 ;
last service at, 90 ; Petit's la-
bors at praised, 90n, 92n.

^'ellow Springs community (Ohio),
335.

Young, , 98.

Young, Richard Montgomery, 130.

Zendley (Zindley), Arbogaste, 135-

36.
Zendley (Zindley), Marianne, 136.
Zendley, Rosa, 135.
Zendley, Rosa Pindar, 135.
Zwaan, Cornelius C, 430. 432.